Actes and monuments of matters most speciall and memorable, happenyng in the Church. [vol. 1] with an vniuersall history of the same, wherein is set forth at large the whole race and course of the Church, from the primitiue age to these latter tymes of ours, with the bloudy times, horrible troubles, and great persecutions agaynst the true martyrs of Christ, sought and wrought as well by heathen emperours, as nowe lately practised by Romish prelates, especially in this realme of England and Scotland. Newly reuised and recognised, partly also augmented, and now the fourth time agayne published and recommended to the studious reader, by the author (through the helpe of Christ our Lord) Iohn Foxe, which desireth thee good reader to helpe him with thy prayer. — Actes and monuments

Actes and monuments of matters most speciall and memorable, happenyng in the Church. [vol. 1] with an vniuersall history of the same, wherein is set forth at large the whole race and course of the Church, from the primitiue age to these latter tymes of ours, with the bloudy times, horrible troubles, and great persecutions agaynst the true martyrs of Christ, sought and wrought as well by heathen emperours, as nowe lately practised by Romish prelates, especially in this realme of England and Scotland. Newly reuised and recognised, partly also augmented, and now the fourth time agayne published and recommended to the studious reader, by the author (through the helpe of Christ our Lord) Iohn Foxe, which desireth thee good reader to helpe him with thy prayer. — Actes and monuments

Actes and monuments of matters most speciall and memorable, happenyng in the Church. [vol. 1] with an vniuersall history of the same, wherein is set forth at large the whole race and course of the Church, from the primitiue age to these latter tymes of ours, with the bloudy times, horrible troubles, and great persecutions agaynst the true martyrs of Christ, sought and wrought as well by heathen emperours, as nowe lately practised by Romish prelates, especially in this realme of England and Scotland. Newly reuised and recognised, partly also augmented, and now the fourth time agayne published and recommended to the studious reader, by the author (through the helpe of Christ our Lord) Iohn Foxe, which desireth thee good reader to helpe him with thy prayer. — Actes and monuments

Table of contents

Title page

The Kalender.

Ad Dominum Iesum Christum Seruatorem clementissimum, Eucharisticon. Ioan. Foxi.

¶ To the Right Vertuous, most Excellent and Noble Princesse, Queene ELIZABETH, our dread Lady, by the grace of God, Queene of England, Fraunce and Ireland, Defender of Christes Faith and Gospell, and principall Gouernour both of the Realme, and also ouer the sayd Churche of England and Ireland, vnder Christ the Supreme head of the same▪ &c. Iohn Foxe her humble subiect wisheth daily increase of Gods holy spirite and Grace, with long raigne, perfect health, and ioyfull peace, to gouerne hys flocke committed to her charge, to the example of all good Princes, the comforte of his Churche, and glory of hys blessed name.

Ad doctum Lectorem Ioh. Foxus.

To the true and faythfull Congregation of Christes Vniuersall Church, with all and singuler the members therof, wheresoeuer congregated or dispersed through the Realme of England, a Protestation or Petition of the Author, wishing to the same aboundaunce of all peace and tranquility, with the speedy comming of Christ the Spouse, to make an ende of all mortall myserye.

The vtilitie of this Story.

To all the professed frendes and followers of the Popes proceedinges, foure Questions propounded.

*The first Question.

¶The second Question.

¶ The third Question.

¶The fourth Question.

Foure considerations geuen out to Christian Protestantes professours of the Gospell with a briefe exhortation inducing to reformation of life.

¶ The first consideration.

¶ The second consideration.

¶ The third consideration.

¶ The fourth consideration.

§

In Martyrologium Ioan. Foxi, Laurentius Humfredus.

In Sanct. Martyrum historiam, Abrah. Hartwelus.

In idem argumentum. Rob. R.

Eiusdem.

In Acta Martyrum, Carmen, Thom. Drant.

Contra Papistas incendiarios.

¶In idem argumentum Aegidius Fletcher Cantabrigiensis.

In idem argumentum Tho. Ridley Cantabrigiensis.

M. M. S.

In sanguisugas Papistas, Philippus Stubbes.

Actes and Monumentes of Christian Martyrs, and matters Ecclesiasticall, passed in the Church of Christ from the Primitiue beginning, to these our dayes, as well in other Countreys, as namely, in this Realme of England, and also of Scotland, discoursed at large.

¶ The Summe of S. Paules doctrine deliuered to the Gentiles.

An other briefe recapitulation of the same

¶Here foloweth a Summary collection of the errours, heresies, and absurdities conteyned in the popes doctrine, contrary to the rules of Gods vvord, and the first institution of the Church of Rome. Of Faith and Iustification.

¶ Of workes, and the law.

* Of Sinne.

* Of Penaunce, or Repentaunce.

¶Difference betweene the law and the Gospell.

Of free will.

Of Inuocation, and Adoration.

* Of Sacramentes, Baptisme and the Lordes Supper.

*Of Matrimony.

Of Magistrates and ciuill gouernement.

Of Purgatory.

A Christen man after the Popes making defined.

¶The first booke contayning the 300. yeares next after Christ.

* Of Iames the brother of the Lord, thus we read in the story of Clement and Egesippus.

A description of the X. first persecutions in the Primitiue Church.

*The first Persecution.

The second Persecution.

*The third Persecution.

Hadrian Emperour.

*The fourth Persecution.

The fift Persecution.

*The sixt Persecution.

The seuenth Persecution.

The eight Persecution.

The ix. Persecution.

The x. Persecution.

THE SECOND BOOKE, CONTAINING the next 300. yeares following, with such things specially touched, as haue happened in England, from the time of king Lucius, to Gregorius, and so after to the time of king Egebert.

A description of England, as it was deuided in the Saxones time into vij. kingdomes.

The entring and raigning of the Saxons.

A Table describing the seuen kingdoms of the Saxons, raigning here in England.

The questions of Austen Archbyshop of Caunterbury sent to Gregory, with the aunswere againe of Gregory to the same.

The first interrogation.

The aunswere.

The seconde interrogation.

The aunswere.

The thyrd interrogation.

The aunswere.

The fourth interrogation.

The aunswere.

The fift interrogation.

The aunswere.

The sixt interrogation.

The aunswere.

The seuenth interrogation.

The aunswere.

The eight interrogation.

The aunswere.

The ninth interrogation.

The Aunswere.

§

The kingdom of Northumberland ceaseth.

The conclusion of the story precedent, concerning the seuen kingdoms of the Saxon kings aboue mentioned.

* The donations and priuiledges granted and geuen by King Ethelbald, to religious men of the Church.

THE THIRD BOOKE CONTEINING THE next 300. yeares, from the raigne of King Egbertus, to the tyme of William Conquerour.

¶ King Egbertus.

* King Athelwolfus.

* The Priuiledges and donations geuen by king Ethelwulfus to the Clergie.

¶King Ethelbalde.

* King Alured otherwise called Alfrede.

In Regem Alfredum, & virtutum illius claram memoriam.

King Edward the elder.

¶ King Ethelstane, or Adelstane.

King Edmund.

* King Edwine.

¶ King Edgar.

King Edward called the Martyr.

King Egelred, or Elred.

Edmund Ironside a Saxon, and Canutus a Dane, Kings together in England.

King Edward called the Confessor.

¶ De iure & appendijs regni Britannia, & quod sit officium Regis.

* King Harold.

THE FOVRTH BOOKE CONTEINING other 300. yeares from William Conquerour, to the tyme of Iohn Wickliffe, wherein is described the proude and misordered raigne of Antichrist, beginning to stirre in the Church of Christ.

The tragicall historie of Gregorie the vij. otherwise named Hildebrand.

William Rufus.

Wherein the Greeke Church differeth from the Latine.

Appendix Historiae.

King Henry the first.

King Stephen.

King Henry the second.

The life and history of Thomas Becket Archbishop of Canterbury.

The communication and controuersie betweene the king and Thomas Becket with hys Clergye.

The aduise of the bishops for Thomas Becket.

¶ A briefe Censure vpon the former rescript of Becket to his Suffraganes, in the page before with a generall resolution of the reasons therein contained.

¶ The talke betweene the French king, the king of England, and Becket.

The history of the Valdenses, concerning their originall, and doctrine, with their persecutions.

¶ Ex Inquisitorio quodam libello.

Other incidences happening in the raigne of this Henry the second.

¶ King Richard.

The troubles betwene Baldwine Archbishop of Caunterbury and, the Monkes of the same Church.

A briefe story of William Byshop of Ely the Kynges Chauncellour.

Kyng Iohn.

* King Henry the third.

The prophecie of Hildegardis, of the ruine of Rome, and agaynst the begging Friers.

Variance betwene Pope Gregory the 9. and the Romanes.

The effect of the Patriarch of Constantinople his letter to Pope Gregory. 9.

¶ An other Epistle of the sayd Germanus Patriarch of Constantinople, and Primate of the Greek Church, to the Cardinals of Rome.

* A briefe table or declaration of the Popes unreasonable gatherings, exactions, and oppressions in the Realme of England.

The intollerable oppression of the Realme of England, by the Popes exactions and contributions and other sleightes here vsed in the time of K. Henry 3.

* The lamentable ouerthrow and slaughter of the French armey fighting agaynst the Infidels, through the sinister councell of the Popes Legate.

The whole tragicall history of Fredericke, 2. Emperor, translated out of the Latine booke of Nich. Cisnerus.

¶ Certaine Notes of other occurrents chaunced in forreine Countryes abroad within the compasse of yeares and raygne of the foresayd King Henry the thyrd.

King Edward the first.

¶ A declaration of maister William Nagareta, made against Pope Boniface the eight, with his appellation also made at Paris, afore the kyng and his Counsaile in the Church of Paris.

The appeale made by the king and the louers of the Realme against Boniface.

* Another sitting in the Parliament.

¶ A briefe recapitulation of the Byshops answere, wyth certaine notes answering to his Popish reasons vnto the Reader.

King Edward the second.

Summa. 30. marce & dimidi.

King Edward the 3.

* The Conclusion of this Fourth Booke.

THE FIFT BOOKE CONTEYning the last 300. yeares from the loosing out of Satan.

Armachanus.

¶ The three assertions of Ioannes de Poliaco, which he was caused by the Pope to recant at Paris.

Notes to be obserued in this former Oration of Armachanus.

Notes of the Parliament holden in the 20. yeare of king Edward 3.

Notes of the 25. yeare of kyng Edward the third.

Notes of the 38. yeare of king Edward the third.

Notes of the 40. yeare of king Edward the third.

Notes of the 50. yeare of king Edward the third.

¶ Iohn Wickliffe.

King Richard the second.

¶ Further examinations and procedings against the foresayd Nich. Herford, Phillip Reppindon, and Io. Aishton.

An examination of the foresayd supposed Statute and of the inualiditie therof.

* Matters incident of Robert Rigges, Uicechauncellor of Oxford. Nicholas Herford, and Phillip Repington, with other.

¶ Iohn Wickliffes aunswere vnto K. Richard the second, as touching the right and title of the king and the Pope.

The history of William Swinderby.

Here followeth the processe of Iohn Tresnant Bishop of Herford had against the aforesaid William Swinderby in the cause of hereticall prauitie as the popishe heretickes cal it.

¶ The act of the first day.

¶ The second dayes act.

¶ The third dayes act.

¶ The fourth dayes act.

¶ The sentence.

¶ The story and processe agaynst Walter Brute.

The processe had by Bohn Byshop of Hereford, agaynst Walter Brute lay man, and learned, of the dioces of Hereford, touching the cause of heresie, as they called it, set forward by the way of the Byshops office &c. at the instruction of certain faithful Christians, as he termed them, but in deed cruell and false promoters.

¶ These verses following, were annexed vnto the conclusions.

¶ The which verses are thus Englished.

§

King Henry the fourth.

¶ The burning of William Sawtre.

¶ Iohn Badby Artificer.

¶ William Thorpe.

¶ Iohn Puruey.

* Notes of certaine Parliament matters passed in this kings dayes.

¶ King Henry the fift.

¶ The trouble and persecution of the Lord Cobham.

¶ The Christen beliefe of the Lorde Cobham.

* The first examination of the Lorde Cobham.

* The determination of the Archbyshop and Clergy.

* An other examination of the Lorde Cobham.

¶ Notes touching the statute prefixed.

¶ Notes or considerations vpon the Inditement and Commission aboue prefixed.

Statut. an. 2. Henri. 4. cap. 15. Intituled in the Rolle thus: Petitio Cleri contra heteticos, and assented vnto in this forme.

The entry of the story of the Bohemians.

The obiections of Iohn Hus and of his part, agaynst the decree of the Doctors.

¶ The Councell of Constance.

The Tragicall and lamentable history of the famous learned man and godly Martyr of Christ, maister Hierome of Prage, burned at Constance for like cause and quarrell as Maister Iohn Hus was. 1416.

¶ Grumpert Faber Notary of the Germaynes.

The story of Zisca.

THE SIXT PART OR SECTION, pertaining to the last 300. yeares.

A preface to the reader.

§

Iohn Florence a Turner.

Richard Belward of Erisam in the Dioces of Norwich.

¶ William White Priest.

Iohn Beuerley alias Battild,

Iohn Skilley of Flixton Miller.

The story of Margery Backster.

Nicholas Canon of Eye.

Thomas Bagley Priest.

¶ Paule Craw a Bohemian.

The story of Thomas Rhedon, a French man, and a Carmelite Frier, burnt in Italy for the profession of Christ.

¶ Heere foloweth the order and maner of the Councell of Basill, touching the principall matters concluded therein, briefly collected and abridged heere in this present booke: The rest whereof we haue referred vnto our former edition, wherein the full discourse of the whole disputation is to be seene more at large, for suche as haue list and leisure to see more thereof.

¶ The lamentable losing of Constantinople.

The history of Reynold Peeocke Byshop of Chichester, afflicted and imprisoned for the Gospell of Christ.

Kyng Edward the fourth.

¶ Albertus Emperour.

¶ Fridericus the third Emperour.

King Edward the 5.

King Richard the third vsurper.

King Henry the vij.

Maximilian Emperour.

¶ Ottomannus the first great Emperour or Tyraunt of the Turkes.

¶ Orchanes the second Emperour after Ottomannus.

¶ Amurathes the 3. after Ottamannus.

Baiazetes the 4. after Ottomannus.

¶ Calepinus the 5. after Ottomannus.

¶ Orchanes and Moses his vncle, the sixt after Ottomanus.

¶ Mahumetes the 7. after Ottomannus.

¶ Amurathes the second, 8. after Ottmannus.

¶Mahumetes second, the ix. after Ottomanus.

¶ Baiazetes second, the 10. after Ottomannus.

Zelymus the 11. after Ottomannus.

Solymannus the 12. after Ottomannus.

¶ A Notice touching the miserable persecution, slaughter and captiuity of the Christians vnder the Turkes.

¶ The deuision of Asia Minor, called Cheronesus, with the particular Countryes and Cityes belonging to the same.

¶ The Prophecyes of the holy Scriptures considered touching the comming vp and finall ruine and destruction of this wicked kingdome of the Turkes, with the Reuelations and foreshewinges also of other authours concerning the same

A comparison betweene the Syrians and the Turkes.

¶ The Prophesies of Methodius, Hildegardis and other, concerning the reygne and ruyne of the Turkes.

Interpretation.

¶ A Prayer against the Turkes.

William Tilsworth Martyr.

The cruell handling of Thomas Chase of Amersham, wickedly strangled and martyred in the bishops prison at Wooburne, vnder W. Smith Bishop of Lincolne.

¶ Laurence Ghest.

¶ A faythfull woman burned.

A briefe note of Ecclesiasticall lawes ordeined by auncient Kings in this Realme.

¶ A briefe recapitulation, of auncient Ecclesiasticall lawes by sondry Kinges of this Realme ordeyned, for gouernment of the Church, before the Conquest.

¶ Kyng Aethelrede, Anno. 979.

¶ Ecclesiasticall lawes of kyng Canutus.

[Figure]¶ The proude primacie of Popes paynted out in Tables, in order of their rising vp by little and little, from faythfull Byshops and Martyrs, to become Lords and gouernours ouer King and kingdomes, exalting themselues in the Temple of God, aboue all that is called God, &c. 2. Thessalonians. 2.

¶ The first rising of the Byshops of Rome.

[Figure]¶ The exaltation of popes aboue Kinges and Emperours out of historyes.

Kyng Iohns Supplication to Pope Innocent the third.

¶ The Image of Antichrist, exalting himselfe in the Temple of God, aboue all that is named God, out of his owne Decrees, Decretals, Extrauagantes, Pontificals. &c. word for worde as it is out of the sayde bookes here alleaged and, quoted.

Casus Papales 51. apud Fratrem Aste sanum siue de Ast. Doctorem solemnem in summa confessionis. Item apud Hostiensem, De offic. legat. reperti & his versibus comprehensi.

Cases Papale, to the number of one and fiftie, wherin the Pope hath power onely to dispense and none els besides, except by speciall licence from hym.

§

§

§

¶ The end of the first Volume of the Booke of Martyrs.

§

[Page]

ACTES and Monuments of matters most speciall and memorable, happenyng in the Church, with an Vniuersall history of the same, wherein is set forth at large the whole race and course of the Church, from the primitiue age to these latter tymes of ours, with the bloudy times, horrible troubles, and great persecutions agaynst the true Martyrs of Christ, sought and wrought as well by Heathen Emperours, as nowe lately practised by Romish Prelates, especially in this Realme of England and Scotland.

¶Newly reuised and recognised, partly also augmented, and now the fourth time agayne published and recommended to the studious Reader, by the Authour (through the helpe of Christ our Lord) IOHN FOXE, which desireth thee good Reader to helpe him with thy Prayer.

APOC. VII.

Salus sedenti super thronum & agno.

An. 1583. Mens. Octobr.

The Kalender.

[Page]

¶ Ianuary hath 31. dayes. The Moone xxx. | Dayes of their death. | Yeare of our Lord.
3 | A | 1 | Circumcision. |  |
| b | 2 | Iohn Wickliffe Preacher, Martyr. |  | 1387
11 | c | 3 | I. Aston confes. |  | 1382
| d | 4 | William Sawtry priest Martyr. |  | 1400
19 | e | 5 | Swinderby a priest, martyr. |  |
8 | f | 6 | Epiphany. |  |
| g | 7 | Sir Rog. Acton knight, Martyr. |  | 1401
16 | A | 8 | Iohn Browne Gentlemā Martyr. |  | 1413
5 | b | 9 | Iohn Beuerley preacher Martyr. |  | 1413
| c | 10 | Richard Silbecke martyr. | 14 | 1413
13 | d | 11 | Iohn Castellaue Doctor, Martyr. | 12 | 1521
2 | e | 12 | Tho. Whittle Minister, Martyr. | 27 | 1525
| f | 13 | Bartlet Greene Gentleman, Martyr. | 27 | 1556
10 | g | 14 | Iohn Tudson, Martyr. | 27 | 1556
| A | 15 | Thomas Went, Martyr. | 27 | 1556
18 | b | 16 | Thomas Browne, martyr. | 27 | 1556
|  |  | Isabel Foster, Martyr. | 27 | 1556
7 | c | 17 | Ioane Warne, aliâs Lashford, Martyr. | 27 | 1556
| d | 18 | Iohn Lomas, Martyr. | 31 | 1556
15 | e | 19 | Anne Albright, aliâs Champnes, Martyr. | 31 | 1556
4 | f | 20 | Ioane Catmer, Martyr. | 31 | 1556
|  |  | Agnes Snoth, Martyr. | 31 | 1556
| g | 21 | Ioane Sole, Martyr. | 31 | 1556
12 | A | 22 | William Waterer, martyr. | 15 | 1556
|  |  | Conuer. of Paule. | 15 |
1 | b | 23 | Steuen Kempe, Martyr. | 15 | 1557
|  |  | William Hay, Martyr. | 15 | 1557
| c | 24 | Thomas Hudson, Martyr. | 15 | 1557
9 | d | 25 | William Lowicke, martyr. | 15 | 1557
| e | 26 | William Prouting martyr. |  | 1557
17 | f | 27 | Nicholas Finall, Martyr. |  | 1557
6 | g | 28 | Math. Bradbrige Martyr. | 16 |
| A | 29 |  |  |
14 | b | 30 | Iohn Philpot, Martyr. |  | 1557
3 | c | 31 | Thomas Steuens, martyr. |  |

February hath 28. dayes. The Moone xxix. | Daies of their death. | Yeare of our Lord.
| d | 1 | William Thorpe priest, confessor. |  | 1407
11 | e | 2 | Purification of our Lady. |  |
19 | f | 3 | Iohn Claidon, Martyr. |  | 1413
8 | g | 4 | Richard Turmine, martyr. |  | 1413
| A | 5 | Zisca a confessor. |  | 1416
16 | b | 6 | Sir Iohn Oldcastle, Lord Cobham, Martyr. |  | 1418
5 | c | 7 | Richard Houeden, martyr. |  | 1430
| d | 8 | Thomas Bagley priest, Martyr. |  | 1431
|  |  | Paule Crawes, Martyr. |  | 1431
13 | e | 9 | Thomas Rhedon. Martyr. |  | 1436
2 | f | 10 | Rainold Pecocke bishop, confessor. |  | 1457
| g | 11 | Sir Roger Onley knight Martyr. |  | 1441
10 | A | 12 | Elenor Cobham gentlewoman, confessor. |  |
| b | 13 | Mother of the lady Yong Martyr. |  | 1490
18 | c | 14 | Thomas Norice, Martyr. |  | 1507
7 | d | 15 | Thomas Eckles Martyr. |  | 1510
| e | 16 | Thomas Bungay Martyr. |  | 1511
15 | f | 17 | D. Martin Luther, confessor. | 18 | 1546
4 | g | 18 | Pope of Eay, Martyr. |  | 1512
| A | 19 | Peake, Martyr. |  | 1512
12 | b | 20 | George Carpenter, martyr. | 8 | 1527
1 | c | 21 | Iohn Rogers Preacher, Martyr. | 4 | 1555
| d | 22 | Laurence Sanders Preacher, Martyr. | 8 | 1555
9 | e | 23 | Iohn Hooper Bishoppe, Martyr. | 9 | 1555
| f | 24 | Mathias Apostle. |  |
17 | g | 25 | Rowland Tailor Doctor Martyr. | 9 | 1555
6 | A | 26 | Robert Farrar Bishoppe, Martyr. | 22 | 1555
| b | 27 | Agnes Potten, Martyr. | 19 | 1556
14 | c | 28 | Trunchfields wife, martyr. | 19 | 1556

[Page]

¶March hath 31. dayes. The Moone xxx. | Dayes of their death. | Yeare of our Lord.
3 | d | 1 | William Taylour Martyr. | 2 | 1422
| e | 2 | Iohn Weselianus a doctor, Martyr. |  | 1479
11 | f | 3 | Doctor Ueselus, aliâs Basilius, confessor. |  | 1490
| g | 4 | Henry Sudphen, Martyr. |  | 1524
19 | A | 5 | Iohn Hougley, Martyr. |  | 1526
8 | b | 6 | Petrus Flestedius, martyr. |  | 1528
| c | 7 | Adolphus Clabachus, Martyr. |  | 1528
16 | d | 8 | Patrike Hamelton martyr. |  | 1528
5 | e | 9 | Thomas Hitton, Martyr. |  | 1530
| f | 10 | Thomas Bilney, Martyr. |  | 1531
13 | g | 11 | Dany Foster, Mar. |  | 1531
2 | A | 12 | Edward Freese, confessor. |  | 1531
| b | 13 | Ualentine Freese and his wife, Mar. |  |
10 | c | 14 | Father Bate, confes. |  | 1531
| d | 15 | Rawlin White, Mar. | 5 | 1555
18 | e | 16 | Thom. Tomkins, Martyr. | 15 | 1555
7 | f | 17 | Thomas Higbed gentleman, Mar. | 25 | 1555
| g | 18 | Thomas Cawson Gentleman, Mar. | 25 | 1555
15 | A | 19 | William Hunter, Martyr. | 25 | 1555
4 | b | 20 | William Pigot, Martyr. | 28 | 1555
| c | 21 | Stephen Knight, Martyr. | 28 | 1555
12 | d | 22 | Iohn Laurence Minister Martyr. | 29 | 1555
1 | e | 23 | Thomas Cranmer Archbishop of Canterbury, Martyr. | 21 | 1556
| f | 24 | Robert Spicer, Martyr. | 24 | 1356
9 | g | 25 | Annuntiation of our Lady. |  |
| A | 26 | Williā Coberley, Martyr. | 24 | 1556
17 | b | 27 | Maundrell, Mar. | 24 | 1556
6 | c | 28 | Rich. Crashfield, Martyr. | 15 | 1557
| d | 29 | Cuthbert Simpsō, martyr. | 28 | 1558
14 | e | 30 | Hugh Foxe, Mar. | 28 | 1558
3 | f | 31 | Iohn Deuennish, Martyr. | 28 | 1558

¶Aprill hath 30. dayes. The Moone xxix. | Daies of their death. | Yeare of our Lord.
| g | 1 | Robert Hatches Martyr. |  |
|  |  | Archer Martyr. | 4 | 1519
|  |  | Hawkins Martyr. |  |
11 | A | 2 | Thomas Bound, Martyr. | 4 | 1519
| b | 3 | Wrigsham Martyr. | 4 | 1519
19 | c | 4 | Lansdale Martyr. | 4 | 1519
8 | d | 5 | Maystres Smith Widow Martyr. | 4 | 1519
16 | e | 6 | Iames Baynham Gentleman Martyr. | 30 | 1532
5 | f | 7 | Iohn Awcocke Confessor. | 2 | 1555
| g | 8 | George Marsh Preacher Martyr. | 24 | 1555
13 | A | 9 | William Flower Minister Martyr. | 24 | 1555
2 | b | 10 | Robert Drakes Minister, Martyr. | 24 | 1556
| c | 11 | Thomas Tyms Martyr: | 24 | 1556
10 | d | 12 | Richard Spurge Martyr. | 24 | 1556
| e | 13 | Thomas Spurge Martyr. |  |
18 | f | 14 | Iohn Cauell Martyr. | 24 | 1556
7 | g | 15 | George Ambrose Martyr. | 24 | 1556
| A | 16 | I. Harpole Martyr. Ioane Bech Martyr. | 1 | 1556
15 | b | 17 | Iohn Hullier Minister, Martyr. | 2 | 1556
4 | c | 18 | Christopher Lister Minister, Martyr. | 28 | 1556
| d | 19 | Iohn Mace Martyr. | 28 | 1556
12 | e | 20 | Iohn Spencer Martyr. | 28 | 1556
|  |  | Symon Ioyne Martyr. | 28 | 1556
1 | f | 21 | Richard Nicholl Martyr. | 28 | 1556
| g | 22 | Iohn Hamond Martyr. | 28 | 1556
9 | A | 23 | S. George Martyr. |  |
| b | 24 | Thomas Loseby Martyr. | 12 | 1556
17 | c | 25 | Marke Euangelist. |  |
6 | d | 26 | Henry Ramsey Martyr. | 12 | 1557
| e | 27 | Thomas Thyrtle Martyr. | 12 | 1557
4 | f | 28 | Margaret Hyde Martyr. | 12 | 1557
| g | 29 | Agnes Stanley Martyr. | 12 | 1557
| A | 30 | William Nicholl Martyr. |  | 1558

[Page]

¶May hath 31. dayes. The Moone xxx. | Dayes of their death. | Yeare of our Lord.
11 | b | 1 | Phillip and Iacob Apostles. |  |
| c | 2 | Iohn Hus, Martyr. |  | 1415
19 | d | 3 | Hieronymus Sauonarola, Martyr. | 23 | 1499
8 | e | 4 | Dominike, Martyr. | 23 | 1499
| f | 5 | Siluester, Martyr. | 23 | 1499
16 | g | 6 | Frier Roy, Mar. |  | 1531
|  |  | Rob. Kyng, mar. |  | 1532
5 | A | 7 | Robert Debnam, Martyr. |  | 1532
| b | 8 | Nicholas Marsh, Martyr. |  | 1532
13 | c | 9 | [...] Cardmaker, aliâs Taylour, Preacher Martyr. | 31 | 1555
2 | d | 10 |  |
| e | 11 | Iohn Warne, mar. | 31 | 1555
10 | f | 12 | Margaret Ellis, confessor. | 13 | 1556
| g | 13 | Hugh La [...]erocke, Martyr. | 15 | 1556
18 | A | 14 | Iohn Apprice, mar. | 15 | 1556
7 | b | 15 | Katherine Hut Widow, Martyr. | 16 | 1556
| c | 16 | Elizab. Thackuell, martyr. | 16 | 1556
| 15 | d | 17 | Ione Hornes, mar. | 16 | 1556
4 | e | 18 | A blind boy and another with him, mar. | 5 | 1556
| f | 19 | Thomas Spycer, Martyr. | 21 | 1556
12 | g | 20 | Iohn Denny, mar. | 21 | 1556
1 | A | 21 | William Poole, Martyr. | 21 | 1556
|  |  | Iohn Slesh, confessor. | 30 | 1556
| b | 22 | William Norant, Martyr. | 29 | 1557
9 | c | 23 |  |  |
| d | 24 | Steuen Gratwike, martyr. | 29 | 1557
17 | e | 25 | Iohn Thurstone, confessor. |  | 1557
6 | f | 26 | William Seaman, martyr. | 19 | 1558
| g | 27 | Thomas Carman, martyr. | 19 | 558
14 | A | 28 | Thomas Hudson, Martyr. | 19 | 1558
3 | b | 29 | William Harries, Martyr. | 26 | 1558
| c | 30 | Rich. Day, mar. | 26 | 1558
11 | d | 31 | Christian George, Martyr. | 26 | 1558

¶Iune hath 30. dayes. The Moone xxix. | Dayes of their death. | Yeare of our Lord.
| e | 1 | [...], martyr. | 1 | 1416
19 | f | 2 | Anne Askew, Martyr. Ioh. Lassels, gent. Mar. Nich. Belman, Mar. |  | 1546
8 | g | 3 | Tho. Hawkes, Mar. Tho. Wa [...]tes, Mar. | [...] | 1555
16 | A | 4 | Iohn Simplon, Mar. Iohn Ardl [...]y, Mar. Nic. Chamberlain, mar. | 14 | 1555
5 | b | 5 | Tho. Hosmond, mar. W. Bramford, Mar. Tho. Harland, Mar. | 15 | 1555
| c | 6 | Iohn Osward, Mar. Tho. Read, Mar. | 6 | 1556
13 | d | 7 | Tho. Abington, Mar. Tho. Wood, minist. Mar. Tho. Milles, Mar. | 20 | 1556
2 | e | 8 | Wil. Adherall Minister, confessor. | 23 | 1556
|  |  | Iohn Clement, confes. | 25 | 1556
| f | 9 | A merchants seruaunt, Martyr. | 26 |
10 | g | 10 | H. Adlington, mar. Lau. P [...]nam, mar. Hen. Wic, mar. | 27 | 1556
| A | 11 | W. Halliwell, mar. | 27 | 1556
|  |  | Th. Bowyer, mar. George Serle, mar. | 27
18 | b | 12 | Edm. Hurst, mar. | 27 | 1556
|  |  | Lion Cawch, mar. Rafe Iackson, mar. | 27 |
7 | c | 13 | Ioh. Derifall, mar. Iohn Roth. mar. |  | 1556
| d | 14 | Eliz. Pepper, mar. | 27 |
|  |  | Agnes George, mar. Tho. Parret, confes. | 27 | 1556
15 | e | 15 | Hunt & Ambrose, confes. Ioh. Morice, confes. | 28 | 1556
4 | f | 16 | Rog. Bernard, mar. | 29 | 1556
|  |  | Adam Foster, mar. Rob. Lawson, mar. | 30 | 1556
| g | 17 | Walter Apleby & Petronill his wife, mar. | 18 | 1557
12 | A | 18 | Edm. Allen, and Katharine his wyfe, mar. Io. Bradbrige, mar. |  |
1 | b | 19 | I. Manning, mar. Eliz. a blind maid, mar. Tho. Moore, mar. | 18 | 1557
| c | 20 | Nich. White, mar. Nich. Pard [...]e, mar. | 19 | 1557
9 | d | 21 | I. Fishcocke, mar. Barbara Final, mar. Bradbriges wid. Mar. |  |
| e | 22 | Bendens wife, and Wilsons wife, Mar. | 19 | 1557
17 | f | 23 | Rich. Woodman, mar. |  |
|  |  | Nat. of S. Iohn Bap. |  |
6 | g | 24 | G. Stephens, W. Mainard, Alexander Hosmans man, Martyrs. | 22 | 1557
| A | 25 | Tomasin a Woods maid, Margery Morice, Iam. | 22 | 1557
14 | b | 26 | Morice sonne, Dennis Burges, Asdowns wife, Groues wife, Martyrs. |  |
3 | c | 27 | Henry Pond, mar. R. Estland, mar. | 27 | 1558
| d | 28 | Ro. Southam, mar. Mat. Ricarby, mar. |  |
|  |  | Pete [...] and Paule. |  |
11 | e | 29 | Iohn Lloyd, mar. | 27 | 1558
| f | 30 | Iohn Holyday, mar. Rog. Holland, mar. |  |

[Page]

¶Iuly hath 31. dayes. The Moone xxx. | Dayes of their death | Yeare of our Lord.
19 | g | 1 | Henry Uoz, Mar. Iohn Esch, mar. | [...] | 1522
8 | A | 2 | [...] Martyr. | 4 | 1523
| b | 3 | Andrew Hewet, Martyr. |  |
16 | c | 4 | Anthony Person, Martyr. |  |
5 | d | 5 | Robert Testwood, Martyr. H. Finnemore, mar. | 18 | 1543
| e | 6 | Iohn Bradford preacher, Martyr. | 1 | 1555
13 | f | 7 |  |  |
2 | g | 8 | Iohn Leafe, mar. Iohn Polley, Mar. |  |
| A | 9 | Will. Ming Minister, Mar. Richard Hooke, Mar. | 2 | 1555
10 | b | 10 | Iohn Blande Preacher, Mar. | 12 | 1555
| c | 11 | Iohn Franke, mar. Humfrey Middleton, Mar. | 12 | 1555
18 | d | 12 | Nich. Shetterden, Martyr. | 12 | 1555
7 | e | 13 | William Dighel, Martyr. |  |
| f | 14 | Dirike Caruer, mar. Iohn Launder, mar. | 2 | 1555
15 | g | 15 | Thomas Iueson, Martyr. | 3 | 1555
4 | A | 16 | Nich. Hall, Mar. |  |
| b | 17 | Iohn Alewoorth, confessor. |  |
|  |  | Iohn Carelesse confessor. Iohn Gwin, mar. | 1 | 1556
12 | c | 18 | Iulius Palmer a schoole-maister, and Askine, Martyrs. | [...]6 | 1556
1 | d | 19 | Katharine Cauches, and Parati [...]e Massy, with her child not one hower old, and Guillemine Gilbert, Mar. | 17 | 1556
| e | 20 |  |
9 | f | 21 | Thomas Dungate, mar. |  |
| g | 22 | Iohn Foreman, Martyr. | 18 | 1556
17 | A | 23 | Symon Miller, Mar. Elizabeth Cooper, Martyr. | 13 | 1556
6 | b | 24 | Mary Magdalene. |  |
| c | 25 | Richard Yeoman, Minister, mar. | 10 | 1558
14 | d | 26 | William Pikes, Mar. | 14 | 1558
3 | e | 27 | Iames Apostle. |  |
| f | 28 | Stephen Cotton, Martyr. | 14 | 1558
|  |  | Iohn Slade, mar. | [...]4 | 1558
11 | g | 29 | Stephen Wight, Mar. Rob. Milles, mar. | 14 | 1558
| A | 30 | Rob. Dines, mar. | 14 | 1558
19 | b | 31 | Tho. Benbricke Gentleman, mar. | 19 | 1558

¶ August hath 31. dayes. The Moone xxx. | Daies of their death. | [...] our Lord.
8 | c | 1 | Leonard Keyfer, Martyr. | 16 | 1527
16 | d | 2 | Iames Abbes, mar. | 2 | 1555
5 | e | 3 | Iohn Demy Gentleman mar. | 8 | 1555
| f | 4 | Iohn Newman, Martyr. | [...]8 | ibid.
13 | g | 5 | Patrike Patingham, mar. | 28 | ibid.
2 | A | 6 | Will. Coker, mar. | 23 | ibid.
|  |  | Wil. Hopper▪ mar. | 23 | ibid.
| b | 7 | Henry Laurence, Martyr. | 23 | ibid.
10 | c | 8 | Richard Collier, Martyr. | 23 | ibid.
| d | 9 | William Steere, Martyr. | 23 | ibid.
18 | e | 10 | Richard Wright, Martyr. | 23 | ibid.
7 | f | 11 | Elizabeth Warne, martyr. |  |
| g | 12 | George Tankerfield, mart. | 26 | ibid.
15 | A | 13 | Richard Smith, Martyr. | 8 | ibid.
4 | b | 14 | 8 | ibid.
| c | 15 | Stephen Horwood, martyr. | 30 | ibid.
|  |  | Thomas Fusse. mar. | 30 | ibid.
12 | d | 16 | William Haile, Martyr. | 31 | ibid.
| e | 17 | Robert Samuell Preacher, mar. | 31 | 1555
| f | 18 | Ioane Waste, Mar. |  | 1556
9 | g | 19 | William Bongeor, martyr. | 2 | 1557
| A | 20 | Robert Purtas, mar. | 2 | 1557
17 | b | 21 | Thomas Bennold, martyr. | 2 | 1557
6 | c | 22 | Agnes Siluerside, aliâs Smith, mar. | 2 | 1557
| d | 23 | Bartholomew Apostle. |  |
14 | e | 24 | Ellin Ewring, mar. | 2 | 1557
3 | f | 25 | Elizabeth Folkes mayd, Martyr. | 2 | 1557
| g | 26 | William Munt, Martyr. | 2 | 1557
11 | A | 27 | Alice Munt, mar. | 2 | 1557
19 | b | 28 | Rose Allin, maide, Martyr. | 2 | 1557
| c | 29 | Iohn Iohnson, mar. George Egles, mar. | 2 | 1557
8 | d | 30 | One Frier and the sayde George Egles sister, Martyrs. | 2 | 1557
| e | 31 |  |

[Page]

September hath 30. dais The Moone xxix. | Dayes of their death. | Yeare of our Lord.
16 | f | 1 | Father Abraham, Marsor. |  | 1428
5 [...] | g | 2 | Williā Wright Priest, Martyr. |  | 1428
| A | 3 | Iohn Waddon Priest, Martyr. |  | 1428
1 [...] | b | 4 | Williā Gardiner, Martyr. |  | 1552
|  |  | W. Allen, Mar. Tho. Cob, Martyr. |  | 1556
2 | c | 5 | Tho. Coo. Mar. |  |
| d | 6 | Will. Androw, confessor. |  | 1555
[...] | e | 7 | Thomas King, confessor. |  | ibid.
| f | 8 | Thomas Leis, confessor. | 5 | ibid.
|  |  | George Catmer, Martyr. | 6 | ibid.
[...] | g | 9 | Robert S [...]rcate [...], Martyr. |  |
[...] | A | 10 | Anthony Burward, martyr. |  | ibid.
| b | 11 | George Bradbrige, martyr. Iames Tutty, Mar. | 6 | ibid.
15 | c | 12 | Thom. Hayward, Martyr. |  | ibid.
4 | d | 13 | I. Goreway, Mar. Rob. Glouer, Mar. | 20 | ibid.
| e | 14 | Cornelius Bungay, martyr. |  |
12 | f | 15 | Edw. Sharpe, mar. Iohn Hart, mar. | 8 | 1556
[...] | g | 16 | Tho. Rauensdale a sho [...] maker, or a Currier, mar. | 24 | 1556
| A | 17 | Iohn Horne and another woman, mar. | 25 | 1556
[...] | b | 18 | Iohn Kurd, mar. Cicelie Ormes, mar. | 20 | 1556
|  | Ioyce Lewys, mar. | 23 | 1557
| c | 19 | Rafe Allerton, mar. | 10 | 1557
17 | d | 20 | Richard Roth, mar. | 17 | 1557
|  |  | Mathew Apostle. |  |
6 | e | 21 | Iames Ansco and Margery his wyfe, mar. | 17 | 1557
| f | 22 | Agnes Bongeor, Martyr. | 17 | 1557
[...] | g | 23 | Mar. Thurstone, Martyr. |  | 1557
[...] | [...] | 24 | Iohn Warren, mar. |  |
| b | 25 | Christi. Grouer, Martyr. |  |
| c | 26 | Thomas Athoth, Martyr. |  | 1557
| d | 27 | Iohn Ashdone, Martyr. Thomas Spurdaunce, Mar. |  | 1557
| e | 28 |  |  |
8 | f | 29 | Michaell Archangel. |  |
| g | 30 | Iohn Fortune, Martyr. |  | 1557

October hath 31. dayes The Moone xxx. | their death Dayes of | [...]
6 | A | 1 | Bartholer Mi [...]on, martyr. |  | 1534
| b | 2 | Iohn de Burge a riche merchant, Mar. |  | 1534
3 [...] | c | 3 | The receiuer of Naunts Mar. |  | 1534
[...] | d | 4 | Henry Poile, Mar. Catelle a schoolemaistres Martyr. |  | 1534
|  |  |  | 15 [...]4
| e | 5 | Stephen de la Foarge, a merchant, Mar. |  | 1134
10 | f | 6 |  |  | 1536
| g | 7 | William Tyndall, Mar [...]tyr. |  |
18 | A | 8 | William Leyton, Martyr. |  | 1537
|  |  | Puttedew, Mar. |  | 1537
7 | b | 9 | Ioh. Lambert, aliâs Nicolson, Mar. |  | 1538
| c | 10 | Collins, Mar. Cowbrige, Mar. |  | 1538
|  |  | Peter a Germane, Martyr. |  | 1539
15 | d | 11 |  | 1539
4 | e | 12 | Launcellot, Mar. Iohn a Painter, Mar. |  | 1539
| f | 13 | Giles Germaine, Martyr. |  | 1539
|  |  | Robert Barnes, Mar. |  | 1539
12 | g | 14 | Thomas Garrard, martyr. |  | 1541
| A | 15 | William Hierome, martyr. |  |
| b | 16 | William Wolsey, Martyr. | 4 | 1555
9 | c | 17 | Rob. Pigot, Mar. | 4 | 1555
| d | 18 | Luke Euangelist. |  |
17 | e | 19 | Nicholas Ridley Bishop▪ Martyr. | 6 | 1555
6 | f | 20 | Hugh Latymer Bishop, Martyr. |  |
| g | 21 | I. Web, gent. mar. George Roper, mar. | 31 | 1555
14 | A | 22 | Gregory Parke, Martyr. |  |
3 | b | 23 | Adam Walles, mar. Marke Burges, mar. | 2 | 1551
| c | 24 | William Hooker, Martyr. |  | 1560
11 | d | 25 | Simsō Priest, Beuerech Frier, Keyler blacke Frier. Dauy Strattō, gentleman, Norman Gorley Uicar of Dolor, a blacke Canon, with 4. other, martyrs |  |
19 | e | 26 |  |
| f | 27 |  |
8 | g | 28 | Simon and Iude. |  |
| A | 29 | Three died in prison at Cicester, confes. | 18 | 1556
16 | b | 30 | Mother Seaman, confessor. |  | 1556
5 | c | 31 | Mother Bennet, confessor. |  | 1556

[Page]

Nouember hath 30. dais. The Moone xxix. | Dayes of their death | Yeare of our Lord.
| d | 1 | The feast of all Saints. |  |
[...] | e | 2 | Richard Mekings, martyr. |  | 1541
2 | f | 3 | Richard Spenser, Martyr. |  | 1541
| g | 4 | Andrew Hewet, Martyr. |  | 1541
10 | A | 5 | Iohn Porter, confes. |  | 1542
| b | 6 | Thomas Bernard, martyr. |  | 1542
18 | c | 7 | Iames Morton, Martyr. |  | 1542
7 | d | 8 | George Wizard Gentleman, Mar. |  | 1146
| e | 9 | Iohn Kirby, Mar. |  | 1546
[...]5 | f | 10 | Roger Clarke, Mar. |  | 1546
4 | g | 11 | Richard Barfield, aliâs Somersam, Mar. | 20 | 1531
| A | 12 | Iohn Clarke, confes. |  | 1556
12 | b | 13 | Dimstane Chittenden, confes. |  | 1556
| c | 14 | William Foster, Martyr. |  | 1556
| d | 15 | Alice Potkins, confessor. |  | 1556
9 | e | 16 | Iohn Archer, confes. |  | 1556
| f | 17 | Hooke, Mar. |  | 1556
17 | g | 18 | Iohn Hallingdale, Martyr. | 18 | 1557
6 | A | 19 | William Sparow, martyr. | 18 | 1557
| b | 20 | Richard Gybson Gentleman, Mar. | 18 | 1557
14 | c | 21 | Saunder Gouch, Martyr. | 4 | 1558
3 | d | 22 | Elizabeth Driuer, martyr. | 4 | 1558
|  |  | Phillip Humfrey, Martyr. | 5 | 1558
| e | 23 | Iohn Dauy, Mar. | 5 | 1558
11 | f | 24 | Henry Dauy, Mar. | 5 | 1558
19 | g | 25 | Iohn Corneforth, Martyr. | 10 | 1558
| A | 26 | Christopher Browne, Martyr. | 10 | 1558
8 | b | 27 | Iohn Herst, Mar. | 10 | 1558
| c | 28 | Alice Snoth, Mar. | 10 | 1558
16 | d | 29 | Katharme knight, Martyr. |  |
5 | e | 30 | Andrew Apostle. |  |

December hath 31. daies The Moone xxx. | Daies of their death. | Yeare of our Lord.
| f | 1 | Williā Tracy Esquier, confes. |  | 1534
13 | g | 2 | Peter Sapience, Martyr. |  | 1545
28 | A | 3 | George Bucke [...] alias Adam Damlip Martyr. |  | 1531
10 | b | 4 | An old man of Buckingham shire, Mar. |  | 1381
| c | 5 | Two gray Friers, Martyrs. |  | 1513
18 | d | 6 | Iohn Hilton, confessor. Iohn Coignes, confessor. |  | 1517
7 | e | 7 | Robert Warde, confessor. |  | 1517
| f | 8 | A scholer of Abbeuile, Martyr. |  | 1522
|  |  |  | 1528
15 | g | 9 | A Iew, Martyr. Richard Hunne, Martyr. | 4 | 1515
4 | A | 10 |  |
|  |  | Iohn Tewkesbery, martyr. | 20 | 1531
| b | 11 | Iames Gore, confes. | 7 | 1555
12 | c | 12 | William Wiseman confessor. | 13 | 1555
1 | d | 13 | Iohn Philpot Preacher, Martyr. | [...]8 | 1557
| e | 14 | Iohn Rough, Preacher, Martyr. | 22 | 1557
9 | f | 15 | Margaret Mering, martyr. | 22 | 1558
| g | 16 | Thomas Tyler, confessor. |  | 1558
17 | A | 17 | Mathew Withers, confessor. Dale, confes. |  | 1558
6 | b | 18 | Thomas Apostle. |  | 1550
| c | 19 | Wil. Plaine. |  |
14 | d | 20 | Elizabeth Lawson, confessor. |  | 1550
|  |  | Ioh. Glouer, confes. |  |
3 | e | 21 | Nicholas Burton, martyr. | 22 | 1562
| f | 22 | Nat▪ of our Lord. Stephen, Mar. |  |
11 | g | 23 | Iohn Euangelist. Childermasse. |  |
19 | A | 24 | Thomas Rhedonenfis, an Erle, mar. |  | 1436
| b | 25 | Picus Mirandula, confessor. |  | 1497
8 | c | 26 | Erasmus Roterodamus, confessor. |  | 1513
| d | 27 | Mart. Bucer, confe [...]. |  | 1549
16 | e | 28 | Paulus Phagius, confessor. |  | 1551
|  |  |  | 1559
5 | f | 29 | Phillip Melancton, confessor. |  | 1562
| g | 30 | Peter Martir, confes. |  | 1553
13 | A | 31 | King Edward the sixt, confessor. |  |

Ad Dominum Iesum Christum Seruatorem clementissimum, Eucharisticon. Ioan. Foxi.

[Page]

CONFECTO NVNC OPERE, QVOD TVIS PRIMVM AVSPIcijs ac voluntate aggressus (summe & adorande Iesu, idem (que) Seruator clementissime) inchoaui, quod (que) tuo demum beneficio ao fauore exegi atque absolui, praeter omnem certam opinionem & vires meas: superest itaque pro officio meo, vt animula haec, ceu pro votiua tabula, gratias, si non quantas debeat (vtinam enim id posset) at quantas queat maximè, munificentissimae tuae persoluat maiestati: quae tam miserum homuncionem, vel syphar potius hominis, in laboribus tot tantísque istis, qui vel asellum quemuis [...] possent conficere, tumultuantem, benigno successu ac solatio tam clementer suffulcerit. Quanquam autem de operis difficultate nihil hic causari attinet, quae vix aestimari à multis poterit: tua tamen non ignorat omnipotens maiestas, huius, qualecunque sit, negoti [...] confectio quibus quan (que) non ferendis curis, vigili [...]s, molestijs constitit: Quibus nullo modo pares futuri essemus, nisi fauentis gratiae tuae numen affulsisset, ac sese quodam modo admiscuisset operi.Auxilium Christs in concinnando hoc opere. Quid ni enim fatear ac tester ingenuè, quod re ipsa experti sumus. Persensimus enim, penéque oculis ipsis conspeximus, singularem excelsae dexterae tuae [...], non modo in successu negotij prouehendo, sed in vita etiam spiritú (que) inter labores, conseruando. Tui igitur muneris est (clementissime Iesu) quod opus tuis susceptum auspicijs huc vsque prouectum sit. Nos vicissim quod nostri sit officij, gratias clementiae tuae, cum nostro priuatim, tum publico quodammodo ecclesiae tuae nomine, agimus. Vel hinc enim cernimus quanti causam Martyrum tuorum aestimes, quando eorum illustrando nomini tanta faueas propensione. Quanquam verò si nulla hic extaret eorum recordatio, non possent non omnibus modis esse illustrissimi, quorum sint nomina vitae tuae libro inscripta. Et tamen voluit hoc modo tua declarare maiestas, nobis (que) innotescere hominibus, quàm honorificum sit pro tui nominis gloria fortiter dimicātes occumbere, quorum tu vitam à cinere ac rogo sic vindicas, sic causam tueris, sic dignitatem illustras, vt eandem multo cum gloriae foenore abs te recipiat clariorē, quam si ipsi nunquam alioqui perdidissent. Habet siquidem peculiare hoc sibi militiae tuae ratio, longe à mū do hoc diuersum, quòd in castris tuis militantes siue viuant, tibi viuant, siue moriantur, multò clarescant a funere foelicius, quàm si vixissent maximè.

Sic Cranmerum videmus,Felix ac gloriosum pro Christo mortem oppetere. Ridleum, Latimerum, Iohannem Hooperum, Bradfordum, caeteros (que) eiusdem decuriae pugiles, quanto maiore occubuisse cum gloria in acie tua depugnantes, quàm si relicta statione, in qua erant collocati, saluti ipsi suae causam tuam postposuissent. Quae enim gens, quae lingua, quae natio, quae temporum vetustas, quae hominum posteritas eorum non cantabit laudes, non virtutem agnoscet, non magnitudinem admirabitur? Quis Wicleuum vnquam, aut Cobhamum natum fuisse existimasset, nisi tua in causa tam egissent strenuè? Quanto honori illud Hussio Bohemensi, nostro (que) Tindallo fuit, quod vitam in Euangelij tui causa perditam, magis abs te recipere, quam ipsi retinere maluerint? Spectemus è diuersa parte aduersarios tuos, quorum tam multas esse constat caedes, iniurias, crudelitates aduersus tuos, multá (que) item occultè & scelestè ab ijsdem perpetrata, quae nū quam sperabant fore palam: Et tamen quid vnquam in angulis & tenebris ab illis est designatum tam occultè aduersus Ecclesiam, quod non in apricum tua produxit producet (que) prouidentia? atque ita produxit, vt vnde ipsi laudis sibi conceperunt animo opinionem, inde summum sibi ipsis dedecus pepererint & contumeliam, quam nec vita effugere, nec morte vnquam finire poterint. Quis Guisios, Boneros, Storios, Gardineros, tanquam execranda hominum nomina nunc non nouit? non exhorret, quis eorum facinora obliterabit dies, aut sepeliet memoria? Et quid hos in tanta multitudine hostium tuorum recenseo?Papae nomen nunc probrosum Cui vnquam prospere cessit tuo rebellare numini, aut hostem se ecclesiae tuae profiteri? Papae nomen quàm erat aliquando in his terris celebre & gloriosum? Nunc quid putidius, quid probrosius? Cardinalitium fastigium coeperunt primo admirari homines, multáque prosequi reuerentia:Cardinalium Monachorum, nōnarum nomina ad ignominiam nunc relicta. Sic Monachorum & Nonnarum collegia suum quondam habebant plausum apud plebem simplicem & credulam: At postquam spreta veritate tua caeperunt grassari contra te, tuorum (que) homicidae fieri eo tandem sunt prolapsi (exceptis paucis quos tua exemit gratia) vt reliqua fex nihil aliud iam esse praeter vocabula quaedam ad ignominiam relicta videatur.

Haec nimirum (sanctissime domine ac deus noster) iustissimi iudicij tuisunt praeludia, ex quo haud difficile aestimare sit, quidnam in altero illo expectaturi sint, quos in hoc ipso seculo, hoc est in suo ipsorū regno, tanta accumules infamia & dedecore. Sed omissis his, ad sanctos tuos redeamus Martyres, quorum nomine, merito à nobis perenne velut sacrificium laudis & gratiarum tuae debetur, simul & habetur, bonitati. Primum quòd in ecclesiae tuae causa dimicantibus tam fortem & alacrem spiritum 1 omnibus (que) tormentis maiorem aduersus parricidas Papistas subministrasti. Deinde quòd & nobis 2 [Page] 3 in illorum desudantibus historia propitius adeò clementiae tuae fauor affuerit. Debetur & hoc priuatim meo quoque nomine singulari tuae pietati, quòd vitam toties alioqui nutantem, in hac tanta, 4 quantam tu solus nouisti, laboris immensitate conseruatam tuo volueris beneficio. Verum illud inprimis omnes debemus pariter effusissimo tuo in nos amori, quòd beatorum Martyrum tuorum, quos mundi huius ad flammas & cineres adegerit peruersitas, causam & innocentiam velut è cinere recollectam, in lucem denuò notitiam (que) ecclesiae tuae reuocare at patefacere dignatus sis. Etsi enim dubium non est, quin in supremo illo iudicio tuo, quum virtutes coelorum mouebuntur, omnis eorum ad amussim excutietur causa ante tribunal tuum, est tamen aliquid hîc quo (que) in ecclesia tua causam ipsorum, facta, vitae (que) virtutes caeteras non ignorari. Tunc autem ad illos vberior gloria, ad nos interea maior redundabit fructus, quando ex ipsorum rectè factis, integritate, innocentia, fide ac patientia constar [...] poterit, non quid ipsi solum fecerint, sed quid & nobis eorum sit exemplo faciendum.

Sed hic rursus (dulcissime Iesu) opus est benigno fauoris tui praesidio. Nos enim qui filij Martyrum tuorum sumus,Deploratio nostrorum morum et temporum. quosque maximè maiores nostros imitari conueniebat, nunc nihil serè parentum tenemus, praeter vitae solam hanc, quam suo partam sanguine reliquerunt, libertatem: qua etiam ipsa nimium abutimur intemperanter, vtiam periculum sit, ne non filij modò Martyrum, sed ne fratres quidem ipsorum haberi mereamur. Quantum enim intersit discriminis, quam (que) prorsus disconuenit ordine toto nostra consuetudo ab illorum vestigijs & disciplina, pudet profectò referre. Sed quid ego tibi referam, cuius nihil non perspicit maiestas ac intuetur? Quanto illis studio ac curae fuit amore tui, caetera quae (que), adeo (que) seipsos ad vitae etiam contemptum abdicare, mundum cum omnibus desideri [...]s floccifacere, voluptates tanquam nugas spernere? Nec sinebant pericula vndi (que) imminentia opibus congerendis multo (que) minus honoribus cumulandis vacare. Contra verò nostra nunc vita, studium, omnis (que) adeò contentio, quid nisi mundum spirat, quid aliud quàm perpetuum quoddam fluxarum rerum, opum, ac honorum aucupium videtur & ambitus? At illi quam praeclarè secum actum putassent, si vel viuere modò licuisset. Ideo (que) multi fuere eorū qui Mariae Reginae facultates & possessiones omnes adus (que) extremum assem obtulerūt,Quanta degeneratio nostrorum nunc hominum, ab exemplis superiorum Martyrum. dumm [...]do solam ipsis remitteret conscientiam. Et quae nos tanta haec habendi intemperies exagitat, quibus nec vnus nec mediocris victus possit esse satis? Sine modo, sine fine opibus, sacerdotijs, censui (que) dilatando inhiamus. Quanto ambitu amicos fatigamus & inimicos, non vt viuamus solum, verum vt sublimes viuamus & honorati? De fide, de mansuetudine eorum, tolerantia, simplicitate, ac patientia incredibili, quid dici satis potest? Quanta constantia, qua animi alacritate perpessi sunt quicquid infligebatur, vindictam omnem deo remittentes, cui & causam commendabant? Nulla vis eos aduersariorum deijcere, nec minae frangere, non ludibria mouere, non pericula, non tormenta vlla consternere, nec delinire blanditiae potuerunt.

Componamus nunc nostram cum his mollitiem. Sed pudor prohibet, Nam quae tam leuis nos tentationis aura afflare possit, quae non illico praecipites ac transuersos rapiat in auaritiam, in fastum, voluptates, turpitudinem, vindictam, & in quid non malorum? Quae tam leuis obijci poterit iniuriola, pro qua non coelum terrae miscemus, mariá (que) turbamus ab imo? Ex quo in promptu est colligere, quantum ab eo absumus, vt mortem simus vnquam, tua causa subituri, siquando res Martyrium flagitet, quum nec affectus quidem istos tuo amputare iussu velimus.Necessaria precatio. Quapropter vt Martyrum quidem illorum causa gratias agimus nomini tuo sancto: ita nostra vicissim causa deprecamur, vt qui largitus sis ipsis vincendi facultatem, nobis itidem pia eorundem exempla imitandi foelicitatem aspires: sicque ecclesiae tuae affulgeat tua gratia, necubi seducti huius mundi illecebris, secordiores ipsi in retinenda Euangelij tui victoria, quàm illi in comparanda strenui, videamur. Postremo quoniam historiam hanc tuo nutu ac voluntate aggressi, in ea re operam studium (que) posuimus, quo facta gestaque sanctorum tuorum (sanctissime Iesu) ad nominis tui gloriam, & in commodum ecclesiae publicum emergerent, adde nunc labori fructum, simul (que) historiae tutelam in te recipias magnopere petimus, cui & opus ipsum, totum (que) meipsum, quem tot modis tuae misericordiae debeo, toto corpore & anima, totis (que) viribus commendo, dedico, consecroque, cui omne cadat genu, omnisque vox & lingua confessionis gloriam per omnes ecclesias tribuat personétque. Amen.

¶ To the Right Vertuous, most Excellent and Noble Princesse, Queene ELIZABETH, our dread Lady, by the grace of God, Queene of England, Fraunce and Ireland, Defender of Christes Faith and Gospell, and principall Gouernour both of the Realme, and also ouer the sayd Churche of England and Ireland, vnder Christ the Supreme head of the same▪ &c. Iohn Foxe her humble subiect wisheth daily increase of Gods holy spirite and Grace, with long raigne, perfect health, and ioyfull peace, to gouerne hys flocke committed to her charge, to the example of all good Princes, the comforte of his Churche, and glory of hys blessed name.

¶ To the Right Vertuous, most Excellent and Noble Princesse, Queene ELIZABETH, our dread Lady, by the grace of God, Queene of England, Fraunce and Ireland, Defender of Christes Faith and Gospell, and principall Gouernour both of the Realme, and also ouer the sayd Churche of England and Ireland, vnder Christ the Supreme head of the same▪ &c. Iohn Foxe her humble subiect wisheth daily increase of Gods holy spirite and Grace, with long raigne, perfect health, and ioyfull peace, to gouerne hys flocke committed to her charge, to the example of all good Princes, the comforte of his Churche, and glory of hys blessed name.

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CHRIST the Prince of all Princes, who hath placed you in your throne of Maiestie, vnder him to gouerne the Church and Realme of England, geue your royall highnesse long to sit, and many yeares to raigne ouer vs, in all flourishing felicitie, to his gracious pleasure, and long lasting ioy of all your subiects. Amen.

When I first presented these ACTES and MONVMENTES vnto your Maiestie (most deare Soueraigne Queene ELIZABETH, our peaceable SALOME) which your Maiesties rare clemencie receiued in such gentle part: I well hoped that these my trauailes in this kynd of writing had bene well at an ende, whereby I might haue returned my studies agayne to other purposes after myne owne desire, more fitte then to write histories, especially in the English tong. But certaine euill disposed persons, of intemperant tongues, aduersaries to good procedings, would not suffer me so to rest, fuming and fretting, and raising vp such miserable exclamations at the first appearing of the booke, as was wonderfull to heare. A man would haue thought Christ to haue bene new borne agayne, and that Herode with all the Citie of Ierusalem had bene in an vprore. Such blustring and stirring was then against that poore booke thorough all quarters of England, euen to the gates of Louaine: so that no English Papist almost in all the Realme thoght himselfe a perfect Catholike, vnlesse he had cast out some word or other to geue that booke a blow.

Whereupon, considering with my selfe what should mooue them thus to rage, first I beganne with more circumspect diligence to ouerlooke agayne that I had done. In searching whereof, I found the fault both what it was, and where it lay: which was in deede, not so much in the Booke it selfe (to say the truth) as in an other certayne priuy mysterie and working of some: of whome Ioannes Auentinus shall tel vs in his own words, & shew vs who they be: Quibus, inquit, audiendi quae fecerint, pudor est: nullus faciendi, quae audire erubescunt. Illic vbi opus nihil verentur: hic vbi nihil opus est, ibi verentur. &c. Who beyng ashamed belike to heare their worthy stratagemes lyke to come to light, sought by what meanes they might, the stopping of the same. And because they could not worke it per brachium seculare, by publike authoritie (the Lord of heauen long preserue your noble Maiestie) they renewed again an old wonted practise of theirs: doyng in like sort herein as they did sometymes with the holy Bible in the dayes of your renowmed father of famous memory king Henry the viij. who when they neither by manifest reason could gainstand the matter contained in the booke, nor yet abide the comming out thereof, then sought they by a subtile deuised traine to depraue the translation, notes and Prologues thereof, bearing the king in hand and [Page] all the people, that there was in it a thousand lies, and I cannot tell how many mo: Not that there were such lies in it in very deede: but because the comming of that booke should not bewray their lying falshood, therefore they thought best to begin first to make exceptions themselues against it: playing in their stage like as Phormio did in the old Comedie, who beyng in all the fault himselfe, began first to quarell with Demipho, when Demipho rather had good right to lay Phormio by the heeles.

With like facing brags these Catholike Phormiones thinke now to dash out all good bookes, and amongst others also, these Monuments of Martyrs. Which godly Martyrs as they could not abide beyng aliue, so neither can they now suffer their memories to lyue after their death, least the acts of them beyng knowne, might bring perhaps their wicked acts and cruell murthers to detestation: and therfore spurne they so vehemently against this booke of histories, with all kind of contumelies and vprores, railing and wondering vpon it, much like as I haue heard of a company of thieues, who in robbing a certaine true man by the high wayes side, when they had found a piece of gold or two about him more then he would be acknown of, they cried out of the falshood of the world, meruailing and complaining what little truth was to be found in men.

Euen so these men deale also with me: for when they themselues altogether delight in vntruths, and haue replenished the whole Church of Christ with fained fables, lying miracles, false visions, miserable errors contained in their Missals and Portuses, Breuiars, and Summaries, and almost no true tale in all their Saintes lyues and Festiuals, as now also no great truthes in our Louanian bookes, &c. Yet notwithstanding, as though they were a people of much truth, and that the world did not perceiue them, they pretend a face and zeale of great veritie: And as though there were no histories els in all the world corrupted, but onely this history of Actes and Monumentes, with tragicall voyces they exclaime and wonder vpon it, sparing no cost of Hyperbolicall phrases, to make it appeare as full of lies as lines. &c. much after the like sort of impudencie as Sophisters vse sometymes in their Sophismes to doe (and sometimes is vsed also in Rhetorike) that when an Argument commeth against them which they cannot well resolue in deed, they haue a rule to shift of the matter with stoute wordes and tragicall admiration, whereby to dash the Opponent out of countenance, bearing the hearers in hand, the same to be the weakest & slenderest argument that euer was heard not worthy to be answered, but vtterly to be hissed out of the Schooles.

With like sophistication these also fare with me, who when they neither can abide to heare their owne doings declared, nor yet deny the same, which they heare to be true for three or foure escapes in the booke committed (and yet some of them in the said Booke amended) they neither reading the whole, nor rightly vnderstanding that they read, inueigh and maligne so peruersly the setting out therof, as though neither any word in al that story were true, nor any other story false in al the world besides. And yet in accusing these my accusers, I do not so excuse my self, nor defēd my book, as though nothing in it were to be sponged or amended. Therfore I haue taken these paines, & reiterated my labours in trauailing out the story again, doyng herein as Penelope did with her web, vntwisting that she had done before: Or as builders do sometimes, which build and take down againe, either to transpose the fashion, or to make the foundation larger. So in recognising this history I haue emploied a little more labour, partly to enlarge the argument which I tooke in hand: partly also to assay, whether by any paynes taking I might pacifie the stomacks, or satisfie ye iudgments of these importune quarellers: which neuerthelesse I feare I shall not do, when I haue done all I can. For well I know that all the heads of this hissing Hidra will neuer be cut of, though I were as strong as Hercules. And if Apelles the skilfull Painter, when he had bestowed all his cunning vpon a piece of worke, which no good artificer would or could greatly reprooue, yet was not without some controlling Sutor, which tooke vpon him Vltra crepidam, much more may I looke for the like in these controlling dayes.Ne sutor vltra crepidam.

Neuerthelesse committing the successe thereof vnto the Lord, I haue aduentured againe vpon this story of the Church, and haue spent not onely my paines, but also almost my health therein, to bring it to this. Which now beyng finished, like as before I did: so againe I exhibite and present the same vnto your Princely Maiestie, blessing my Lord my God with all my heart: first for this libertie of peace and tyme, which through your peaceable gouernement he hath lent vnto vs for the gathering both of this and other like bookes, tractations and monuments requisite to the behoofe of his Church, which hitherto by iniquitie of tyme could not be contriued in any Kinges raigne since the Conquest, before these Alcion dayes of yours.

[Page]Secondly, as we are all bound with publicke voyces to magnify our God for this happy preseruation of your royall estate: so priuately for mine owne part, I also acknowledge my selfe bound to my God and to my Sauiour, who so graciously in such weake health, hath lent me time, both to finish this worke, and also to offer the second dedication thereof to your Maiesty: desiring the same to accept in worth t [...] donation thereof, if not for the worthinesse of the thing geuen, yet as a testification of the bounden seruice and good will of one, which by this he here presenteth, declareth what he would, if he had better to geue.

And though the story being written in the popular tongue, serueth not so greatly for your own peculiar reading, nor for such as be learned: yet I shall desire both you and them, to consider in it the necessity of the ignoraunt flocke of Christ committed to your gouernement in this Realme of England. Who, as they haue bene long led in ignoraunce, and wrapt in blindenesse for lacke specially of Gods word, and partly also for wanting the light of history, pity I thought but that such should be helped, their ignoraunce relieued, and simplicity instructed. I considered they were the flocke of Christ, and your subiectes, belonging to your account and charge, bought with the same price and hauing as deare soules to the Lord as other. And though they be but simple and vnlearned, yet not vnapt to be taught if they were applyed. Furthermore what inconuenience groweth of ignoraunce, where knowledge lacketh, both I considered: and experience dayly teacheth.

And therefore hearing of the vertuous inclination of your Maiesty, what a prouident care, & Zeale full of solicitude you haue, minding (speedely I trust) to furnish all quarters & countryes of this your realme with the voice of Christes Gospel, & faythful preaching of his word, I thought also not vnprofitable to adioyne vnto this your godly proceedinges, and to the office of the ministery, the knowledge also of Ecclesiasticall history, which in my minde ought not to be separate from the same: that like as by the one the people may learne the rules and preceptes of doctrine so by the other they may haue examples of Gods mighty working in his Church, to the confirmation of their fayth,Profite to be taken by examples of christian Martyrs. Gods workes to be obserued in histories. and the edification of Christian life. For as we see what light and profite commeth to the Church by histories in olde times set forth of the Iudges, Kinges, Machabees, & the Actes of the Apostles after Christes time: so likewise may it redound to no small vse in the Church, to knowe the Actes of Christes Martirs now since the time of the Apostles.

Besides other manifolde examples and experimentes of Gods great mercies and iudgementes in preseruing his Church,What vse commeth by reading of Histories. in ouerthrowing tyrauntes, in confounding pride, in altering states & kingdomes, in conseruing Religion against errours and dissentions, in relieuing the godly, in brideling the wicked, in losing and tying vp againe of Sathan the disturber of common weales, in punishing transgressions as well against the first table as the second: wherin is to be seene Idolatry punished, blasphemy plagued, contempt of Gods holy name and religion reuenged, murder with murder rewarded, Adulterers & Wedlockbreakers destroied, periuries, extortions, couetous, oppressions, and fraudulent councels come to nought, with other excellent workes of the Lord: the obseruing and noting whereof in histories, minister to the readers therof wholesome admonitions of life: with experience and wisedome both to know God in his workes, and to worke the thing that is godly: especially to seeke vnto the sonne of God for their saluation, & in his fayth onely to finde that they seeke for, and in no other meanes. The continuance and constancy of which fayth, the Lord of his grace and goodnes graunt to your noble Maiesty, and to his whole beloued Church, and all the members of the same, to euerlasting life. Amen.

Ad doctum Lectorem Ioh. Foxus.

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COgitanti mihi, versantique mecum in animo quàm peri [...]ulosa res aleae sit, emittere nunc aliquid in publicum, quod in man [...]s oculósque multorū subeat, his praesertim tam exulceratis moribus temporibús (que), vbi tot hominum dissidijs, tot studijs partium, tot morosis capitibus, tam rigidis censuris, & Criticorum sannis feruent ferè omnia, vt difficillimum sit quicquā tam circumspectè scribere, quod non in aliquam calumniandi materiam rapiatur: perbeati profectò foelicésque videnturij, quibus eum vitae cursū tenere liceat, vt in otio viuentes cum dignitate, sic alienis frui queant laboribus, velut in theatro ociosi sedentes spectatores, vt nullum interim ipsis uel ex actione taedium, vel ex labore periculum metuendum sit. Me vero nescio quo pacto longe diuersa quidem hactenus exercuit vitae ratio, quippe cui nec fortunae illam foelicitatem, in cuius complexibus tam multos suauiter foueri video, nec otij amoenitatem experiri, vix etiam per omnem vitam degustare in continuo laborum ac negotiorum feruore ac contentione contigerit. Quanquam de fortuna parum queror, quam semper contempsi, quin neque de laboribus multum dicturus, si modo lobores ij, tantum vel prodesse vel placere caeteris possent hominibus, quantum me priuatim atterunt incommodántque. Nuncad meae infoelicitatis cumulum accedit in super, quod in eo argumenti genere laborandum fuit, quod praeter lugubrem rerum ipsarum materiam, praeter linguae inamoenitatem, praeter tractandi difficultatem, quae vix nitorem recipiat orationis, eo porro autorem ipsum redigit angustiae, vt neque falsa narrare sine iniuria historiae, nec verum dicere sine magna sua inuidia odi [...] que multorum liceat. Nam cum in eo historiae argumento mihi versandum fuit, quod non ad superiorum modo temporū res gestas altéque repetitas pertineat, sed hanc ipsam aetatem nostram, nostraeque gentis nunc homines etiamnum praesentes, viuôsque sic attingat, sic perfricet, sic designet, quemadmodum in hoc materiae genere necessario faciundum fuit: quaeso quid hîc mihi aliud expectandum sit, nisi postquā frustrà me defatigando, valetudinem attriuerim, oculos perdiderim, senium acciuerim, corpus exhauserim, demum vt post haec omnia multorum me hominum odijs, sibilis, inuidiae ac calumniae exponam. In tot istis asperitatibus cum nihil me tutum praestare poterit, non Caesar, non Monarchae, non Rex, non Regina, non vlla huius mundi praesidia, preter solam diuini numinis potentem deteram: principiò igitur atque ante omnia huc ceu ad tutissimum asylum me recepi, huic me librúmque commendaui & commendo. Tum vero insuper in eodem domino tuum illum candorem (docte piéque Lector) eā que tuam humanitatem appellare vol [...]i, qua ex humanioribus literis studijsque te scio praeditum, quo nostris his fudoribus tuae approbation [...]cedat calculus, aut si approbationem non mereamur, saltem ne fauoris desit benignitas: cui si appro [...]atum iri hanc historiae nostrae farraginem senserimus, caeterorum iudicia obtrectatorum leuius feremus.

Nam alioquì non defuturos sat scio qui varijs modis nobis facessent molestiam. Habebit hic momus suos morsus, sycophanta suos sibilos, nec deerit Calumniatori sua lingua & aculeus, quem infigat. Hic fidem detrahet historiae. Ille artificium in tractando, alter diligentiam, vel in excutiendis rebus iudicium desiderabit. Illi forsan operis displicebit moles, vel minus disposita seruatâque temporum ratio. Et si nihil horum fuerit, attamen in tanta religionis pugna, in tanta iudiciorum, capitum, sē suum varietate, vbi suae quisque fauet ac blanditur factioni, quid tam affabrè aut circumspectè enarra [...]i potest, quod placeat vniuersis? Quin & iam nunc mussitari etiam audio a nonnullis, qui longa sese teneri dicant expectatione, quoad haec tandem (Legenda nostra vt appellant Aurea) euulganda sit: qui si nostram primùm in eo tarditatem repraehensam velint, nae ego suaues istos homines vicissim rogatos velim, vt ipsi prius in edendis suis se praebeant expeditiores, quam alienam incessant lentitudinem.

Deinde si tardius exeat ipsorum opinione volumen, meminerint prouerbiali praecepto, lentam esse festinationem oportere. Et bos dicitur lassus fortius pedem figere. Egimus in hac quidem re pro virili nostra, egimus spero & pro officio, si non satis pro temporis modo expeditè, at egimus certè pro valetudine, addam porro, egimus supra valetudinem. Quin & illud ipsorum venia adijcere liceat, egisse nos maturius quam ipsis forsan expediet, qui in hunc nugantur modū: certè maturatius egimus, quam tanti momenti & magnitudinis negotio conueniebat, quod accuratiorem in digerendis rebus moram curam (que) postulabat, cùm a nobis vix integros datos esse menses octodecim praeparandae materiae, comportandis componendis (que) rebus, conferendis exemplaribus, lectitandis codicibus, rescribendis his quae scripto mandata erant, castigandis formulis, concinnandae historiae, & in ordinē redigendae. &c, noueruntij qui testes adfuerint, & temporis conscij; & laboris socij. Quòd si autem Legendae suae aureae titulum huc eò accomodant, quòd illius exemplo hanc similiter fabulosam putent historiam, hinc que odioso vocabulo eius preiudicent veritati, quid his respondeam aliud quam quòd ingen [...]iè suam ipsi prodant calumniam, quam ne ad editionem quidem libri differre queant, prius de rebus dijudicantes quam nouerint. At (que) interim quidem illud bene habet quòd ipsis tandem aliquando Aureae suae legendae pudeat tam fabulosae. Et tamen fabellis illis non puduit mundum tam diu ludificare, periculum etiam intentantes his, si qui Legendae illi, hoc est, menda cissimis illorum nugis auderent detrahere. Quare cum nihil magis esse possit impium quam sacrosanctam ecclesiae fidem fabulamentis [Page] huiusmodi confictisque praeter omnem veri fidem delirijs commaculare, tamen ineptissimi isti nugatores ex suo ingenio caeteros quósque scriptores metientes, nec ipsi verum adferre satagunt, nec afferentibus alijs fidem habendam putāt, cuncta videlicet suis aureis somnijs similia existimantes. Quin apagè cum Aureatua legenda, nugator impudens, quem ego librum, cum omnes cum scimus, nec ipse ignoras prodigiosis mendaciorum portentis & vanissimis vndique commentis scatere, ne cū Homeri quidē fabulis conferre velim: tantum abest vt cū verè serijs grauib us (que) ecclesiae historijs quicquam commune habeat. Quid? an quia Papistis illis tuis & impuris monachis sic libuit in ridiculis miraculorum suorum portentis ineptire, tu protinus nullam grauem historiae authoritatem putas in ecclesia admittendam? Quin eadem lege & de Eusebij ecclesiastica, & tripartita Sozomeni & Socratis caeterorúmque historijs iudicemus. Sunt praeter haec & alia quaedam de Sanctis & Diuis conscripta miracula, quae proprius ad Legendam hanc accedunt, & tamen nequa (que) eo loco apud nos habentur, vt Legendae illi Papisticae annumerentur, etiam quae suspectissimae sunt fidei. Quan (que) de scriptoribus caeteris mea nihil interest censuram ferre. Quòd ad hanc verò nostram [...] attinet, testatum id velim vniuersis, datam esse a nobis operam fedulò ne quid vsquam inesset operi fabulosum, aut eiusmodi, quod vel a nobis fictum, vel quod Legendae illi aureae (magis dicam plumbeae) non vndique foret dissimillimum. Id quod res ipsa & natiua historiae facies testari poterit, cuius tota textura ex ipsis Episcoporum Archiuis atque Registris, partímque ex proprijs martyrum ipsorum literis hausta ac cōflata videri poterit. In qua historia etsi neque id exigam vt singula hic ꝓoraculis habeantur, at dedimus tamen pro virili operam vt si non plenè assequeremur, accederemus tamen quam proximè ad veterē illam historiae legem, vt duas res, prae cipuas historiae pestes vitaremus, timorem uidelicet & assentationem: quarum altera saepe minus dicit, altera semper plus addit quàm par est, narrationi. Sed huius rei fidem ex ipso magis opere, quam ex mea commendatione astrui honestius est. Habet enim veritas ipsa simplicem suam & natiuam faciem, quam non erit deficile non muccosis naribus lectori, ex ipso vel orationis habitu, aut rerum aspectu, siue alijs circumstantiarum notis deprehendere. Sed vereor ne hîc quoque, quemadmodum caeteris in rebus locum habeat veteris prouerbij experientia: faciunt quippe mendaces vt ne vera etiam dicenti fides habeatur. Cum hactenus in Martyrologicis sanctorum Legendis vitísque describendis mendacia, ac nugacissimae somniorum fictiones pro veris legantur narrationibus, sit vt & caeterae eiusdem argumenti materiae eandem pariter suspicionem subeant, vt vix iam quic (que) legi dicíue in ecclesia cum fide queat. Verùm huic malo cùm mederi nequeamus, satis erit quod nostrarum erat virium id nos praestitisse. Quod superest, diuinae curandum prouidentiae relinquamus. Atque de certitudine veritatésque historiae haec hactenus: quae vtinam ne tam vera quidem certaque esset, quàm isti videri volunt, at falsâ potius, consimilísque huic quam dicunt, Aureae ipsorum Legendae, aut Vitis patrum, aut Festiual [...], aut Dormi secure, caeterísque Papisticis istis [...] foret. Nunc verò martyrum horum non a nobis ficta, sed inflicta à vobis supplicia, atroxque caedes veriorem hanc comprobant historiam, plurés (que) suae veritatis testes habent quàm vellemus ipsi qui historiam scripsimus. Venio iam ad alteram criminationis partem, quae de Calendario fortassis obijcietur. Audio enim & hic mihi obstrepere non tacitas modò sententias, sed apertas papistarum quorū dam voces, quibus iniquè a me factum videbitur, quòd antiquatis atque ex Calendario explosis veteris ecclesiae Diuis, Martyribus, Confessoribus, Virginibús (que), nouos eorum loco Martyres at Confessores infultiam. Primùm nulli ego veterum Diuorum hoc facto praeiudicatum velim. Neque verò ideò inter Diuos a me referuntur isti, quòd inseruntur in Calendarium. Hanc ego apotheosin mihi nun (que) sumpsi, quam sibi tam confidenter sumpsit Gregorius nonus. Porro neque eò spectat hoc Calendarium, vt nouam aliquam festorum dierum legem praescribam ecclesiae, Tum multò minus cultum sancti alicuius instituo. Festorum dierum iam plus satis erat in mundo. Vtinam dominicum solum sabbatum dignè, atque vt par est, transigeremus. Habeant per me suum papistae Calendarium. Habeat & ecclesia suos sanctos, tum recētes tum veteranos, modò probatos, modò interim idē ne colantur, modò quàm sint vetusti, tàm verè etiam sancti sint.

Verum enimuero cum non dubitauit sua etiam aetate Hieronimus multos existimare eorum gehennae ignibus cruciari, quos multi passim pro sanctis haberent in ecclesia: quid hîc tum diceret Hieronimus, si modo superstes papisticam hanc sanctorum colluuiem & Calendaria, tot Papis, tot Episcopis, & Abbatibus oblita cerneret?

Quanquam à me quidem non aliter Calendarium hoc institutum est, nisi vt pro Indice duntaxat suum cuiusque Martyris mensem & annum designante, ad priuatum Lectoris seruiret vsum. Et tamen si in templis etiam fas sit singulorum mensium dies proprijs sanctorum nomenclaturis consignare: quî minus liceat id mihi in veris istis facere Martyribus, quod ipsi in suis pseudomartyribus tanta sibi licentia, ne dicam impudentia, permiserunt? Si non poena, sed causa Martyrem faceat, cur non vnum Cranmerum sexcentis Becketis Cantuariensibus non conferam, sed praetulerim? Quid in Nicholao Ridleo videtur cum quouis Diuo Nicholao non conferendum? Qua in re Latimerus, Hoperus, Marsheus, Simpsonus, caeterí (que) christia [...]i martyrij Candidati, inferiores summis maximísque illis papistici Calendarij Diuis, imo multis etiam nominibus non praeponendi videantur? Interim nullius ego boni sanctí que viri (modo qui verè sanctus sit) causam laedo, nec memoriam extinguo, nec gloriam minuo. Et si cui hoc displiceat Calendarium, memineret non in templis collocari, sed domesticae tantum lectioni praeparari.

Sed missis hisce aduersatiorum calumnijs, ad te, docte candidéque Lector (quoniam haec ad te instituta est epistola) tempus est vt recurrat oratio, cuius in his rebus iudicium vt pluris aestimo, ita egeo magis hîc quoque patrocinio. Scio enim in vasta hac congerie reperies nonnulla, ad quae merito [Page] corruges frontem. Neque vero fieri facile potuit, praesertim in tanta operis praecipitatione, vt cun, cta ad amussim atque ad vnguem perfectè adeo elimarētur, quin alicubi vel ex lassitudine dormitaret scriptor, vel per incuriam excideret authori aliquid, vel ex festinatione eueniret, quod cani solet in prouerbijs nimium prae studio properanti, caecos nimirum producenti catulos. In quibus quidem excutiendis rebus magis nobis venia tua quam censura imploranda est. Quamobrem paucis haec apud te, docte simul & humanissime Lector, ante operis ingressum libuit [...], vt si quid inter euoluendum occurrerit, non omnibus perfectum numeris, non ad Cleantis lucernam elucubratum, non ad exquisitum Theologorum acumen expressum aut minus alioqui acutissimis tuis dignum naribus, cogites haec non tuis auribus data esse, sed meae hoc est crassioris turbae hominibus, a quibus facilius leguntur libri quam iudicantur. Aut si ne id quidem grauissimae tuae sententiae fecerit satis, liceat illa mihi vti lege, qua semper permissum est opere in magno scriptori obrepere somnum. Quod si vero tuam hac in re facilitatem impetrauero, minus laborabo quid caeteri obstrepant, graeci memor prouerbij, cuius & ipsos commeminissi velim: [...].

To the true and faythfull Congregation of Christes Vniuersall Church, with all and singuler the members therof, wheresoeuer congregated or dispersed through the Realme of England, a Protestation or Petition of the Author, wishing to the same aboundaunce of all peace and tranquility, with the speedy comming of Christ the Spouse, to make an ende of all mortall myserye.

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SAlomon the peaceable Prince of Israell, as we read in the thirde of Kynges, after he had finished the buildyng of the Lordes Temple (which he had vij. yeares in hand) made his petition to the Lord for all that should pray in the sayde Temple, or turne theyr face toward it. And his request was graūted, the Lord aunswering him, as we read in the sayd booke. cap. 6. I haue heard (sayth he) thy prayer and haue sanctified this place. &c. Albeit the infinite Maiesty of God is not to be compassed in any materiall walles, yet it so pleased his goodnesse to respect this praier of the king, that not only he promised to heare thē which there prayed, but also replenished the same with his own glory. For so we read again in the book aforesayd: Et non poterant ministrare propter nebulā, quia repleuit gloria domini, domū domini. 3. Re. 7.

Vpon like trust in Gods gracious goodnes, if I sinnefull wretch, not comparing with the building of that Temple, but folowing the zeale of the builder might either be so bold to aske, or so happye to speed, after my vij. yeares trauayle about this Ecclesiasticall History, most humbly would craue of almighty God to bestow his blessing vpon the same, that as the prayers of them, which prayed in the outward Temple were heard: so all true disposed mindes which shall resort to the reading of this present Hystory conteining the Actes of Gods holy Martyrs, and monumentes of his Church, may by example of theyr lyfe, fayth, & doctrine, receiue some such spirituall fruit to theyr soules through the operation of his grace, that it may be to the aduauncement of his Glory, and profite of his Churche, through Christ Iesus our Lord. Amen.

But as it happened in that Temple of Salomon, that all which came thither, came not to pray, but many to prate, some to gaze and see newes, other to talke and walke, some to buy and sell, some to carpe and finde fault, and finally some also at the last to destroy and plucke down, as they did in deed. For what is in this world so strong, but it will be impugned? what so perfect, but it will be abused? so true, that will not be contraryed? or so circumspectly done, wherein wrangling Theon will not set in his tooth? Euen so neither do I looke for any other in this present Hystory: but that amongest many well disposed Readers, some Waspes nest or other will be styrred vp to busze about mine eares. Such a daungerous thing it is now a dayes to write or do any good, but either by flattering a man must offend the Godly, or by true speaking procure hatred with the wicked. Of such stinging Waspes and buszing Drones I had sufficient triall in my former edition before, who if they had found in my book any iust cause to carpe, or vpon any true zeale of truth had proceded agaynst the vntruths of my story and had brought iust proofes for the same, I could haue right well abide it. For God forbid, but that faultes, wheresoeuer they be, should be detected and accused. And therfore Accusers in a Common wealth after my mind do serue to no small stead.

But then such Accusers must beware they play not the dog, of whom Cicero in his Oration speaketh, which being set in Capitolio to fray away Theeues by night, left the Theeues and fell to barcke at true men walking in the day. Where true faultes be, there to bay & barcke is not amisse. But to carpe where no cause is, to spye in other strawes, and to leape ouer theyr owne blockes: to swalow Camels, and to strayne gnattes: to oppresse truth with lyes, and to set vp lyes for truth, to blaspheme the deare Martyrs of Christ and to Canonize for Sayntes, whom Scripture would scarce allow for good Subiectes, that is intollerable. Such barcking Curres, if they were well serued, would be made a whyle to stoope. But with these brauling spirites I entend not at this time much to wrastle.

Wherefore to leaue them a while, till further leasure serue me to attend vpon them, thus much I thought in the meane season, by way of Protestation or petition, to write vnto you both in generall & particular the true members and faythful Congregation of Christes Church, wheresoeuer either cō gregated together, or dispersed through the whole Realme of England, that forsomuch as all the seeking of these Aduersaryes is to do what they can, by discrediting of this History with slaunders & sinister surmises, how to withdraw the Readers frō it: This therfore shalbe in few wordes to premonish and desire of all and singuler of you (all well minded louers and partakers of Christes Gospell) not to suffer your selues to be deceiued with the big brags, and hyperbolicall speeches of those flaundering tongues, whatsoeuer they haue or shall hereafter exclame agaynst the same. But indifferently staying your iudgement till truth be tryed, you will first peruse, & then refuse measuring the vntruthes of this Hystory, not by the scoaring vp of theyr hundreds and thousandes of lyes which they geue out, but wisely weying the purpose of theyr doinges, according as you finde, and so to iudge of the matter.

To read my bookes I allure neither one nor other. Euery man as he seeth cause to like as he list. If [Page] any shall thinke his labor to much in reading this history, his choyce is free either to read this, or any other which he more mindeth. But if the fruite thereof shall recompence the Readers trauell, then would I wish no man so light eared, to be caryed away for any sinister clamour of Aduersaryes, who many times depraue good doinges, not for the faultes they finde, but therefore finde faultes because they would depraue. As for me and my history, as my will was to profite all and displease none: so if skill in any part wanted to will, yet hath my purpose bene simple, and certes the cause no lesse vrgent also, which moued me to take this enterprise in hand.

The partiall de [...]li [...]g of storie writers.For first to see the simple flocke of Christ, especially the vnlearned sort, so miserably abused, and all for ignoraunce of history, not knowing the course of times, and true discent of the Church, it pittyed me, that part of diligence so long to haue bene vnsupplyed in this my countrey Church of Englande. Agayne considering the multitude of Chronicles and story writers, both in England, and out of England, of whome the most part haue bene either Monkes or Clientes to the sea of Rome, it grieued me to behold how partially they handled theyr storyes. Whose paynefull trauell albeit I cannot but cō mend, in committing diuers thinges to writing, not vnfruitful to be knowne, or vnpleasant to be read: yet it lamented me to see in theyr Monumentes the principall poyntes, which chiefly concerned the state of Christes Church, and were most necessary of all christen people to be knowne, either altogether pretermitted, or if any mention thereof were inserted, yet were all things drawn to the honor specially of the Church of Rome, or els to the fauor of theyr owne sect of Religion. Wherby the vulgare [...]ort, hearing and reading in theyr writinges no other church mentioned or magnified but onely that Church which here florished in this world in riches and iollity, were drawne also to the same persuasion, to thinke no other Church to haue stand in all the earth, but onely the Church of Rome.

In the number of this sort of writers, besides our Monkes of England (for euery Monastery almost had his Chronicler) I might also recite both Italian, and other countrey authors, as Platina, Sabellicus, Nauclerus, Martinus, Antoninus, Vincētius, Onuphrius, Laziardus, Georgius Lilius, Pollid▪ Virgilius, with many more, who taking vpon thē to intermeddle with matters of the church, although in part they expresse some truth in matters concerning the Bishops and sea of Rome: yet in suppressing an other part, they play with vs, as Ananias and Saphira did with their mony, or as Apelles did in Pliny, who painting the one halfe of Venus comming out of the sea, left the other halfe vnperfect. So these writers while they shew vs one half of the B. of Rome, the other halfe of him they leaue vnperfect, & vtterly vntold. For as they paynt him out on the one part glistering in welth and glorye, in shewing what succession the Popes had from the chaire of S. Peter, when they first began, and how long they sate, what Churches and what famous buildings they erected, how farre theyr possessions reached, what lawes they made, what councels they called, what honour they receiued of Kynges and Emperours, what Princes and Countryes they brought vnder theyr authority, with other like stratagemes, of great pompe and royalty: so on the other side what vices these Popes brought with them to theyr seat, what abhominatiōs they practised, what superstition they mainteined, what Idolatry they procured, what wicked doctrine they defended contrary to the expresse word of God, to what heresies they fell, into what diuision of sectes they cut the vnity of christian Religion, how some practised by Simony, some by Necromancy and Sorcery, some by poysoning, some indenting with the Deuill to come by theyr Papacy, what hypocrisy was in theyr liues, what corruptiō in theyr doctrine, what warres they raysed, what bloudshed they caused, what treachery they trauersed agaynst their Lordes and Emperours, imprisoning some, betraying some to the Templaryes and Saracēs, in bringing other vnder theyr feet, also in beheading some, as they did with Fredericus and Conradinus, the heires and ofspring of the house of Fredericus Barbarossa. an. 1269. furthermore how mightely almighty God hath stand agaynst them, how their warres neuer prospered agaynst the Turke, how the iudgementes of the godly learned frō time to time haue euer repugned agaynst theyr errours▪ &c. of these and a thousand other mo, not one word hath bene touched, but all kept as vnder Benedicite in Auriculer confession.

This partiall dealing and corrupt handling of Historyes, when I considered, I thought with my self nothing more lacking in the church, then a ful & a complet history, which being faythfully collected out of all our Monastical writers & writtē Monuments, should conteine neither euery vain written fable for that would be to much, nor yet leaue out any thing necessary, for that would be to little: but with a moderate discretion taking the best of euery one, should both ease the labor of the reader from turning ouer such a number of writers: and also should open the plaine truth of times lying long hid in obscure darcknes of antiquity. Wherby all studious Readers, beholding as in a glasse the state, course, and alteration of Religion, decay of doctrine, and the controuersies of the church, might discerne the better betwene antiquity and nouelty. For if the things which be first (after the rule of Tertullian) are to be preferred before those that be latter, then is the reading of histories much necessary in the church, to know what went before, and what folowed after. And therfore not without cause Historia, Primum quod (que) ve [...]mum est Tertul. in old authors is called the witnesse of times, the light of verity, the life of memory, teacher of life, & shewer of antiquitie. &c. Without the knowledge wherof mans life is blind, and soone may fall into any kind of errour, as by manifest experience we haue to see, in these desolate latter times of the Church, when as the Byshops of Rome vnder colour of antiquity haue turned truth into heresy and brought such new found deuises of straunge doctrine and Religiō as in the former age of the church were neuer heard of before, and all through the ignorance of times, and for lacke of true history.

For to say the truth, if times had bene well searched, or if they which wrote Hystories had without partiality gone vpright betwene God and Baall, halting on neither side, it might well haue bene foūd the most part of all this catholicke corruptiō intruded into the church by the bishops of Rome, [Page] as Transubstantiation, leuation, and adoration of the sacrament, auriculer confession, forced vowes of Priestes not to mary, veneration of Images, priuate and satisfactory Masses, the order of Gregories Masse now vsed, the vsurped authoritie, & Summa potestas of the sea of Rome, with all the route of their ceremonies and wiedes of superstition ouergrowing nowe the Churche, all these (I say) to bee new nothinges lately coyned in the minte of Rome without any stampe of antiquitie, as by readyng of this present history shall sufficiently, I trust, appeare. Whiche history therefore I haue here taken in hand, that as other story writers heretofore haue employed their trauayle to magnifie the Church of Rome,Image of both Churches. so in this history might appeare to all Christian readers the Image of both Churches, as well of the one as of the other: especially of the poore oppressed and persecuted Churche of Christ. Which persecuted Church though it hath bene of long season troden vnder foote by enemyes, neglected in the world, nor regarded in histories, and almost scarse visible or knowne to worldly eyes, yet hath it bene the true Church only of God, wherin he hath mightely wrought hetherto in preseruing the same in all extreeme distresses, continually stirring vp frō time to tyme faythful ministers, by whō alwayes hath bene kept some sparkes of hys true doctrine and Religion.

Now for asmuch as the true Church of God goeth not lightly alone,The descent of Christs Church from the Apostles time described. but is accompanyed wyth some other Church or Chappel of the deuill to deface and maligne the same, necessary it is therfore the difference betweene them to be sene, and the descent of the right Churche to be described from the Apostles tyme. Which hetherto in most part of histories hath bene lacking, partly for feare, that men durst not: partly for ignoraunce that men could not discerne rightly betweene the one and the other. Who beholding the Church of Rome to be so visible and glorious in the eyes of the worlde, so shining in outward beauty, to beare suche a porte, to cary suche a trayne and multitude, and to stand in such hye authoritie, upposed the same to be only the right Catholike mother. The other because it was not so visibly known in the world, they thought therfore it could not be the true church of Christ. Wherin they were far deceaued. For although the right church of God be not so inuisible in the world, that none can see it, yet neyther is it so visible agayne that euery worldly eye may perceiue it. For like as is the nature of truth▪ so is the proper condition of the true Churche, that commonly none seeth it,How the tru [...] Church of Christ is visible and not visible▪ but such onely, as be the members and partakers thereof. And therefore they which require that Gods holy Church should be euident and visible to the whole world seeme to define the great sinagogue of the world rather then the true spirituall Church of God.

In Christes time who would haue thought, but the congregations and Councelles of the Pharisies had ben the right church: and yet had Christ an other Church in earth besides that, which albeit it was not so manifest in the sight of the world, yet was it the onely true Church in the sight of God. Of this Church ment Christ speaking of the Temple, whiche he woulde rayse agayne the thyrd day. And yet after that the Lord was risen, he shewed not himselfe to the worlde, but onely to his electe which were but few. The same Churche after that encreased and multiplied mightely amonge the Iewes, yet had not the Iewes eyes to see Gods Churche, but did persecute it till at length all their whole nation was destroyed.

After the Iewes, then came the heathen Emperours of Rome, who hauing the whole power of the world in their hands, did what the world could do, to extinguish the name and church of christ. Whose violence cōtinued the space of 3. hundreth yeares. All which while the true church of christ was not greatly in sight of the world, but rather was abhorred euery where, and yet notwithstanding the same small [...]elly flocke so despised in the worlde, the Lorde highly regarded and mightely preserued. For although many then of the Christians did suffer death: yet was their death neither losse to them, nor detriment to the Church: but the more they suffered, the more of theyr bloud encreased.

In the time of these Emperours, God raysed vp then in this Realme of Britaine diuers worthy teachers and witnesses, as Elnanus, meduinus, Meltiuianus, Amphibolus, Albanus, Aaron, Iulius and other moe In whose time the doctrine of fayth without mens traditions was sincerely preached. After theyr death and Martyrdom, it pleased the Lord to prouide a generall quietnes to his Church, wherby the number of hys flocke began more to encrease.

In this age then followed here in the sayd land of Britayne Fastidius, The antiquitye of the Churche here in England with the descent of the same. Niuianus, Patricius, Bacchiarius, Dubricius, Congellus, Kentigernus, Helmotus, Dauid, Daniell, Sampson, Elnodugue, Asaphus, Cildas, Heulanus Elbodus, Dinothus, Samuell, Niuius, and a great sort moe, whiche gouerned the Churche of Britayne by Christen doctrine a long season, albeit the ciuil gouernours for the tyme, were then dissolute & careles, as Gildas very sharply doth lay to theyr charge, and so at length were subdued by the Saxons.

All this while about the space of foure hundred yeares, Religion remayned in Britayne vncorrupt and the word of Christ truely preached, till about the comming of Austen and of hys companions from Rome, many of the sayd Britayne preachers were slayne by the Saxons. After that began Christen fayth to enter & spring among the Saxons, after a certayne romish sort, yet notwithstanding some what more tollerable, thē were the times, which after folowed, through the dilligent industry of some godly teachers, which then liued amongest them: as Aidanus, Finianus, Coleman Archbishop of Yorke Beda, Iohn of Beuerlay, Alcuinus, Noetus, Hucharius, Serlo, Achardus, Ealredus, Alexander Neckam, Negellus, Fenallus, Alfricus, Sygeferthus & such other: who though they erred in some few thinges, yet neither so grossely,Transubstantiation not yet receaued for a publicke doctrine. nor so greatly to be complayned of in respect of the abuses that followed. For as yet, all thys while, the error of Transubstantiation and leuation, with auriculer confession was not crept in for a publicke doctrine in Christes Church, as by theyr owne Saxon Sermon, made by Aelfricus, & set out in the second Volume of this present history may appeare pag. 1114. During the which meane time although the Bishops of Rome wer had here in some reuerēce with the Clergy: yet had they nothing [Page] as yet to do in setting lawes touching matters of the Church of England: but that only appertayned to the kings and gouernours of the land as is in this story to be seene. pag. 754.

The Church when it began to fall from [...] Aeneas Sil [...]uius [...]ayth that Mathil [...]a made the Pope heyre of those landes, which is called the Patrimonye of S. P [...]ter. Ex Auen. lib. 6. Monkery when it beganne to [...]ignem England.And thus the Church of Rome albeit it began then to decline a pace frō God, yet during all this while it remayned hitherto in some reasonable order, till at length after that the sayd Bishops began to shout vp in the world through the liberalitie of good Princes, and especially by Mathilda a noble Duches of Italy. Who at her death made the Pope heyre of all her landes, and indued his sea, with great reuenewes. Then riches begot ambition. Ambition destroyed Religion, so that all came to ruine. Out of this corruption sprang forth here in Englād (as did in other places more) an other romish kind of Monkery, worse then the other before, being much more drowned in superstition and ceremonies, which was about the yeare of our Lord. 980. Of this swarme was Egbertus Aigelbert▪ Egwine, Boniface, Wilfrede Agathon, Iames, Romayne, Cedda, Dunstane, Oswold, Athelwold, Athelwine Duke of Eastangles, Lanfrancke, Anselme and such other.

And yet in this tyme also through Gods prouidence, the Churche lacked not some of better knowledge and iudgement, to weigh with the darcknes of those dayes. For although king Edgar, with Edward his base sonne being seduced by Dunstane, Oswold and other Monkish Clerkes, was thē a great author and fautor of much superstition, erecting as many Monasteries, as were Sondayes in the yeare: yet notwithstanding this continued not long. For eftsoones after the death of Edgar came king Ethelrede and Queene Elfthred his mother, with Alferus Duke of merceland, and other peeres and nobles of the Realme, who displaced the Monkes againe, and restored the maryed Priests to their old possessions and liuings. Moreouer after that followed also the Danes whiche ouerthrew those Monkish foundations, as fast as king Edgar had set them vp before.

And thus hetherto stode the condition of the true Church of Christ, albeit not without some repugnance and difficultie, yet in some meane state of the truth & veritie, till time of pope Hildebrand called Gregory 7. which was nere about the yeare. 1080. And of Pope Innocentius 3. in the yeare 1215. By whome altogether was turned vpside downe, all order broken, dissipline dissolued, true doctrine defaced. Christian faith extinguished. Instead whereof was set vp preaching of mens decrees dreames, and idle traditions. And whereas before truth was free to be disputed amongest learned men, now libertie was turned into law, Argument into Authoritie. Whatsoeuer the Byshoppe of Rome denounced, that stode for an oracle, of all men to be receaued without opposition or contradiction: whatsoeuer was contrary, ibso facto it was heresie, to be punished with fagot and flaming fire. Then began the sincere fayth of this English Church,The true Church when it began first to decay. which held out so long, to quayle. Then was the clerre sunne shine of Gods word ouershadowed, with mistes and darcknes, appearing like sacke-cloth to the people, which neither could vnderstand that they read, nor yet permitted to read that they could vnderstand. In these miserable dayes, as the true visible Church beganne now to shrinke and keep in for feare: so vpstart a new sort of players to furnish the stage, as schole Doctours, Canonistes, and foure orders of Friers. Besides other Monasticall sectes and fraternities of infinite variety. Which euer since haue kept such a stirre in the Church, that none for them almost durst rout, neyther Caesar, king, nor subiect. What they defined, stode. What they approued, was Catholicke: What they condemned, was heresie: whom soeuer they accused, none almost could saue. And thus haue these hetherto continued or raigned rather in the Church, the space now of foure hundreth yeares and odde. During which space, the true Church of Christ, although it durst not openly appeare in the face of the world, oppressed by tyranny: yet neyther was it so inuisible or vnknown: but by the prouidence of the Lord, some remnaunt alwayes remayned from tyme to time, which not onely shewed secret good affection to sincere doctrine, but also stode in open defence of truth agaynst the disordered Churche of Rome.

The true Church continueth in the middest of their enemies.In which Catalogue, first to pretermit Barthramus and Barengarius, which were before Pope Innocent 3. a learned multitude of sufficient witnesses here might be produced, whose names neyther are obscure nor doctrine vnknowne: as Ioachim Abbot of Calabria, Almericus a learned Byshop, who was iudged an hereticke for holding agaynst Images, in the time of the sayd Innocentius. Besides the Martirs of Alsatia, of whome we read an hundred to be burned by the sayd Innocentius in one day, as writeth Hermanus Mutius. Adde likewise to these Waldenses or Albigenses, which to a great number segregated themselues from the Church of Rome. To this number also belonged Reymundus Earle of Tholose, Marsilius, Patiuius, Extrauagant cap Non sine multa. Ex Nicholao Emerico. lib. Inquisitionum. Gulielmus de S. Amore, Simon Tornacensis Arnoldus de noua villa, Ioannes Semeca, besides diuers other preachers in Sueuia standing agaynst the Pope. Anno. 1240. Ex Cranz. Laurentius Anglicus a Mayster of Parris. anno. 1260. Petrus Ioannis a Minorite, who was burned after hys death. anno. 1290. Robertus Gallas a Dominicke Frier, anno. 1291. Robert Grosthead Byshoppe of Lincolne which was called Malleus Romanorum. anno. 1250. Lord Peter de Cugnerijs. anno. 1329. To these we may adde more our Gulielmus Ockam, Bongratius Bergomensis, Luitpoldus Andraeas Laudensis. Vlricus Hangenor Treasurer to the Emperour, Ioannes de Ganduno. anno. 1330. mentioned in the Extrauagantes, Andraeas de Castro, Buridianus, Euda, Duke of Burgundy, who counselled the french king, not to receiue the new found constitutions, and extrauagantes of the Pope into his realme, Dantes Alligerius, an Italian, who wrote agaynst the Pope, Monkes and Fryers, and agaynst the donation of Constantine. anno. 1330. Taulerus a Germayne preacher,Ex Ioan. Auentins. lib. 7. Extrauagant. cap. Licet int [...]a doctrin [...]m. Conradus Hager imprisoned for preaching agaynst the Masse an. 1339. The author of the booke called, Poenitentiarius Asini, compiled about the yeare 1343. Michael Cesenas a gray Fryer, Petrus de Corbaria, with Ioannes de Poliaco, mentioned in the Extrauantes and condemned by the Pope, Ioannes de Castilione. with Franciscus de Arcatara, who were burned about the yeare of our Lord. 1322.Ex Bulli [...] quib [...]dam Othonis Epist. Herbipo [...]ensis. Ioannas Rochtaylada, otherwise called Haybalus, with an [Page] other Frier martyred about the yeare. 1346. Franciscus Petrarcha,, who called Rome the whore of Babilon. &c. an. 1350.Extrauagant Ioan. 22. Ex Ioan Frosiardo volum. 1. Cap. 211. Ex Tritemio. Georgius Ariminensis, an. 1350 Ioannes de Rupe Scissa, emprisoned for certayne prophesies against the Pope. an. 1340. Gerhardus Ridder, who also wrote against Monks and Friers a book called Lacryma Ecclesiae. an. 1350. Godfridus de Fontanis, Gulielmus de Landuno, Ioannes Monachus Cardini. Armachanus, Nicholaus Orem preacher. an. 1364. Militzius a Bohemian, which then preached that Antichrist was come, and was excommunicate for the same, an. 1366. Iacobus Misnensis, Ex Bulla Gregorij cap. 11. Mathias Parisiensis a Bohemian borne, and a writer against the Pope, an. 1370. Ioannes Mountziger, Rector of the Vniuersitie of Vlme,Ex Illirico. anno. 1384. Nilus Arch. of Thessalonica. Henricus de [...]ota, Henricus de Hassia. &c.

I do but recite the principall writers and preachers in those dayes: Howe many thousandes there were which neuer bowed their knees to Baall, that is knowne to God alone. Of whome wee finde in the writings of one Ex Brushio. Ex Christiano Masseo. Brushius that xxxvi. Citizens of Maguntia were burned, an. 1390. Who following the doctrine of the Waldenses, affirmed the Pope to be the great Antichrist. Also Massaeus recordeth of one hundred and fourty, which in the prouince of Narbon were put to the fire, for not receiuing the decretalles of Rome: besides them that suffered at Paris to the number of xxiiij. at one time, anno. 1210. and the next yeare after were foure hundred brent vnder the names of Heretiques. Besides also a certayne good Heremite,Ex Ioan. Bacon Dist. 2. Quest. 1. an Englishman, of whome mention is made in Iohn Bacon. Dist. 2. Quest. 1. who was committed for disputing in Paules Church, agaynst certaine Sacramentes of the Church of Rome. an. 1306.

To discend now somewhat lower in drawing out the discent of the Churche. What a multitude here commeth of faythfull witnesses in the time of Iohn Wickleffe, as Ocliffe, Wickliffe. an. 1376. W. Thorp White, Puruey, Patshall, Payne, Gower, Chaucer, Gascoyne, Williā Swinderby, Walter Brute, Roger Dexter, William Sautry about the yeare. 1400. Iohn Badby, an. 1410. Nicholaus Tayler, Rich. Wagstaffe, Mich. Scriuener, William Smith Iohn Henry, W. Parchmenar, Roger Goldsmith, with an Ancresse called Mathilde in the Citie of Leicester, Lord Cobham, Syr Roger Acton knight, Iohn Beuerley preacher, Iohn Husse, Hierome of Prage Scholemaister, with a number of faithfull Bohemians and Thaborites not to be told with whō I might also adioyne Laurentius Valla and Ioannes Picus, the learned Earle of Mirandula. But what do I stand vpon recitall of names, which almost are infinite.

Wherfore if any be so farre beguiled in his opinion to thinke the doctrine of the church of Rome (as it now standeth) to be of such antiquitie, & that the same was neuer impugned before the time of Luther and Zuinglius now of late, let him read these histories: or if he thinke the sayd historie not to be of sufficient credite to alter his perswasion let him peruse the Actes and Statutes of Parliamentes, passed in this realme of auncient time and therein consider and conferre the course of times; where he may finde and read.Statut. in An. 5. Rich. 2. An. Domini. 1390. An. 5. Regis Richardi. 2. in the yeare of our Lord. 1380. of a great nūber (which there be called euill persons) goyng about from town to town in freese gownes preaching vnto the people &c. which preachers although the wordes of the Statute do terme there to be dissembling persons, preaching dyuers Sermons contayning heresies & notorious errours, to the emblemishment of Christen faith, & of holy Church &c. as the words do there pretend: yet notwithstanding euery true Christian reader may conceaue of those Preachers to teache no other doctrine, then nowe they heare theyr owne Preachers in Pulpits Preache, agaynst the Bishoppe of Rome and the corrupte heresies of his Churche.

Furthermore he shall finde likewise in Statut. An. 2. Henr. 4. Cap. 15. in the yeare of our Lord. 1402. another lyke company of good Preachers and faythful defenders of true doctrine agaynst blynd heresie and errour. Whom albeit the wordes of the Statute there, through corruption of that time, do falsely terme,Ex Statut. in An. 2. Henr. 4. cap. 15. An. Domini 1402. to be false and peruerse Preachers, vnder dissembled holines, teaching in those dayes openly and priuely new doctrines and hereticall opinions contrary to the faythe and determination of holy Churche. &c. yet notwithstanding whosoeuer readeth histories and conferreth the order and discent of times, shall vnderstand these to be no false teachers, but saythfull witnesses of the truth, not teaching any newe doctrines contrary to the determination of holy Church: But rather shall finde that Churche to be vnholy, which they Preached agaynst, teaching rather it selfe hereticall opinions contrary both to antiquitie, and veritie of Christes true Catholicke Churche.

Of the lyke number also, or greater, of lyke true faythfull fauourers and followers of Gods holy worde, we find in the yeare of our Lord. 14 [...]2. specified in a letter sent from Henry Chichesley Archbishop of Canterbury, to Pope Martin 5. in the fift yeare of his Popedome, where mention is made of so many here in Engand infected: (as he sayde) with the heresies of Wickleffe and Husse, that without force of any army they could not be suppressed. &c. Whereupon the Pope sent two Cardinals to the Archbishop to cause a tenth to be gathered of all spirituall and Religious men,Ex Literis Archiepiscopi Cant. ad Martinum. 5. Anno. Domini. 1422. and the money to be layde in the chamber Apostolicke, and if that were not sufficient, the residue to bee made vppe of Chalices, Candlestickes, and other implementes of the Churche &c.

What shall neede then any more witnes to proue this matter, when you see so many yeares agoe, whole armyes and multitudes, thus standing agaynst the Pope? who thoughe they bee termed here for heretickes and schismatickes, yet in that, which they call heresie, serued they the liuing Lord, within the Arke of his true spirituall and visible Churche.

And where is then the friuolous bragge of the Papistes, which make so muche of there paynted sheath, & would nedes beare vs downe, that this gournment of the Church of Rome which nowis, hath bene of such an old standing, time out of minde, euen from the primitiue Antiquitie, & that neuer was any other church demonstrable here in earth for men to follow, besides the said only Catholick mother church of Rome? whē as we haue sufficiently proued before by the continual descēt of the [Page] Church till this present tyme, that the sayd Church, after the doctrine which is now reformed, is no new begunne matter, but euen the olde continued Churche, by the prouidence and promise of Christ, still standing, which albeit it hath bene of late yeares repressed by the tyranny of Romayne Byshops, more then before: yet notwithstanding it was neuer so oppressed but God hath euer maintayned in it the truth of his Gospell, agaynst heresies and errours of the Church of Rome, as in thys history more at full is to be seene.

Bloudy markes of Christes passion seene on mens garmentes in Germany. Anno. 1501.Let vs now proceede farther as we began, deducing this descent, of the Churche vnto the 1501. yeare. In which yeare the Lord began to shew in the partes of Germany wonderfull tokens, and blody markes of his Passion, as the bloudy Crosse, hys nayles, speare, and Crowne of thornes, which fell from heauen vpon the garments and cappes of men, and rockes of woman, as you may further read in this booke pag. 816. By the which tokens almighty God (no doubt) presignified what grieuous afflictions and bloudy persecutions shoulde then begin to ensue vppon his Churche for hys Gospels sake, according as in this history is described, wherein is to be seene what Christen bloud hathe bene spilt, what persecutions raysed, what tyranny exercised, what tormentes deuised, what trechery vsed agaynst the poore flocke and Church of Christ, in such sort as since Christes tyme greater hath not bene seene.

Seuentie yeares of captiuitie well neare expired.And now by reuolution of yeares we are come from the time of .1501. to that yeare now present 1570. In which the full seuenty yeares of the Babilonicall captiuitie draweth now well to an ende, if we count from the first appearing of these bloudy markes aboue mentioned. Or if wee recken from the beginning of Luther, and hys persecution, then lacketh yet xvi. yeres. Now what the Lord wil do with this wicked world, or what rest he will geue to hys Church after these long sorrowes, he is our father in heauen, his will be done in earth, as seemeth best to his diuine maiestie.

In the meane time let vs for our partes with all patient obedience wayt vpon hys gracious leysure and glorifie his holy name, and edifie one an other with all humilitie. And if there cannot be an end of our disputing, and contending one agaynst an other: yet let there be a moderation in our affections. And for asmuch as it is the good will of our God, that Sathan thus should be let lose amongst vs for a short time: yet let vs striue in the meane while what wee can to amende the malice of the tyme with mutuall humanitie.Exhortation to the Church of England. They that be in errour, let them not disdayne to learne. They whiche haue greater talentes of knowledge committed, instruct in simplicitie them that be simple. No man liueth in that common wealth where nothing is amisse. But yet because God hath so placed vs Englishmen here in one common wealth, also in one Church as in one shippe together: let vs not mangle or deuide the shippe, which being deuided perisheth: but euery man serue in his order with dilligence, wherein he is called. They that sitte at the helme, keepe well the poynt of the needle, to knowe how the ship goeth, and whether it should. Whatsoeuer weather betydeth, the needle well touched with the stone of Gods word will neuer fayle. Such as labour at the oares, start for no tempest, but doe what they can to keepe from the rockes. Likewise they whiche be inferiour rowmes, take heede they moue no sedition, nor disturbance agaynst the rowers and mariners. No storme so daungerous to a shippe on the sea, as is discord and disorder in a weale publique. What countryes and nations, what kingdomes and Empyres, what Cities, townes, and houses discord hath dissolued, in storyes is manifest: I neede not spend tyme in rehearsing examples. The Lord of peace, who hath power both of land and Sea, reach forth hys mercifull hand to helpe them vp that sincke, to keepe them vpp that stand, to still these windes and sourging seas of discord and contention among vs: that wee professing one Christ, may in one vnitie of doctrine gather our selues into one Arke of the true Church together, where we continuing stedfast in fayth may at the last luckely be conducted to the ioyfull porte of our desired landing place by hys heauenly grace. To whome both in heauen and in earth be all power and glory, with his father and the holy spirite for euer. Amen.

The vtilitie of this Story.

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SEyng the worlde is replenished with such an infinite multitude of bookes of all kinde of matters, I may séeme (perhaps) to take a matter in hand superfluous and needles, at this present to set out such Uolumes, especially of histories, considering now a dayes the world is so greatly pestered, not only with superfluous plenty therof, but of all other treatises, so that books now seeme rather to lacke Readers,Multitude of bookes lamented. then Readers to lacke bookes: In which multitude of bookes I doubt not, but many doe both perceiue, and inwardly bewayle this insatiable boldnes of many now a dayes both in writing and printing, which to say the truth, for my part I do as much lament as any man els beside: and would therefore no man should thinke that vnaduisedly or with rashnes I haue attempted this enterprise, as one being not onely doubtful, but also both bashfull and feareful within my self for setting the same abroad. And why? first I perceaued howe learned this age of ours is in reading of bookes, neither could I tell what the secret iudgementes of readers woulde conceaue, to see so weake a thing, to set vpon such a weighty enterprise, not sufficiently furnished with such ornamentes able to satisfie the perfection of so great a story, or sufficient to serue the vtility of the studious: and the delight of the learned. Which abilitie the more I perceiued to be wanting in me, the lesse I durst be bold to become a writer.

But agayne on the other side, when I weyed with my selfe what memorable Actes and famous doynges this latter age of the Churche hath ministred vnto vs by the patient suffringes of the worthy martyrs: I thought it not to be neglected, that so precious Monumentes of so many matters, meet to be recorded and regestred in books, should lie buried by my default vnder darkenes of obliuion. Me thought somewhat was to be sayd of them for their well deseruing, and something agayne of our partes for benefites by them receaued. But aboue all other thinges nothing did so much styrre me forward hereunto, as the dilligent consideration and speciall regard of the common vtilitie which euery man plentifully may receaue by the reading of these Monuments or Martyrologe which history as I haue taken in hand chiefly for the vse of the English Church: so haue I framed it in that tongue which the simple people could best vnderstand.

Nowe if men commonly delite so much in other Chronicles which intreate onely vpon matters of pollicye, and reioyce to beholde therein the variable euentes of worldlye affayres, the Stratagemes of valiaunt captaynes, the terrour of foughten fieldes, the sacking of Cities, the hurlye burlies of Realmes and people. And if men thinke it such a gaye thing in a common wealth to committe to history such olde antiquities of thinges prophane and bestow all theyr ornamentes of wit and eloquence in garnishing the same: how much more then is it meete for Christians to conserue in remembraunce the liues: Actes and doynges, not of bloudy warriours, but of myld and constant Martyrs of Christ, which serue not so much to delight the eare, as to garnish the lyfe, to frame it with examples of great profite, and to encourage men to all kinde of Christian godlines? As first by reading thereof wee may learne a liuely testimony of Gods mighty working in the life of man, contrary to the opinion of Atheistes, and all the whole nest of Epicures. For like as one sayd of Harpalus in times past, that his doyngs gaue a liuely testimony agaynst God, because he being so wicked a man escaped so long vnpunished: so contrariwise in these mē we haue a much more assured and playne witnes of God both in whose liues and deathes appeared suche manifest declarations of Gods diuine working, whiles in such sharpnes of tormentes we behold in them strength, so constant aboue mans reach, such readines to aunswere, such patience in imprisonment, suche godlines in forgeuing, cherefulnes so couragious in suffering, besides the manifold sense and feeling of the holy ghost which they in their liues so plentifully tasted in theyr afflictions,Comparison betweene worldly soldiours and [...] the soldiours of Christ. as in readyng of theyr letters euidently we may vnderstand. Ouer and besides this, the milde deaths of the sayntes do not a little auayle to the stablishing of a good conscience: to learne the contempt of the world, and to come to the feare of God. Moreouer, they confirme fayth, encrease godlines, abate pride in prosperitie, and in aduersitie do open an hope of heauenly comfort. For what man reading the misery of these godly persons, may not therein as in a glasse behold his owne case, whether hee be godly or godles. For if God geue aduersitie vnto good men, what may eyther the better sort promise themselues, or the euill not feare? And whereas by reading of prophane storyes we are made perhaps more skilfull in warlike affayres: so by reading of this we are made better in our liuinges, and besides are better prepared vnto like conflictes, if by Gods permission they shall happen hereafter more wiser by theyr doctrine, and more steadfast by theyr example.

To be short, they declare to the world what true Christian fortitude is, and what is the right way to conquere which standeth not in the power of man, but in hope of the resurrection to come, and is nowe I trust at hand. In consideration whereof, me thinkes I haue good cause to wish, that like as other subiectes: euen so also Kinges and Princes, which commonly delite in heroicall stories, would diligently peruse such Monumentes of martyrs, and lay them alwayes in sight, not alonely to read, but to follow, and would paynt them vpon theyr walles, cups, ringes and gates. For doubtles suche as these: are more worthy of honour thē an hundreth Alexanders, Hectors, Scipions and warlike Iulies. And though the world iudgeth prosperously of thinges, yet with God the true iudge, certes such are to be reputed in deede, not that kill one an other with a weapon, but they which being rather killed in Gods cause, do retayne an inuincible constancie agaynst the threates of tyrantes and violence of tormentours. Such as these, are the true Conqueroures of the world, by whome we learne true manhoode, so many as fight vnder Christ, and not vnder the world. With this valiantnes did that most milde Lambe and inuincible Lyon of of the tribe of Iuda first of all go before vs, of whose vnspeakeable fortitude we heare this prophetical admiration: who is this (sayth he) which walketh so in the multitude of hys strength?Esay. 63. Forsooth the high sonne of the high God, once conquered of the world, and yet conquering the world after the same maner he was conquered.

The like daunce did all hys other Martyrs follow, to whome the auncient antiquitie of the Churche did attribute so great honour, as neuer king or Emperour could purchase in this world with all theyr images, pillers hie spires, triumphes, temples, and all theyr solemne feastes. In probation whereof we see with what admiration, and almost superstition, not onely the memory, but also the reliques of those good Martyr's were receaued & kept amongest the auncient Christians. We haue also for witnes the learned Hymnes and Songes of Prudentius and Nazienzene, wherewith Pindarus did neuer so much set out hys triumphes of Olympia and Nemea. I neede not here rehearse the learned Orations of eloquent Cyprian, Chrysostome, Ambrose. and Hierome, who neuer shewed theyr eloquence more, then when they fell into the commendations of the Godly Martyrs?

Whereby it is manifest, what estimation in times past was attributed to Martyrs: with what gratulation, reioyce, myrth, and common ioy the afflictions of those godly, dying in Christes quarrell, were sometime receiued [Page] and solemnised, and that not without good reasonable cause. For the Churche did well consider howe much she was beholding to theyr benefites, by whose death she vnderstoode her treasurés to encrease. Now then if Martyrs are to be compared with Martyrs, I see no cause why the Martyrs of our tyme deserue any lesse commendation, then the other in the primatiue Churche, which assuredly are inferiour vnto them in no poynt of prayse: whether we view the number of them that suffered, or greatnes of theyr formentes, or theyr constancie in dying, or also consider the fruite that they brought to the amendment of posteritie, and encrease of the Gospell. They did water the truth with theyr bloud,A comparison betweene the Martyrs of the Primitiue Church and of the latter Church. that was newly springing vp: so these by theyr deathes restored it agayne, being sore decayed and fallen downe. They standing in the forewarde of the battell, did receaue the first encounter and violence of theyr enemies, and taught vs by that meanes to ouercome such tyranny. These with like courage agayne like old beaten souldiours did winne the field in the rereward of the battayle. They like famous husbandmen of the world did sow the fieldes of the Church, that first lay vnmanured and wast: these with fatnes of their bloud did cause it to battell and fructifie. Would to God the fruite might be speedely gathered into the [...]arne, whiche onely remayneth behinde to come.

Now, if we ascribe such reputation to Godly preachers (and worthely) which diligently preache the Gospell of Christ, when they liue notwithstanding by the benefite of tyme, without all feare of persecution: howe muche more reasonable cause haue we to prayse and extoll such men as stoutly spend theyr lyues for the defence of the same? All these premisses duely of our partes considered and marked, seeing we haue found so famous Martyrs in this our age, let vs not fayle then in publishing and setting forth their doings, lest in that poynt we seeme more vnkinde to them, then the writers of ye primitiue Church were vnto theirs. And though we repute not theyr ashes chaynes, and swerdes in the stede of reliques▪ yet let vs yeld thus much vnto theyr commemoration, to glory the Lord in hys Saintes, and imitate theyr death (as much as we may) with like constancy, or theyr liues at ye least with like innocency. They offered theyr bodies willing, to the rough handling of the tormentors. And is it so great a matter then for our part, to mortifie our flesh, with all the members thereof? They neglected not onely the riches and glory of the world for the loue of Christ, but also their liues: and shal we then keepe so great a styrre one agaynst an other, for the transitory trifles of this world? They continued in patient suffering, when they had most wrong done vnto them, and when theyr very heartes bloud gushed out of theyr bodyes: and yet will not wee forgeue our poore brother, be the iniury neuer so small, but are ready for euery trifling offence to seeke hys destruction, and cut his throat. They wishing well to all men, did of theyr own accord forgeue theyr persecutors: & therefore ought we, which are now the posteritie and Children of Martyrs, not to degenerate from theyr former steps, but being admonished by their examples, if we cannot expresse theyr charitie toward all men, yet at lest to imitate the same to our power and strength. Let vs geue no cause of offence to any. And if any be geuen to vs, let vs ouercome it with patience, forgeuing and not reuenging the same. And let vs not onely keepe our handes from shedding of bloud, but our tongues also from hurting the same of others. Besides, let vs not shrinke if case so require, martyrdome or losse of lyfe, according to their example, to yeld vp the same in the defence of the Lordes flocke. Whiche thing if men would do, much lesse contention and busines woulde be in the world [...]hen now is. And thus much touching the vtilitie and fruit to be taken of this history.

To all the professed frendes and followers of the Popes proceedinges, foure Questions propounded.

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TO you all and singuler, which professe the doctrine and Rel [...]gion of the Pope your holy Father,Foure demaundes or questions put forth to the Papistes. and of your mother Church of Rome, pretending the name of Catholickes▪ commōly termed Papistes, wheresoeuer abiding in the Realme of England, these foure Questions or Problemes hereunder folowing I would moue, desiring you all either to muse vpon thē, or to answere thē at your leisure.

*The first Question.

FIrst,The 1. question. forsomuch as Mount Sion (which God calleth by the Prophet Iesai, the hill of his holines) beareth in the scripture an vndoubted type of the spiritual church of Christ: & for so much as the sayd Iesai. ca. 11. & 65. prophesying of the sayd Mount Sion, sayth in these wordes:Esay. 11.65. Non nocebunt ne (que) affligent in omni monte sancto meo, dicit Dominus. &c. 1. They shal not kill nor hurt, in all my holy hill, sayth the Lord. &c. And agayne in the same chap. thus we read: Habitabit Lupus cum agno, & Pardus cū haedo accubabit: Vitulus, & Leo & ouis vna commorabuntur, & puellus paruulus ducet eos. &c. i. The wolfe shall dwell with the Lambe, & the Leopard with the Kid: the Calfe, the Lion & the sheepe shall feed together, & a yong child shall rule thē. The Cow also & the Beare shall abide together wt theyr yong ones, & the Lion shall eat chaffe & fodder like ye Oxe. &c.

Upon these premises now foloweth my question, how the church of Rome can be answerable to this hill of Siō: seing in the sayd church of Rome is,Obi [...]ction. and hath bene now so many yeares such killing and slaying, such cruelty and tyranny shewed, such burning & spoyling of christen bloud, such malice & mischiefe wrought, as in reading these historyes may to all the world appeare.

To this if they aunswere, & expound these wordes of the Prophet, as perteining to the church triumphant therevnto I reply agayne:Refutat [...]on. that by the wordes in the same place & in the same sentence expressed that sence cannot stand, for as much as the Prophet in the very same place, where he prophesieth of this peaceable dwelling in Gods holy mountayne without hurting or killing, meaneth plainly of the earth, & sheweth also the cause of that godly peace. Because (sayth he) the earth is replenished with knowledge & science of the Lord. &c. ibid. And furthermore the Prophet speaking of the same day when this shalbe, addeth saying: In that day the root of Iesse shall stand for a signe to the people, for the Gentils to be conuerted, and to seeke vnto him▪ &c. Which day in no wise can be applyed to the church in heauen triumphant, but only here militant in earth.

Touching which place of Iesai,Publicke execution of lawes, not forbidden in Scripture. The conditions and properties of the true Church of Christ. Rom. 15. Galath. 6. further here is to be noted by the way, that by this peaceable Moūt Sion (which comprehendeth both the states, as well ecclesiasticall as tēporall) is not restrayned the publicke penalty of good lawes needfull to be executed vpon publicke malefactors, but here is restrayned the fiercenes, reuenge, cruelty, & violence of mens affections. To which affectiōs men being commonly subiect by nature, through grace & working of the gospel are altered, reformed, & chaūged to another disposition: frō stoutnes to softnes: frō violence to sufferance: from fiercenes to forbearing: frō pride to humility, frō cruelty to compassion, from wilynes to simplicity, frō solemne singularity to humanity and meekenes. Which vertues, if they had bene in the church of Rome (according to the rule of S. Paul, which willeth men that be stronger, to beare with the infirmities of the weaker, and that in the spirit of meeknes. &c. Rom. 15. Gal. 6.) I should not haue needed now at this time to write such a long history as this of the suffering of so many Martyrs.

¶The second Question.

MY second question is this:The 2. question. to demaūd of you catholicke professors of the popes sect, which so deadly maligne and persecute the protestants professing the gospell of Christ,The deadly hatred of the Papistes agaynst the Protestantes, grounded vpon no iust cause nor deseruing. what iust or reasonable cause haue you to allege for this your extreme hatred ye bear vnto the, y• neither you your selues can abide to liue wt them, nor yet will suffer ye other to liue amongest you? If they were Iewes, Turkes or Infidels, or in their doctrine were any Idolatrous impitie or detestable iniquitie in their liues: if they went about any deadly destruction, or priuy conspiracies to oppresse your liues, or by fraudulent dealing to circūuent you, then had you some cause to cōplaine, and also to reuenge. Now seing in their doctrine ye haue neyther blasphemy, idolatry, superstition nor misbeliefe to obiect vnto them: seing they are baptised in the same beliefe, and beleue the same articles of the Crede, as ye do: hauing the same God, ye same Christ & sauiour, the same baptisme, & and are ready [...]s con [...]erre with you in all kinde of Christen doctrine, neyther do refuse to be tryed by any place of the scripture, how then riseth this mortall malice of you agaynst them? If you thinke them to be her [...]tickes, then bring forth if ye can, any one sentence which they arrogantly hold, contrary to the minde of holy scripture: expounded by the censure of most auncient Doctours? Or what is there in all y• scripture to be required, but they acknowledge & confesse the same? See & try the order of their liues & doinges, what great fault find you. They serue God, they walke vnder his feare, they obey his law, as men may do: and though they be transgressors toward him, as other men are, yet toward you what haue they done, what haue they committed or deserued why you should be so bitter agaynst them?

What offended the poore habitants of Merindal & Cabriers when the bishop of Aix, the Cardinall of Turon, and other Bishops of France wrasting from Fraunces the French king a commission,Malice and crueltie of Papistes against the countrey of Merindoll and Cabriers. Malice of Papistes agaynst the Citizens of Tholouse in France. Malice and crueltie of Papistes agaynst the Protestantes in the towne of Vassy. Clemencie and mercy shewed to Papistes in the raigne of Queene Elizabeth. sent Men [...]rius wt his Captayne Iohn de Gay to destroy theyr countrey, an. 1530. who driuing ye poore people there into a barn ful of straw, set ye barn on fire, & burned vp men, women, and children: And likewise in a church, exercised the like crueltie vpon them, where were murdered the same time to the number of a thousand yong and old, women, children, and yong infants, besides vii. whole townes, with the most part of the dwellers thering, being murdered & burnt in ye sayd country of Prouēce.

Also before that, what offended the Cittizens of Tholouse and Auinion when Pope Gregory the ix. set Lewes the French king to warre agaynst them and agaynst Raymundus their Earle, without cause, where also the sayd kyng died at the siege.

Or to speake of later yeres, what hurt or harme did the poore Protestantes in the towne of Uassy, who peaceably being at a Sermon, were miserably slayne and cut▪ men, women, and children, by the Duke of Guyes and hys armed souldiours? besides other infinite examples almost not to be numbred of like crueltie, in Calabria, Apulia, Bohemia, Fraunce, and now of late in Flaunders, and in other countryes moe.

But to let other countryes passe, let vs turne now to the peaceable gouernment in this realme of England, vnder this our so milde & gracious Queene now presently reigning. Under whome you see howe gently you are suffered, what mercy is shewed vnto you: how quietly ye liue. What lacke you, that you woulde haue, hauing almost the best rowmes and offices in all the realme, not onely without any losse of lyfe▪ but also without anye feare of death. And though a few of your Arch [...]lerkes be in custody: yet in that custody so shrewdly are they hurt, that many a good Protestant in the realme would be glad with all their hartes to chaunge rowmes and dyet with them if they might. And albeit some other for their pleasure haue slipt ouer the seas, if their courage to see countries abroade did so allure them, who coulde let them, yet this is certayne, no dreade there was of death that draue them. For what papist haue you seen in all this land to lose eyther life or limme for papistry during al these xii. yeares hetherto since this Queenes reigne? And yet all this notwithstāding, hauing no cause to complayne, so many causes to geue God thāks ye are not yet content, ye fret and fume, ye grudge and mutter, and are not pleased with peace, nor satisfied with safety but hope for a day, and fayne would haue a chaunge. And to preuent your desired day, ye haue conspired, and rise vpp in open rebellion agaynst your Prince, whom the Lord hath set vp to be your gouernour.

And as you haue since that,The trayterous murdering of the Lord Iames Regent of Scotland Martyr. nowe of late disturbed the quiet and peaceable state of Scotland, in murdering most trayterously the gentle and godly Regent of Scotland (who in sparing the Queenes life there when he had her in his handes, hath now therfore lost his own) so with like fury, as by your rebellion appeareth, would disturbe the golden quiet and tranquilitie of this Realme of England, if ye might haue your willes▪ Which the mercifull grace of almightie, for Christ his sonnes sake our Lord, forfend and vtterly disapoynt. Amen.

Wherfore these premises cōsidered, my question is to aske of you & know, what iust or reasonable cause ye haue of [Page] these your vnreasonable doinges,The chiefe cause of al these latter persecution▪ in the Church is onely the priuate quarrell of the Bishop of Rome. of this your so mortall and deadly hatred, fury and malice you beare agaynst these your euenchristened, of these your tumultes, coniurations, gaping and hoping, rebellions, mutteringes, & murders, wherewith you trouble and disquiet the whole world. Of all which mischiefes, if the true cause were well known, the truth would be found doubtles to be none other but onely the priuate cause of the Bishop of Rome, that he is not receiued, and the dignity of his Church exalted.

Touching which cause how vnreasonable and vniust it is, more shalbe sayd (the Lord willing) in reply, according as I shal see theyr answere, if it shall so please thē, or any of thē to answere this question. In the meane time this for a briefe note shall suffice: that it standeth not with the scripture, but contrary to the scripture that the Bishop of Rome should so reuenge his owne priuate cause. If his title & plantatiō be good & of God, why doth he not refer it vnto god? And no doubt,The plantation of the Popes supremacie proued not to be of God. Iohn. 8. Luke. 18. but if it be so, God will maintein it, though the whole world sayd no. If it be otherwise, it will fall & be rooted out, though all the world sayd yea, yea the greatest argument to proue this plantation of the Popes supremacy not to be of God, is, that the Pope fighting in his owne priuate cause, by outward & worldly force seeketh his owne glory▪ Christ our sauior being here refused himselfe, yet neither reuenged his cause, nor sought his owne glory, but only the glory & will of his father, thus speaking of himself: Si ego glorifico meipsū, gloria mea nihil est, pater meus est, qui glorificat me▪ &c. Ioan. 8. i. If I glorify my selfe, my glory is nothing, my father is he that glorifyeth me. &c. Euen so I saye with scripture, that if the Popes proc [...]edings were planted of God, he would not so wrastle for his glory, as [...]e doth. But forsomuch as he seeketh by such cruelty and bloudshed to exalt himselfe, we may well argue his proceedings not to be of God, and that he shalbe brought low. &c. Luke. 18.

The 3. question.¶ The third Question.

MY third question I take of the 13. chap. of the booke of Reuelation. Which booke as it conteineth a Propheticall history of the Church:Apocal. 13. The two beastes in the booke of Reuelatiō described. The second beast with the hornes like a Lambe. so likewise it requireth by histories to be opened. In this chapter mention is made first of a certayne beast comming out of the Sea, hauing vij. heads & x. hornes, with x. diademes of blasphemy. Unto ye which beast the dragon, the deuill, gaue his strength, and great power to fight agaynst the Sayntes▪ & to ouercome them, & to make xlij. monethes: of the which beast, one of his heades was wounded at length to death, &c.

After this immediatly in the same chap. mentiō foloweth of an other beast, rising out of the land, hauing 2. hornes like a lambe, & spake like a dragon, & did all the power of the former beast before his face, and caused all dwellers of the earth to worship the beast: whose head was wounded, and liued. Who also had power to geue spirit & life to the sayd former beast, to make the Image of the beast to speak, & to cause al men frō the highest to the lowest, to take the marke of the beast in theyr handes and foreheades, & whosoeuer worshipped not the Image of the beast should be killed. &c.

Upon this description of these two beastes riseth my question, wherin I desire all papistes, from the highest to the lowest, either to answere or to consider with thēselues, what the spirit of the prophesy meaneth by the sayd 2. beastes. Neither is the mistery of this prophesy so obscure, but being historicall, by histories it may be explaned & easely expoū ded. Writing therfore to the Papistes, as men expert in histories, my question is this: that seing the prophesy of these 2. beastes must needes prefigure some people or dominiō in the world, of some high estate & power: they will now declare vnto vs, what people or domination this should be. Which if they will do playnely and truely, according to the markes & propertyes of the sayd ij. beastes here set forth, they must needes be driuen of force ineuitable to graunt and confesse, the same only to agree to the City & Empyre of Rome, & to no other: Which by these reasons folowing of necessity must needes be concluded.

The misterie of the first beast rising out of the Sea applied.First, the beast wich came out of the sea, hauing the strength, the seat, and power of the great Dragon (the Deuill, called the Prince of this world, committed to him, who also had power geuē ouer all tribes, nations, languages, people and countryes in the earth) must needes be an Empyre or Monarchy of great force, passing all other Monarchies in the world besides, and this must needes argue the Empyre of Rome and none other.

The Image of the beast resembled to the Monarchie of Rome. Apocall. 13. Of these 42. monethes, and the exposition thereof, read. page. 101. The wounded head of the beast in the reuelation what it meaneth. The second beast rising out of the land pretending the hornes of a Lambe what it meaneth.Secondly, in that the best had vij. heads & x. hornes, with x. diademes full of blasphemy vpō thē: those vij. heades being expounded in the sayd booke, cap. 17. for vii. hilles, notoriously importeth the Citie of Rome, wherein were 7. hilles conteyned. The like also may be thought of ye x. hornes being there expounded for x. kinges (signifying belike ye x. Prouincies or Kingdomes of the worlde subdued to the Romayne Empyre) with x. crownes of blasphemy vppon their heades: all which conueniently agree to the Cittie of Rome.

Thirdly, where the sayd beast had power to make 42. monthes and to fight against the Saintes, and to ouercome them, &c. therby most manifestly is declared the Empyre of Rome, with the heathen persecuting Emperours, whiche had power geuē the space of so many monthes, (that is, from Tiberius to Licinius. 294. yeares) to persecute Christs Church as in the Table of the primitiue Church hereafter following is discoursed more at large.

Fourthly, where the prophet speaketh of the one of the heades of the beast to be wounded to the death, & the woūd afterward to be cured agayne, by that ye haue to vnderstand the decay and subuersion of the Citie of Rome & of Italy, which being one of the heades of the Romayne Monarchie, was subdued by the Gottes, Uandals, & Lombards, and the Cittie of Rome, thrise sackt and taken betweene the reigne of Honorius Emperour of Rome, and the tyme of Iustinian Emperor of Constantinople, & so remayned this head of Rome wounded a long time vnder the dominion of ye Lombards, till at length this wound was cured agayne, as the sequele of this prophesie declareth: For so it followeth in the foresayd chap. of the Reuelation: And after this I saw (sayth he) an other beast rising out of the land, hauing two hornes like the lamb, and spake like the Dragon. Who practi [...]ed all the power of the first beast before his face, and caused all the inhabitantes of the earth to worship the first beast whose head was wounded and cured agayne &c. And to him it was geuen to geue life to the Image of the beast, and to make it speake: and also to make all them that will not worship the image of the beast, to bee slayne, and caused all from the most to the least, both rich and poore, free men and bondmen, to take the marke of the beast in their right hand and in their foreheades, so that none should buy and sell vnles he had the beastes marke about him▪ &c.

The description of this second beast being well viewed: it cannot be auoided, but needes must be applyed to ye byshop of Rome and to none other:Apocall. 13. The Misterie of the 13. chapter of the Reuelations expounded. as by the history and order of times is euident to be proued. For who els representeth ye hornes of the lambe of God which taketh away the sinnes of the world, but only he? who speaketh with ye voyce of ye Dragon so proudly, as he? The voice of the Dragon spake once to Christ: That all the glory of the world was his to geue to whom he would, & that he would geue it. &c. And doth not thys fal [...]e horned lambe speaking in the same voyce of the Dragon, say by the mouth of Pope Gregory 7. that all the kingdomes of the earth were hys, and that hee had power in earth to loose, and take away Empyres, Kingdomes, Dukedomes, and what els soeuer mortall menne may haue,Ex platina in vita Grego [...]ij. 7. The Image of the old Monarchie reuiued by the Bishop of Rome. and to geue them where he would? &c. Ex platina in Vit. Gregorij. 7.

Furthermore, at what time the declining state of Rome began to decay, and Italy was brought vnder subiection of ye Lombardes, then the Pope stirred vp Pipinus and Carol [...]s Magnus, to take his part agaynst the Lombardes, and to restore agayne, the old glory of ye Monarchie to hys former state. And therfore who cured the wounded head of this beast agayne, but onely he? who gaue life and speach to the Image of the beast but he? who after that by helpe of the French kings, had subdued those Lombardes with other aliens, and had gotten the possession of Rome, into hys own handes, he so repared & aduaunsed the fame and name of Rome, that since that time all persons from the hyest, to the lowest, both rich & poore haue bene glad to send & seek to Rome, yea Kinges, Emperors, Queens, & Dukes haue bene glad to kisse the Bishops feete▪ and to lead hys horse by the bridle: So that the Maiesty of Rome in the old heathē Emperors days was neuer more terrible, nor glorious, nor neuer had more power to persecute & ouercome gods Saintes thē these lambelyke Byshops of Rome haue had,Power to doe the workes of the beast before his sight. Apocal. 13. and haue exercised these 500. yeares in Christendome. And therefore who els in all the world hath so much power to do the workes of the first beast, before hys face, as he? or who but he alone? which forceth both high and low, rich and poore, free and bond to receaue the seale, and to become loyall to the Citie and sea of Rome: so that whoseuer hath not the marke whereby to be knowne to holde of the Churche of Rome, shall haue no place, to buy and sell nor to occupy in all Christendome.

Now if any Papist whatsoeuer, in answering to this my questiō can apply this propheticall mistery of these 2. beasts otherwise then thus, I would hartely desire him, to take so much paynes to satisfie this doubt at his good pleasure & [Page] laysure. In the meane season let this stand for a Corolarium, that the bishop of Rome by this description must be that second beast prophesied to come in the latter time of the Church vnder a false pretensed lambe, to restore agayn the old persecutions of Rome, and to disturbe the whole Church of Christ, as this day to truely is come to passe.

¶The fourth Question.

AS touching my fourth question, although I could vrge you wt an other like propheticall place of scripture no lesse euident agaynst the bishop of Rome,The 4. question. 2. Thess. 2. taken out of the second Epistle of S. Paule to the The [...]la. where mention is made of the sonne of perdition, sitting in the Temple of God, as god, & aduaūcing himselfe aboue al that is called god &c. which place ye can by no reasonable euasiō auoyd: yet notwithstanding to let this passe, I turne my questiō to aske this of you, whether the religion of Christ be mere spiritual, or els corporall. If ye affirme it to be corporall as was the old religiō of the Iewes cōsisting in outward rites, sacrifices, ceremonies of the law: thē shew if ye can, what any one outward actiō or obseruatiō is required in christian religiō by the scripture, as necessary in a christen man, for remissiō of sinnes & saluation,Religion of Christ spiritual, and not corporall. saue onely the two Sacramentall ceremonies of outward Baptisme, & of the Lordes Supper? Howbeit neither these also as they are corporall, that is to say neither the outward action of the one, nor of the other cōferreth remissiō of sinnes, nor saluation, but onely are visible shewes of inuisible & spirituall benefits. And furthermore if our god, whō we serue, be spirituall, how can his religiō & seruice be corporall as we are taught by the mouth of our sauior, saying: God is a spirit and therfore they that worship him, must worship in spirit & verity. &c. Ioan. 4.

Now if ye graunt (as ye must needes) this our christen religion to be spirituall, & not a corporall religiō, thē shew if ye can, any one poynt of all these thinges which ye striue for so much with vs, to be spirituall, but altogether corporall, & externe matters & ceremoniall obseruations,The Pope turneth the spirituall religion of Christ to a corporall religion. nothing cōducing to any spirituall purpose, as your outward successiō of bishops, garmentes, vestures, gestures, co [...]lors, choise of meates, differēce of dayes, times & places, hearing, seing, saying, touching, tasting, numbring of beades, gilding & worshipping Images, building monasteries, rising at midnight, silence in cloysters, absteining from flesh & white meat, fasting in Lent, keeping Imberdayes hearing masse & diuine seruice, seing & adoring the body in forme of bread, receiuing holy water, & holy bread, creeping to the crosse, carying palmes, taking ashes, bearing candles, pilgrimage going, sensing, kneeling, knocking, aultars, superaltars, candlestickes, pardons: In orders crossing, annoynting, shauing, forswering mariage: In baptisme, crossing, salting, spatling,The whole summe of the Popes Catholicke religion set forth in partes. exorcising, washing of handes: At Easter ear [...] confession, penaunce doing, satisfaction: And in receiuing with beardes new shauen, to imagine a body, where they see no body: & though he were there present to be sene, yet the outward seing & touching of him, of it selfe, without fayth, conduceth no more, thē it did to the Iewes. At Rogatiō daies, to cary banners, to follow the crosse, to walke about the fieldes. After Pentecost, to go about with Corpus Christi play. At halowmas to watch in the church, to say a dirige & commendations, & to ring for all soules to pay tithes truely, to geue to the high aultar. And if a man will be a Priest, to say Masse & Mattens, to serue the Saynt of that day, and to lift well ouer his head. &c. In sicknes to be aneled, to take his rites, after his death to haue funerals, & obites sayd for him, and to be rong for at his funerall, moneth mind, and yearemind. &c. Adde moreouer to these the outward sacrifi [...] of the Masse, with opus operatum sine bono motu vtentis. &c.

All which thinges aboue recited,A man may be Catholique by the Popes religion without any working of the holy ghost. The nature of t [...]ue Christian Religion described. Saluation of man, standeth onely in fayth of Christ. Fayth in Christ, no light matter to fleshe and bloud. Many thinges incident to saluation besides fayth: but not as causes thereof. as they conteine the whole summary & effect of all the popes catholicke religion: so are they all corporall exercises, consisting in the externe operation of man. Which if they can make a perfect right catholicke christian, then it may be said, that men may be made perfect christians by flesh and bloud, without any inward working of faith, or of the holy ghost. For what is in all these, but the flesh & bloud, of his strength is able to accōplish, though no inward strength or motion of the holy Ghost did worke.

But now the order of our religion, & way of saluation consisteth not in such corporall or outward things as these, but in other more higher & more spirituall gifts, which farre exceed the capacity of flesh & bloud: of the which giftes the chiefest & onely meane cause that saueth man, & remitteth sinnes, is his fayth in Christ. Which fayth I thus define, for a man to beleue by the bloudshedding of Iesus ye sonne of god, his sinnes to be forgeuen, Gods wrath to be pacified, & himselfe to be iustified perfectly from all accusations that can be layd vnto him. &c. And though the Papistes make a light matter of this, to beleue in Christ, and when they heare vs say, that fayth onely iustifieth, they obiect to vs again and make it a small matter to be saued, if fayth onely iustifie vs. Yet notwithstanding, this fayth, if it be well examined, is such a thing that flesh and bloud is not able to attayne therto, vnles Gods holy spirite frō aboue do draw him.

Moreouer besides this fayth, many other thinges are incident also to the doctrine of our saluation. Albeit as no causes therof, but either as Sacramentes and seales of fayth, or as declarations thereof, or els as fruites, & effects folowyng the same. So Baptisme, and the Supper of the Lord be as testimonies and profes: that by our fayth only in Christ we are iustified, that as our bodyes are washed by water, and our life nourished by bread and wine: so by the bloud of Christ, our sinnes be purged, and the hunger of our soules releued by the death of his body.

Upon the same fayth riseth also outward profession by mouth, as a declaration thereof. Other thinges also as fruites and effectes do follow after fayth, as peace of conscience, ioy in the holy Ghost, inuocation, patience, charitie, mercy, iudgement, & sanctification. For God for our fayth in Christ his sonne, therfore geueth into our hartes his holy spirite of comfort, of peace, and sanctification, whereby mans hart is moued to a godly disposition to feare God, to seek him,Workes of sanctification, how they come and follow fayth. Esay. 58. Math. 25. to call vpon him, to trust vnto him, to stick to him in all aduersities and persecutions, to loue him: & for hys sake also to loue our brethren, to haue mercy and compassion vpon them, to visite them if they be in prison, to breake bread to them, if they be hungry: and if they be burdened, to ease them: to clothe them if they be naked, and to harbour them if they be houseles. Mat. 25. with such other spirituall exercises of pietie and sanctification as these. which therefore I call spirituall, because they proceede of the holy spirite and law of God which is spirituall.

And thus haue ye a Catholicke Christian defined, first after the rules of Rome, and also after the rule of the Gospell. Now conferre these Antitheses together, and see whether of these is the truer christian, the ceremonial man after the Church of Rome, or the spirituall man with his fayth and other spirituall fruites of pietie following after ye same. And if ye say that ye mixt them both together, spirituall thinges with your corporall ceremonies, to that I aunswere agayne, that as touching the end of remission of sinnes, and saluation, they ought in no case to be ioyned together, because the meane cause of all our saluation and remission, is onely spirituall, and consisteth in fayth, and in no other.

And therefore vpon the same cause I come to my question agayne, as I began, to aske whether the Religion of Christ be a mere spirituall religion: and whether in the Religion of Rome: as it is now, is any thing but onely mere corporall thinges required, to make a catholicke man. And thus I leaue you to your aunswere.

IN turning ouer the first leafe of this booke, which is pag. 2. col. 1. and in the latter end of the same colume, thou shalt finde gentle Reader, the argument of Pighius & Hosius, wherein thus they argue: That forsomuch as Christ must needes haue a catholicke Church euer continuing here in earth, which all men may see & wherunto all men ought to resort: and seeing no other church hath endured continually from the Apostles, visible here in earth, but only ye church of Rome: they conclude therefore the Church onely of Rome to be the right Catholicke Church of Christ. &c.

In aunswering whereunto this is to be sayd: that forsomuch as the medius terminus of this argument, both in the Maior and Minor, consisteth onely in the word (visible and vnknowne) if they meane by this word (visible) in the Maior that Christes Church must be seene here to all the world, that all men may resort to it, it is false: Likewise if they meane by the same word (visible in the Minor: that no other Church hath bene seene and known to any, but onely the Church of Rome, they are likewise deceiued. For the true Church of Christ neyther is so visible, that all the worlde can see it, but onelye they whiche haue spirituall eyes: and bee members thereof: nor yet so inuisible agayne, but suche as be Gods elect, and members therof, doe see it and haue seen it, though the worldly eyes of the most multitude cannot so doe. &c. Wherof read more in the protestation aboue prefixed to the church of England.

Foure considerations geuen out to Christian Protestantes professours of the Gospell with a briefe exhortation inducing to reformation of life.

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¶ The first consideration.

AS in the page before, foure questions were moued to the Catholick Papists to answere them at theyr leysure: so haue I here to the Christian Gospellers foure considerations likewise for them to muse vpon, with speede conuenient.

THe first consideration is this euery good man well to weigh with himselfe the long tranquillitie, the great plenty, the peaceable libertie, which the Lord of his mercy hath bestowed vpon this land during all the reigne hetherto of this our Souereigne and most happy Queene ELIZABETH, in such sort as the like example of Gods aboundant mercies are not to be seene in any nation about vs, so as we may well sing with the Psalme in the Churche. Non fecit taliter omni nation [...], & opes gloria suae non manifestauit eis ▪ first in hauing the true light of Gods gospel so shining among vs, so publickly receiued, so freely preached, with such libertie of conscience without daunger professed, hauing withall a Prince so vertuous, a Queene so gratious geuen vnto vs, of our owne natiue country, bred and borne amongst vs▪ so quietly gouerning vs, so long lent vnto vs in such peace defending vs, agaynst such as would els diuoure vs: briefly what could we haue more at Gods hand, if wee woulde wish? or what els could we wish in this world, that we haue not▪ if this one thing lacked not grace to vse that well, which we haue.

¶ The second consideration.

AS these thinges first are to be considered concerning our selues: so secondly let vs consider likewise, the state and tymes of other our countrymen, and blessed Martyrs afore past: what stormes of persecutions they susteined, what little rest they had, with what enemies they were matched▪ with what crosses pressed, vnder what Princes, vnder what Prelates they liued, or rather dyed in the dayes of King Henry the 4. king Henry 5. King Henry 7. King Henry 8. Queene Mary. &c. vnder Bo [...]er Bishoppe of London, Gardiner Bishoppe of Winchester, Cholmley, Story, Bishoppe Arundell, Stokesley, Courtney, Warham. At what time children were caused to set fire to their fathers: The father adiured to accuse the sonne, the wife to accuse the husband, the husband the wife, brother the sister, sister the brother, examples whereof are plenty in this booke to be seene, pag. 774.

¶ The third consideration.

THirdly let vs call to mynd, considering thus with our selues: These good men and worthy Martyrs in those dangerous daies, tastyng as they did, the heauy hand of Gods sharpe correction, beginning commonly with his owne house first if they were aliue now in these Alcion daies, vnder the protection of such a peaceable prince, O what thanks would they geue to God, how happy would they count themselues hauing but halfe of that we haue, with freedome onely of conscience, and safetie of lyfe. Or if in case we our selues had bene in those times of theirs so troubled and distressed as they were, spoiled of goods, hated of the world, cited in consistories, pinched in prisons, sequestred from wife, house and children, loking for nothing but death, What would we say? what would we thinke? what would we do? Much otherwise doubtlesse, then we do now, God graunt we may do better, for worse I thinke we cānot if we would. Ioh Wickliffe, W. Swinderby, Thorpe, Sawtrie, with a nūber of godly men moe, beyng thē glad in friese gownes goyng barefoote, to preach where they could. If they were now alyue, how glad would they be of these dayes, what paines would they take, yea what pains would they▪ not take in preaching the gospell, not for lucre, nor for mony, nor passing for promotions or dignities of the church? Sir I. Oldcastle L. Cobham, sir Rog. Acton, with diuers worshipful gentlemen a great nūber, If they being in our state might enioy with vs their houses and lands, with the good fauour of their Prince (as then they could not) how gladly would they haue contented themselues though they neuer raised their rentes and fines to the vndoyng of their poore tenants? Likewise in the tyme of Ioh. Hus and Hierome of Prage, the Nobilitie and gentlemen of Bohemia, if they might haue had halfe this tranquillitie which we haue, to enioy the liberty of Gods word, and true vse of the sacraments without molestatiō of Romish prelates, what would they haue cared how simply they walked in their attire, without any such monstrous pomp in pranckyng vp themselues, as we Englishmen in these reformed dayes walke now, more like plaiers in a stage, then gods children in his Church.

¶ The fourth consideration.

WHerfore, welbeloued, these thinges being so, let vs call our selues to mind, considering the times that haue bene, the times that be, and times that may come, how we stand, and by whom we stand. If it be the fauor of God onely, that doth support vs in the midst of so many enemies, let vs beware, in no wise we prouoke his indignation. If it be his trueth and Gospell that we professe, let vs walke in the light of his truth, and keepe our selues within the compasse of his Gospell: what the Gospel requireth, and what it abhorreth, who knoweth not? And yet who foloweth that he knoweth? If S. Paule willeth euery one to depart from iniquity▪ which nameth the Lord Iesus: And if the Lord Iesus himselfe testifieth playnely, his kingdome not to be of this worlde, how will then the nature of that kingdome so spirituall, and our conditions so worldly match well together? To rippe vp all our deformities in particular, I minde not here, neither need I, the same being so euident to all mens eyes, that who cannot see our excessiue outrage in pompous apparrell, our carnall desires and vnchast demeanors, without feare of God, our careles security with out conscience, as though there were no iudgement to come, our studyes so vpon this world, as though there were no other heauen: what pride and idlenes of life, double dissembling in word & deed with out simplicity, auarice vnsatiable, litle regard to heare Gods word, lesse to read it, least of all to folow it, euery man aspiring to worldly wealth and promotion, litle or no mercye to the poore, racking of rentes & fines, bribing and taking vnmeasurable. What should I speake of the contentions and vnbrotherly diuision amongest vs most lamentable to see,Euseb. lib. 8. cap. 1. but more lamentable, if all were seene which may or is like to folow vpon the same. Such were the times once of the Churh before the horrible persecution of Dioclesian, for so we read, such hatred and disdayne, through much peace and prosperity of the Church, to creepe in amongest the Church men. Read pag. 77.

Wherefore let vs be exhorted (dearely beloued) to reclayme our selues, whyle time doth serue. If we finde the Lord so gracious in sparing vs▪ as he doth, let that not make vs worse, but better. It is a lewd childe, which will not learne without beating. A well minding man will be good, not forced by coaction, but of voluntary office induced. As aduersity if it come, ought not to dismay vs:Plat. de rep. 8. Hippocrates. so neither prosperity now present ought not to puffe vs vp in security, conside [...]ing what commonly is wont to folow. As Plato well writeth: Summae at (que) effrenatae libertatis seruitutē plaerum (que) affeclam esse. Of immoderate liberty, and to much security, foloweth most commonly extreme seruitude. And as Hippocrates sayth: dispositions of bodyes when the are come to the highest perfection of health, then are they most subiect to daunger of sickenes. &c. Let vs therfore hauing light geuen vs, walke like children of light. Otherwise if we walke like children of disobedience, God hath his roddes to scourge vs, if we will needes be Rebelles, he hath his Pharaos and Nabuchodonosors to plague vs. Or if we will be so vnordinate, and (with reuerence be it spokē, without offence to God or man) so doggish and currish, one to another, the Lorde lacketh not his Doggestrikers to whippe vs. And would God our liues were such, that the destruction and ruine here of late seene amongest vs, may portend nothing agaynst vs, as I trust there is no cause for vs to feare, but rather to feare the Lord and walke in his obedience & amend that is amisse amongest vs. Amen.

¶The Grace of our Lord Iesus blesse thee gentle reader, that long mayst thou read and much mayst thou profite. Amen.

¶ Pax Pradicantibus. Gratia Audientibus. Gloriae Iesu Christo. Constantinus. Amen.

§

In Martyrologium Ioan. Foxi, Laurentius Humfredus.

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TRistes Iliadas docti miramur Homeri:

Quas scite studuit texere [...].

Deflentur tragico multorum fata cothurno,

Haec madidis spectant maesta theatra genis.

Multa dolenda quidem, sed vatum somnia multa,

Fictis intexunt vera probata nothis.

Sunt quos delectant vanae commenta Legendae,

Quam stabulum Augeae rite vocare queas.

Dum vitam & mortem Sanctorum naerrat, vt errat?

Vt pingit, fingit, Plumbeus ille liber?

Aurea nunc tandem prodit, noua, vera Legenda:

Egregium Chronicon, lugubris historia.

Authorem commendat opus, sic rursus adornat

Author opus: simul haec vtra (que) felle carent.

Authorem specta: pius est, & tersus, & amplus,

Iudicio clarus, dexteritate, fide.

Si rem consideras, casus, caedes (que) bonorum

Tractat, & immeritae stigmata saeua crucis.

Illudant alij, carpant, at Zoilus olim

Dum perijt, quid sit rodere iam docuit.

Hic discas Lector, quam sit furiosa tyrannis

Romanae caulae cornigeri (que) gregis:

Vt lupus innocuos semper grassetur in agnos:

Vt fremat, atque auidis faucibus ossa voret.

Nonne satis fuerat Christi pia membra cremare?

Et viuos flammis perdere, nonne satis?

Nonne satis damnasse senes, pueros (que), viros (que),

Faemellas, omni ex ordine, nonne satis?

Cur iuuat, heu, Manesscriptis lacerare iacentes,

Et Diuos Foxi dicere stercoreos?

Ah miser, ah Christi teneros compungis ocellos,

Pupillam tangis, quisquis es, ergo saepe.

Haec est progenies cuius stolalota cruore

Agni, per Christum candida tota nitet.

Illa sub altari querulatur, Christe quous (que)?

Christe veni propere, Christe quousque feres?

Extra tela tua est, & praedicat illa Tonantem:

Mors pretiosa fuit, vita perennis erit.

Quid furis ô rabiose Sathan? quid spicula torques?

Quid reges acuis? quid laniásque pios?

Frustra carnifices, carcer tormenta, faces (que).

In Coelo regnant membra caput (que) simul.

Corpora sanctorum mundus consumpsit, in altum

Migrarunt auimae, nomina Foxus habet.

Nomina Foxus habet totum celebranda per orbem,

Nomina iam nullo contumulanda die.

Nam cum Martyribus Foxus, cum numine viuent

Nomina, cum (que) suo stirps generosa deo.

Monstra, Christe, tuis portum, compescito fluctus

Iactatae naui sit sua, Christe, quies.

Sanguine Fraterno posthaec ne terra madescat:

Ne pergat Foxus scribere Martyria.

Perdita decurtes sceleratae tempora vitae,

Tandem mortiferus transeat iste calix.

Sit finis, veniat (que) tuum, pater optime, regnum:

Sit tibi sit Christo, Spiritui (que) decus.

In Sanct. Martyrum historiam, Abrah. Hartwelus.

ELoquio, venerande, tuo non [...] ipsi

Sed nos: non Coelum, Foxe, sed orbis eget.

Illorum creuisse malis laetho (que) putatum est

Quos nunc ipse vides degenerare greges.

Illorum, crede, historia velut ignibus antè

Calsiet quod nunc friget Euangelium.

Certabit (que) aetas veniens millesima, quorum

Fortia facta leget, fortia facta sequi.

Et calamo seruata tuo tot flagra, tot ignes,

Funera tot, lacrymas, damna, pericla, neces,

Nulla dies tollet, non qui malus intulit hostis:

Non quamuis omni cum Phlegetone velit.

Non renuente deo, quondam qui saeuijt hostis,

Non, renuente deo, bis violentus erit.

Bis fremat: innocuo rapietur cum grege pastor,

Grex cadet & pastor, spes (que) futura gregis.

Nullus restabit laceris in ouilibus agnus,

Nulla, deus, recta simplicitate pecus.

Omnia victa malis bona cedent omnibus: alma

Simplicitas fuco, perfidiae (que) fides:

Iniusto, falso, scelerato, sanguineo (que)

Virtutum sacer Euangelium (que) chorus.

Quid facient disce exfactis: ventura probantur

praeteritis.

Ni tua de coelo veniat Clementia, cuius

tolluntur digito parua, superba cadunt.

Et venias aeterne, potens, inuicte, triumphans:

Sic, vt in Aegypto vel Babylone, veni.

Non tanti Babylone Draco Belus (que) fuere,

Cultus (que) insani, & foeda superstitio.

Et licet Aegypti crudelia facta legentur,

Aegyptus non tam saeua minax (que) fuit.

Vtra (que), nec satis est, monstrum concreuit in vnum.

Et si qua ambabus tetrior hydra fuit.

Quid contra fidus praeco, styliue magister?

Doctae quid poterunt veriparae (que) scholae?

Quid mitis toto laniatus corpore Martyr?

Martyre quid plenus sanguifluus (que) liber?

Qui truculenta liber, qui viuos vndi (que) testes,

Factores viuos, & modò gesta canit?

Scilicet vt monstret sanctorum Ecclesia qualis,

Collecti quales ex Acheronte lupi.

Vt doceat, firmet, soletur cordapiorum:

Dedoceat, vincat, excrucietue malos.

Vt tibi parta, deus, stet semper gloria, nati

Vt possit teoum gloria stare tui:

Sanguinis vt sacri, non occultanda trophaea.

Vtra (que) posteritas, sancta, maligna, sciat.

Haec, venerande, tibi tanto quaesita labore,

Tot votis optata, & tot vigilata modis,

Noctibus exant lata tot, & sudata diebus,

Tot placitura bonis, obruitura malos.

Christi, non hominum, laudes sparsuraper orbem

Facta (que) (credo) aetas qualiarara feret:

Haec, oro, tibi Summipotens nobis (que) secundet,

Numinis in laudem perpetuum (que) decus.

Inuideat Sathanas, & Zoilus iliarumpat,

Obtrectet mendax cum grege Roma suo.

In idem argumentum. Rob. R.

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EN iterum in magnos noua commentaria vates:

Auctius & plus est, quàm fuit antè decus.

Sanctorum historias, & nostri perfida secli

Tempora, lector habes, terrificum (que) scelus.

Dignum certè opus est, quamuis sit grande volumen,

Quod pia turba legat posteritas (que) probet.

Surgit opus (fateor) maius: numerosa sophorum est

Littera, sed similis pondere & arte stylus.

Crede mihi historiam hanc quondam lectura vetustase

Suspiciet genium (Foxe diserte) tuum.

Non tamen insani sinit haec dementia vulgi,

Hei mihi nec doctos fert patitur ve viros.

Histrio, scurra dicax, parasitus, hypocrita, mimus,

Vappamage arrident, leno, papista placent.

Nescis adulari, nec verum (Foxe) silere:

Scripta (que) miraris non placuisse tua?

Eiusdem.

QVis (que) bonus te (Foxe) colit, tua scripta celebrat,

Dant decus hoc studij tot Monumenta tui.

Te pia vita ornat, doctorum concio laudat,

Vnde ergo in libros inuidia ista tuos?

Vnde Papizantis subita haec conuersio sectae:

Nunc audire pudet, quod facere haud puduit.

Vnde tot Harpyae, nempe Hardyngi (que) Copi (que).

Vnde haec Louanij garrula turba scholae?

Causa patet: furiae Musas, nec sacra Papismus,

Nec Christi athletas rasafarina probat.

Nec te adeò oderunt puto, sed verum (que) fidem (que),

Heu bene nulla potest lingua maligna loqui.

In Acta Martyrum, Carmen, Thom. Drant.

a. ERgone sic Papae potuit vox improba iussu

Tam dirum mandare nefas? tot corpora tantis

Contumulasse rogis, cineres sine honore sepulchri?

Quod genus hoc hominum? quaeue hunc tam barbara morem

Permittit gens vlla, pios sine lege necari,

Tot (que) simul mactare viros meretricis ob iram?

Papa refer, qu [...] te rapuit rabies (que) furor (que)

Corpora tam diris sanctorum addicere flammis,

Funera tot miscere hominum, tot plectere ciues,

Vastare & toto diuisos orbe Britannos?

Dic quid nostrates in te committere tantum?

Illi quid potuere, quibus tot maxima passis

Vix pars vlla manet terrae qui panditur orbis?

An tua quod nobis taxata est fraus (que) dolus (que),

Et [...], & amor sceleratus habendi?

An tua quod nobis vox non hominem sonat: ergo

Rite putabamus papam cacadaemone natum?

An quod cum Christo nos conspirare delebas?

Quod te cum Christo non conspirare videmus?

Quòd te Romanam crebris cum cornibus hydram

Prodimus, vt sceleris magni, vitij (que) ministrum?

Hinc illud quod se versat diris (que) minis (que),

Hinc illud quòd & hos facibus fumantibus assit.

erus.

Sis miser & nulli cuiquam miserabilis Huius

Tu cladis tantae pars magna Bonere fuisti:

Mactator pecudum Christi, dispersor ouilis,

Triste malum stabulis, & nil nisi pessima clades.

Vos quoque vos omnes Ihouae tetigisse prophetas,

Et calcasse pios, numen spreuisse benignum

Quêis ioculare fuit, crudeles ponite mentes.

Iam satis est (proh) plus satis est, resipiscite sero,

Ser animis non vlla dies, nunc discite tandem,

Discite vel tandem moniti non temnere Christum.

Ad Martyres.

Oscula libetis gnato, ne saeuiat vltor,

Et male vos spersos deturbet tramite vitae

At vos qui laeti quidujs superastis acerbum,

Coelicolae, quibus aeternum licet esse beatis,

Dulce decus (que) Dei, Christum quia morte decora

Ornastis, clari superi, coetus (que) triumphans.

Non caro, non mundus, non vos turcae, papa, daemon,

Non phoebe pernox vexabit, sol vè diurnus.

Et vos ô cuncti, scanso qui culmine coeli,

Vaditis ad patrem, terrena mole relicta:

Quid carcer, colaphi, compes: tormenta, cachinni,

Vultus quid nocuere truces? quid tale? quid ignes?

Scilicet vt fuluum spectatur in ignibus aurum:

Sic vos mactarunt spectata holocaumata Christo.

Interitus vester Domini, preciosus ocellis,

Horum (Foxe) pijs, dum tu sic nomina scriptis.

Et mortem, & mores longum diffundis in aeuum,

Omnia dum vera repetens ab origine pandis,

Es bonus, & merito multum memorabilis ipso.

Ergo tu doctis pergis palles [...]ere chartis

Nocturna versando manu, versando diurna,

Athlas clarorum gnauus, gnarus (que) laborum

Et studijs, dum magna cohors sua commoda captans

(Auspice non Christo) mundi venatur honores.

Vel tu Romano, vel tu sermone Britanno

Scribito, praeteriti vel produc temporis acta,

Patre Deo monstrante viam, data fata secutus:

Omne feres punctum, simisces vtile dulci.

Magne Deus, Coeli (que) sator, mundi (que) monarcha,

Quem nos terrarum tempestatum (que) potentem

Ad deum de inundantibus bellorum procellis.

Credimus, & solum scimus venerabile numen,

Aspicis insano vexari cuncta tumultu,

Et penitus mundum pacis de cardine volui?

Parce gregiparuo, pacem te poscimus omnes.

Sis bonus (ô) Foelix (que) tuis, vel parcito Christo,

Cuius membra nimis ia [...] mundus laedit & odit.

per tibi dilectam sponsam promissa (que) pacta,

per passum Christum, per dulcia pignora passi,

per te, te petimus, dentes confringe malorum.

Contra Papistas incendiarios.

SIfas caedendo coelestia scandere cuique est,

Papicolis coeli maxima porta patet.

I. F.

¶In idem argumentum Aegidius Fletcher Cantabrigiensis.

I Am tua ter magnum spatijs emensalaborem

Aequora lustrauit puppis, ter littor a vidit, Foxe.

Dum (que) fugas, enses (que) canis, consumpta (que) flammis

Corpora, consumptum corpus tibi, pallida languent

Membra, sed vtilior nobis tibi noxia soli

Indefessamanet virtus. Quin otia carpis

Mollia, iam solare tuos (diuine) labores.

Non potes, & semper mentem tibi numinis ingens

Ardor agit, reparat (que) nouas inpectore vires.

Ergo age quandoquidem nobis memoranda piorum

Facta canis sacro properans indulge labori.

[Page]Iam veniet magni seriem dum colligit aeui

Posteritas, quam longa tenet custodia famae,

Dum (que) tui monumenta legit (venerande) laboris,

Magnanimós (que) duces, medios (que) petita per ignes

Sydera, te ventura simul mirabitur aetas,

Et veterum sacras imitabitur aemula laudes.

Scilicet aethereas ardentia pectora flammas,

Non ignes alij, non ipsa potentia Regum,

Nec vis vlla domat ferri, non tela, nec enses.

Qualis vbi Aurora veniens è montibus Ales

Exequiale refert munus, cinerés (que) paternos,

Dúm (que) rogum, flammás (que) parat sibi, maior ab igne

Egreditur, qua (que) illa nouis volitauerit alis,

Indigenae volucres laeto clamore sequuntur:

Foelices animae vobis super alta beatis

Sydera calcatur quicquid mortalia tangit

Pectora, nec iam noster honor, nec praemia curae:

Nec quid agat tantis virtutibus inuida tellus.

Ecce tamen, quales poterit, persoluet honores

Posteritas, dum facta legens ingentia, vires

Miratur, plausu (que) fidem super astra sequetur

Victricem. (Hoc siquid debent mortalibus) ipsi

Sanctorum cineres tibi se debere fatentur, Foxe.

Tempus erit, cum tu post fata, piósque labores,

Aucturus superos foelix super alta videbis

Sydera, iam quorum transcribis nomina famae,

Insignes heroas, & ipse videberis illis.

Iam (que) patres superans mundo labente sequetur

Progenies, Coelo se clarior exeret alto

Relligio, humani generis decus, optima custos

Imperij, quam sancta fides comitatur euntem,

Et circum laetis crescet pax aurea terris,

Tum quoque diuini passim monumenta laboris,

Et sacrum florebitopus, fructú (que) beabit,

Et populum, & populi per secula longa nepotes.

In idem argumentum Tho. Ridley Cantabrigiensis.

COrpora quae quondam iusto caruere sepulchro

Ossá (que) per campos vndi (que) sparsapia

Collegit magna cum sedulitate peritus

Foxus, & in vnum conglomerauit opus.

At cum gens mendax atque importuna Papistae,

Frustra tam sanctum persequerentur opus.

Auxit, & ex vno, idem bina volumina fecit,

Obstruxít (que) suis hostibus ora pius.

Nec sic contentus, rursus limauit & [...]uctum

Arctauit, populi commoditate sui:

Nequaquam veritus stolidae conuitia linguae,

Dum vestra ô sancti fortia facta sonet.

O vos foelices animae, quae sanguine vestro

Coelestes nobis testificastis opes.

Et tu qui tali decorasti funere sanctas

Relliquias, peragens triste ministerium:

Sed tibi praeclarum, nobis (que) nec inutile, vt istu

Exemplis fortes possumus esse fide.

M. M. S.

PErlege, quae fastis signata fidelibus acta

Pandimus Angligeûm & feruida fata virúm.

Admiranda tibi gemini spectacula coetus,

Pugnantés (que) suo dispare marte greges.

Hinc quibus incumbus saeuo ferus impete Sathan

Tartare as praefert in suaregnafaces.

Illinc Rex superûm, trans flammas, trans (que) cruentas

Mille neces, Christus sternit ad astra viam.

Illinc arma, preces, lacrymae, i [...]iunia templis

Iussus honos summi iussá (que) sacra patris.

Concilium hoc Cyclopum rabies, fera corda fatigant

Eumenides, tristi pectora senta situ.

Missa volat flammis, & sanguinis ebria riui [...]

Ante, gradum retrò Roma maligna premit.

Talia dum memorat Foxus certamina longi

Temporis, & libro tot monumenta legit.

Intereà veri vis stat sata tempore virgo

Ardua calcato iam Phlegetonte super.

Post alios foetus, alios post deinde labores

Haec extrema subit vindicis ira manus,

Tertia (que) ista patri suspendimus arma Quirino

Parua prius iam nunc qualia, quanta, vides.

Qualia fatalis iam tum miracula saxi

Prodidit Assyriaregius exul humo.

Exiguus lapis hic, sed qui se attollcre in auras

Iussus Atlantaeos aequiparare sinus.

Nunc quoque qui impleuit sinuoso fragmine m [...]ndum

Aetherio (que) ingens occupat ire polo.

Hoc pater ipse to [...]ans flagranti distulit axe

Imperia, & vertit Regna superba solo.

Saeua Silex quià nam flammantibus incita fundis

Vrbium & elatis peruiciosaminis.

Coctilibus muris Romana Semiramis audax

Prospice, iam Bobylon iam ruit illatua.

Saxeaiam rupes quantas dabit acta ruinas?

Quas strages miseris horrida Romulidis

Vltimus hic labor est montis rapientis auari

Puppicolas (que) papas papicolas (que) popas.

At vos foelices animae, quibus aurea cordi

Saecla, pias puro funditis ore preces.

Aligerae (que) ac [...]es, ciues stellantis Olympi:

Plaudite: Roma fuit Babela, papa fuit.

In sanguisugas Papistas, Philippus Stubbes.

QVi sacrum Christi satagit conuellere verbum,

Vulnificum contrà calcitrat hic stimulum.

Florida quae nimio compressa est pondere palma,

Fortius exurgit viribus aucta suis.

Auricomans (que) crocus quo calcatur magis, ex [...]

Hoc magis, excrescit, floret, eo (que) magis.

Sic [...] quantumuis turba papalis

Conspuat, exurat, crescit vbi (que) tamen.

FINIS.

Actes and Monumentes of Christian Martyrs, and matters Ecclesiasticall, passed in the Church of Christ from the Primitiue beginning, to these our dayes, as well in other Countreys, as namely, in this Realme of England, and also of Scotland, discoursed at large.

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Math. 16. CHRIST our Sauiour in the Gospell of S. Mathew, Cap. 16. hearing the confessiō of Simon Peter, who first of all other openlye acknowledged him to be the sonne of God, and perceauing the secret had of his father therin, aunswered agayne and alludyng to his name, called him a Rocke, vpon which Rocke hee would buylde his Church so strōg, that the gates of Hell should not preuaile against it.Three thinges noted in Christes wordes. &c. In which wordes three things are to be noted: First that Christ will haue a Churche in this world. Secondly that the same Church should mightely be impugned, not onely by the world, but also by the vttermost strength & powers of all hell. And thirdly, that the same Church notwithstādyng the vttermost of the deuill & all his malice should continue. Which Prophesie of Christ, we see wōderfully to be verified. In somuch that the whole course of the Churche to this day, may seeme nothyng els but a verifying of the sayd Prophesie. First that Christ hath set vp a Church needeth no declaration. Secondly, what force, what sides and sortes of men, of Princes, Kynges, Monarches, Gouernours, and rulers of this world, with their subiectes publikely & priuately, with all their strength & cunnyng haue bent them selues against this Church. And thirdly, how the sayd Church all this notwithstandyng hath yet endured & holden his owne. What stormes & tempestes it hath ouerpast, wonderous it is to behold. For the more euident declaration wherof, I haue addressed this present history, entendyng, by the fauorable ayde of Christ our Lord, not so much to delight the eares of my countrey in readyng of newes, as most especially to profite the harts of the godly in perusing antiquities of auncient times, to the ende, that the wonderfull workes of God first in his Church might appeare to his glory. Also that the continuaunce and proceedings of the Church from tyme to tyme beyng set forth in these Actes and Monumentes, more knowledge and experience may redound therby to the profite of the Reader, and edification of Christian faith.

For the better accōplishyng wherof, so to prosecute the matter,The order of the disposition of this history. as may best serue to the profite of the Reader, I haue thought good first, begynnyng from the tyme of the primitiue Church, & so continuyng (by the Lordes grace) to these latter yeares, to runne ouer the whole state and course of the Church in generall, in such order as digesting the whole tractation of this history, into fiue sundry diuersities of tymes:

The suffering time of the church.First, I will entreat of the suffring tyme of the Church which continued from the Apostles age about .300. yeres.

Secondly, of the florishyng time of the Church, which lasted other 300. yeares.The florishing time of the Church.

Thirdly, of the declinyng or backeslidyng tyme of the Church, which comprehendeth other 300. yeares, vntill the loosing out of Sathan, which was about the thousand yeare after the ceasing of persecution. During which space of tyme,The declining time of the church. the Church, although in ambition & pride, it was much altered from the simple sinceritie of the Primitiue tyme, yet in outward profession of doctrine and religion, it was somethyng tollerable, & had some face of a Church: notwithstanding some corruption of doctrine,The time of Antichrist in the Church. with superstition and hypocrisie was then also crept in. And yet in comparison of that as followed after, it might seeme (as I sayd) somethyng sufferable.

Fourthly, foloweth the tyme of Antichrist, and loosing of Sathan, or desolation of the Church, whose full swyng conteineth the space of 400. yeares. In which tyme, both doctrine and sinceritie of life, was vtterly almost extinguished, namely, in the chiefe heades and rulers of this West church, through the meanes of the Romaine Byshops, especially countyng from Gregory the vij. called Hildebrand, Innocentius the iij. and Friers which with him crept in, til the tyme of Iohn Wickliffe, & Iohn Husse, duryng 400. yeres.

Fiftly and lastly,The reformation of the Church. after this tyme of Antichrist, raigning in the Church of God by violence and tyranny, followeth the reformation & purgyng of the church of God, wherein Antichrist begynneth to be reuealed, and to appeare in his coulors, and his Antichristian doctrine to be detected, the number of his Church decreasing, and the number of the true Church increasing. The durance of which tyme hath continued hetherto about the space of 280. yeres, and how long shall continue more, the Lord and gouernour of all tymes, he onely knoweth. For in these fiue diuersities & alterations of tymes, I suppose the whole course of the Church may well be comprised. The which Church, because it is vniuersall, and sparsedly through all countreys dilated, therfore in this history standing vpon such a generall argument I shall not be boūd to any one certaine nation, more then an other: yet notwithstandyng keepyng mine argument aforesayd, I haue purposed principally to tary vpon such historicall actes and recordes, as most appertaine to this my country of England and Scotland.Church of Rome.

And for somuch as the Church of Rome, in all these ages aboue specified, hath chalenged to it selfe the supreme title, and ringleadyng of the whole vniuersall Church on earth, by whose direction all other Churches haue bene gouerned, in writyng therfore of the Church of Christ, I can not but partly also intermedle with the actes and proceedynges of the same Church, for somuch as the doynges & orderyngs of all other Churches from tyme to tyme, as well here in England, as in other nations, haue this long season, chiefly depended vpon the same. Wherfore, as it is much needefull and requisite to haue the doynges & orderyngs of the sayd Church to be made manifest to all Christen congregations: so haue I framed this history, accordyng to the same purpose. First in a generall description briefly to declare as in a summary Table, the misguidyng of that Church, comparyng the former primitiue state of the forenamed Church of Rome, with these later tymes of the same. Which done, then after in a more speciall tractation, to prosecute more at large all the particulars therof, so farforth as shall seeme not vnprofitable for the publike instruction of all other Christen Churches, to behold and consider the maner & dealyng of this one.Foure thinges to be considered in the Church of Rome. 1. Title.2. Iurisdiction.3. Lyfe.4. Doctrine. In the which one church of Rome foure things, as most speciall points, seeme to me chiefly to be considered. To wit, Title, Iurisdictiō, Life, and Doctrine, wherin I haue here to declare, first concernyng the title or primacie of the Church, how it first began, and vpon what occasion. Secondly, concernyng the iurisdiction and authoritie therof, what it was, and how farre it did extend. Thirdly, touchyng the misorder of lyfe and conuersation, how inordinate it is. And fourthly, the forme of doctrine, how superstitious & Idolatrous of late it hath bene. Of the which foure ye first was preiudiciall to all Byshops, the second derogatorie to Kings and Emperours. The third detestable to all men. The fourth iniurious agaynst Christ.

For first,The title of the Pope. the title and stile of that church was such, that it ouerwent all other churches, beyng called the holy vniuersall mother Church, which could not erre, and the Byshop therof holy father ye Pope, Byshop vniuersal, prince of Priestes,The iurisdiction of the Pope. supreme head of the vniuersall Church, and Uicare of Christ here in earth, which must not be iudged, hauyng all knowledge of Scripture and all lawes cōtayned with in the chest of his brest.

[Page]Secondly the iurisdiction of that Byshop was such, that chalenging to him selfe both the swordes,The iurisdiction of the Pope. that is, both the keyes of the spiritualtie, and the scepter of the Laytie: not onely he subdued all Byshops vnder him, but also extended him selfe aboue Kynges and Emperours, causing some of them to lye vnder his feete, some to hold his sturrup, Kynges to leade his horse by the bridle, some to kisse his feete, placyng and displacyng Emperours, Kynges, Dukes and Earles, whom and whē he listed, takyng vpon him to translate the Empire at his pleasure. First from Grece to Fraunce, from Fraūce to Germany, preferryng and deposing whom he pleased, confirmyng them which were elected. Also beyng Emperour him selfe sede vacante, pretendyng authoritie or power to inuest Byshops, to geue benefices, to spoyle Churches, to geue authoritie to binde and lose, to call generall Councels to iudge ouer the same, to set vp religions, to canonize Saintes, to take appeales, to binde consciences, to make lawes, to dispence with the law and word of God, to deliuer from Purgatory, to commaunde Aungels. &c.

Thirdly, what was the lyfe and conuersation of the court of Rome,The properties of life in the Romish Clergy. hereafter in the proces of this history followeth to be sene and obserued.

Fourthly, such was his doctrine in like maner, tedious to Students, pernicious to mens consciences, iniurious to Christ Iesus, & cōtrary to itselfe. In lawes more diuers,The doctrine of the Pope. in volume more large, in diligēce & study more applied, in vauntage & preferment more gaynfull, then euer was the study and learning of the holy Scripture of God.

All which foure pointes well cōsidered and aduised in this present history set forth, I trust it may minister to the indifferent Christiā Reader, sufficient instructiō to iudge, what is of this sea and Church of Rome to be esteemed.

But here by the way is to be noted, that all these deformities aboue touched of vayne title, of pretensed iurisdiction, of hereticall doctrine, of schismaticall lyfe, came not into the Church of Rome all at one tyme, nor sprang with the begynnyng of the same Church, but with long workyng, and continuaunce of tyme by litle and litle crept vp, through occasion, & came not to full perfectiō, till the tyme partly of Pope Siluester, partly of pope Gregory the vij. an. 1170. partly of Innocentius the thyrd,Pope siluester the second. and finally of Pope Boniface the viij. an. 1300. Of the which foure Popes, the first brought in the title. an. 670. which was neuer in such ample wise before publickely exacted & receiued publikely in the sayd Church of Rome.Pope Gregory, 7. called Hildebrand. The second brought in iurisdiction. The thyrd, which was Pope Innocent with his rable of Monkes and Friers, (as Thomas Aquine, Petrus Lombardus, Iohannes Scotus;) and with such other Bishops as succeeded in the same sea after hym,Pope innocentius the third. corrupted and obscured the sinceritie of Christes doctrine and maners also. And lastly, Pope Bonifacius the viij. and after him Pope Clement the fift, ouer and besides the iurisdiction, sufficiētly aduaunced before by Pope Hildebrand, Pope Bonifatius the eight. added moreouer the temporal sword to be caryed before them. And that no Emperour (were he neuer so well elected) should bee sufficient and lawfull, without the Popes admission. an. 1300. whereby the Popes power was brought now to his full pride and perfection. And thus came vp the corruption of the Romish Church in continuaunce of yeares by degrees, and not all together, nor at one tyme, as is declared, and hereafter more particularly (Christ willyng) shalbe expressed.

Wherfore, whosoeuer shall haue hereafter to do with any aduersaries, about the antiquitie or authoritie of the Church of Rome, let him here well consider when, & how the title, iurisdiction, & corruption of doctrine first begā in the Popes sea. And so shal he see, that the church of Rome, as it is now gouerned with this maner of title, iurisdictiō, & institution of doctrine, neuer descended frō the primitiue age of the Apostles,Equinocé. That is in name onely and not in very deede. Vutuocè That is both in [...]ame and also in definition and effect agreeing with the name. or frō their succession, nisi tātum aquinocè, & non vniuocè: Like as Sancta Maria picta, non est sancta Maria, & homo pictus est non homo, as the scholes do say: that is as the picture of the holy virgine, is not the holy virgine, and as a man painted on the wall, is not a man: so it is to be sayd of the Church of Rome, (the institution and doctrine of the Church of Rome I meane) that although it haue the name of the Church Apostolicall, & doth bring forth a long Genealogie of outward succession from the Apostles, as the Phariseis did in Christes tyme bryng their descent frō Abraham their father: yet all this is (as I sayd) but onely aequiuocè, The Church of Rome as now it is, is not Apostolicall but onely aequiuocè. that is, in name onely, and not in effect or matter, which maketh the Apostolical Church in deede, for as much as the definition of the Apostolicall Church, neither agreeth now with this present Church of Rome, nor yet the maner, forme, & institution of the sayd Romish Church, as it now standeth with this title, iurisdictiō, and doctrine, had euer any succession or of [...]pring from the primitiue Church of the Apostles. But as Christ sayd by the Phariseis, that they were the childrē not of Abraham, but of the deuill: in semblable wise may be aūswered, that this Church of Rome now present, with this title, iurisdictiō, and doctrine now vsed, can not be fathered vpon the Apostles, neither Petrus, nor Linus, but of an other author, whō here I will not name.The argument of Pighius, Hosius, and Eckius for the aucthoritie of the Church of Rome.

And here now commeth in the Argument of Pighius, Hosius, and Eccius, to be aunswered vnto, who arguyng for the antiquitie and authoritie of the Church of Rome, reason on this maner.

Da That for somuch as an ordinary & a knowen Church visible must here be knowen cōtinually on earth, during frō the time of the Apostles, to the which church all other Churches must haue recourse.

xi. And seeyng then there is no other Church visible, orderly known to haue indured from the Apostles time, but onely the Church of Rome.

j. They conclude therfore that the Church of Rome, is that Church wherunto all other Churches must haue their recourse. &c.

To the which Paralogisme I aūswere thus:Aunswere▪ Fallacia aquiuoci. that this word Durans Ecclesia, the during Church in the Minor, hath fallaciā aequiuoci. For although the name of the Church and outward successiō of Byshops haue had their durance frō tyme of the Apostles, yet the definition and matter which maketh a true Apostolicall church in deede, and vniuocè, neither is now in the church of Rome,The minor examined. nor yet the forme & institution of the church now vsed in Rome was euer frō the Apostles, whiche Apostles were neuer Authors or fathers of this title, iurisdictiō, and doctrine now taught in Rome, but rather were enemies euer to the same.

Agayne to the Maior which standeth vpon two partes,The maior examined. I aunswere, first although the necessitie of the churche duryng from the Apostles, may and must be graūted, yet the same necessitie was not boūd to any certaine place, or persō, but onely to fayth, so that wheresoeuer, that is to say, in whatsoeuer congregation true fayth was, there was the church of Christ: And because the true fayth of Christ must needes euer remaine in earth, therfore ye Church also must needes remaine in earth. And God forbid that the said true faith of Christ should only remaine in one citie in ye world, and not in other as well. And therfore to the secōd part of the Maior is to be sayd, that as this true and sincere fayth of Christ is not so geuen, to remaine fixely in one place or citie alone: so neither is there any one church in the world so ordained & appointed of God, that al other Churches should haue their recourse vnto it, for determination of their causes and cōtrouersies incident. &c. And thus much to the Argument of Pighius and Hosius, &c.

Now as touchyng the authorities & allegations of the auncient Doctours, and holy fathers in the commēdation of the Church of Rome, here commeth in also to be noted, that whosoeuer will vnderstand rightly their authorities and aūswere to the same, must first learne to make a difference and distinction of the sayd Church of Rome, frō that it was, to that it is, for as much as the Church of Rome is not the same Church now,A distinction. The church of Rome distincted into a double consideration of tymes. which it was then, but onely aequiuocè: otherwise as touching the very propertie and definition of a Church▪ it is an other Church, and nothing agreing to that was then, saue onely in outward name and place, therefore by this distinction made, I aunswere the place of Irenaeus, Cyprianus, and other famous Doctours, commendyng the Church of Rome as Catholicke and Apostolicall, and say that these Doctours speakyng of the Church of Rome which then was, sayd not vntrue, calling it Catholicke & Apostolicall,The [...] of Rome, how it was commend [...]d of the [...] Doctours. for that the same Church tooke their ordinary succession of Byshops, ioyned with the ordinary doctrine and institution frō the Apostles: but speakyng of the Church of Rome, whiche now is, we say the sayd places of the Doctours are not true, neither doe appertaine to the same, all which Doctours neither knew the Churche of Rome that now is, neither if they had, would euer haue iudged any thyng therein worthy such commendation.

Ouer and besides,The principall obiection of the Papistes, agaynst the Protestants. our aduersaries yet more obiect agaynst vs, who heauing and shouyng for the antiquitie of the Romish Churche for lacke of other sufficient reason to proue, are driuen to fall in scannyng the tymes and yeares. What, say they, where was this Church of yours, before these fiftie yeares? To whom briefly to aunswere, first we demaund what they meane by this, which they call our Church? If they meane the ordinaunce and institution of doctrine and Sacramentes,Aunswere to the obiection. now receaued of vs, and differing from the Church of Rome, we affirme and say, that our church was, when this church of theirs was not yet [Page] hatched out of the shell, nor did yet euer see any light: that is, in the time of the Apostles, in the primitiue age, in the tyme of Gregorie the first, & the old Romane church, when as yet no vniuersall pope was receiued publikely, but repelled in Rome, nor this fulnesse of plenary power yet knowen, nor this doctrine, and abuse of Sacramentes yet heard of. In witnes wherof we haue the old actes and histories of aūcient tyme to geue testimony with vs, wherein sufficiēt matter we haue for vs, to declare ye same forme, vsage, and institution of this our church reformed now, not to be the begynnyng of any new church of our owne,The church of Rome reuolted from the Church of Rome. but to be the renewyng of the old aūcient church of Christ: nor to be any sweruyng from the church of Rome, but rather a reducyng to the church of Rome, Whereas contrary the churche of Rome whiche now is, is nothyng but a sweruyng from the churche of Rome, as partly is declared, and more shall appeare (Christ willyng) hereafter.An other obiection of the papists.

And where the sayd our aduersaries doe moreouer charge vs with the fayth of our fathers and Godfathers, wherein we were baptised, accusing and cōdemnyng vs, for that we are now reuolted frō them & their fayth,An answere to the obiection. wherin we were first Christened: To this we aūswere, that we beyng first baptised by our fathers & Godfathers, in water, in the name of the Father, of the Sonne, & of the holy Ghost, the same fayth wherin we were Christened thē, we do retaine, & because our Godfathers were thē selues also in the same fayth,No man bound to follow the opinions of hys Godfathers in all poyntes vnlesse they be consonant in al things. therfore they cā not say that we haue forsaken the fayth of our Godfathers. &c. As for other points of Ecclesiasticall vses & circumstaunces cōsidered, besides the principall substaunce of fayth and baptisme, if they held any thyng whiche receaded from the doctrine and rule of Christ, therein we now remoue our selues not because we would differ from them, but because we would not with them remoue from the rule of Christes doctrine. Neither doth the Sacramēt of our baptisme binde vs in all points to the opiniōs of them that baptised vs, but to the fayth of him, in whose name we were Baptised. For as if a man were Christined of an heretique, the Baptisme of him notwithstandyng were good, although the Baptiser were nought: so if our Godfathers or fathers, which Christened vs, were taught any thyng, not consonant to Christiā doctrine in all pointes, neither is our Baptisme worsse for that, nor yet we boūd to folow thē in all thynges, wherein they them selues did not folow the true church of Christ.

Wherefore as it is false, that we haue renounced the fayth of our Godfathers wherin we were first baptised, so is it not true yt we are remoued from the church of Rome. But rather say,The church of Rome distincted frō the Church of Rome. and (by the leaue of Christ) will proue that ye Church of Rome hath vtterly departed frō the church of Rome, accordyng to my distinctiō afore touched. Which thyng ye more euidently to declare, I will here compare ye church of Rome, with ye churche of Rome: And in a generall description set forth (by Godsgrace (the difference of both the churches, that is of both ye tymes of the church of Rome:Two times of the Church of Rome considered and examined. to ye intent it may besene, whether we or ye churche of Rome haue more Apostated from ye church of Rome.

And here first I diuide the churche of Rome in a double consideration of tyme, first of those first .600. yeares which were immediatly after Christ: and secōdly of the other .600. yeares, which now haue bene in these our latter dayes. And so in cōparyng these two together, will search out what discrepance is betwene them both. Of the which two age and states of the Romane church, the first I call the primitiue church of Rome. The other I call the latter churche of Rome, countyng this latter churche from the thousand yeares expired after the binding vp of Sathā, to the time of his lousing agayne accordyng to the Prophesie of the xx. chap. of S. Iohns Reuelation, countyng these .1000. yeares from the ceasing of persecution, vnder Constantinus Magnus, to the beginnyng of persecution of the churche agayne vnder Innocentius 3. and Ottomannus the first Turcian Emperour. And thus haue ye the churche of Rome parted into two churches, in double respect and cōsideration of two sondry states and tymes. Now in settyng and matchyng the one state with the other, let vs see whether the churche of Rome hath swarued from the church of Rome more then we,The first poynt. or no.

ANd to begyn first with the order and qualities of life: I aske here of this Romane Clergie, where was this Church of theirs which now is, in the old auncient tyme of the primitiue Church of Rome, with this pompe and pride, with this riches & superfluitie, with this gloria mundi, and name of Cardinals, with this praunsing dissolutenes and hooryng of the Curtisans, with this extortiō, bribyng, bying and sellyng of spirituall dignities, these Annates, reformations, procurations, exactions, and other practises for money, this auarice insatiable, ambition, intollerable, fleshly filthynes most detestable, barbarousnes and negligence in preachyng,The enormities of life in the latter Churche of Rome described. promise breaking saythlesse, poysoning and supplantyng one another, with such schismes & diuisions, which neuer were more seen then in the elections and Court of Rome these 700. yeares, with such extreme crueltie, malice and tyranny in burnyng and persecutyng their poorebrethren to death.Policies and practises of Rome to get mony.

It were to long, and a thing infinite, to stand particularly vpō these aboue rehearsed. And if a man should prosecute at large all the schismes that haue bene in ye Church of Rome since the time of Damasus the first, which are coū ted to the number of xviij. schismes. What a volume would it require? Or if here should be recorded all that this Sea hath burned and put to death since loosing out of Sathan, who were able to number them? Or if all their sleightes to get money should be described as processe of matter would require, who were able to recite them all? Of which all notwithstandyng, the most principall groundes are reckoned at least to xiiij. or xv. sleights.

First for Annates,XV. Practises of the newe Churche of Rome to get mony. or vacanties of Archbyshoprikes, Byshoprikes, Abbaties, Priories conuentuall, and other benefices electiue.

Secondly, for the holdyng and reteinyng of all other spirituall liuyng whatsoeuer, besides this which now the incumbent payeth for, or which he may hold hereafter.

Thirdly, new annates for all the same are required agayne, toties quoties, any one of all his spirituall liuynges be, or are fayned to be not orderly come by, whereby it hath chaunced diuers tymes three or foure Annates to be payed for one benefice.

Fourthly, for geuing out preuētiōs of benefites before they fall, and many tymes some one preuention to be geuē to diuers and sundry persons, by the office for money sake.

Fiftly, for resignations vpon fauour, whiche in many cases the Pope chalengeth to be reserued to him selfe.

Sixtly, for commendams.

Seuently, for compoūdyng with such as be absent frō their charge, and geue attendaunce about the Court.

Eightly, for infinite dispensations, as to dispence with age, with order, with benefices incompatible, as if the nū ber be full, if the house be of such or such an order. Item dispensation for irregularitie, for whoredome & aduoutry, for times of mariage, for marying in degrees forbidden, or in affinitie canonicall, for Gossips to mary, for the which it hath bene sene in Fraūce a thousand crownes to be payd to Rome at one tyme, for dispensing with this canonicall affinite of Gossippes, as we call it, the same beyng yet not true, but fayned. Item dispensing for caryng meates in tymes prohibited.

Ninthly, for innumerable priuilegies, exēptiōs, graces for not visityng, or visityng by a Proctor, for cōfirmations of priuileges, for transactiōs made vpon speciall fauour of the Pope, for permutations of benefices with dispensation annexed, or makyng of pensiōs, with such like.

Tenthly, for mandates graunted by the Pope, to Ordinaries, wherof euery Ordinary, if he haue the collation or presētatiō of x. may receaue one mādate, if he haue fifty, he may receaue ij. mandates, & for euery mandate cōmeth to the Pope about xx. ducates. And yet notwithstādyng so many are sold, as will come buyers to pay for them.

Eleuenthly, for the Popes penitētiarie, for absolutiō of cases reserued to ye Pope, for breaking & chāging of vowes for translation frō one monastery to another, also from one order to an other, for licēce to enter into certaine Monasteries, to cary about altars, with many other things of like deuise, pertainyng to the office of the Popes penitentiary.

Twelfly, for geuyng & graūtyng of innumerable Pardons and Indulgences, to be read not onely in publicque tēples, but also to be bought in priuate houses, and of priuate persons, in diuers and sundry respectes.

Thirtenthly, for makyng Notaries, and Protonotories, and other offices of the Court of Rome.

Fourtenthly, for grauntyng out Buls and Commissions of new foundatiōs, or for chaungyng of the old, for reducyng regular Monasteries, to a secular state, or for restoryng agayne into the old, & for other infinite rescriptes & writes, about matters dependyng in controuersie, & otherwise might and ought by the Ordinary to be decided.

Fiftenthly, for geuing the palle to Archbyshops newly elected, by reason of all whiche deuises (besides the first of the Annates) it hath bene accounted out of the kynges recordes in Fraunce, in the tyme of Ludouike the ix. (as testifieth Molineus) to the number of CC. thousand crownes, onely out of Fraunce payd & transported to Rome. Which summe since that time hath bene doubled & tripled, besides Annates and Palles, whiche all together are thought to make the totall summe, yearely goyng out of Fraunce to [Page] the Popes coffers [...]f late yeares x. Myriades, or Milliōs, euery Myriade mountyng to x. thousand crownes.Summa totalis. Now what hath risen besides in other Realmes and Natiōs, let other men coniecture.

Wherfore if the Gospell send vs to the fruites to know the tree, I pray you what is to be thought of the Churche of Rome, with these fruites of lyfe? Or if we will seeke the Church in length and number of yeares, where was this Church of Rome with these qualities then, at what tyme the Church of Rome was a persecuted Church, not a persecutyng Church? And when the Byshops therof did not make Martyrs, as these do now, but were made Martyrs them selues, to the number of xxv. in order one after an other? Or when the Byshops therof were elected & exalted, not by factiōs conspiring, not by power or partes taking, not by money or frendes makyng, as they be now, but by the free voyces of the people & of the Clergy, with the consent of the Emperour ioyned with all, and not by a few cō spired Cardinals, closed vp in a corner, as they be now &c.

The iurisdiction and power of this new church of Rome examined.ANd yet if there were no other difference in the matter, but onely corruptiō of life, all that we would tollerate, or els impute to the common fragilitie of man, and charge them no further therein, then we might charge our selues. Now ouer and beside this deformitie of life, wherein they are cleane gone frō the former steppes of the true Church of Rome, we haue moreouer to charge them in greater pointes, more nearely touchyng the substauntiall ground of the Church,This [...]ewe Church of Rome in three poyntes challenged. as in their iurisdiction presumptuously vsurped, in their title falsely grounded, and in their doctrine heretically corrupted. In all which three pointes, this latter pretenced Churche of Rome, hath vtter sequestred it selfe from the Image and nature of the auncient and true Church of Rome, and haue erected to them selues, a new Church of their owne makyng, as first vsurping a iurisdiction neuer knowen before to their auncient predecessors. For although the Churche of Rome in the old primitiue tyme had his due authoritie and place due vnto that sea, among other Patriarchall Churches, ouer and vpon such Churches as were within his precinct, & bordering neare vnto it,Nicen. Con. Cap. 6. as appeareth by the Actes of Nicene Coūcell: yet the vniuersall fulnesse and plenitude of power in both the regimentes, spirituall & temporall, in deposing & dispensing matters of the Church, not to him belōging, in taking Appeales, in geuyng elections, inuestyng in benefices, in exēpting him selfe from obedience & subiection of his ordinary power & Magistrate, with his coactiue power newly erected in the church of Rome, was neuer receaued nor vsed in the old Romane church, frō which they disagree in all their doings.Victor stopped from his excommunication by Ireneus. Boniface the first falsefieth the Councell of Nice. For although Victor thē bishop of Rome. an. 200. went about to excōmunicate the East Churches, for the obseruation of Easter day: yet neither did he proceede therein, neither was permitted by Irenaeus so to doe. And although Boniface the first likewise, writyng to the Byshops of Carthage, required of thē to send vp their appellatiōs vnto the Church of Rome, alledgyng moreouer the decree of Nicene Coūcell for his authoritie: The Byshops & Clergy of Carthage assemblyng together in a generall Coūcell (called the vj. Councell of Carthage) to the nūber of .217. Byshops,The 6. Councell of Carthage. after they had perused the decrees in the autentike copies of the foresayd Nicene Councell, & foūd no such matter, by the sayd Bonifacius alledged, made therefore a publike decree, that none out of that countrey should make any appeale ouer the sea. &c. And what maruell if appeales were forbiddē them to be made to Rome,Appellations to Rome forbidden in England. whē as both here in Englād the kyngs of this land would not permit any to Appeale frō them to Rome, before king Henry the ij. because of the murther of Thomas Becket, beyng thereunto compelled by Pope Alexander the iij. And also in Fraunce ye like prohibitions were expressely made by Ludouicus Pius, an. 1268. which did forbid by a publicke instrument,Appellations to Rome forbiddē in Fraunce. called Pragmatica sanctio, all exactions of the Popes court within his Realme. Also by kyng Philip named Le bel, an. 1296. the like was done, which not only restrayned all sēdyng or goyng vp of his subiectes to Rome, but also that no money, armour, nor subsidy, should be transported out of his Realme. The like also after him did king Charles the v.Ex Annonio de gestis Frācorum Lib 5. Cap. 33. surnamed the Wise, and his sonne likewise after him Charles the vj. who also punished as traytours, certaine seditious persons for appealyng to Rome. The like resistaūce moreouer was in the sayd countrey of Fraūce,The Popes iurisdiction resisted in Fraunce. against the Popes reseruatiōs, preuētiōs, & other like practises of his vsurped iurisdictiō in ye dayes of pope Martin the v. an. 1418. Item, when kyng Henry the vj. in England, and kyng Charles the 7. in Fraūce, did both accord with the Pope, in inuesting & in collatiō of benefices, yet notwithstandyng the highe Court of Parliament in Fraunce did not admit the same, but still maintayned the old libertie & customes of the French Church. In so much that the Duke of Be [...]hfort came with the kynges letters patēt to haue the Popes procurations & reseruations admitted, yet the court of Parliamēt would not agree to the same, but the kyngs Procurator generall was fayne to go betwixt them, as is to be sene in their Registers. an. 1425. the fift day of Marche. In the dayes of the which kyng Charles the vij. was setforth in Fraunce,Pragmatica sanctio. Pragmatica san [...]tio, as they call it, agaynst the Anna [...]es, reseruations, expectatiues, and such other proceedyngs of the Popes pretenced iurisdictiō. an. 1438. Wherfore what maruell if this iurisdiction of the Popes Court in excommunicatyng, in takyng Appeales, and geuyng of benefices, was not vsed in the old Church of Rome, when as in these latter dayes it hath bene so much resisted?

And what should I speake of the forme and maner of elections,The Popes iurisdiction concerning elections examined. now vsed in the Church of Rome, cleane cōuerted from the maner of the old Church of their predecessors? For first in those auncient dayes, when as yet the Church remayned in the Apostles onely, & a few other Disciples, the Apostles then with prayer and imposition of handes, elected Byshops & Ministers, as by the Apostles Iames was made Bishop of Hierusalem. Paule in Creta elected Titus, and Timothe in Ephesus. Also Peter ordayned Linus and Clement in Rome. &c. After which tyme of the Apostles, when the Church began more to multiply, the election of Byshops and Ministers stode by the Clergie & the people, with the consent of the chief Magistrate of the place, and so continued during all the tyme of the Primitiue Church,Platina. Sabel. Enead. 8. lib. 6. till the tyme, and after the time of Constantine the 4. Emperour, which Emperour (as writeth Platina and Sabellic. Enead. 8. lib. 6.) published a law concernyng the election of the Romane Byshop, that he should be takē for true Byshop, whom the Clergy and people of Rome did chuse & elect, without any tarying for any authoritie of the Emperour of Constātinople, or the Deputie of Italy: so as the custome and fashion had euer bene before that day, an. 685. And here the Byshops began first to writhe out their elections and their neckes a litle from the Emperours subiection,Constātine the 4. Emperour of Constantinople. The Popes bibliothe carie suspected. The constitution of Constantine the 4. Emperour of Constā tinople examined. if it be so as the sayd Platina and Sabellicus after him reporteth. But many coniectures there be, not vnprobable, rather to thinke this constitutiō of Constantine to be forged and vntrue. First, for that it is taken out of the Popes Bibliothecarie, a suspected place and collected by the keeper and maister of the Popes Librarie, a suspected author, who whatsoeuer fayned writynges or Apocripha he could finde in the Popes chestes of Recordes, makyng any thyng on his maisters side: that he compiled together, and therof both Platina, Sabellicus, & Gratianus take most part of their reportes, & therefore may the more be suspected. &c.

Secondly, where Platina and Sabellicus say that Constantine moued with the holynes of Pope Benedict the first made that cōstitutiō, how seemeth that to stād with truth, when both the Emperour was so farre of from him being at Constantinople, & also for that the sayd Pope raigned but x. monethes? which was but a small tyme to make his holines knowen to the Emperour so farre of. And giue he were so holy, yet that holynes might rather be an occasiō for the Emperour so to confirme and maintaine the olde receaued maner of his institution, then to alter it.

The third coniecture is this, for that the sayd constitution was not obserued, but shortly after by the sayd Benedict was broken in the election of Pope Conon. And yet notwithstanding albeit the constitution were true, yet the election there by was not takē away from the people, and limited to the Clergy onely, and much lesse might be taken away frō the Clergie, and be limited onely to the Cardinals, without the consent of their Prince and ruler, accordyng to their owne Rubrice in their Decrees, where the Rubrice sayth:Rubrica de ordinatione Episcopi. ex Caelestino Papa dist. 63. Cap. Cleri. Dist. 63. Cap. Sacrorum. De ordinatione Episcopi: Nullus inuitis detur Episcopus, cleri, plebis, & ordinis consensus & desiderium requiratur, &c. That is: Let no Byshop be geuen to any people agaynst their wils: but let the consent & desire both of the Clergy and of the people, and of the order, be also required. &c. And in the same Dist. also, cap. Sacrorū, we read the same libertie & interest to be graunted by Carolus Magnus, and Ludouicus his sonne, not to a few Cardinals onely, but to the order as well of the Clergy, as of the people, to chuse not onely the Bishop of Rome, but any other Bishop within their owne Diocesse whatsoeuer, and to the Monkes likewise, to chuse their owne Abbot, settyng aside all respect of persons and giftes, onely for the worthynes of life, and gift of wisedome, so as might be most profitable for doctrine, and exāple vnto the flocke. &c. And this continued till the tyme of the foresayd Carolus Magnus, and [Page] Ludouicus his sonne,Libertie graunted to the Clergy, and to the people to chuse their Bishop. Carolus Magnus. Ludouicus P [...]us. The decree, Ego Ludocus, dist. 63. suspected. an. 810. of the which two, Carolus the father receaued expresly of Pope Ad [...] [...]he first, full iurisdiction and power to elect & ordeine the Bishop of Rome, like as pope Leo the ix. did also to Ottho [...]he first Germain Emperour, an. 961. The other, that is, Ludouicus, sonne to the foresayd Charles, is sayd to renoūce agayne, and surrender from him selfe and his successours, vnto pope Paschalis and the Romaines, the right and interest of chusing the Romane Bishop, and moreouer to giue and graunt to the sayd Paschalis the full possession of the Citie of Rome, & the whole territorie to the same belongyng. An. 821. as appeareth by the decree, Ego Ludouicus Dist. 63. But admit that fayned decree to be vnfaynedly true (as it may wel be suspected for many causes, as proceedyng out of the same foūtaine, with the cōstitution of Constantine afore mentioned, that is, from the maister of the Popes Library, of whō both Gratianus & Volateran, Gratianus & Vol [...]teranus, what ground they haue of their recordes. Dist. 63. ca. Ego Ludouicus. Election of the Bishop of Rome standeth vpon the cō sent of the Clergy, and the people of Rome. by their owne confession take their grounde) yet the same decree doth not so geue away the freedome of that election, that he limiteth it onely to the Cardinals, but also requireth the whole cōsent of the Romaines, neither doth he simplely & absolutely geue the same, but with cōditiō, so that, Omnes Romani vno consilio, & vna concordia sine aliqua promissione ad pontificatus ordinem eligerent: that is, whō as all the Romaines with one counsaile, & with one accord, without any promise of their voyces graūted before, shall chuse to be Byshop of Rome. And moreouer in the same Decree is required, that at the consecration of the same Bishop, messengers should be directed incōtinent to the Frēch kyng concernyng the same.

Furthermore, neither yet did the same decree (albeit it were true) long continue. For although Pope Stephen the fourth, and pope Paschalis the first, in Ludouicus time were impapaced thorough discord without election of the Emperour, yet they were fayne by message to send their purgation to him of their election. And after that, in the tyme of Eugenius the ij. which succceded next to Paschalis, Lotharius sonne of Ludouicus, The decree Ego Ludouicus, proued fals. and Emperour with his father, came to Rome, and there appointed lawes & magistrates ouer the Citie. Whereby may appeare the donation of Ludouike, in geuyng away the Citie of Rome to the Pope, to be fayned. And after Eugenius, pope Gregory the iiij. who followyng within a yeare after Eugenius, durst not take his election without the consent and confirmation of the sayd Emperour Ludouicus. And so in like maner his successours pope Sergius the ij: Pope Leo, the iiij. pope Nicolas the first, and so orderly in a long tract of tyme, from the foresayd Nicolas the first, to Pope Nicolas the ij. an. 1061. (which Nicolas in his Decree beginnyng,Dist. 23. ca. In Nomine Domini. In nomine Domini Dist. 23. ordained also the same) so that in the election of the Bis [...]ops of Rome, commonly the consent of the Emperour and the people with the Clergy of Rome, was not lackyng. After which Nicolas came Alexander the 2. and wicked Hildebrād, which Alexander being first elected without the Emperors will and consent, afterward repenting the same, openly in his preaching to the people declared that he would no longer sit in the Apostolique sea, vnlesse he were by the emperor confirmed. Wherfore he was greatly rebuked, and cast into prison by Hildebrand, and so deposed. Then Hildebrand and his folowers so ordred the matter of this election, that first the Emperor, then the lay people, after that the Clergie also began to be excluded. And so the election by litle & little was reduced into the handes of a few Cardinals, cō trary to all anciēt order, where euer since it hath remained.

The iudiciarie power of the Pope examined.And like as in elections, so also in power iudiciarie, in deciding and determinyng of causes of fayth, and of Ecclesiasticall discipline, the state of the Church of Rome, now beyng, hath no cōformitie with the old Romane Churche heretofore. For then Byshops debated all causes of fayth onely by the Scriptures, and other questions of Ecclesiasticall discipline they determined by the Canōs, not of the Pope, but of the Church, such as were decreed by the auncient Councels,Georg. Turonens in Francorum hist. lib. 10. ca. 18. The Popes jurisdiction vsurped in geuing and disposing ecclesiastical promotions. as writeth Greg. Turonensis in Francorum historia. Where as now both the rule of scripture, & sanctions of the old Councels set aside, all thynges for the most part are decided by certaine new decretall or rather extradecr [...]tall & extrauagant constitutions, in the Popes Canon law compiled, and in his Consistories practised.

And where as the old ordinaunce and disposition, as well of the common law, as of the sacred Coūcels, and institution of auncient fathers haue geuen to Byshops & other prelates, also to patrons and donors of Ecclesiastical benefices euery one within his owne precinct and dominion, also to cathedrall Churches and other: to haue their free elections & to prosecute the same in full effect: ordryng and disposing promotions, collatiōs, prouisions & dispositions of prelacies, dignities, and all other Ecclesiasticall benefices whatsoeuer, after their owne arbitremēt, as appeareth by the first generall Councell of Fraunce.16. q. 7. cap. emnes Basilicae. The Councell of Nice. cap [...]. The generall Councell of Antioch. cap. 9. 9. q. 3. cap. per singulas, Pragmatica sanctio sancti Ludouici. 16. q 7. cap. Omnes Basilicae, by the first generall Councell of Nice, cap 6. Also by the generall Councell of Antioche. cap. 9. and is to be seene in the Popes Decrees. 9. q. 3. Per singulas. And also beside these auncient decrees, the same is confirmed agayne in more latter yeares by Ludouicus the ninth French kyng in his constitution called Pragmatica sanctio, made and prouided by full Parliament agaynst the popes exactions. An. 1228. in these wordes as folow. Item exaction [...]s & onera grauissima pecuniarum, per curiam Romanam Ecclesiae regni nostri impositas vel imposita (quibus regnum miserabiliter de pauperatum existit) siue etiam imponendas vel imponenda leuari aut colligi nullatenus volumus: nisi duntaxat pro rationabili, pia & vrgentissima causa, vel ineuitabili necessitate, ac etiam de expresso, & spontaneo iussu nostro, & ipsius Ecclesiae regni nostri. &c. that is. Item all exactions & importable burdens of money, which the Court of Rome hath layd vpon the Church of our kingdome (whereby the said our kingdome hath bene miserably hetherto impouerished) or hereafter shall impose or lay vpon vs, we vtterly discharge and forbyd to be leuied or collected hereafter for any maner of cause, vnlesse there come some reasonable, godly, & most vrgent, & ineuitable necessitie, & that also not to be done without the expresse & voluntary commaundement of vs, & of the Church of the same our foresayd kingdome. &c. Now contrary and agaynst to these so manifest & expresse decrementes of generall Councels, & constitutions Synodall, this latter Church of Rome of late presūption, degeneratyng frō all the steppes of their elders, haue taken vpon them a singular iurisdiction by them selues, & for their owne aduauntage, to entermedle in disposing & trāsposing Churches,Impropriations and first finites of benefices. Colledges, Monasteries, with the collations, exemptions, elections, goodes & landes to the same belongyng, by reason and exāple wherof haue come in these impropriations, first fruites, & reseruations of benefices to the miserable dispoyling of Parishes, & horrible decay of Christen fayth, which thynges amōg the old Romaine elders were neuer knowē. For so much then did it lacke, that due necessities were pluckt frō the Church, that Emperours, Kyngs, & Princes plucking frō their owne, rather did cumulate the Church with superfluities.

Agayne, when such goodes were geuen to the Church by those auncetors, they were neither so geuen, nor yet taken, to serue the priuate vse of certaine churchmen takyng no paynes therein, but rather to serue the publique subuē tiō of the needy, as is cōteined in the canonicall institutiōs by the Emperour Ludouicus Pius set forth. An. 830. The wordes be these:Institutiones canonicae sub Ludouico Pio. Res Ecclesiae vota sunt fidelium, pretia peccatorum, & patrimonia pauperum, that is: The goods of the church be the vowes and bequestes of the faythfull, prices to raunsome such as be in captiuitie or prison, and patrimonies to succour them with hospitalitie, that be needy.

Wherunto agreeth also the testimony of Prosper, The wordes of Prosper. whose wordes be these: Viros sanctos ecclesiae non vendicas [...]e vt proprias, sed vt commendatas pauperibus diuisisse: that is, good men tooke ye goodes of the church not as their own but distributed thē as geuē & bequeathed to the poore. And sayth moreouer: Quod habet Ecclesia, cum omnibus nihil habentibus habet commune, that is: Whatsoeuer the church hath, it hath it common, with all such as haue nothyng. &c.

Adde to these the worthy testimony of S. August. ad Bonif. Si autem priuatim, Aug. ad Bonifac. quae nobis sufficiant possidemus, nō sunt illa nostra, sed pauperum quorum procurationem quodammodo gerimus, non proprietatem nobis vsurpatione damnabili vendicamus, &c.

Likewise vowsons and pluralities of benefices were thyngs then as much vnknowen,Vowsons and pluralities of benefices. as now they are pernitious to the church, taking away all free election of ministers from the flocke of Christ.

All which inconueniences as they first came and crept in chiefly by the pretensed authoritie & iurisdiction abused in this latter church of Rome, so it can not be denyed, but the sayd latter church of Rome hath taken and attributed to it selfe much more,Three points wherein the Popes Church erreth in his iurisdiction. thē either the limites of Gods word do geue, or standeth with the example of the old Romane church, in these three thynges especiall. Whereof as mentiō is touched before, so briefly I will recapitulate the same.

The first is in this, that whatsoeuer the Scripture geueth and referreth,Ecclesiasticall iurisdiction falsly restrained & impropriate to the Church of Rome, which ought to be generally equall to all Churches Christian. either to the whole church vniuersally, or to euery particular church seuerally, this church now of Rome doth arrogate to it selfe absolutely and onely, both doyng iniury to other churches, & also abusing the Scriptures of God. For albeit the Scripture doth geue authoritie to binde and loose, it limitteth it neither to person nor place, that is, neither to the Citie of Rome onely, more thē to other Cities, nor to ye sea of Peter, more thē to other Apostles, but geueth it clearely to ye Church, wherof Peter [Page] did beare the figure, so that where soeuer the true Church of Christ is, there is annexed power to bynde & loose, geuen and taken meerly as from Christ, and not mediatly by the Pope or Byshop of Peters sea.

The second poynt wherein this present Churche of Rome abuseth his iurisdiction contrary to Scripture and steps of the old Romane Church,Ecclesiasticall iurisdiction abused and extended in the church of Rome further then the word limiteth. is this, for that it extendeth his authoritie farther and more amply, thē either the warrant of the word, or example of time will giue. For although the Churche of Rome hath (as other particular churches haue) authoritie to binde and absolue, yet it hath no such authoritie to absolue subiectes frō their othe, subiection, and loyaltie to their rulers & Magistrates, to dispēse with periury, to denounce remissiō, where no earnest repentaunce is sene before, to number remission by dayes & yeares; to dispense with thynges expressely in the word forbiddē, or to restrayne that which the word maketh free, to deuide Religion into Religions, to binde and burthen consciences with constitutions of men, to excommunicate for worldly matters, as for breakyng of parkes, for not ringyng bels at the Byshops commyng, for not bringyng litter for their horse, for not paying their fees and rētes, for withholding the church goods, for holding on their princes side in princely cases, for not going at the Popes commaundement, for not agreeyng to the Popes electiō in an other princes Realme, with other such thyngs mo & more vayne then these. &c. Agayne, although the Scripture geueth leaue and authoritie to the Byshop and Churche of Rome to minister Sacraments, yet it geueth no authoritie to make Sacramentes, much lesse to worshyp Sacraments. And though their authoritie serueth to baptise mē, yet it extendeth not to Christen bels:Christening of Bels. neither haue they authoritie by any word of God to adde to the word of God, or take from the same, to set vp vnwritten verities vnder payne of damnation, to make other articles of belief, to institute straunge worship, otherwise thē he hath prescribed, which hath told vs how he would be worshipped. &c.

The iurisdiction of the Pope abused and vsurped in temporal matters where he hath nothing to doe.The third abuse of the Popes iurisdiction standeth in this, that as in spirituall iurisdiction they haue vehemētly exceeded the boūdes of Scripture, so they haue impudētly intermedled them selues in temporall iurisdictiō, wherein they haue nothing to do. In so much that they haue trāslated the Empire, they haue deposed Emperours, Kyngs, Princes & rulers & Senatours of Rome, & set vp other, or the same agayne at their pleasure, they haue proclaymed warres, & haue warred them selues. And where as Emperours in aūcient tyme haue dignified thē in titles, haue enlarged thē with donations, & they receauyng their confirmation by the Emperours, haue like ingratfull clients to such benefactors, afterward stampte vpon their neckes, haue made thē to hold their s [...]urrup, some to hold ye bridle of their horse, haue caused them to seeke their confirmation at their hand, yea haue bene Emperours thēselues: Sede vacante, & in discordia electionis, and also haue bene Senators of the Citie. Moreouer haue extorted into their owne handes the plenary fulnes of power & iurisdiction of both the swordes, especially since the tyme of Pope Hildebrand: which Hildebrand deposing Henricus the iiij. Emperour, made him geue attendance at his Citie gate. And after him Pope Bonifacius the viij. shewed him selfe vnto the people on the first day like a Byshop, with his keyes before him, & ye next day in his robes Imperiall, hauyng a naked sword borne before him, like an Emperour. an. 1298. And for so much as this inordinate iurisdiction hath not onely bene vsed of thē, but also to this day is mainteined in Rome, let vs therefore now compare the vsage hereof to the old maner in tymes past, meanyng the primitiue and first age of the Church of the Romaines. Wherein ye old Byshops of Rome in those dayes, as they were then subiect to their Emperours, so were other Byshops in like maner of other nations subiect euery one to his Kyng & Prince, acknowledgyng them for their Lordes, & were ordered by their authoritie & obeyed their lawes, and that not onely in causes ciuile, but also in regiment Ecclesiasticall as appeareth Dist. 10. cap. 1. & 2. Dist. 97. cap. De illicita.

Also 24. q. 3. So was Gregorius surnamed Magnus, subiect to Ma [...]itius, Popes submitted in the olde tyme to Emperours. and to Phocas, although a wicked Emperour. So also both Pope & people of Rome tooke their lawes of the Emperours of Constantinople, & were submitted to thē, not onely in the time of Honorius an hūdreth yeares after Constantine the great, but also in the tyme of Martianus ▪ Ex cap. 1. de iuramentis calumniat. an. 1451. & so further vnto the tyme of Iustinian & of Carolus Magnus, and also after the dayes of them. In all which cōtinuance of tyme, it is manifest, that the Emperiall law of Martiane did rule & bynde in Rome, both in the days of Iustinian, an 150. yeres after, til the tyme of the Empire beyng translated from Grece vnto Fraūce. Whereby it may appeare false▪ that the Citie of Rome was geuē by Constantine the first vnto the bishop of Rome to gouerne, for that Pope [...] the first writyng to the Emperour Honorius, c [...]eth in the same place Rome the Emperours Citie. Dist. 97. cap. 1. And Lotharius, also Emperour appointed Magistrates and lawes in Rome,Dist. 97. cap. 1. as is aboue mentioned. Moreouer, for further probation hereof, that both the Byshop of Rome & all other Ecclesiasticall persons were in former tyme, and ought to be subiect to their Emperours and lawfull Magistrates, in causes as well spirituall as ciuile,Plat. in vita Euge. 2. Euidences prouing ecclesiasticall persons to haue bene subiect to their Magistrates in causes both Ecclesiasticall & temporall. Euidences out of the Scripture. Dauid. 1. Par. cap. 30.31. Ezechias. 4. Reg. 18. The order of Abias was the eight order among the Priests. 1. Par. 24. Salomon. Iudas Machabeus. by many euidences may appeare, takē out both of Gods law, and mans law. And first by Gods law we haue exāple of godly kyng Dauid, who numbred all the Priestes and Leuites, & disposed thē into xxiiij. orders or courses, appointyng thē cōtinually to serue in the ministery euery one in his proper order & turne, as came about: which institution of the Clergy, also good king Ezechias afterward renued, of whō it is written: he did that was right in the sight of the Lord, accordyng to all things as his father Dauid had done before, he tooke away the high groues, and brake downe Images. &c. 4. Reg. 8. The sayd Ezechias also reduced the Priests & Leuites into their orders, prescribed by Dauid before, to serue euery one in his office of ministratiō .2. Paralip. 30.31. And this order frō Dauid still continued till the time of Zachary at the cōmyng of Christ our Lord, beyng of Abias course, which was the viij. order of the Priestes appointed to serue in the tabernacle. Luc. 1. To passe ouer other lighter offices translated from the Priestes to the Kyngs authoritie, as cōcernyng the orderyng of oblations in the Temple, and reparations of the Lordes house, kyng Salomon displaced Abiathar the high Priest, by his kyngly power, and placed Sadoch in his stede. 3. Reg. cap. 6▪ Also dedicatyng the temple of the Lord with all the people, blessed the whole congregation of Israell. 3. Reg. 8. Iudas Machabeus also elected Priestes, such as beyng without spot had a zeale to the law of the Lord, to purge the Temple, which the Idolatrous Gentiles had before prophaned. 1. Machab. 4.

Also kyng Alexander writyng to Ionathas, appointed him chief Priest in his coūtrey.1. Mac. 10. 1. Mac. 14. Iosaphat. 1. Mac. 10. Demetrius ordeined Simon & Alchinus in the like office of Priesthood. Iosaphat likewise as in the whole lād did set Iudges, so also in Hierusalem he appointed Leuites & Priestes, and heades of families to haue the hearyng of causes, and to minister Iudgement ouer the people.2. Par. 19. 2 Paral. 19. By these & many other is to be sene, the Kynges & Princes in the old tyme as well, when Priestes were borne Priestes, as whē they were made by election, had the dealyng also in Ecclesiasticall matters, as in callyng the people to Gods seruice, in cutting down groues, in destroying images, in gathering tithes into ye Lordes house, in dedicating the tēple, in blessing the people, in castyng downe the brasen Serpēt within the tēple, in correcting & deposing Priestes, in cōstituting the order & offices of Priestes, in commaundyng such thynges as pertained to the seruice & worshyp of God, & in punishyng the contrary. &c. And in the new Testament what meaneth the exāple of Christ himselfe both geuing & teaching tribute to be geuen to Caesar? to Caesar I say, & not to ye high Priest.Iohn. 19. What meaneth his wordes to Pilate not denying power to be geuen to him from aboue?

And agayne declaryng the kynges of nations to haue dominiō ouer thē, & willing his Disciples not so to do, geuyng vs to vnderstād the difference betwene the regimēt of his spirituall kingdome, & of ye kingdome of this world, willyng all worldly states to be subiect vnder the superiour rulers & Magistrates, in whose regiment is dominiō and subiectiō, & not in the other. Whereunto accordeth also the doctrine of S. Paule,Rom. 13. where it is written: let euery soule be subiect to the higher powers, vnder whose obedience neither Pope, Cardinall, Patriarch, Byshop, Priest, Frier nor Monke is excepted,Theophilactus. nor exempted, as Theophilactus expoūdyng the same place declareth, & sayth: Vniuersos erudit, siue sacerdos sit ille, siue monachus, siue Apostolus, vt se principibus subdant: that is, he teacheth all sortes, whether he bee Priest, or Monke, or els Apostle, that they should submit themselues vnder their Princes. &c. And S. Augustine writyng ad Bonifacium, sayth in much like sort: Quicun (que) autem legibus imperatoris, Aug. ad Bonifacium. quae, pro Dei veritate feruntur, obtemperare non vult, acquirit grande supplicium, that is, whosoeuer refuseth to obey the lawes of the Emperor, which make for the veritie of God, incurreth the daunger of great punishmēt. &c. Also in an other place, writyng cō [...]ra Cresconium, Aug. contra Cresconiū. li. 3. cap. 5. hath these words: In hoc enim reges sicut eis diuini [...]us praecipitur, Deo seruiunt, in quantum reges, si in suo regno bona iubeant, mala prohibeant, non solùm quae pertinent ad humanam s [...]cietarem, verumetiam quae ad diuinam religioné &c. that is, Kynges accordyng as it is inioyned them of [Page] God, do serue God in that they are kynges, if they in their kyngdome commaunde those thynges that be good, & forbid thynges that be euill, such as appertaine not onely to humaine societie, but also to Gods Religion. &c. And yet to come more neare to the Popes owne Doctours, Thomas Aquine not much discrepant from the iniunction of the Apostle aboue alledged,Thomas de regim. princip. li. [...]. cap. 32. thus describeth ye office of a kyng: Hoc inquit, officium rex se suscepisse cognoscat, vt sit in regno, sicut in corpore anima, & sicut Deus in mundo, &c. Let a kyng (sayth he) vnderstand, that he hath taken this office vpon him, to be as the soule within the body, and as God in the world. In like agreemēt with the holy Apostle S. Paule, ioyneth also S. Peter:1. Pet. 2. be you subiect (sayth he) to euery humaine creature, whether it be to the king, as most preeminent, or to other set ouer you. &c. Where the common Glose addeth thereto, to obey the same, whether they be good or euill. These places rightly pondered, let any mā now iudge whether the Pope hath done open wrong to the Emperour, in surprising aboue the iurisdiction of his lawfull Prince and Magistrat, notwithstādyng whatsoeuer his owne Canon law sayth to the contrary.

And as it is sufficiently hetherto proued by Gods law, that all Ecclesiasticall persons owe their due subiection to their lawfull Princes, in matters as well tēporall, as spirituall: so no lesse euidēces may also be inferred out of mās law, and examples of the oldest fathers, to proue the same. And first to begyn with the example of Gregory the great, who in his Epistle to Mauritius writeth thus: Dominus meus fuisti, Gregor. ad Maurit. Aug. lib. 3. epist. 61. quando adhuc Dominus omnium non eras: Ecce per me seruum vltimum suum, & vestrum respondebit Christus, &c. that is: You were thē my Lord, whē you were not the Lord of the whole Empire, behold Christ him selfe shall make you aūswere by me, which am his most simplest seruaūt and yours, &c. And before him Eleutherius his predecessour Byshop of Rome, writyng to Lucius, kyng of this Realme,The Pope calleth king Lucius Christes Vicar. calleth him by the name of Christes Uicare: But what needeth much confirmation of this matter, whē the Popes decrees & Canons be full of recordes hereof, testifiyng how the auncient Church of Rome not onely receaued, but also required of the Emperours, lawes & cōstitutions to be made, touchyng not onely such causes, but also such persons as were Ecclesiasticall. And here to omit by the way the chap. Principes seculi, also cap. Administratores, 23. q. 5. with diuers other beside, I will recite out of the Epistle of Boniface the 1. to the Emperour Honorius, 23. q. cap. 5. principes, cap. Administratores. Dist. 97. ca. ecclesiae, cap. Victor. so much as serueth for our purpose, written dist 92. cap. Ecclesiae, cap. Victor. Where it is mentioned that the sayd Bonifacius Byshop of Rome sent an hūble supplication to the forenamed Emperour, desiryng him by his authoritie to prouide some remedy against the ambitious cōtentions of the clergie, concerning the bishoprike of Rome. Which Emperor Honorius incontinent at his request, directed & stablished a law, that none should be made Byshop of Rome through ambitiō, charging all Ecclesiasticall Ministers to surcease frō ambition, appointyng moreouer, that if two were elected together, neither of them both should be takē, but the election to proceed further to an other to be chosen by a full consent of voyces,Dist. 79. ca. Si duo. as is expressed. Dist. 79. cap. Si duo.

To this I adioyne also the law & constitution of Iustinian the Emperour, ratified and renued afterward in the counsell of Paris, in tyme of king Ludouicus Pius. Where all Byshops & Priestes be expresly forbiddē not to excommunicate any mā, before his cause was knowen & proued to be such, as for the whiche the auncient Canons of the Church would him to be excōmunicate. And if any should otherwise proceede cōtrary to the same, thē the excōmunicate person to be absolued by ye authoritie of an higher degree, & the excōmunicate to be sequestred frō the communiō, so long as should seeme conueniēt to him that had the executiō therof, as is expressed. 24. q. 3. De illicita. The same Iustinian moreouer in his lawes & cōstitutions,24. q. 3. cap. De illicita. how many thynges did he dispose & ordeine in Church matters, as to haue a determinate number of Churchmen or Clerkes in Churches. cōst. 3. Also cōcerning Monasteries & Mōkes. const. 5. how Byshops & Priestes should be ordeined. cōst. 6. concerning remouyng of Ecclesiasticall persons frō one Church to an other.Ex Nouel. 5. Iustinian. Also concernyng ye constitution of the Churches in Affrike. And that the holy misteries should not be done in priuate houses, so yt whosoeuer should attēpt the contrary, should be depriued. const. 57. Moreouer cōcernyng Clerkes leauyng their Churches. const. 58. Also concerning the order & maner of funerals. const. 59. And that Byshops should not keepe frō their flocke. const. 67. The same Iustiniā graūted to the Clergy of Constātinople the priuiledge of the secular court, in cases onely ciuile, and such as touched not the disturbaūce of the Byshop, otherwise in all criminall causes he left them to the iudgemēt of the secular court. const. 83. He geueth also lawes & decrees for breach of matrimonie. const. 117. & in diuers other places. And in his const. 123. after the doctrine of S. Paule, he commaūdeth all Byshops & Priestes to sounde out their seruice,Diuine seruice vsed in the vulgare tongue. & to celebrate the misteries, not after a secrete maner, but with a loude voyce, so as they might not onely be heard, but also be vnderstand of the faythfull people, what was sayd & done, Whereby it is to be gathered, that diuine prayers and seruice then, was in the vulgar toung.

And as the said Iustinian, & other Emperours in those dayes had the iurisdictiō and gouernement ouer spirituall matters & persons, the like examples also may be brought of other kyngs, in other lādes, who had no lesse authoritie in their Realmes,Clodoueus. then Emperours had in their Empire. As in Fraūce, Clodoueus the first Christened kyng at Orleans caused a Coūcell of 33. Byshops, where .33. Canons were instituted cōcernyng the gouernemēt of the Church,Concilium Aureliense. Carolus Magnus. within .200. yeares after Christ. Ex primo Tomo Concil. Carolus Magnus, beside his other lawes and edictes political, called v. Synodes, one at Mentz, the second at Rome, the third at Remes, the fourth at Cabilone, the fift at Ar [...]late, where sundry rites & ordinaūces were geuen to the Clergy, about .810. yeares after Christ. The same Carolus also decreed that onely the Canonicall bookes of Scripture should be read in the Church,Canonicall Scripture onely to be read in Churches. Conc. Cartha. 3. cap. 47. & none other. Which before also was decreed. an. 4.17. in the third generall Councel of Carthage. Item he exhorteth and chargeth Byshops and Priests to preach the word, with a godly iniūction: Episcopi verò vt siue per se, siue per vicarios, pabulum verbi diuini sedulò populis annuncient. Quia vt ait beatus Gregorius: Iram contra se occulti iudicis excitat Sacerdos si sine praedicationis sonitu incedit. Et vt ipsi clerum sibi commissum in sobrietate & castitate nutriant. Superstitiones quas quibusdam in locis in exequijs mortuorum nōnulli faciunt, Bishops and Priests charged to p [...]each with diligence. eradicent, that is: That bishops either by them selues, or their deputies shall shew forth ye foode of Gods word to the people with all diligēce. For as Gregory sayth, the Priest procureth against him the wrath of ye secret iudge, which goeth without the sound of preaching. And also that they bring vp their Clergy to thē cōmitted in sobernes & chastitie.Superstition in Funerals forbidden. Ex. Ansegiso Abbate, lib. 1. cap. 76. The superstitiō which in certaine places is vsed of some, about the Funerals of the dead, let them exterminate & plucke vp by the rootes, &c.

Moreouer, instructing & informyng the sayd Byshops & Priestes in the office of preaching, willeth thē, not to suffer any to fayne or preach to the people any new doctrine of their owne inuētion, & not agreing to the word of God, but that they them selues both will preach such thyngs as lead to eternall life, and also that they set vp other to do the same, & ioyneth with all a godly exhortation. Ideo, dilectissimi, toto corde praeparemus nos in scientia veritatis, & mox: vt diuina donante gratia verbum Dei currat & crescat, & multiplicetur, in profectum Ecclesiae Dei sanctae, & salutem animarū nostrarum, & laudem, & gloriam nominis Domini nostri Iesu Christi Pax praedicantibus, gratia obedientibus, gloria Domino nostro Iesu Christo, Amen. Furthermore, the said Carolus in his constitutions diuideth the goodes geuē to the Church so, that in ye more welthy places, two partes should go to the vse of the poore, ye third to the stipēd of the Clergy. Otherwise in poorer places an equall diuisiō to be made betwene the pouertie & the Clergy, vnles the gift had some speciall exception. Ex Ansegiso. lib. 1. cap. 80. And in the same booke a little after, cap. 83. the author declareth by the sayd Carolus to be decreed, that no Ecclesiasticall person or persons frō thenceforth should presume to take of any person, any such gift or donation, wherby ye childrē or kinsfolkes of the sayd Donor should be defeited of their inheritance duly to them belongyng. Ludouicus Pius king of France, & after Emperor, was sonne to the foresaid Charles who being ioined together with the said Charles his father in ye Empire,Ludouicus Pius. ordained also with his father sundry actes & obseruaunces touchyng the gouernement of the Church, as in ye author before alledged may appeare. As first, that no entry should be made into the Church by Symony:Ex Ans. lib. 1. cap. 20. Agayne, that Byshops should be ordained by the free electiō of the Clergie & of the people, without all respect of person or reward, onely for the merite of life, and gift of heauenly wisedome.

Also the sayd Kynges & Emperours forbad that any free mā or Citizen should enter the professiō of Monkery, without licence asked of the kyng before, & added a double cause wherfore. First, for that many not for meere deuotiō, but for idlenes and auoyding the kynges warres, do geue thē selues to Religiō: againe, for that many be craftely circumuēted & deluded by subtile couetous persons, seekyng to get frō them that which they haue. Lib. 1. cap. 114. ibidem. Itē that no young childrē or boyes should be shauē or enter any profession, without the will of their Parētes. And no young maydens should take the veale or profession of a [Page] Nunne, before she came to sufficient discretion of yeres to discerne & chuse what they will follow. That none should be interred or buried thēce forth within the Church, which also was decreed by Theodosius & Valentinianus 40. yeares before them.Lib. 2. C de sacr [...] eccle. Iustin. in Nouel. Item the sayd Carolus .22. yeares before this Emperour, enacted that murderers & such as were giltie of death by the law, should haue no sanctuary by flying into the Church. &c. which also was decreed by Iustiniā .300. yeares before this Carolus. Ex Nouel. Iustinia.

Ludouicus and Clot [...]arius.Moreouer the foresayd Ludouicus Pius, with his sonne Clothariꝰ (or as some call him, Lotharius) ioyned with him, among other Ecclesiasticall Sanctions, ordained a godly law, for laymen to cōmunicate the Sacrament of the body & bloud of the Lord in these wordes: Vt si nō frequētius, vel ter, laici homines communicent: nisi fortè grauioribus quibus [...]am criminibus impediātur. Anseg. lib. 2. Cap. 43. That laymen do communicate at least thrise, if not ofter, except they be let percase by some more haynous greuous offences. Anseg. lib. 2. cap. 43. Item they enacted that no goodes of the Church should be alienated vnder the payne Leoninae constitutionis. Unto this Lotharius French kyng and Emperour, Pope Leo the 4. writeth that Romana lex, Clodouicus. 11. that is, the Romane law (meanyng the law of the Frēch Emperours) as it hath hetherto stode in force: Ita & nunc suum robur propriúm (que) vigorem obtineat, that is: so now it may continue still in his vigour and strength.Ex Inon Carnotensis, lib. 11. decretorum. The Pope pleadeth his cause at the barre before the Emperour. 2. quaest. 7. cap. Hos si incontinenter. Ludouicus. 9. Ino Carnotensis. lib. 11. Decretorum, about the yeare of the Lord .848. After this Lotharius succeeded his sonne Ludouicus the second in the kyngdome & Empire of Fraunce, before whō the foresayd Pope Leo was brought into iudgement, & pleaded his cause of treason, and there was before the Emperour quyte and released. Which declareth that Popes and Byshops all this while were in subiection vnder their Kynges and Emperours.

Moreouer descendyng yet to lower tymes. an. 1228. Ludouicus 9. called holy Ludouike, made a law agaynst the pestiferous simonie in the Church, also for ye maintenaūce of the libertie of the Church of Fraūce, established a law or decree, agaynst the new inuētions, reseruations, preuētions, & exactions of ye court of Rome, called Pragmatica sanctio, S. Ludouici, Pragmatica sanctio, S. Ludouici. Arestum Senatus Parisien. ex Molinao. Philippus Pulcher. Carolus Sapiens. the which Sāction was also practised lōg after in the kyngdome of Fraūce agaynst the popes collectors & vndercollectors, as appeareth by the Arestum of the coūsaile of Paris. an. 1463. ex Molinaeo in Cōmētarijs. Furthermore king Philip le Bel. 1303. set forth a law, called Philippina, wherein was forbid any exactiō of new tithes and first fruites, & other vncustomed collections, to be put vpon the Church of Fraūce. Carolus the v. named Sapiens. an. 1369. by a law cōmaūded, that no Byshops nor Prelates, or their Officials within his kyngdome of Fraūce should execute any censure of suspense, or excommunicatiō, at the Popes cōmaundemēt, ouer or vpō the Cities, or townes, corporations, or cōmons of his Realme, ex regist, antiquarū const. chart. 62.Carolu [...]. 6. Itē Carolus vi. an. 1388. agaynst ye Cardinals & other Officials, & collectors of the Pope, reuoking againe the power which he had geuē to thē before, prouided by a law, that the fruites & rentes of benefices, with other pensions, & Byshops goodes that departed, should no more be exported by the Cardinals & the Popes collectours vnto Rome, but should be brought to the king, and so restored to them to whō they rightly did appertaine.

The like also may be inferred & proued by the stories & exāples of our kyngs here in Englād, as kyng Offa, kyng Egbertus, Edgarus, Aluredus, Athelwoldus, Canutus, Edwardus. William Conquerour, Wilhel. Rufus, Henricus the first, Henricus the second, till the tyme of kyng Iohn and after. Whose dealyng as well in Ecclesiasticall cases, as in tēporall, is a sufficient demonstration to proue what iniury the Popes, in these latter dayes, haue done vnto the Emperours their lawfull gouernours & Magistrates: in vsurpyng such fulnes of power & iurisdictiō ouer them, to whō properly they owe subiection, cōtrary to the steps & example of the old Romaine Byshops their aunciters, & therfore haue incurred the daūger of a Premunire, worthy to be depriued. Although it is not to be denyed, but that Ecclesiasticall ministers and seruitures haue their power also committed vnto thē, after their sort, of the Lord: yet it becommeth euery man to know his owne place & standyng, & there to keepe him, wherein his owne precinct doth pale him & not rashly to breake out into other mēs walkes. As it is not lawfull for a ciuile Magistrate to intermedle with a Byshops or a Preachers function: so vnseemely & vnorderly it is agayne that Boniface the viij. should haue borne before him the tēporall male, & the naked sword of the Emperour, or that any Pope should beare a triple crowne, or take vpon him like a Lord and Kyng. Wherfore let euery man consider the compasse & limitation of his charge, & exceede no farther. The office of a Bishop or seruiture Ecclesiasticall, was in the old law to offer sacrifice,The office of the Ecclesiasticall minister. to burne incense, to pray for the people, to expounde the law, to minister in the tabernacle, wt which office it was not lawfull for any Prince or mā els to intermedle, as we read how Ozias was punished for offering incense, & an other for touchyng the Arke: so now the office of Christian Ministers is to preach the word, to minister Sacramēts, to pray, to binde and loose, where cause vrgently requireth, to iudge in spirituall cases, to publishe & denounce free reconciliation, & remissiō in the name of Christ, to erect & comfort troubled consciences with the rich grace of the Gospell, to teach the people the true differēce betwixt the law and the Gospell, whereof the one belongeth to such as be not in Christ, and come not to him: the other pertaineth to the true beleuers in the sonne of God, to admonish also the Magistrates erryng or transgressing in their office. &c.

And as these properly belong to the functiō of the Ecclesiasticall sort:The office of ciuile rulers & magistrates. so hath ye ciuile gouernour or Magistrate agayne his proper charge & office to him assigned, whiche is, to see the administratiō of iustice & iudgement, to defend with power the right of the weake that suffer wrōg, to defend from oppression the poore oppressed, to minister with equalitie, that which is right and equall to euery man: to prouide lawes good & godly, to see the execution of ye same as cause moueth: especially to see the law of God mainteined, to promote Christes glory & Gospell, in settyng vp & sendyng out good Preachers, in mainteinyng the same, in prouidyng Byshops to be elected that be faythfull, in remouyng or els correctyng the same beyng faulty or negligēt, in congregatyng the Clergy whē neede is of any coū sell or electiō, to heare their learning in causes propoūded, & according to the truth learned, to direct his iudgemēt, in disposing such rites & ordinaunces for the church, as make to edification not to the destruction therof, in conseruyng the discipline of the Churche, and settyng all thynges in a congrue order. Briefly, the office of the ciuile ruler & Magistrate extendeth to minister iustice and iudgement in all Courtes as well temporall, as Ecclesiasticall: to haue correction ouer all trāsgressours, whether they be laymen or persons Ecclesiasticall. And finally all such thyngs as belong to the mouyng of ye sword, whatsoeuer, that is to say, all outward punishment, is referred to the iurisdiction of the secular Magistrate, vnder whose subiection the ordinaunce of God hath subiected all orders and states of mē.

Here we haue the witnesse also of Hormisda Byshop of Rome, which being well weyed, maketh ye matter plaine, that Princes haue to deale in spirituall causes also, not onely in temporall: where the sayd Hormisda writeth to Epiphanius, Patriarche of Constant. in this sort: Clara coelestis misericordiae demonstratio procedit, quando regés seculi causas de fide, cum gubernatione politiae coniungunt. &c. ex Act. v. vniuers. concil. Constantini secundi. an. 528. And thus much, and to much peraduenture concernyng the matter of iurisdiction, in which poynt this new Church of Rome hath swarued from the auncient Church of Rome, which was, as is sufficiently proued.

THe third point wherein the church of Rome hath broken and is departed from the Church of Rome,The 3. point wherein the Church of Rome is altered from the Church of Rome. The titles & stile of the Bishop of Rome. is the forme of stile & title annexed to the Bishop of that Sea. As where he is called Pope, most holy father, vicare generall, & vicare of Christ, successour of Peter, vniuersall Byshop, Prince of Priestes. head of the Church vniuersall Summus orbis pontifex, Stupor mundi, head Byshop of the world, the admiration of the world, neither God nor mā, but a thyng betwene both. &c. for all these termes be geuen him in Popish bookes. Albeit ye name Pope, beyng a Greeke name, deriued of [...], which soūdeth as much as Father, in the Syracusane speach, may peraduenture seeme more tolerable, as which hath bene vsed in the old time among Byshops, for so Austen was called of the Coūcell of Aphrike, Hierome, 24 q. 1. cap. Loquitur. Dist. 50. ca. De eo tamē. Papa, a cō mon name in the old tyme to all Bishops of higher knowledge & vertue. Hierony. ad Chromatiū, Epist. Idem ad Eustachium & Fabiolam. of Boniface & other. Also Cyprian Byshop of Carthage, was called Papa. 24. q. 1. cap. loquitur & dist. 50. cap. De eo tamen. Item Clodouaeus or (as Rheanus calleth him) Ludouicus, first Christiā king of Fraūce, calleth a certain simpler Byshop, Papam. Hierome also in his Epistle to Chromatius calleth Valerianus, by the name of Pope: & likewise writyng to Eustachium, and Fabiola, he calleth Epiphanius beatum Papam. In the Apologies of Athanasius, we read oft tymes that he was called Papa, and Archiepiscopus. Ruffinus also Lib. 2. cap. 26. calleth him. Pontificem maximum: Also Aurelius President in the vi. Councell of Carthage was called of the sayd Councell, Papa, ex cap. 4. vi. Concil. Carthag. And before this Eleutherius Byshop of Rome, writyng to kyng Lucius the first Christian kyng in this land, calleth him in his Epistle, the vicare of Christ. &c. But that any of these termes were so peculiarly applied to the Bishop of [Page] Rome, that other bishops were excluded from the same, or that any one bishop aboue the rest, had the name of Oecumenicall, or vniuersall, or head, to the derogation of other Bishopps, or with such glory as is now annexed to the same: that is not to be found neither in histories of the old tyme, nor in any example of the primitiue Church, nor in the testimonies of auncient approued Doctours. First before the Councell of Nice,Ex Epist. Pij. secūdi. 103. it is euident by Pope Pius the ij. that there was no respect had to the church of Rome, but euery church then was ruled by his owne gouernance, til the yeare of our Lord, 340. Then folowed the Councell of Nice, wherin was decreed, that throughout the whole vniuersitie of Christes Church, which was now far spread ouer all the world, certaine Prouinces or precincts to the number of foure were appointed, euery one to haue his head church, and chiefe bishop, called then Metropolitane or Patriarch, to haue the ouersight of such churches as did lie about him.The foure Patriarches appoynted by the Coū cel of Nice. Ex Concil. Nicen. Ex Concil. Constantinop. cap. 36. In the number of which Patriarches or Metropolitanes, the Bishop of Rome had the first place, The Bishop of Alexandria was the second. The Bishop of Antioche the third. The Bishop of Hierusalem was the fourth Patriarch. Afterward in the number of these Patriarches, came in also the Bishop of Constantinople in the roome of the bishop of Antioch. So these foure or fiue Metropolitanes or Patriarches, had their peculiar circuites and precincts to them peculiarly appointed, in such sort, as one of them should not deale within an others precinct, & also that there should be among them equalitie of honour, wherupon we read so oft in the decrees of the olde Councels, [...],Ex Concil. Constan. 2. Cap. 36. that is, equall degree of thrones, and of honour among priests and ministers. Againe, speaking of the said Patriarches or Primates, we read in the 2. and 3. chap. of the Councel of Constant. [...],Ex Concil. Const. cap. 2.3. that is, That bishops should not inuade the Dioces of other bishops without their borders, nor confound togither churches, &c. Moreouer, the old Doctours for the most and best part, do accord in one sentēce, that all bishops placed wheresoeuer, in the church of God, be eiusdem meriti & honoris, & successores Apostolorum, that is, to be of one merite, of like honour, and all to be successors together of the Apostles. Also, he that is the Author of the booke called Dionysius Areopagita, calleth all the Bishops [...], that is, of equall order, and of like honor, &c. All this while the Bishop of Rome was a Patriarch, and a Metropolitane or bishop called of the first sea, but no Oecumenicall Bishop, nor head of the vniuersall Church, nor any such matter. In so much, that he, with all other Bishops, was debarred from that, by a playne decree of the Councell of Carthage, Can. 39. in these wordes: [...],Ex Concil. Carthag. Can. 39. that is, That the bishop of the first seat shall not be called the Prince of priests, or the high priest, or any such thing.

And least any here should take occasion of cauilling, to heare him called bishop of the first sea, here is to be expounded, what is ment by the first sea, and wherfore he was so called, not for any dignitie of the persō, either of him which succedeth, or of him whom he is said to succeede, but onely of the place wherin he sitteth. This is plainly proued by the councell of Calcedone, cap. 28. Wherin is manifestly declared the cause why the sea of Rome among all other Patriarchall seas is numbred for the first sea by the auncient fathers.Ex Concil. Calcedon. cap. 28. For why, saith the Councell, [...], that is, for that our forefathers did worthily attribute the chiefe degree of honour to the sea of old Rome, because the principall raigne or Emperie was in that Citie, &c. The same also is confirmed by Eusebius Caesariensis, declaring, quòd excellentia Romani Imperij extulit papatum Rom. Pontificis supra alias Ecclesias. That the excellencie of the Romaine Emperie did aduance the Popedome of the Romaine bishop aboue other churches, &c. Ex Gab. Biel. Moreouer,Ex Gabri. Biel. lect. 25. saith the said Caesariensis: Nicena synodus hoc contulit priuilegium Rom. pontifici, vt sicut Romanorum rex Augustus prae caeteris appellatur: ita Rom. pontifex prae caeteris Episcopis Papa vocaretur. That is, The Councell (saith he) of Nice gaue this Priuiledge to the Bishop of Rome, that like as the king of the Romaines is named Emperour aboue all other kings, so the bishop of the same citie of Rome should be called Pope aboue other bishops &c. By these places hitherto alledged (and such other, many more then be here alleaged) it appeareth that though these titles of superioritie had bene attributed to the Bishop of Rome, yet it remaineth certaine, that the said Bishop receiued that preferment Iure non diuino, sed humano, by mans law, not by the law of God. And so is the distinction of the Popes proued false,The Popes decree proued false. where is said: Romanam Ecclesiam non a concilio aliquo, sed a diuina voce primatum accepisse, that the church of Rome, tooke not his primacie by any Councell, but onely by the voyce of God. And this is to be said although it were true, that these titles & termes were so giuen to the bishop of Rome in the olde time, yet how and by whom they were giuen, ye s [...]e. Now to trie this matter, as ioyning an issue with our aduersaries, whether those foresaid titles of soueraigntie, were applied in the old tyme of the Primitiue church, to the Bishop of Rome, as to be called the vicare generall of Christ, the hed of the whole church, and vniuersall bishop, remaineth to be proued. Wherunto this in my minde is to be answered, that albeit the bishops of Rome (of some peraduenture) were so called by the names of higher preeminence of that citie, of some going about to please them, or to craue some helpe at their handes, yet that calling 1. First, was vsed then but of a few. 2. Secondly, neither was giuen to many. 3. Thirdly, was rather giuen, then sought for, of the most. 4. Fourthly, was not so giuen that it maketh or can make any generall necessitie of law, why euery one is so bound to call them, as the bishop of Rome now seeketh to be taken and called,Bonifa [...] [...]. Extraua [...] de maiorita [...] & obedient Cap. Vnam. and that by necessitie of saluation, as the decree of Pope Boniface 8. witnesseth, where is said, quòd sit de necessitate salutis, vt credatur Primatus Ecclesiae Rom. & ei subesse. That it standeth vpon necessitie of saluation, to beleue the Primacie of the church of Rome, and to be subiect to the same, &c.

As touching therfore these titles and termes of preheminence aforesaide, orderly to set foorth and declare what histories of times doe saye in that matter, by the grace of Christ. First we will see what be the titles, the Bishop of 1 Rome doth take and chalenge to himselfe, and what is the meaning of them. 2. When the first came in, whether in 2 the primitiue time or not, and by whom. 3. How they were 3 first giuen to the Romane Bishops, that is, whether of necessary duety, or voluntary deuotion, whether commonly of the whole, or particularly of a few, and whether in respect of Peter, or in respect of the Citie, or els of the worthines of the Bishop which there sat. 4. And if the 4 foresayd names were then giuen of certaine Bishops, vnto the bishop of Rome: whether all the saide names were geuen, or but certaine, or what they were. 5. Or whether 5 they were then receaued of all Byshops of Rome, to whō they were giuen, or els refused of some. 6. And finally whether 6 they ought to haue bene refused beyng giuen, or not. Touching the discourse of which matters, although it appertaine to the profession, rather of Diuines, then hystoritians, and would require a long and large debating: yet for so much as both in these, & diuers other weighty controuersies of Diuinity, the knowledge of times and histories, must needes helpe Diuines disputing about the same so much as the grace of Christ shall assiste me therein, I wil ioyne to the seeking out of truth, such helpe as I may.

And first to begin with the names and titles,What names and titles be attributed to the Bishop of Rome. Ex 6. decret. Lib. 1. de elect. & electi potestate▪ tit. 6. in ca. 17. in procmio. glosa. The forme of the Popes regalitie to his titles appertayning. now claymed and attributed to the sea and Byshop of Rome: and what they be, is sufficiently declared aboue, that is, the cheife Preist of the worlde, the Prince of the Church, Byshop Apostolicall, the vniuersall head of the Church, the head and Byshop of the vniuersall Church, the successor of Peter, most holy Pope, the vicar of God on earth, neither God nor man, but a mixt thing betweene both: the Patriarche or Metropolitane of the Churche of Rome, the Byshop of the first sea. etc. Unto the which titles or stile is annexed a triple crowne, a triple crosse, two crossed keyes, a naked sword, seauenfold seales, in token of the seauenfolde giftes of the holy Ghost, he being carried pickbacke vpon mens shoulders, after the maner of heathen kynges, hauing all the Empire, and the Emperour vnder his dominion: & that it is not conuenient for any terrene Prince to reigne there, where he sitteth, hauing the plenary fulnes of power, as well of temporall things as spirituall things in his handes, that all thinges are his, and that all such Princes as haue gyuen him any thing, haue giuen him but his owne, hauing at his will and pleasure to preach indulgencies, and the crosse against Christen Princes whatsoeuer:Regalia Sancta Patri. And that the Emperour, & certaine other Princes, ought to make to him confession of subiection at their coronation: hauing authoritie to depose, and that he de facto, hath deposed Emperors and the king of France: Also to absolue the subiects from their allegeance to their Princes, whom kings haue serued for footmen to lead his horse, and the Emperour to hold his stirrop, that he may and doth geue power to Bishops vpon the bodies of men, and hath graunted them to haue prisons,Ex frat Barth. & alijs. without whose authoritie no general Councell hath any force. And to whom appellations in all maner [Page] of causes may and ought to be made. That his decrees be equall with the decrees of Nicen Councel, and are to be obserued and taken in no lesse force, then if they had bene confirmed with the heauenly voyce of Sainct Peter himselfe ex fra. Barth. & alijs. Item that the sayd Byshop of Rome hath the heauenly disposition of thinges and therefore may alter and chaunge the nature of thinges, by applying the substance of one thing to an other.Cap. quando. de. transl. &. Episc. tit. 7. cap. Quando de transl. Epis. tit. 7. Item that he can of nothing make something, and cause the sentence, which before was none to stande in effect, and may dispence aboue the lawe, and of iniustice make iustice, in correcting and chaunging lawes, for he hath the fulnes of power.Dist. 40. cap. Si. papa. And againe. dist. 40. cap. Si Papa. If the Pope doe leade with him innumerable soules [...] flockes into hell, yet no man must presume to rebuke his faultes in this worlde. Item that it standeth vpon necessitie of saluation to beleeue the Premacie of the sea of Rome, and to be subiect to the same. &c.

These thinges thus declared, now let vs see whether these names and titles, with the forme and maner of this authoritie and regalitie aboue rehearsed: were euer attributed of any in the primitiue tyme to the byshop of Rome. For al these, he doth chalenge and clayme vnto him by old possession from the time of S. Peter. And here a question is to be asked of our aduersaries the Papistes, whether they will auouch all these aforesaide titles, together wyth the whole forme and tenour of regalitie, to the same belongyng as is afore touched, or not? if they wil, let them come foorth with their allegations, which they neuer haue done yet, nor euer shalbe able: if they will not, or can not auouch them all together in maner as is specified, then why doth the byshop claime them altogether so stoutly, vsurpe them so falsely, and obtrud them vpon vs so straitly. Moreouer if the sayd our aduersaries, being conuicted by plaine euidence of hystorye, and example of time, will yeld vnto vs (as they must needes) in part, and not in the whole, let vs come then to the particulars, and see what part of this regalitie they wil defend, and deriue from the auncient custome of the Primitiue Church (that is from the first fyue hundred yeares,Ex Cōncil. Nice. Cano. I meane after Christ.) First, in the Coō cell of Nyce, which was the yeare of our Lord. 340. and in the .vj. Canon of the sayd Councell, we finde it so decreed: that in euery prouince or precinct of some one Church,Dist. 65. cap. Mos antiquus. and Byshop of the same, was appointed and set vp to haue the inspection and regiment of other churches about him. Secundum morem antiquum, that is, after the ancient custome, as the wordes of the Councell do purport, so that the Byshop of Alexandria shoulde haue power of Lybia, & Pentapolis in Egypt, for as much as the Byshop of the Cytie of Rome, hath the like or same maner. And in like sort also in Antioch, & in other countreyes, let euery Church haue his due honor, & consequently yt the Bishop of Ierusalem haue also his due honor to him reserued, so that such order be kept, that the Metropolitane Cities be not defrauded of their dignitie which to them is due and proper. &c. In this Councell and in the same Canon. vj. and vij. where the Byshops of Alexandria, of Rome, and of Antioch, are ioyned together in on like maner of dignity, fyrst there appeareth no difference of honor to be ment therin. Secondlye for somuch as in the sayde two Canons after mention made of them, immediately followeth, that no Byshops should be made without consent of their Metropolitanes, yea and that the City also of Hierusalem should be vnder hys Metropolitane,Ex. cōcil. Nice. Cant. and that the Metropolitane should haue the ful power to confirme euery Byshop made in his prouince: Therfore it may be well suspected that the third Epistle decretall of Pope Anacletus, and of Pope Stephanus, with other mo are forged, wherin these Byshops, and especially the Byshop of Rome is exempted and desceuered from the name of a Metropolitane or an Archbyshop, to the name of a Patriarch or Primate:Dist. 12. cap. Sacrosancta. as appeareth in the decrees. dist. 22. cap. Sacro sancta. wherefore as wee must needes graunt the Byshop of Rome to be called a Metropolitane or an Archbyshop by the Councell of Nice:The Byshop of Rome called Metropolitane, Archbishop, Patriarch, Primate. The 6. Counsell of Carthage. so we will not greatly sticke in this also, to haue him numbred with Patriarches or primates. which title seemeth in the old tyme to be common to mo Cities then to Rome, both by the Epistle of Anacletus, of Pope Stephanus, of Pope, Iulius, and Leo, &c.

After this followed a generall Councell in Aphricke, called the vj. Councell of Carthage, an. 420. where were congregated. 217. Byshops among whom was also, Augustinus, Prosper, Orosius, with diuers other famous persons. This Councell continued the space of v. yeares, wherein was great contention about the supremacie, and iurisdiction of Rome. The Byshop wherof then was Zosimus. This Zosimus the Romane Bishop had receaued the same time into the communion of the church without any examination, one that came to complaine to him out of Aprike,Ex Conciliorum. Tom. 1. in Sexta Synod. Carthage. named Apiarius, a Priest whom Aurelius the Metropolitane with the Councell of Aphrike had worthelye excommunicated for his detestable conditions before. Uppon this Zosimus after that hee hadde receaued and shewed such fauor to Apiarius, for that he did appele to him, sendeth to the Councell his messengers, to wit Fastinus Byshop of Potentine and two Priestes of the Churche of Rome named Philippus and Asellus, with these foure requestes: first that Apiarius whom he had absolued might be receaued of them againe, and that it might be lawful for Byshops or Priestes to appeale from the sentence of their Metropolites, & also of the Counsell, to the sea of Rome.

Secondly, that Byshops should not saile ouer importunely ad comitatum. Thirdly, that if any Priest or Deacon were wrongfully excommunicate by ye Byshops of their owne prouince, it should be lawfull for thē to remooue the hearing and iudgeing of their cause to their neighbour bishops. Forthly,Vrbanus. Episcopus Siccensis. The Popes of Rome taken with the maner in falsefiyng the decrees of Nicene Councell. that Vrbanus there Byshop, either should be excommunicated, or els sent vp to Rome, vnlesse he would correct those things that were to be corrected. &c. For the approbation whereof, the sayde Zosimus alledged for him the words (as he pretended) taken out of Nicene Councell. The Councell of Carthage hearyng this, and remembring no such thing in the Councell of Nice to bee decred, & yet not suspecting the Byshop of Rome to dare wrongfully to falsefie the wordes of that Councell: writeth againe to Zosimus, declaring that they neuer reade to their remembraunce, in their common Latine exemplare of Nicene Councell any such Canon, yet notwithstanding for quietnes sake, they woulde obserue the same tyll time they might procure the originall copies of that councell to be sent to them from Constantinople, Alexandria, and from Antioch. In like effect afterward they wrote to Pope Boniface, which then succeded Zosimus.

And thirdly also to Celestinus, which shortly after succeeded Boniface. In the meane time this foresayd Councell sent their Legates, Marcellus and Innocentius to Atticus Patriarche of Constantinople, and to Cyrillus Patriarch of Alexandria, for the autentique copies in Greeke of Nicene Councell, which being sent vnto them, & they finding in the true originals no such Canon,The Bishop of Rome called Dominus frater. that is brother Byshop. Bishops of Rome proued falsefiers of Nicen Conuncell. as the Bishoppe of Rome had falsely forged, they wrote a sharpe & an handsome letter to Celestinus Byshop of Rome, calling him in the said letter by the way: Domine frater: declaring to him, how they had perused all the copies of ye Councell of Nice coulde finde no such Canon: as he and his predecessours had falsely alledged, and therewithall reciting the vj. Canon afore mentioned, declared how the decrees of Nicene Councell had committed all and singular persons Ecclesiasticall, as well Byshops, as other, vnto the charge of their Metropolitanes. Moreouer expounding the same decree, they shewed the reasons thereof.1

1. For that (sayd they) the fathers of that councell did well foresee,Fiue reasons why matters of controuersie ought not to be had out of other countryes vnto Rome. to be most iust and conuenient, that all controuersies there be ended (in ijsdem locis) where they begin.

2. For that it is not to be supposed contrary, but that the grace of God wil be as prest and ready in one prouince as in other, to instruct his ministers both prudētly to vnderstand iudgement, and constantly to mayntayne the same.

3. For that there is no need to seeke further to any outlandish helpe, because especially that the party whosoeuer 2 is not contented with the determination of his iudges or 3 commissioners, may lawfully appeale either to the prouincial 4 or to any generall counsell.

4. That way to be better, then to runne to any forranine Iudge, it must needes be graunted, because it is not like that our God will inspire his iustice and truth of examining, vnto one Byshop, and denie it to a multitude congregated in a whole Councell.

5. Neither can it be, that any such outlandish iudgement 5 in hearing and determining causes,Euery coū trey to appeale first to his own Metropolitane, secondly to a prouinciall or generall Councell. can stand perfect and vpright, for that the necessary persons of witnesses, either for infirmitie of sexe of age, of sickenes, or some other impeachment, are not able to be present, by whom the truth of the sentence, should be directed. Wherefore as by these & other reasons they thought it not conuenient from them to bryng their matters ouer vnto Rome: so neither was it to be found, sayd they, by any councell of the old fathers decred, that any Legates should be sent frō Rome to thē, for deciding of their matters. And therefore exhorted they the sayd bishop of Rome, that he would not induce fumosum typū, (or rather as I may call it) typhos seculi, in Ecclesiam Christi, Fumosum typhos seculi. quae lucem simplicitatis & humilitatis prefaert ijs qui Deum Diligunt, that is, that he would not induce the swelling pride of the worlde into the Church of Christ, [Page] which church sheweth and giueth the light of simplicitie & of humilitie to such as loue to see God, &c. In these foresaid letters moreouer,Summary notes gat [...]ered out of the Coū cell of Carthage agaynst the Pope. is signified how ye forenamed malefactor Apiarius, whom the bishop of Rome before had absolued & receiued to the communion of the church, was afterward found culpable, and therfore the councell proceded against him, brought him to open confession of his faults, & so enioined him due penance for his demerites, notwithstanding the absolution and inconsiderate clearing of the Bishop of Rome before proceeding.

1 In summe, out of this Councell of Carthage these are to be noted. First, how glad the Bishops of Rome were to receiue such as came to them for succour.

2 2. What pride they tooke by the occasion therof, thinking and seeking thereby to haue all vnder their subiection.

3 3. To the intent to allure other to seeke to them, how redie they were to release and quit this Apiarius as guiltles, which after was tried culpable by his owne confession.

4 4. How contrary to the actes and doings of the Romish bishop, this Councell condemned him, whom the said bishop of Rome before had absolued, litle respecting the proceedings of the Romish church.

5 5. How the bishops of old time haue bene falsifiers of ancient Councels and writings, wherby it may be suspected, that they which shamed not to falsifie & corrupt the Councell of Nice, much lesse would they sticke to abuse and falsifie the decretall Epistles and writings of perticular Bishops & Doctors, for their owne aduantage, as no doubt they haue done many one.

6 6. In this foresaid Councell, whereat Augustine himselfe was present, & where Aurelius President of the same, was called Papa, the bishop of Rome was called expresly in their letters, but bishop of the citie of Rome, and Dominus frater, that is, brother Bishop.

7 7. Seuenthly, the dominion of this Romain Patriarch, in the said Councel of Carthage. was cut so short, that neither it was permitted to thē of Affrike to appeale ouer the sea to him, nor for him to send ouer his Legates to them for ending their controuersies. Wherby it may sufficiently appeare, that the Bishop of Rome in those dayes, was not fully admitted to be the chiefe of all other Bishops, nor the head of the vniuersall church of Christ in earth, &c.

8 8. We heare in this Councell, fiue causes or reasons giuē, why it is not necessary nor yet conuenient for all forraine causes to be brought to one vniuersall head or iudge, as is before recited.

9 9. Lastly, by the said Councell of Carthage, we heare a vertuous exhortation to be giuen to the bishop of Rome, that he would not induce into the meeke & humble church of Christ, the fuming and swelling pride of the world, as is before declared, &c. In this, or in some other Councell of Carthage, it was moreouer prouided by expresse law, and also specified in the Popes decrees,Di [...]t. 99. Cap. sedis Episc. that no Bishop of the first sea, should be called the Prince of Priests, or the chiefe priest, or any such like thing but onely the bishop of the first seat, as followeth more in the said decree, Vniuersalis autem, nec etiam Rom. pontifex appelletur, The highest title belōging to a Bishop is to be called the Byshop of the first seate. The Bishop of Rome forbidden to be called vniuersall Bishop. Sinodus Mileuitana. No Byshop to appeale ouer the sea Byshop of the first seate what it meaneth. Concil. Car. Cano. 23. that is, Be it enacted, that no bishop, no not the Bishop of Rome be called vniuersall bishop, &c. And thus much cōcerning this foresaid Councell of Carthage.

Not long before this Councel, was celebrate in Affrike an other Councel, called Synodus Mileuitana, about the yere of our Lord, 442. at the which Councell also S. Augustine was present, where it was decreed vnder payne of excommunication, that no minister or bishop should appeale ouer the sea to the bishop of Rome, whereby it may appeare that the bishop of Rome all this space was not vniuersally called by the terme of Oecumenical or vniuersal bishop, but Bishop of the first sea: so that if there were any preferment therein, it was in the reuerence of the place, and not in the authoritie of the person. And yet it was not so in the place, that the place importeth the Cittie of Rome onely, but the first seate then was called Metropolitane Church, as by the woordes of Nicene Councell, and other constitutions moe, is to be seene where the foure Patriarches were called [...], or [...], or [...], as namely, by the wordes of the Councell of Carthage may appeare, which be these: [...]. that is, except he haue some special licēce or exception, by ye consent of ye first seat of ye proper bishop in euery country, that is, of him that is the Primate in ye said countrey,Concil. Car. Cano. 39. &c. Also the wordes of the can. 39. of the Councell of Carthage, before touched be these, [...], That is, that the bishop of the first sea, be not called Prince of Priestes, or head Priest, or els any such like. Againe Anicetus the x. bishop of Rome, and Pope Stephen & Pope Felix making a difference betwene Primate & Metropolitane,Ex Epist. de [...]r [...] Anicet. Step. Felici [...]. writeth thus. Let no Archbishops bee called Primates, but onely such as haue the first seat, &c. Thus it is made plaine, how the bishop of the first seate, or first bishop, or Primate is none other, but he which was called Patriarch, and belonged not only to the church of Rome, but to all such cities & places, where as before among the Gentiles were primi flamines, &c. dist. 80. cap. vrbes & loca, & in illis. Dist. 80. cap. Vrbis & loca. ibid. ca. in illis. Where, by the way is to be noted the repugnance or contrarietie of such as crastily, but falsly haue counterfaited the Popes decretall epistles, which besides other great and many coniectures also hereby may be gathered. For where Clement, Anacletus, epist. 12. Anicetus and other, ioyning together the office of Patriarchs & Primates,The Papiste [...] in their decrees contrary to thē selues. do deuide the same from the order of Metropolitanes or Archbishops, alledging therin the constitution of the Apostles and their successors, that is, to be found false by the Canōs of the Apostles, by the Councell of Nice, and by the councell of Antioche with other moe. For in the Canons of the Apostles, where in euery Canon almost, mention is made of Bishops, Priestes, and Deacons, no worde is there touched,Cano. Apo. 34. neither of any order aboue the Bishop, or lower then the Deacon, saue only in the 33. Canon, setting an order among bishops, the Canon willeth the Bishops of euery nation to know their first or chiefe bishop, & him to be taken for the head of them: he saith not the head of the church, or head of the world, but the head of those bishops. And where?Cano. [...] not in Rome onely, but plainely and expresly in euery nation, for so the wordes purport, [...]. That is, the bishops of euery nation ought to know the first or chiefe [...] them, &c. Moreouer, the Councell of Antioch reciting [...] foresaid Canon worde for worde, expoundeth the [...] plainly, [...] in stead of [...], writing [...]: Which is as much to say, as Metropolitan: and in the end of the said Canon, calleth him [...], Id est, Metropolitanum, 6. q 3. per singulas. Wherby it is concluded, that to be false, that Clement and Anacletus, and Anicetus bee reported (but falsedly) to put a difference betwene Primates or Patriarchs,Dist. [...]. cap. Anacletus. and Metropolitanes or Archbishops. Whereas by sufficient authoritie it is to bee proued, that in the old church both Primates, first bishops bishops of the first seat, Patriarchs, Metropolitanes, bishops of the Mother citie, and Archbishops were all one. First, that Primates and Metropolitanes were both one, is before declared by the Canons of the Apostles,Nouella Iustinia. cap. 23. & by the Councell of Antioch aforesaid. Agayne, that Patriarches and Archbishops were all one, it is euident Ex Nouella Iustiniani. cap. 23. where the sayd constitution reciting the 4. Patriarches (aboue mentioned) calleth them by the name of Archbishops. And a little after calleth the Patriarch of Constantinople, Archbishop, by these wordes: [...], That is, which be vnder the Archbishop and Patriarch of Constantinople. And after speaking more plainly in the matter, setteth an other order, diuers from that of Clement, Anacletus and Anicetus, in placing these foresayd persons, first beginning with bishops,Ex Nouel. Iustin. ibi. then ouer them setteth the Metropolitane, and ouer him againe, the Archbishop, and there staieth, making no further mention of any other aboue him: whose wordes be these, [...]. That is, if a Bishop be accused, the Metropolitane to haue the examination of these things that are brought against him, if the Metropolitaine be accused, then the Archbishop to haue the hearing therof, vnder whom he dwelleth & pertaineth, &c.

And in the same constitution moreouer, [...]. &c. If any sute or supplicaton be brought against a Bishop by a minister,Archbishop and Metropolitane not to be both one. first the Metropolitane to haue the deciding of the matter, and if any default shall be found in the iudgement thereof, then the hearing and ending of the case to be brought before the Archbishop, &c.

In this constitution of Iustinian, although the Metropolitane be placed aboue the Byshop,An item against the forged Epistles decretall. and the Archbishop aboue the Metrapolitane: yet notwithstanding by this is sufficiently confuted the forged constitution of Clement Anacletus, Anicetus, Stephanus, & Felix: who in their Epistles [Page] decretall, doe ioyne together in one forme and order, both Archbishop and Metropolitane,Clemēt Epist. 1. Anaclet. Epist. 2 art. 4. Aniceti. Epist. art 2. Distinct. 39. Cap. Nulli Ar [...]episcopi. Stepha. Epist. art. 5. and aboue them both do place the Patriarch, and aboue the Patriarch, the Apostolicall sea to wit the Bishop of Rome, as may appeare in reading the first Epistle of Clement. In illis autem ciuitatibus &c. the second Epistle of Anacletus. Art. 4. prouinciae. dist. 99. prouincie multo, and the Epistle of Anicetus art. 23. dist. 99 cap. Nulli Archiepiscopi. Also the Epistle of Pope Stephen the first, Art. 5. (where note by the way, that Gratianus referreth this place of the Epistle to Pope Lucius.) Item the Epistle of Pope Felix the second, Art. 12. in which all foresayd Epistles, this order and difference of degrees is taken, that the first and principall place is giuen to Primats or Patriarches, the second to Metrapolitanes or Archbyshops, the third to Byshops, and finally aboue all these is extolled the Apostolicall sea of the Byshop of Rome,Repugnaunce betwene the cō stitutions of Iustinian: and the Epistles decretall. contrary to all that which before hath bene alledged out of Iustinian, the Councell of Nice & of Antioch, &c. Whereby it may appeare that either Iustiniā in preferring Archbishops aboue Metropolitanes, did not read these Epistles decretall, if they were vnfayned, or if they were forged, they which forged the said Epistles in their names, did not wel aduise that Iustinian had written in this matter before.

Bishop Metropolitane Bishop of the first sea. Primate, Patriarche, Archbishop. Chiefe Byshop termes vsed in the primitiue time of the Churche. High Priest or high Priesthoode.Thus then these titles aboue recited, as Byshop, Metropolitane, Byshop of the fyrst seat, Primate, Patriarche, Archbyshop, that is to meane, chiefebyshop, or headbishop to other Byshoppes of his prouince, wee deny not but were in the olde time applyed, and myght be applyed to the Byshoppe of Rome lyke as the same also were applyed to other Patriarches in other chiefe Citties and prouynces.

As touching the name likewise of the high Priest, or hyghpriesthood, neither doe I denye but that it hath bene found in old monuments and recordes of auncient times, but in such wise and sort, as it hath beene common to Byshops indifferently, and not singularly attributed to any one Byshoppe or sea. Whereof testimony we haue out of the .vij. generall Councell. dist 38. cap. Omnes, where the Byshoppes office is called Summum sacerdotium, Dist. 83. cap. omnes Summus sacerdos, Summum sacerdotium. the hygh Priesthood, in these wordes: Substantia summi sacerdotii nostri sunt eloquia diuinitus tradita .i. vera diuinarum Scripturarū disciplina. etc. That is, the substance (say they) of our hygh Priesthood is the word of discipline of holy scriptures geuen vs from aboue. &c.

And likewise the Councell of Agatha, maketh relation De pontificibus in sūmo sacerdotio constitutis, of Bishops set in the high Priesthood,Ex concilio Agathensi. 12. q. 3. cap. Pontifices. meanyng not of any one, but indiffynitly & indifferently of whomsoeuer. 12. q. 3. cap. Pontifices. Also Fabianus Byshop of Rome, an. 240. wryting in generall to his brethren, and to all Byshoppes and Ministers Ecclesiasticall doth attribute to them the same title of Summum sacerdotium, in these words, Deus ergo, fratres, qui praeordinauit vos, 3. q. 1. cap. Deus. ergo. & omnes qui Summo sacerdotio fūguntur. &c God which hath preordayned you brethren, and all them which beare the office of high priesthoode. 3. q. 1. cap. Deus ergo. With like phrase of spech, Anacletus also in his second Epistle,Ex Anaclet. Epist. 2.2. q. 7. cap. Accusatio. Bishops called the successors of the Apostles. speaking of Bishops in general, calleth them Summos sacerdotes: vnde, inquit, liquit quod summi sacerdotes. i. Episcopi a Deo sunt iudicandi. &c. The high priests, that is, Byshops, saith he. And moreouer in the same place calleth thē Apostles, and successours of the Apostles. &c, So doth Innocentius the first, an. 405. as appeareth. dist. 61. cap. Miserum. Item Zosimus Byshop of the sayd Citie of Rome, an. 420, as witnesseth. dist. 59. cap. 1. who speaketh de summo sacerdotio, Dist. 61. c. miserum. Dist. 59. cap. 1. that is, of high priesthood, not onely of ye church of Rome, but of all other churches. Vrbanus the first was Byshop of Rome, an. 226. who in his writinges alleaged by Gratian, referreth the name & place Summi pontificis, of the hygh Byshop, not onely to the seate of Rome, but vniformely to euery Byshop, as appeareth in the wordes of the dist. 51. cap. Si officia. &c.

Ex Vrba 1. Dist. 59. cap. Si officia.And thus much as touching the name or title of high Priest, or supreme Byshop. Which title as I doe not deny to haue bene vsed in maner & forme aforesayd: so do I denye this tytle and style of Summus orbis pontifex, as it is now vsed in Rome, to haue bene vsed, or vsually receaued duryng all the primitiue tyme of the Church,Summus orbis pontifex. that is v. hū dred yeares after Christ, after the manner and sort I mean of that authoritie and glory, which in these dayes nowe is vsed and is giuen to the same, vntil the time of Phocas, the wicked Emperour, which was after the yeare of the Lord 608. The which title as it is to glorious for any one Byshop in ye church of Christ to vse: so is it not to be found in any of the approued and most auncient writers of ye church namely these, as Cyprianus, Basilius, Fulgentius, Chrysostomus Hieronymus, Ambrosius, Augustinus, Tertullianus, but rather writeth against the same, especially of the last. And therfore not with out cause it is written and testified of Erasmus, Ex Eras [...]. Epist. lib. 3. Epist. 1. art. 73. who speaking of the sayd name, of Summus orbis pontifex, denieth plainely the same to be hearde of among the olde writers, whose wordes be these: Certe nomen hoc nondum illis temporibus erat auditum, quantum ex veterum omniū scriptis licet colligere. &c. lib. Epist. 3. Epist. 1. art. 37. &c. as whosoeuer readeth the same authours shall finde to be true.

The like is to be affirmed also of other presumptious titles of like ambition,Vniuersali [...] pontifex. Caput vniuersalis Ecclesia. Christi on terris vicarius. Princeps sacerdotū. &▪ as the head of the vniuersal church, the Uicar of Christ in earth, Prince of Priestes, with such like, which all be new found termes, straunge to the cares of the old primitiue writers and Councels, and not receiued openly and commonly before the tyme of Boniface the third, and Phocas the aforesayd.

Now remaineth the name of the Pope, which of his nature, and by his first origine, being a word of the Syracusane speech called [...],Papa. and signifieth as much as Pater, Father, was then vsed and frequented of them in the old tyme, not so as proper onely to the Byshop of Rome, but common and indifferent to all other Byshops or personages, whosoeuer were of worthy excellēce, as is partly before declared. But nowe contrarily, the generalitye of this name is so restrayned and abused, that not onely it is appropriate to the Byshop of Rome, but also distincteth and disceuereth the authoritie and preminence of that Byshop alone from all other Byshoppes, for which cause it is now worthely come into contempt and execration. No lesse is to be reiected also the name of vniuersalis, or oecumenicus, pontifex, Summus orbis Episcopus, Caput vniuersalis Ecclesiae, Christi in terris, Princeps vicariꝰ sacerdotū, &c. Al which termes and vocables, tending to the derogation of other Bishops & Patriarches, as they were neuer receaued nor allowed in Rome (if we beleeue Gregory) during the tyme of ye Primatiue church, so now are worthely of vs refused.

Although it cannot be denied,How they began first at Constantinople, to take the name of vniuersall Byshop. Ex quinta synodo vniuersali. Actione prima. cap. post. consulatum. Ibid. cap. dom. nostro. but certaine were in the Primatiue time, which began priuately to pretende that proude and wicked title of vniuersall Byshop, as Menna, and especially Ioannes Patriarche of Constantinople, who calling a Counsell at Constantinople, went about to stablish and ratifie and to dignifie his throne by the consent of the Councell, and the Emperour of Constantinople, and obtained the same as appeareth in the v. generall Councell of Constantinople the 2. where both Menna is named Oichumenicus Patriarcharum and also Ioannes in the sayde Councell is titled Oicumenicus Patriarcha: ex Concil. general. 5. cap. Domino. Concerning the which title although it was then vsed to Constantinople through the sufferaunce of the Emperours, being then willing to haue their imperiall City aduaunced: yet notwithstanding this foresayde title, all this while was not in the City of Rome. And in Constantinople it stoode not then in force: Iure aliquo diuino, but onely by mans lawe. And thirdly it was then but onely, verbalis titulus: hauing no true dominacion vpon all other Churches, or any reall subiection belonging to the same. Forasmuch as neither ye Bishop of Rome, nor any of the West churches were subiect or did acknowledge seruice vnto them but rather did repugne the same: namely Pelagius the 2. & Gregorius the 1. both Byshops at that time of Rome, whiche Pelagius writing to all Byshops, sayth playnely in these wordes:Ex Pelagi. 20. dist. cap. [...]9. Nullus. that no Patriarch should take the name of vniuersalitie at any time, because that if any be called vniuersall, the name of Patriarch is derogate from all other. But let this be farre, saith he, from all faithfull men, to will to take that thing to him, wherby the honor of his brethren is diminished. Wherefore ye sayd Pelagius chargeth all such Byshops, that none of them in their letters will name any Patriarche to be vniuersall, least he take from him selfe the honour due to him, while they giue that which is not due to another.Gregory agaynst the vniuersality of the Byshop of Cō stantinople. What can be more euident then these wordes of Pelagius, who was Bishop of Rome next before Gregory. an. 583? In lyke maner or more plainely, and more earnestly writeth also Gregory of this matter in his register, prouyng and disputing that no man ought to be called vniuersall Byshop. Moreouer with sharpe wordes and rebukes detesteth the same title, calling it new, folish, proude, peruerse, wicked, prophane, and such, as to consent vnto it, is as much, as to denye the fayth. He addeth further and saith, that whosoeuer goeth about to extoll himselfe aboue other Byshops, in so doing followeth the fact of Sathan, to whō it was not sufficient to be counted equall or like vnto other angels. In his Epistles how oft doth he repeate, and declare ye same to repugne directly against the Gospell, and auncient decrees of Counsels? affirming that none of his predecessours did euer vsurpe to himselfe that style or title, and concludeth that whosoeuer so doth, declareth himselfe to be a forerunner of Antichrist. &c. With this iudgement of Gregory wel [Page] well agreeth also the wordes of S. Augustine, Lib. 3▪ cap. 3. De Baptismo, August. lib. 3 cap. 3. de Baptism, contra Donat. where reciting the wordes of Cyprian thus saith: Neque enim quisquam nostrum se Episcopum Episcoporū constituit, aut tyrannicomore ad obsequendi necessitatem collegas suns a [...]igit, &c. That is, for none of vs doth euer set himselfe to be Bishop of Bishops, or after a tyrannical maner doth subdue and bring vnder his fellowes vnto the necessitie of his obedience,To be Byshops of bishops forbidden, by Cypryan, and Austen. Ex pro secū do. Epist. 301. &c. By these woordes of Cyprian and Augustine, it is manifest, that in their tyme was no supremacie, or vniuersall title among Bishops receiued, nor that any greater respect was had to the bishop of Rome (as Pius the 2. saith, Epist. 301.) before the Councell of Nice. And after in that Councell the said Bishop of Rome had no further authoritie to him limited, then only ouer his prouince, and places suburbane, bordering about the Citie of Rome. Against whose primacie diuers cities also did resist long after that,The Popes premacy resisted. as the Church of Rauenna, Mediolanensis, and Aquilegiensis. Also the Greeke Churches long resisted the same, so did the churches of Asia, Rutenicae, Moscouiticae, Valachicae, and other moe.

But to returne againe to Gregory, who confirming the sentence of Pelagius his predecessour aboue mentioned, had no small conflicts about this title matter, both with the Patriarche, and with the Emperour of Constantinople▪ as witnesseth Antonius, Ex Antonino titl. 12. cap. 3. & other. &c. The historie is thus: After that Iohn beyng made of a Monke, Patriarche of Constantinople, by his flatterie & hypocrisie, had obtained of Mauritius the Emperor, to be extolled aboue other Bishops with the name of vniuersall Patriarche, and that he would write to Gregorie bishop then of Rome, for his consent concerning the same: Gregory abiding still in his constancie, did set himselfe stoutly against that Antichristian title, and would geue no place. At the same tyme the Lombards had inuaded the countrey of Italy, and the Citie of Rome, the Emperor keping then at Constantinople, and setting in Italy an ouersear called Exarchus, to rule in Rauenna▪ Gregory perceiuing the Emperour Mauritius to bee displeased with him about the matter afore touched, writeth to Constantina the Empresse, arguing and declaring in his letters, that presumption and pride of him to bee vniuersall Patriarch, was both against the rule of the gospel, and decrees of the Canons, namely, the vj. Canon of Nicene Councell, and the noueltie of that newfound title to declare nothing els, but that the tyme of Antichrist was neere. Upon this, Mauritius the Emperor taking displeasure with him, calleth home his souldiors againe from Italy, and inciteth the Lombardes against the Romaines: who with their king Agilulphus, therupō contrary to their league made before, set vpon the citie of Rome, and besieged it a whole yeare togither, Gregory yet notwithstāding still remaining in his former constancie. After these afflictions thus ouerpast, Eulogius Patriarch of Alexandria, writeth to the said Gregory in his letters, naming him vniuersall Pope, vnto whom Gregory refusing the same, answereth againe as followeth.

The letter of Gregorie, to the Patriarch of Alexandria.

The aunswere of Gregory to Eulogiu [...] Patriarche of Alexandria.BEhold in the Preface of your Epistle directed to me, ye haue vsed a worde of a proud name, calling me vniuersall Pope, which I pray your holinesse you will cease hereafter to doe, for that is derogated from you, whatsoeuer is attributed to an other more then right and reason requireth. As for me I seeke not mine aduauncement in wordes, but in maners: neither doe I account that any honour, wherein the honour of my brethren I see to bee hindred:Dist 99. cap. Ecce. Gregory refuseth the name of vniuersall Pope. For my honour I take to be the honour of the vniuersall Church: my honour is the whole and perfect vigour of my brethren. Then am I honoured when to no man is denied the due honour which to him belongeth. For if your holinesse call me vniuersall Pope, in so doing you denie your selfe to be that, which ye affirme me to be vniuersal. But that God forbid, let these words therefore go, which do nothing but puffe vp vanitie, and wound charitie, &c.

It were too long here to inferre all such letters and Epistles of his, concerning this matter, written to the Emperour Mauritius, and Constantina the Empresse, but that shal more largely appeare hereafter (Christ willing) in the body of the history, when we come to the yeare and time of Gregory, which was well nie about vj. hundred yere after Christ. In the meane season this is sufficiēt to declare how the church of Rome with the fourme and maner of their title of vniuersall supremacie now vsed & maintained, hath vtterly swerued from the auncient steps of the primitiue church of Rome.

Now let vs see what the aduersarie side hath to obiect againe for the title of their vniuersalitie, or rather singularitie. And first here commeth in a blind cauillacion of a certaine Sophister,A sophistical cauillation upon the wordes of Pelagius and Gregory aunswered. who glosing vpon the wordes of Pelagius aboue recited, laboureth to colour the playne text with a subtile meaning, as though the sense of the Canon were this, not to deny there the state of supremacie: Sed negari ibi aliquem posse esse vniuersalem Episcopum, sub eo sensu duntaxat, quòd esset cuius (que) Ecclesiae proprius rector, ita quòd nullus alius esset Episcopus, &c. That is, but to denie there, that any may be vniuersall bishop after this sense and meaning only, so that he should be the proper Pastor of euery Church alone, and that there should be no other bishop beside him self, &c. Thus goeth this Sophister about to dash out this text, but he cannot so discharge the matter. For neither did Iohn the Patriarch then seeke any such thing, to be bishop and proper Pastor of euery church alone, nor if he had the Councell of Chalcedon, and the Emperor Iustinian, would neuer haue agreed therunto. Neither is it true, that this Gloser denieth Pelagius, here to forbid the primacie or supremacie of that Patriarch, which in deed is the onely intent of Pelagius in that Canon, witnessing as well other Historiographers, as namely, Anton. tit. 12. cap. 3. par. 13. & also the glose ordinary vpon the same Canon, &c.An obiection of a certayne late English writer refuted.

Out of the same fountaine springeth the like or very same reason of late renued by a certaine new start English Clarke in these our dayes, who aunswering to the places of Gregory touching the said matter, laboureth to auoide the cleare authoritie of him, by a like blind cauillation, saying, that Iohn bishop of Constantinople, by this title of vniuersall bishop, vnderstood himselfe onely to be a bishop, and none els. And that Gregory in resisting him, had none other meaning but the same. And to prooue this to be the very meaning of Gregory, he reciteth the wordes of Gregory written to the said Iohn Archbishop of Constantinople as followeth:A place of Gregory examined. Qui enim indignum te esse fatebaris, vt Episcopus dici debuisses, ad hoc quando (que) perductus os, vt despectis fratribus Episcopus appetas solus vocari. That is to say, For thou (Iohn bishop of Constantinople) which sometime didst graunt thy selfe vnworthy the name of a bishop, art now come to this, that yu doest seeke to be called a bishop alone, &c. Upō this word Episcopꝰ solus, this gloser would groūd a surmise▪ that Gregory did find fault with the Archbishop, not for any primacie which he sought for aboue other Bishops, but onely, for that he coueted to be bishop and Pastor alone in euery Church, in such sort, as there should be no other Bishop nor Pastour els but himselfe onely. But as is said, that was neuer the Archbishops seeking, nor the matter of Gregories reprehension. For the said Archbishop of Constantinople, went not about to bee Bishop alone, (which was to much absurd, and also impossible) but to be vniuersall alone: nor to take away the office from other, but the honour from other: not to depose them, but to despise them. And therfore saith Gregory, vt despectis fratribus, not depositis fratribus, so that this worde solus, here noteth a despising of other, not a deposing of other, & importeth a singularitie in condition aboue other, and not the office or substaunce of ministration without other, that is, to be vniuersall among many, and not to bee one alone without any, nor to diminish the number of them, but only to encrease the honour to himselfe. For the more euident probation whereof (although the thing of it selfe is so euident, that it needeth no proofe) what can be more playne, then the words themselues of Pelagius and Gregory wherwith they charge him for running before his brethren, for chalenging superioritie aboue them, for diminishing their honour, by taking more honour then to him was due, for following the aungell of pride in exalting himselfe, in admitting that to him, which the bishops of Rome and their predecessours had refused, beyng offered to them before, &c All which declare that he sought not to thrust out all other bishops out of their churches, and to be bishop himselfe alone. For that was neuer offered to the Bishops of Rome by the Councell of Chalcedon, that they should be bishops alone, and none other. Neither did Lucifer seeke to haue no mo angels in all heauen, but himself, but he to be aboue all other alone.

Likewise the word praecurrere, that is, to runne before other in the Epistle of Pelagius, Pelagq̄. [...]. Epist. 1. declareth that Iohn sought not to be bishop alone, but Bishop vniuersall. We say not that a man runneth before another, whē he runneth alone, and no mā followeth him, that is not properly praecurrere, but solus currere. Moreouer, in seeking to be superior to other bishops, he seeketh not to take away other Bishops, but to make other bishops inferior to him. For where no inferior is, there can be no superior, forasmuch as these together are correlatiues, & inferre necessary respect mutually. And if it were true as this Gloser sayth, that he had sought to be bishop alone, how would that Councel either [Page] haue graunted that vnto him, or haue offered it to the Bishop of Rome before? or if they had, howe could it be possible for him alone to serue all Churches, without any felow Bishop to helpe him? And where this foresaid clerke standeth so much vpon the wordes of S. Gregory: Solus Episcopus Gregory therfore shall expound Gregory, and one Solus shall declare another. Wherfore if this diuine (whatsoeuer he be Doctour or Bacheler) either knoweth not, or would learne, what (onely Byshop) meaneth in this place: an other place of the sayde Gregory may instruct him, where Gregory wryting to Eulogius, Ex. Epist. Greg. 36. Lib. 4. Patriarch of Alexandria, geueth this reason, why he refused the same title offered to him (which then was offered to the sayde Iohn Patriarche of Constantinople) saying: Quia videlicet si vnus Patriarcha vniuersalis dicitur, Patriarcharum nomen coeteris derogatur, sed absit hoc. &c. That is to say: For if one alone woulde be called Patriarch vniuersall, then should the name of Patriarches be derogated from all other. &c. Wherby two things are to be noted: First what thing it was which the Patriarche of Constantinople did seeke, for Gregory here findeth no other fault, but with the same which was geuen to Iohn, which was to be called Patriarche vniuersal. The seconde thing to be noted, is the cause why Gregory did rebuke this title, both geuen to Iohn, and offered to him, because (sayeth he) if one take vpon him the name of vniuersall Patriarch, then is the name Patriarche taken from the rest. As who would say: if I should take vpon me to be named vniuersal Patriarch, then should there be no other Patriarche [...] but I shoulde be Byshop Patriarche alone. And here commeth in your Solus Episcopus. &c.

Ex Epist. Greg. 38. Lib. 4.Furthermore, the same Gregory speaking of the sayde Solus, in an other place by, seemeth to declare there what he meaneth by this Solus here, in these wordes as follow: vt & nulli subesse, & solus omnibus praeesse videretur That is to say: so that he would be subiect to none, and would be chieftain to all other alone. &c. And so by this place, may the other place be expounded, vt solus Episcopus sit is, qui solus inter Episcopos praeesse appetat. That is, he that seeketh to be as bishop alone, who alone seeketh to be extolled aboue other byshops. But to be short in a matter that needeth not many wordes: he that thus cauilleth vpon this place Solus Episcopus in Gregory, must be desired here not to take Solus alone, but ioyne with all the word going before, which is, despectis fratribus, by the which might seeme sufficiently declared, what Gregory ment by Solus Episcopus, meaning, that to despise other bishops, & to diminish their honor, to set vp his owne, & to be subiect to none, but to preferre him selfe inequally before al other, is as much as to be counted bishop alone. And thus much touching this obiection.

An other obiection resolued.An other obiection of our aduersaries is this: although (say they) no Byshop of Rome was euer called, or would be called by the name of vniuersal Bishop: yet it followeth not therefore, that they be not, or ought not to be heades of the vniuersall Church. Their reason is this:

As S. Peter had the charge of the whole Church (by the testimonie of Gregory) committed vnto him, although he were not called vniuersall Apostle:

So no more absurde it is, for the Pope to be called the head of the whole Church,A double vntrueth in one Popish argument. Peter how he had charge and not charge of the Church. The first vntrueth in this argument. The dignitie of the Church aboue the Apostles. and to haue the charge thereof, although he be not called vniuersall Byshop. &c.

Wherein is a double vntruth to be noted. First in that they pretend Peter to be the head, & to haue the charge of the whole Church: if we take here (charge or head) for dominion or mastership vpō or aboue the Church, in all cases iudiciarie, both spirituall & temporal: for the wordes of the Scripture be plaine. Non dominantes in clerum 1. Pet. Vos autem non sic. Luke. 22. That is. Not as maisters ouer the Clergy. &c. but you not so. &c. Againe that the Churche is greater, or rather the head of Peter it is cleare: 1. Corrin. 3. All thinges are yours, whether it be Paule, or Apollo, or Cephas: either the world, death, or life, you be Christes, Christ is Gods. &c. In which wordes the dignitie of the Churche no doubt is preferred aboue the Apostles, and aboue Cephas also. Moreouer as the dignitie of the wife is aboue the seruant, so must needes the honour and worthines of the Churche (being the spouse of Christ) surmount the state of Peter or other Apostles, which be but seruants to Christ and to the Churche, yea and though they were Princes of the Church,Vide Baldum consi. 169. lib. 3 Secundum nouam impressionem. Et secund. vete consi. 359. lib. 1. Proofes and reasons that there was no inequalliti [...] of preheminence among the Apostles. yet after the minde of Baldus: Magis attenditur persona intellectualis, quàm organica. Otherwise if by this word (charge) he ment only the office and diligence of teaching: to that I aunswere: The same Lord that sayde to Peter, feede my sheepe, said also to the other, go & preach this Gospell to al nations. And he that said to Peter: what soeuer thou loosest, said also to the other: whatsoeuer ye remit in the earth. Moreouer if the matter goe by preaching, Paul the Apostle laboured more therin, then euer did Peter by his owne confession: Plus laboraui, also suffered more for the same, Plus sustinui, neither was his doctrine lesse sound. Yea and in one point he went before Peter, & was teacher and schoolmaister vnto Peter, whereas Peter was by him iustly corrected. Gal. 2. Furthermore, teaching is not always nor in all things a point of maistership, but sometime a point of seruice.Office of teaching geueth no dominion, farther then in his book. As if a Frenchman should be put to an Englishman to teach him French, although he excelleth him in that kind of facultie, yet it followeth not therefore, that he hath fulnes of power vpō him, to appoint his diet, to rule his houshold, to prescribe his lawes, to stinte his lands, and such other. Wherfore seing in trauail in teaching, in paines of preaching, in gifts of tongs, in largenes of commission, in operation of miracles, in grace of vocation, in receauing the holy Ghost, in vehemencie of tormentes and death for Christes name, the other Apostles were nothing inferiour to Peter:Peter in no poynt excelleth the rest of the Apostles. Why Peter then should claime any special prerogatiue aboue the rest, I vnderstād no cause. As in deed he neuer claimed any, but the patrons of the Apostolicall sea do claime it for him, which he neuer claimed himself, neither if he were here, would no lesse abhorre it with soule and conscience, then we do now: & yet our abhorring now is not for any malice of person, or any vantage to our selues, but only the vehemencie of truth, & zeale to Christ and to his congregation. Moreouer, if these men would needes haue Peter to be the Curate and ouersear of the whole vniuersall Church (which was too much for one man to take charge vpon) and to be Prince of al other Apostles, then would I faine learne of them, what meaneth (Dextrae societatis) the right hand of societie betwene Peter,Dextra societatis. Paul, & Barnabie, mentioned, Gal. 2. What taking of hands is there betwene subiects & their Prince, in way of fellowship? Or where fellowship is, what maistership is there? Or againe, what state of maistership is it like, that Christ would geue to Peter, who beyng in deede maister of all, tooke such little maistership vpon himselfe, and that not only in inward affection, but also in outward fact. Although I am not ignorant that Peter in places of the Gospell hath his commendation, neither doe I denie Peter to bee worthy of the same. But yet these wordes of commendation, geue to him no state of superioritie, or iurisdiction vpon all other, to haue all vnder his subiection. As if a Schoolemaister should haue more special charge to some one of his scholers for his riper towardnes: yet this geueth him no fulnes of authoritie, or power coactiue vpō the rest, vnlesse by special admission he be deputed therunto. Whereof, nothing can be gathered of Peter, for if it bee true that S. Augustine saith, that such things as were spokē to Peter,August. in praefat. psal. 103. haue no lightsome vnderstanding, except they be referred to the church, wherof Peter did beare a figure: thē hath ye person of Peter nothing to claime by these woordes, but all redoūdeth to the church, which being ment by Peter, hath power by this reason, both ouer the person of Peter, and all other persons in the Lord.

But here stumbleth in an argument of our aduersarie againe,Answere to an inuincicible argument prouing by Chrisostō [...] the whole Church to be committed to S. Peter. which he in the margent of his book calleth an inuincible argument drawen out of the bowels of S. Iohn Chrisostome. Lib. 2. De Sacerd. Wherby he supposeth to haue giuen a shrewd blow to the Protestants, and to haue gotten Hectors victory vpon a certaine English prisoner taken in plain field, and of all such as take his part. The text onely of Chrysostome he reciteth, but maketh no argument albeit he maketh mention of an inuincible argumēt in the margent. But because he either wist not, or list not to shew his cunning therein, I wil forme that in argumēt for him which he would haue done, but did not: and so will forme it (the Lord willing) as he himselfe must of necessitie bee driuen to do, if the matter euer come to the triall of act, and not to the trifling of wordes. First, he taketh his text out of Chrysostome,Chrisost. Lib. 2. de sacred. as followeth: for what cause, I pray you, did Christ shed his bloud? Truely, to redeeme those sheep, whose charge he committeth to Peter, and to Peters successours. Upon this place of Chrysostome. this Clarke taketh his medium, Christes suffring. His conclusion is, that all which Christ died for, were committed to Peter, Wherfore the forme of the argument must needes stand thus in the third figure.

Christ suffred for all men.

Christ suffered for them whome hee committed to Peter.A Popishe perilous paralogisme▪

Ergo, All that Christ dyed for, were committed to Peter.

If this be the forme of his insoluble argument, as it seemeth to be, by the order of his reasoning, & also must needs be, taking that medium, and making that conclusion as he doth, (for els in the first figure, and first moode, the text of Chrisostome will not serue him) then must the forme and [Page] violence of this inexpugnable argumēt be denied, for that it breaketh the rules of Logike, making his conclusiō vniuersall, which in that figure must needes be perticular, either affirmatiue or negatiue. And so this argument inuincible, falleth into one of these two straites, either cōcluding thus, the forme wil not serue him, or cōcluding in another figure, the wordes of Chrysostome will not aunswer to his purpose, to proue that all the world was committed to Peter. Which proposition as it is strange in scripture: so neither is it the proposition of Chrysostome. And though it were, yet both without inconuenience might be graunted of vs, and being graunted, serueth his purpose nothing, so long as the proposition is not exceptiue, excluding other Apostles. For the words of Chrysostom do not so sound, that the whole world was committed to Peter onely and to none other. Likewise then as it may be well affirmed of vs, that the world was committed to Peter, so can it not be denied of them, that the world was also committed to Iohn, The worlde was committed as well to other Apostles as to Peter. A place of Chrisostome examined by S. Paule. Iames, Bartholomew, Paul, Barnabe, and other all and singular Apostles. For he that said to Peter, Feede my sheepe, said also to all and singular his Apostles: Go into all the world & preach, &c. Math. vlt. Moreouer, for as much as this man collecteth out of Chrysostome, that the whole world was committed to Peter, how shall we then ioyne this meaning of Chrysostome with S. Paule, which sayth that the Gospel was committed to Peter euer the circumcision, as was Paule ouer the vncircumcision? And here an answer to this doughtie argument, both to the forme, & to the matter thereof, albeit concerning the matter, here lacketh much to be said more of Peters successours in the text of Chrysostome. The successours of Peter. By the which successours is not ment the bishop of Rome onely (as the Papists would beare vs in hand) but all such true and faithfull Pastors, whom the Lordes calling sendeth, and setteth ouer his flocke, where so euer, or whatsoeuer they be. For as Peter beareth a representation of the church, by the testimonie of August. in Ioan. tract 124. Praefat. in Psal. 108. so the successours of Peter be all faithfull Pastors and ouerseers of Christes Church,August. in Ioan. tract. 124. to whom Christ our Lord hath committed the charge of his flocke. Wherefore they are not a little deceiued, which looking vpō the rocke onely of the person, and not the rock of confession (contrary to the rule of Hilarie, Hilarius. lib. 6. De trinit. lib. 6.) doe tie the Apostleship or rocke of Peter, to one onely Bishop, and the succession of Peter to one onely sea of Rome: where as this being a spiritual office, and not carnall, hath no such carnall race or discent after any worldly or locall vnderstanding: but hath a more mysticall meaning, after a spirituall sense of succession,Hierony. Epist. ad Enagrium. such as Hierome speaketh of, epist. ad Euagrium. Omnes, inquit, Apostolorum successores sunt &c. That is, All, saith he (speaking of Bishops) be successours of the Apostles, &c.

Of like force and fashion, and out of the same figure, the same Author patcheth moreouer another argument, proouing that the Bishop of Rome was tituled the head of Christes church, in the primitiue time of the old aunciters, before the age of Gregory. His argument procedeth thus, in the third figure.

An argument of the Papistes.S. Peter was called by the auncient fathers, head of Christes church.

S. Peter was bishop of Rome:

Ergo, the bishop of Rome was called head of ye Church in the old auncient tyme.

This argument expositorie, beyng clouted vp in the third figure,Aunswere to the argument. and concluding singularly, hath rather a shew of an argumēt, then maketh any necessarie conclusiō, standing vpon no moode in the said figure, if the Author thereof were put to his triall. Albeit to leaue the forme, and to come to the matter of the argument. First, how wel he wil dispatch himselfe of the Maior, & prooue vs that S. Peter, although he were at Rome, and taught at Rome, and suffred at Rome: yet that he was bishop and proper Ordinarie of that citie and speciall sea of Rome? As touching the allegation of Abdias, Orosius, Ado, Tertullian, Cyprian, Hierome, Optatius, and Augustine, brought forth for his most aduantage,Osorius. Tertul lib. de praescript aduer haere. Cypri. lib. 1. Epist. 3. Hier. in catal. & Epist. 42. to prooue his Maior: thus I answer cōcerning Orosius, Tertullian, Cyprian, Hierome, and Augustine, that where they speake of S. Peters chaire, or planting ye faith at Rome, straightway this man argueth there upon, that Peter was Bishop of Rome. But that doth not clarkely follow. For the office of the Apostles was to plant the faith in all places, and in euery regiō, yet were they not bishops in euery region. And as for the chaire, as it is no difference essentiall that maketh a bishop (for so much as a Doctour may haue a chaire, and yet be no bishop) so cannot he conclude by the chaire of Peter, that S. Peter was Bishop of Rome. For all this proueth no farther, but that Peter was at Rome, and there taught the fayth of Christ, as Paul did also, and peraduenture in a chayre likewise: yet we say not that Paule was therefore Bishop of Rome. But that he was there as an Apostle of Christ, whether he taught there standing on his feete, or sittyng in a chayre. In the Scripture commonly the Chaire signifieth doctrine or iudgement, as sitting also declareth such as teach or iudge, whether they sit in the chaire of Moyses, or in the chaire of pestilence. Planting likewise is a worde Apostolicall, and signifieth not onely the office of a Bishop. Wherefore it is no good consequent, he sate, he taught, he planted at Rome his chaire and seate was at Rome: Ergo, he was Bishop of Rome. And thus much touchyng Orosius, Tertullian, Cyprian, Augustine.

As for Abdias, Ado, Optatus, and such other, although we should haue much wrong offered, and neuer should make an ende, if we should be prest with the authoritie of euery one that could or did mooue pen, in all the whole first age of the church, to be our iudges in euery ecclesiasticall matter: and much more wrong should haue, if the authors either corrupted, or countersaited, should be layd vnto vs, speaking not in the same sense, or in the same tongue, or in the same time wherin they wrote: yet to helpe and to faine the authorities of these authors so much as we may, I answer to their allegations, with this distinction of a bishop, which is to be taken either generally or specially. After the first,A double taking of the word Bishop. a bishop is he to whom so euer the publike cure and charge of soules is committed, without any limitation of place. And so the name of Bishop is concident with the office of Apostle, or any publique Pastour, Doctour, or Curator of the vniuersall flocke of Christ. And thus may Paule, Peter, or any other of the Apostles be called Bishops. So also is Christ himselfe by expresse worde called [...] and [...],Christ himselfe a Byshop. that is, Bishop and Pastor, 1. Peter. 2. And thus may Peter wel be named a bishop of these foresaid authors after this maner of taking. But this publike and generall charge vniuersally ouer the whole, without limitation, ceased after Christ and the Apostles. For then were bishops by places and prouinces appointed, to haue speciall ouersight of some perticular flock or prouince, and so to be resident and attendant onely vpon the same.

The other diuersitie of this name bishop, is to be taken after a more speciall sort, which is, when any person orderly called, is assigned, namely & specially to some one certain place, citie, or prouince, wherunto he is only bound to employ his office & charge, and no where els, according to the old Canons of the Apostles, and of the Councell of Nice. And this Bishop differing from the other,Canon. Apost. 23.14.34. Con. Nice. cap. 15. Concil. Antioch. cap. 3 13 Peters being a [...] Rome. is called Episcopus intitulatus, hauing his name of his citie or Dioces. And thus we deny that Peter the Apostle was euer Bishop elected, installed, or intituled to the Citie of Rome, neyther doth Optatus, Abdias, Ado, or Hierome affirme the same. And if Ado say that Peter was bishop of Rome 25. yeares, vntill the last yeare of Nero, that is easilie refuted both by the Scriptures and Histories: for so we vnderstand by the declaration of Saint Paule, Gal. 1.2. that 14. yeares after his conuersion, Saint Paule had Peter by the hand at Hierusalem.

Moreouer, the said Paule in the foresaid Epistle, witnesseth, that ye charge Apostolical was cōmitted vnto Peter ouer the Circumcised, and so was he intituled. Also S. Paule writing to the Romains, in his manifold salutations to them in Rome, maketh no mentiō there, of S. Peter, which doubtles should not haue bene vnremembred, if he had bene then in Rome. Againe S. Peter dating his Epistle from Babilon, was not then belike at Rome.

Furthermore, histories doe record, that Peter was at Pontus v. yeares, and at Antioch. 7. yeares. How could he then be 25. yeares at Rome? Finally, where our aduersary alleaging out of Ado, saith, that S. Peter was there 25 yeres, vntil the last yere of Nero: how can that stand, when S. Paule suffering vnder Nero, was put to death the same day tweluemonth, that is, a whole yeare after Peter, &c. But especially how agreeth this with Scripture, that Christ should make Peter an Apostle vniuersall to walke in all the world: Item per vniuersum orbem. Item, Etitis mihi testes vsque ad fines terrae. &c. And our Papists would needs make him a sitting Byshop, and intitle him to Rome. How accorde these: Apostolus and Episcopus ire and sedere. Omnes gentes, and Roma togither?

And thus haue I resolued the first vntrueth of that Popish demonstration aboue rehearsed, Pag. 14. wherein they thinke to proue that as Peter, although hee was not called vniuersall Apostle, yet was the head of the whole Churche: so the Pope might and hath had after him the charge of the whole Church, although he was not called vniuersall Bishop in the olde tyme. &c.

Now followeth the second vntrueth to be touched in the [Page] same argument, which is, that because Peter was the head of the church:The second vntrueth of the argument aboue mentioned. so therfore the Pope must also be the head of the church, and was, albeit he was not called vniuersal bishop a long time. But this we do deny, yea the matter denieth it selfe, by their owne position, for being graunted by them, that the title of vniuersall bishop was not receiued at Rome, but refused to the time of Gregory: then m [...]st it necessarily be graunted, that the Bishops of Rome before S Gregory, had not the charge of the whole church, neither could be admitted by that reason to be heads of the church. For so much as there can be no head, but which is vniuersall to the whole body, neither can any haue charge of the whole, but he must needes be vniuersal to all and singuler partes of that, whereof he hath the charge. As in sciences, whosoeuer hath knowledge & cunning in all the seuen liberal sciences, & all the partes therof pertaining to liberall knowledge, is said to be an vniuersall learned man: so in office, to whomsoeuer the publike charge of all Churches doth appertaine, how is he not to be called bishop vniuersal?What is an vniuersall Bishop. Now if before S. Gregories time the name of vniuersall bishop, was repealed in Rome: how then can the name be refused, & the definition of the name be admitted? Or els let our aduersaries tell vs how they define an vniuersall Bishop, seing this word bishop is properly the name of office whereto is annexed charge. Wherefore, if a Bishop be he which hath the charge of all soules in his Dioces cōmitted to him, & must render account for thē al: then whose charge extendeth to all & singuler churches, & must render account for euery christian soule within the whole world, to him cā not be denied the name of an vniuersal bishop, hauing the office of an vniuersall bishop. Or if he be not an vniuersall bishop, he cannot then haue the charge of the whole that is, of all and singular churches of Christ. For such is the rule of true definition.Regula definitionis. Cui cōuenit definitio, conuenit & definitum, & contra. Cui adimitur definitio, eidem & definitum adimitur. Although this word vniuersall, in the Greeke writers, signifieth that, which we in our vulgar English tongue call catholike:Cui conuenit definitio & definitum. yet I suppose our aduersaries here wil not take vniuersall in that sense. For after that meaning, as we doe not deny that the bishops of Rome may be vniuersall Bishops, so neither can they deny but other bishops also may be as vniuersall, that is, as catholike as they. But such as more distinctly & schoolelike discusse this matter,Vniuersall defined by three thinges, tyme, place, and persō. define vniuersall or catholike by three things: to witte, by tyme, place, and person. So that whatsoeuer extendeth it selfe to times, all places, & to all persons that is properly vniuersal or catholike. And contrarywise, what thing is to be called vniuersal or catholike, reacheth to all those three aforesaid, cōprehending al places, times, & persons, & extendeth it selfe of his owne nature to the same,Three thinges commonly called catholique or vniuersall. or els it is not to be called properly vniuersal or catholike. And thus iij. things there be, which most commōly we cal catholike or vniuersal: that is, the church which is called the catholike church: Faith, which is called the catholike faith: A man, whome also we call a man catholike, because these iij. of their owne nature & disposition (no contrary obstacle letting) extend themselues so to all, that no time, place, nor persō is excluded. Which iij. conditions,To haue vniuersall charge to be head of the vniuersall Church, and to be vniuersall Bishop are all concident together. if they altogither cōcurre in the charge of ye bishop of Rome, then is it an vniuersal, charge, and he an vniuersal bishop: if not, then is his charge neither vniuersall, nor he the head of the Church, nor yet vniuersall bishop. For how these three can be separated, I can not see, except the aduersary part do proue it more euidently, then yet they haue done.

And thus much to the obiection of our aduersaries, arguing thus: that as S. Peter being not called vniuersall Apostle, yet was the head of the vniuersal church: So the Pope although he was not first called vniuersall Bishop, had, and might haue the charge of the whole Church, and was the vniuersall head of the same. The which obiection conteining (as is said) a double vntruth, our aduersaries yet notwithstanding do busie themselues greatly to fortify by sunory testimonies and allegations, patched out of old and auncient Doctours,Irenaeus. Lib. 3. Cap. 3. Amb. de doct. gent. lib. 2. ca. 6. August. Epict. 162. An argument of the Papistes. but specially out of Theodoritus, Irenaeus, Ambrose, & Augustine, proouing by them, that the sea of Rome hauing the preeminence and principallitie, hath bene honoured aboue all other churches. Whereupon the said aduersarie before minded, groundeth this consequent.

Irenaeus, Ambrose, Augustine and Theodoritus affirme that the church of Rome is the chiefe of all other churches.

Ergo, the Bishop and head of that church is chiefe and head ouer all other bishops, & head of all other churches.

But this consequent is to be denied, for that the excellencie of the church or place doth not always argue the excellencie of the minister or bishop,Aunswere. nor yet necessarilie doth cause the same. For in matters of the church which are spirituall, all preeminence standeth vpon spirituall & inward gifts,Preheminence of a Church esteemed after a double consideration. (spiritualia enim spiritualibus comparantur) as fayth, pietie, learning and godly knowledge, zeale and feruencie in the holy ghost, vnitie of doctrine, &c. which giftes many tymes may excel in a church, where the minister or bishop is inferiour to bishops or ministers of other churches. As the most famous schoole in a realme hath not alway ye most famous schoolemaister, neither doth make him therby most excellent in learning aboue of all other: So if our aduersaries do meane by this preeminēce of the church of Rome, such inward gifts of doctrine, faith, vnitie and peace of religion: then say I, the excellencie hereof doth not inferre or argue the excellencie of the Bishop. And thus concerning the principallitie of the Church of Rome, commended at that time of the Doctors, it may be true, & so well expounded one way. And thus do I graunt the antecedent of this argument, and deny the consequent. But here will our aduersaries peraduenture reply againe and say,Obiection. Outward preheminence belongeth to outwarde kingdomes not to the Church of Christ. that ye principallitie of the church of Rome which is commended by the Doctours, is not ment here so much by inward gifts and induments belonging to a christian church, as by outwarde authoritie and domination ouer other churches, whereto is to be aunswered. First, what necessitie is there, or where did our Papists learne, to bring into the spiritual church of Christ, this outward forme of ciuile regimēt and pollicie? that as the Romaine Emperours in tyme past gouerned ouer all the world,The 1. aunswere to the obiection. Non sie, sayth Christ. Quod sic, sayth the Pope. Obiection. Aunswere. Superioritie in the Church. Distinction of degrees in the church. Diuersitie of dignityes in degrees. Order kept in the Church, and what true order is. so the Romaine bishop must haue his monarchie vpon the vniuersall Clergy, to make all other churches to stoupe vnder his subiection. And where then be the wordes of our Sauiour: Vos autem non sic, If they hold their affirmatiue, quòd sic where then is Christes negatiue, non sic? if they say, there must needes be distinction of degrees in the church, and in this distinction of degrees, superioritie must necessarily be graunted for the outward discipline of the church, for directing matters, for quieting of schismes, for setting orders, for commensing of Conuocations and Councels, as neede shall require, &c. Against this superioritie we stand not, & therefore we yeld to our superior power, kings, and princes, our due obedience, and to our lawfull gouernours vnder God of both regiments, Ecclesiasticall and Temporall. Also in the Ecclesiasticall state, we take not away the distinction of ordinarie degrees, such as by the Scripture be appointed, or by the primatiue church allowed. As Patriarchs, or Archbishops, Bishops, Ministers and Deacons, for of these foure, we especially read as chiefe. In which foure degrees as we graunt diuersitie of office, so we admitte in the same also, diuersitie of dignitie: neither denying that which is due to ech degree, neither yet maintaining the ambition of any singuler person. For as we geue to the minister place aboue the Deacon, to the bishop aboue the minister, to the Archbishop aboue the Bishop:Aug. de Ciuit. Dei. lib. 91. cap. Order defined. so we see no cause of inequalitie why one minister should be aboue an other minister: One bishop in his degree aboue an other bishop to deale in his Diocesse: or one Archbishop aboue another Archbishop. And this is to keepe an order duely & truly in the church, according to the true nature and definitiō of order by the authoritie of August. lib. De ciuit. Dei. Where he thus defineth that which we call order: Ordo, est parium disparium (que) rerum sua cui (que) loca tribuens dispositio. Order) saith he) is a discretion or di [...]position giuen to all things, according as they are matches, or not matches, proportionally to euery one his owne right and proper place.

This definition of S. Augustine, standing with the things before premised, now here ioyneth the questiō betwene vs and the Papistes, whether the Metropolitane Church of Rome, with ye Archbishop of the same, ought to be preferred before other Metropolitane churches & Archbishyps, through vniuersall Christendome or not? To the answer wherof, if the voyce of order might here be heard, it would say: geue to things that be matches & like, like honour, to things vnlike, vnlike honour, &c. Wherefore, seyng the sea of Rome is a Patriarchall sea appointed by the Primitiue Church, and the Bishop thereof an Archbishop limited within his owne bordering churches, which the Councel of Nice calleth suburbicas Ecclesias, as other Archbishops be: he ought therfore orderly to haue the honor of an Archbishop (ordering himselfe thereafter) & such outward preeminence as to other Archbishops is due. More if he do require, he breaketh the rule of right order, he falleth into presumption, and doth wrong vnto his fellows, and they also do wrong vnto themselues, whosoeuer they be, which feeding his humour of ambition, geue more vnto him thē the foresaid rule of order doth require. For so much as they yeld to him more thē is his right, so much they take frō thē selues, which is due to thē. And the same is the cause, why both Gregory and Pelagius his predecessour reprehendeth them, which gaue to the Archbishop of Constantinople, [Page] that,Ex Registro Orig. lib 4. Episto. 3 [...]. which now the bishop of Rome clauneth to himselfe charging them with the breach of order in these words: Nedum priuatim aliquod daretur vni, honore debito sacerdotes priuarentur vniuersi, that is, least that while any singular thing is giuen to due person,Ex Epist. 2. Pelagij. 2. Dist. 99. ca. Nullus. all other Priestes be depriued of their due honour. And for the like case Pelagius exhorteth that no Priest do giue to any one Archbishop, the name of vniuersall bishop, ne sibi debitum subtrahat cum alteri honorem offert indebitum. That is, least (saith he) in so doing, he take from himselfe his due honour, while he yeldeth that; which is not due to another. And also in the same Epistle: Quia si summus Patriarcha vniuersalis dicitur, Patriarcharum nomen caeteris derogatur. For (saith he) if he be called the chiefe vniuersal Patriarch, then is the name of Patriarchs derogated from other. &c. Wherefore as is said, seing the bishop of Rome is an Archbishop, as other be. Order giueth that he should haue the dignitie, which to Archbishops is due, whatsoeuer is added more, is derogation to the rest. And thus much concerning distinction of degrees, and order in giuing to euery degree, his place and honour.

The second reason or answer to the obiectiō before moued, pag. 16. is this:The second aunswere to the obiection before moued. that beyng graunted to the Papists, that the Doctours aforesaid, speaking of the principallitie of the church of Rome, doe meane not onely of the inward vertues of that church, but also of the outward authoritie and iurisdiction of the same, aboue other churches: yet the cause wherfore they did attribute so much to the church, is to be expēded, which was this, as before was alledged out of the Councel of Calcedon, cap. 28. [...], that is,Ex Concil. Calced. cap. 28. for the title and Imperie which that citie of Rome had then aboue other cities, which cause being outward & carnall, was neither then cause sufficient, and now ceasing, importeth not to vs the like effect, according as they say: Sublata causa, tollitur effectus. So that by the reason therof, the foresaid principallitie of the church of Rome, did not hold then iure diuino, sed humano. And as it holdeth by mans law, so by mans law may be repealed againe.

Wherfore, be it admitted that both the Pope sitteth and succedeth in the chaire of Peter, and also that he is the Bishop of the greatest citie in the world: yet it followeth not therby that he should haue rule and lordship ouer all other bishops and churches of the world. For first touching the succession of Peter, many things are to be considered.

Certayne demaundes for the Papistes to answere vnto.First, whether Peter sate, and had his chaire in Rome, or not?

Secondly, whether he sate there as an Apostle, or as a Bishop?

Thirdly, whether the sitting in the outward seate of Peter, maketh successour of Peter?

Fourthly, whether he sitteth in the chaire & seat of Peter, which sitteth not in the doctrine of Peter?

Fiftly, whether the succession of Peter maketh rather an Apostle then a Bishop, & so should we call the Pope, the Apostle of Rome, and not the bishop of Rome?

Sixtly, whether Ecclesiasticall functions ought to be esteemed by ordinarie succession of place, or by Gods secret calling or sending?

Seuenthly and lastly, whether it stand by Scripture, any succession at all to be pointed in Christes Church, or why more from Peter, then from other Apostles?

All which Interrogatories being wel discussed (which would aske a long proces) it should wel appeare what litle hold the Pope hath to take this state vpon him, aboue all other Churches as he doth. In the meane tyme, this one argument by the way may suffice in stead of many, for our aduersaries to answer to at their conuenient leisure. Which argument thus I forme and frame in Camestres.

An argument prouing the Popes of this latter Church of Rome not to be successours of Peter. Ca- All the true successors of Peter, sit in the chaire of the doctrine of Peter, and other Apostles vniformly.

me- No Popes of this latter Church of Rome, sitte in the chaire of Saint Peters and other Apostles doctrine vniformely.

stres. Ergo, no Popes of this latter church of Rome, be the true successors of Peter.

And when they haue well perused the Minor of this argument, and haue well conferred together the doctrine taught them of S. Peter, with the doctrine taught now by the Popes, of iustification of a Christen man, of the office of the law, of the strength and largenes of sinne, of mens merites, of free will, of works of supererogation, of setting vp images, of vij. Sacramentes, of auricular confession, of satisfaction, of sacrifice of the Masse, of communicating vnder one kinde, of eleuating and adoring the Sacramentall elements, of Latine seruice, of inuocation, of prohibitiō of meates and mariage, of vowing chastitie, of sectes & rules of diuers religions, of indulgences and pardōs: also with their doctrine taught now of magistrates, of the fulnes of power, and regalitie of the sea of Rome, with many other like to these, &c. then will I be glad to heare what they wil say to the premisses.

Secondly, if they would proue by the allegation of the Doctours, Irenaeus, Ambrose, Augustine, Theodoritus aforesaid, the Bishop of Rome to bee the chiefe of all Bishops, therfore, because the citie wherof he is bishop, is the chiefe and principall aboue all other Churches, that consequent is to be denied. For it followeth not (taking as I said, the principallitie of that church to stand [...] that is, vpon the principal dominion of that citie) no more then this consequent followeth.

London is the chiefe Citie in all England.

Ergo, the bishop of London is the chiefest of all bishops in the Realme.

Which argument were derogatory to the bishop both of Canterbury, and of Yorke.

Yea to graunt yet more to but aduersaries (which is all they can require) the minde of the foresaid Doctours Irenaeus, Ambrose, Augustine, and Theodoritus, in giuing principallitie vnto Rome, to haue respect vnto ye vertue of inscession from Peter, and not vnto the greatnes of the Citie: yet notwithstanding, for all this their argument holdeth not, if it be rightly considered, to say.

The Apostolicall Sea of Rome,A false consequent of the Papistes. hauing successiō from Peter, with the bishops therof, was chief then of all other churches, in the primitiue tyme of these Doctours.

Ergo, the Apostolicall sea of Rome, with the Bishops therof, hauing successiō from Peter, ought now to be chiefe of all other churches in these our dayes.

This consequent might well follow,Aunswere to this consequent. if the tymes were like, or if succession which gaue them the cause of principallitie, were the same now, which was then. But now the time and succession is not correspondent, for then succession in the time of these Doctours, was as well in doctrine Apostolicall, as in place Apostolicall.Succession Apostolicall double wise to be considered. Now the succession of doctrine Apostolicall hath not long ceased in the sea Apostolicall: and nothing remaineth but onely place, which is the lest matter of true spirituall and Apostolical succession. And thus much to the authoritie and testimonie of these forenamed Doctors.

Besides these obiections heretofore recited out of Irenaeus, Ambrose, Augustine, and Theodoritus, our aduersaries yet obiect and heape vp against vs: moreouer, examples of the primitiue time of the church, testimonies of generall Councels, and opinions of auncient writers, taken out of the booke of Councels, & Epistles decretall, wherby their intent is to prooue, the foresayd termes (of the head of the church, ruler of the church, chiefe of all other Priestes) to bee applied not onely to Peter, but also to the Bishop of Rome within the compasse of the primitiue time. And here commeth in the testimonie cited of Vincentius Lirinensis. Testimonies alledged for the principalitie of the Pope. Of the Epistle of Paschasius and his fellowes, writing to Leo from the Councel of Chalcedon. The testimonie also of Iustinian the Emperour in his Codex: where Ioannes then Pope was called caput omnium Ecclesiarum Epist. inter claras cap. De summa Trinit & fide Cath. The testimonie also of Athanasius, with his fellow bishops of Egypt, of Thebaida, and Libia, in their Epistles to Pope Marcius, Liberius & Felix. Likewise the testimonie of Hierome, In praef. in 4. Euang. Item Epist. 42. Tom. 1. Item Epist. 41. Tom. 2. Of S. Ambrose, 1. Tim 3. Of S. Augustina to Boniface. Ad Bonifac. contra duas Epist. Pelagian. Lib. 1. cap. 1. Item, Lib. 2. De Baptism. cap. 1. Of Theodoritus in his Epistle to Pope Leo. Epist Commentar. in Pauli Epist. praefixa. Of Chrysostome, Epist ad Innocentium, Tom. 5. &c. By which testimonies our aduersaries would prooue S. Peter, and after him the Bishop of Rome to be called and taken for head of the church, chiefe bishop, prince and ruler of the whole Clergy. To all which obiections fully and exactly to aunswer in order, would require a whole volume by it selfe. In the meane time, leauing the rest vnto them vnto whom it doth more properly appertain, briefly with this one short distinction.Aunswere by a distinction. I answer these & all such other like places, where S. Peter with his successours are called: head of the church, chiefe of Bishops, Prince of the Apostles, &c. In which places, this worde head, chiefe, and Prince of the Apostles, may be taken two maner of waies: to note, either dominiō, or els commendation. For so we read sometime Caput, Caput and Princeps, haue a double vnderstanding. and princeps, to be wordes not of authoritie, but of excellencie, wherby is declared the chiefest and worthiest part among many parts, and not possessour and gouernour of the whole. Like as in the person of mā, the hed is the principal part of the whole body, being endued with reason, & furnished with most excellēt senses, by the which ye whole body of mā is directed, [Page] so thereof is deriued by a metaphor, to what man or thing soeuer nature or condition hath giuen the greatest excellē cie, of gifts and properties aboue other partes or mēbers, the same societie to be called of the said parties, Caput, or Princeps, head or Prince. And yet the same head or Prince so called, hath not alwayes dominion or iurisdictiō of the rest. So we call in our vulgar speach the head or chiefe men of the parish, who for their riches, wisdom, or place, are most specially noted: After like phrase of speach we call the head man of the Inquest, him that hath the first place. And yet neither they nor these haue any dominion or iurisdiction vpon the residue. In a schoole the chiefest Scholer in learning, is not therefore the maister or gouernour of his fellowes.How Peter is Princeps Apostolorum. Princeps eloquētiae Cicero. Princeps Philosophorum Cratippus. Neither hath M. Cicero any title thereby to claime subiection and seruice of all other Oratours, because he is named Princeps eloquentiae, and goeth before them in that kind of phrase. The same Cicero. Lib. 1. offic. calleth Cratippū principem huius aetatis Philosophorum: as Homerus also may be called Poetarum Princeps: And yet neither Philosophers to Cratippus, nor Poetes to Homere, owe anye thing els, but onely fame and praise.

And what if S. Peter the blessed Apostle be called and counted of the old auncient Doctours, as head and Prince of the Apostles,Petrus Princeps & Coryphaeus Apostolorum. which is as much as Coryphaeus Apostolorum, for his excellent faith, for his deuine confession & singular affection to the Lorde Iesus: yet what Interest or charge either hath he to chalenge ouer the Apostles, or the Pope after him ouer all other bishops & the whole church of Christ, although the Pope haue the like excellencie of Christes faith which Peter had, as would God he had? As concerning these allegations therfore out of the Doctors, two thinges are to be obserued: First, that neither these names and titles though they be geuen to Peter, doe geue him any state or dominion aboue other Apostles: nor yet the succession of him doth further any whit this celsitude and regalitie of the Pope to aduance him aboue his fellow Archbishops, as he now doth.

And if our aduersaries would needs prouoke vs to the numbring of testimonies, & deuiding the house (speaking of the writers and Counsels of the Primitiue age) for these aforesaid testimonies alleaged on their side, I could on the contrary part recite out of the witnesse of Doctours, out of the examples of Councels, & practises of Emperors, no lesse then 60. voices, much more repugnant against their assertion, then there is for the Pope. The tractation wherof for this present I do refer, either to them that haue more laisure at this time to discourse them, or els omit it to an other time, if the good pleasure of the Lord shall be, to graunt me further laisure in an other Booke to intreat thereof at large, in such order, as (if the Lord so graunt) shal appeare sufficient matter, to proue by the Doctors, general Councels, examples and histories of time, that the Bishops of Rome during the first 500. yeres after Christ, although for the greatnes of the Empire, were somewhat more magnified then the other, and therfore were sought of many, and were flattred of some, and they themselues diuers, did set forth themselues more then they should: yet by the commō consent of churches, were stopped of their purpose, so that by the consension of the most part, within the compasse of that age the Bishops of Rome had not this regall state of title, iurisdiction, and fulnes of power, which now they vsurpe, but were taken as Archbishops, of equal honour, of equal merite with other Archbishops & rulers of ye church. And if any preferment was giuen vnto them some thing aboue the rest, yet neither was it so giuen of all, nor of the most part:Causes 13. of aduauncing the sea of Rome. secondly, neither was it so giuen of them for any such necessitie of Gods worde, aut iure aliquo diuino, as which did so bind them thereunto, nor yet so much for the respect of Peter, & his succession: as for certaine other causes and respects, as may be gathered to the number of 13.

1 Of which, the first is the greatnesse of the citie and Monarchie of Rome.

2 The second, is the authoritie of the Emperor Constantine the great, first of the Emperors conuerted to the faith, and ruling in the same citie, by whom the vniuersal libertie of the church was first promooted, and the causes of the bishops being then at variance, were committed partly to the bishop of Rome, partly to other bishops nere by, to be decided, as appeareth Euseb. lib. 10. cap. 5.

3 The third, was the Councel of Nice, which confirmed the preeminence of that church to haue the ouersight of the churches bordering about it.

4 The fourth cause of aduauncing the church of Rome, was the vnquiet state of the Greek church, much troubled in those dayes with sects, factions, and dissentions, wherof we may read, Socrat. lib. 2. cap 15. Sozom. lib. 3. cap. 8.

5 The fift, when Synodes were called by other Metropolitanes, then if it chanced the bishops of Rome to be absent, and their sentence being absent to be required, by the occasion therof, they began at length to take their sentence for a Canon or rule Ecclesiasticall, & thereby to refuse other Synodes, where their decree or sentēce was not required.

An other cause was, that when any common matter 6 was in hand in other places, whatsoeuer was done, commonly the maner was to write to the Romaine bishop for his approbatiō in the same, for publike vnitie and consent to be had in Christes church, as appeareth Lib. 10. Epist. 78. Ambrosij ad Theophilum.

Item, for that the testimonie somtimes of the Romain 7 bishop was woont in those dayes also to be desired, for admitting teachers and bishops in other churches, whereof we haue example in Socrat lib. 4. cap. 37.

Moreouer, this was a great setting vp of that church,8 when as their sentence not only was required, but also receiued diuers times of other bishops. And when Bishops of other prouinces were at any dissention among thēselues they of their owne accord appealed to the bishop of Rome, desiring him to cite vp both parties, and to haue the hearing and deciding of the cause, as did Macarius and Hesychius send to Iulius then bishop of Rome, &c.

Item, in that certaine of the Arrians returning from 9 their Arrianisme, offered vp and exhibited vnto the bishops of Rome their libels of repentance, and were of them receiued againe, as Vrsatius and Valens did to Iulius. Socra. lib. 2. cap 24.

The x. cause was also, for that Gratianus the Emperour 10 made a law, that all men should retaine that religiō which Damasus bishop of Rome, and Peter bishop of Alexandria did hold. Sozom lib. 7. cap. 4.

And also, if it happened the bishop of Rome to disalow 11 the ordering of any minister or ministers, the Popes perceiuing how diligent and redy they were to seeke their fauour, and to send vp their messengers to Rome for their purgation, tooke therby no little maner of exaltation. Theodoret. lib. 5. cap. 23.

Besides these aforesaid, the bishops of Rome had also 12 an other artificiall practise, that in sending out their letters abroad, as they did to many, in all their Epistles (if the Epistles be theirs, and not forged) euer they were harping of the greatnes of their name, and of their Apostolike sea, and of the primacie of S. Peter, their predecessor and prince of all the Apostles, &c. And this they vsed in euerie letter, when so euer they wrote to any, as appeareth in all their letters decretall, namely, in the letters of Miltiades, Marcellus, and Marcus, &c.

Againe, if any of the East church directed any writing 13 to them, wherein any signification was conteined of neuer so little reuerence giuen vnto them (as learned men commonly vse for modesties sake) that was taken by & by and construed for plaine subiection, and due obediēce, as declareth the letter of Damasus, written to the bishops of the East Church, beginning thus: Quod debita reuerentia, &c. in English thus: but that your charitie yeldeth due reuerēce to the Apostolicall sea, you in so doing (deare children) do much for your selues, &c. Theodoret. Lib. 5. cap. 9. where as the Bishops of the East Church notwithstanding had shewed little or no reuerence in their Epistle to Pope Damasus before.

Thus haue ye the first and originall groundes, by the meanes wherof, the Archbishops of the Romish Sea haue atchieued to this their great kingdome and celsitude ouer Christes church, first beginning the mysterie of their iniquitie, by that which was modestly and voluntarily giuē them. Afterward by vse and custome claiming it ambitiously vnto them, of dutie & seruice, & lastly holding fast (as we see) that which once they had gotten into their possessiō, so that now in no case they can abide the birdes to cal home their fethers againe, which they so long haue vsurped.

And thus much concerning the life,This latter Church of Rome differing from the first Church of Rome, in forme of gouernement. iurisdiction, & title of the Romain bishops: In all which (as is declared) they and not we, haue fallen from the church of Rome. To these I might also ioyne the maner of gouernment, wherin the said Romish Bishops haue no lesse altered both from the rule of Scripture, and from the steps of the true church of Rome, which gouernment as it hath bene, and ought to be only spirituall: so hath the bishop of Rome vsed it of late yeres no otherwise, thē hath an earthly king or prince gouerned his realme & dominiōs, with riches, glory, power, terror, outward strēgth, force, prisō, death, executiō, lawes policies, promooting his friends to dignities, reuenging his affections, punishing and correcting faults against his person more then other offences against God committed, vsing and abusing in all these things the word of God for his pretext & cloke to worke his worldly purpose withall: [Page] whereas indeede the word of God ministreth no such power to spirituall persons, but such as is spirituall: according to the saying of the Apostle. Arma militiae nostrae non sunt carnalia, sed spiritualia. &c. The armour and artillery, sayth S. Paule, of our warfaire is not carnall, but spirituall: such as serue not against flesh and bloud, nor against the weake person of man: but against Sathan, agaynst the gates of hell, and the profundities of the wicked power. &c.

Howe the Church of Christ ought to be gouerned.Which armour as it is al spiritual, so ought they, which haue the dealing therof, to be likewise spirituall, well furnished with all such giftes and graces of the holye Ghost, meere for the gouernance of his spiritual Church: as with wisedome and knowledge in the Scripture, to instructe the ignorant: with inward intelligence & foresight of the craftye cogitations and operations of Sathan, with power of the spirit to resist the same: with practise and experience of tentations, to comfort such as be afflicted and oppressed of Sathan: with heauenly discretion to discerne spirits, and truth from vntruth: with iudgment and knoledge of tounges and learning to conuict errour: wyth zeale of Gods glory, with feruencye of prayer, with patience in persecution: with a minde contented with all cases and states incident, with teares and compassion on other mens greeues: with stoutnes and courage against proud and stout oppressours: with humilitie towarde the poore and miserable: with the counsaile of the Lorde Iesus, by his word and spirite to direct him in all things to be done with strength against sinne: with hatred of this worlde: with gift of fayth: power of the keyes in spirituall causes, as to minister the word, the Sacraments and excommunication when the worde biddeth, that the spirite may be saued, and to reconcile againe, as case requireth. &c. These and such like are the matters wherin consisteth the sinews and strength of the church, and the true gouernance of the same. But cōtrary to these aforesaid both ye Bishop & clergie of this latter Church of Rome, proceeding in their administration and gouernaunce, as who vnder the name and pretence of Christ and his word, haue exercised of long time nothing els but a worldly dominion, seeking indede their owne glory,Preposterous gouernement of the Church by the pope. not the glory of Christ: riches of the world, not the lucre of soules: not feeding the flocke, but fillyng the purse: reuenging their owne wronges, but neglecting gods glory: stryuing against man onely, and killing him, but not killing the vice, nor confuting the errour of man: strong against flesh and bloude, but weake against the Deuill, stout against the simple, but meeke against the mightie: briefly, doing almost all thinges preposterously, more like to secular Princes, then spirituall Pastours of Christes flocke, with outward forcement, and feare of punishment, wyth prysoning, famishyng, hanging, racking, drowning, headyng, slaying, murdering, and burning, and warring also: on the other side with his riches and treasures, wyth his garde and gardiance, with strength of men, with Court and Cardinals: with pomp and pride about them, with their triple crowne, with the naked sworde: with theyr ordinary succession: with their lawes, and executions: their promotions and prefermēts: their biddings and commandings: threatninges and reuenginges. &c.

A comparisō betwene the kingdom of this world and the kingdome of the Pope.In fine, to compare therfore the Images of a worldly kingdome, with this kingdome of the Pope, there is no difference, saue onely that this kingdome of the Pope, vnder hypocrisie maketh a face of the spirituall word, which is the worde of God: but in verye deede doth all things with the temporall sworde, that is with outwarde forcement and coaction: differing nothing from ciuile and secular regiment in all properties and conditions, if it be well considered. For as in an earthly kingdome first there is a Prince or some chiefe Magistrate appointed, hauing dominion ouer his nobles and commons, conteining all his subiects vnder his statutes and lawes, with the which lawes notwithstanding he dispenseth at his pleasure: vnder whom all other inferior Magistrates haue their order and place to them appointed to rule ouer the subiects, and yet to be subiect vnder him: So if the state and forme of the Pope be well aduised, we shall see it altereth nothing from the same, but onely in the names of the persons. In ciuile gouernment, al subiectiō is referred to one head ruler, whose authoritie surmounteth all the rest, and kepeth them vnder obedience: In like maner the gouernement of the Popish Church is committed to one man, who as chiefe steward, ouerseer and ruler of Christes houshold in his absence, hath supreame power ouer all Churches, to moderate and direct all the affaires thereof. But here stā deth the difference, in ciuill policy he is called a Kyng or Prince: here he is called a Pope.

The King hath next vnto him his Dukes & Earles▪ The Popes nobilitie standeth in his Cardinals,Seculer Nobillitie compared with ecclesiasticall Nob [...]l [...]tie. and Legats, who though they be no Dukes in name, yet in pōpe and prid will not onely giue checke to them, but also mate to Kings themselues, it they might be suffered, as did Theodorus, Lancfrancus, Ancelmus, Thomas Becket, and so would Thomas Woulsey haue done, had not the King giuen him a necke to his mate betime.Ciuile Magistrates co [...]pared with Ecclesiasticall. In ciuile policie next to Dukes & Earles foloweth the order of Lords, Barons, Knights Esquiers, Gentlemen, with Mayors, Sheriffes, Cōstables, Bayliffes, Wardens. &c. The like race is to be seene also, although vnder other names, in the Popes policie: of Primates, Bishops, Suffraganes, Prouostes, Deanes Canons, Uicars, Archdeacons, Priests, Deacons, Subdeacōs, Acolites, Exorcists, Lectors, Dorekepers, Singsters, with other Clerks. And as in the other vnder wardens cometh the order of Scauingers: so neither doth the Popes Monarchy lacke his kaynilrakers, to whome may well be compared the rablement of Abbotes, Prouincials, Priors, Monkes, Friers, with their Couentes and Nonneries.

Moreouer from Iustices,Officers of the temperall court compared with the officers of the spir [...]tuall Court. Iudges, Laweyers, Sergeants, Attorneyes, which be necessary offices in the cō mon wealth, what differeth the Popes Inquisitors, Canonistes, Doctours and Bachelers of the Popes lawe, Comissaries, Officials, Proctors, Promoters, with such other, which serue no lesse in spirituall Court, & in the consistorie, then the other aforesaid doe in temporall Court, or in the Yeldhall. Now who so list to compare the glory and magnificence of the one, with the glory of the other:Glory cōpared. Power cōpared Rich [...]s compared. also the power and strength of the one regiment, with the power of the other: and so the ryches of the one, wyth the ryches of the other, I suppose he shall see no great ods betweene them both, taking the Popes kingdome as it hath stood in his full ruffe, & yet doth stande, where Churches are not reformed.Subtletie compared. As for subtiltie and politike practise, there is no man that doubteth, that is indifferent, nor that seeth not, that hath his eyes, but that the Popes hierarchie in holding vp their state, far excelleth all ye kingdomes of worldly Princes, of whome all other may take example to learne.

Thus in comparing the Popes regiment with ciuile gouernance as they doe little or nothing disagre asunder:The difference betweene the Popes regiment and the order of the primitiue Church. So in comparing againe the same with the order of scriptures, or with the regiment that was in the old auncient Church of Rome, we shall see no resemblaunce betwene them. As we read in the Apostles time, all the armour of Christes ministers was spirituall and ful of godly power against the spirituall enimies of our saluation,2. Cor. 10. Ephes. 6. 1. Tim. 1. gouerning the Church then with peace, patience, humilitie, true kn [...] ledge of God, the sword of the spirite, the shielde of fayth, the breastplate of righteousnes, harty charitie, sincere faith, and good conscience: so after the Apostles in the time of Ambrose, The armour proper to Churchmen. by his owne testimonie is to be vnderstand, that the armour of Churchmen was then, preces & lachrymae, prayers and teares: where now the armour of the popes Priesthoode is nothing els but ignis & ferrum, i. fire and sword, wherewith they keepe all things vnder their subiection.Horrible abuse of excommunication in the Popes Church. And here commeth the enorme and horrible abuse of excommunication, suspension, and interdiction in cases friuolous, or worldly, and for such, as for which the ciuile magistrate will not commit any Citizens to the stockes, the Popes censure will not sticke to commit a Christian to the deuill:The Popes gouerning in matters to them not pertayning. not to speak of their other vsurped dealings and doings in matters, that belong to ye ciuile sword, & be to them impertinent. As in punishing whoredome and adultery, in administration and probates of testamentes, in bearing ciuile office, as popes to be Senators of Rome and Emperour also sede vacante. Cardinals to be Capitaines in warre, and rulers of regions: Byshoppes to be Presidentes or Chauncelours, Priestes to be stewards in great mens houses, or maysters of minutes, or Clerkes of ye market, or gardiners to Gentlemen. &c. All which here I ouerpasse referring thē to ye deeper consideratiō of such as haue more leisure to mark ye order of their doings, & so to iudge of the same with indifferencie, according to ye rule of truth, touched with Gods worde, and publike examples of ye auncient Church of Christ in the primitiue tyme.

Thus hauing discoursed, sufficiently so much as concerneth the maner of life,The corrupt doctrine of the Popes Church examined and detected. title, iurisdiction, and gouernement of the Popes sea (in all which pointes is to be sene how this latter Church of Rome hath receded from the true auncient Church of Rome) now remaineth, according to my promise, and order prefixed, consequentlye to proceede to the fourth and last point, which is of doctrine: wherein consisteth the chiefest matter that maketh with vs and against them, in such sort as (their doctrine standing [Page] as it doth) neither they are to be reputed for true Catholikes being altered so far from them: nor we otherwise then heretikes if we shoulde now ioyne with these. For the more triall whereof,The false image of the Popes Church. let vs examine the doctrine & rites of the sayd Church of Rome now vsed, and compare the same with the teaching of the auncient Catholikes, to the intent that such simple soules as haue beene hetherto, and yet seduced by the false visour and image of this pretenced and bastardly church, perceauing what lieth within it, may be warned by tyme, either to eschue the perill, if they list to be instructed: or if not, to blame none but thē selues for their owne wilfull destruction. And albeit I coulde here charge the newfangled Church of the Pope with vij. or viij. heynous crimes, as blasphemy, Idolatry, heresie, superstition, absurditie, vanitie, crueltie, and contrarietie (as which neither agreeth with the old learning of their forelders, nor yet with thēselues in sundry points) yet after a more temperate sort to passe this matter wyth them, these ij. things, I will & dare boldly affirme, that in this doctrine of the Pope nowe taught in the Church of Rome, is neither any consolation of conscience, nor saluation of mans soule.No comfort nor saluation in the Popes doctrine now taught. For seeing there is no life nor soule health but onely in Christ, nor any promise of saluation or comfort made, but only by faith in the sonne of God, what assurance then can there be of perfect peace, life, or saluatiō where that which onely maketh all, is least made of, and other things which make least are most esteemed? For to say the simple truth, what els is the whole course and body of the popes law now set foorth,The scope and summe of the Pope doctrine whether it tendeth. but a doctrine of laws, a heape of ceremonies, a teaching of traditions, a meditation of merites, a foundation of new Religions: al which conferre not one iote to the iustification of our soules before the terrible iudgement of God.

And therefore (as it may be truely saide) this doctrine of the Pope to be voyd of all true comfort and saluation: so likewise it seemeth that these which addict themselues so deuoutly to ye popes learning, were neuer earnestly afflicted in conscience, neuer humbled in spirite nor broken in hart, neuer entred into any serious feeling of Gods iudgement, nor euer felt the strength of the law & of death. For if they had,Papistes neuer lightly afflicted in conscience deepely. they shoulde soone haue seene their owne weakenes and be driuen to Christ: then should they haue seene what a horrible thing it is to appeare before GOD the father, or once to thinke on him (as Luther saith) without christ. And on the contrarye side, then shoulde they know what a glory,An horrible thing to thinke of God without Christ. Luther. what a kingdome, what liberty and life it were to be in Christ Iesus by faith, holding their inheritance, not with the bondsonne of Agar, but with the free sonne of Sara: by promise and not by ye law: by grace, and not by works: by gift and not by deseruing, that god onely might be praysed and not man.

The right fayth of the olde Romanes.And thus were the olde Romaines first taughty by S. Paule writing to the Romanes. The same did Cornelius the Romaine, and first that was Baptised of all the Gentiles, learne of S. Peter when he receaued the holy Ghost,Cornelius a Romane first baptised of all the Gentiles. not by the deedes of the law, but onely by hearing the faith of Iesus preached. And in the same doctrine the sayd Church of the Romaines many yeares continued, so long as they were in affliction. And in the same doctrine, the byshop of Rome with his Romanes now also should still remayne, if they were such auncient Catholickes as they pretende, and woulde follow the old mother Church of Rome,The church of Rome hath lost the liquor wherewith it was first seasoned. and holde the first liquor wherewith they were first seasoned. But the sweete verdor and sent of that liquor and pleasant must is nowe cleane put out through other vnsauery infusions of the Popes thrusting in, so that almost no tast nor peece remaineth of all that primitiue doctrine which S. Paule and other Apostles first planted among the Gentiles. And what maruell if the Romanes now in so long tract of time haue lost their first sap,The Galathians almost gone frō fayth in Sainct Paules time. seyng the Church of the Galathians then in the very time of S. Paule their Schoolemaister, he being amongst them, had not so soone turned his backe a little, but they were all turned almost from the doctrine of fayth, and had much a doo to be recouered againe.

Of this defection and falling from faith. S. Paule expressely foretelleth vs in his letters both to the Thessalonians, and also to Timothe, where he sheweth: that a defection shall come, and that certaine shall depart from the faith,1. Tim. 4. attending to spirits of errour. &c. 1. Tim. 4. And to know what errours these shall be, the circumstance plainly leadeth vs to vnderstande in the same place, where the sayd Apostle, speaketh of marked consciences, forbidding men to marry, and to eate meates ordeined of God to be taken with thankes giuing, for mans sustenance, most euidently as with his finger, pointeth out vnto vs ye church of Rome, which not in these pointes onely but also in all other conditions, almost is vtterly reuolted from the pure originall sincerity of that doctrine which Saint Paule planted in the Churche of the Romanes, and of all other Gentiles.

¶ The Summe of S. Paules doctrine deliuered to the Gentiles.

1. FIrst,A briefe sūme of S. Paules doctrine deliuered to the Gentiles. the doctrine of S. Paule ascribeth all our iustification freely & meerly to faith onely in Christ as to the onely meanes and cause immediate, whereby ye merites of Christes passion be applyed vnto vs, without any other respect of worke or workes of the law, whatsoeuer? and in this doctrine the Church of the Romanes was first planted.

2. Secondly,Saluation by mercy onely and not by merites. the same doctrine of S. Paule cutting of and excluding all glory of mans deseruing, stayeth onely vpon Gods promise and vpon grace, not mans merites, vpon mercy, not mans labouring or running: vpon election and calling, not mans willing. &c.

3. Thirdly,All fleshe concluded vnder sinne. the same doctrine casting downe the strength of man and his integra naturalia (as the scholes doe terme them) concludeth all fleshe vnder sinne, and maketh the same destitute of the glory of God.

4. Item,Difference betweene the law and the gospell. it maketh manifest difference betweene the law and the Gospell, declaring the vse and ende of them to be diuers: the one to kill, the other to quicken, the one to cō demne, the other to iustifie: the one to haue an ende and a tyme, the other to be perpetuall. &c.

5. Item,Iusticia dei. Iusticia propria. the same doctrine of S. Paule, as it sheweth a difference betweene the law and the Gospell: so it maketh no lesse difference betweene Iusticia Dei, and Iusticia propria, that is, the righteousnes of God and the righteousnes of man, abhorryng the one, that is, mans owne righteousnes, comming by the law and works: and embracing the other which God imputeth freely and graciously to vs for Christ his sonnes sake,The righteousnesse of God, and the righteousnes of man howe they differ in Scripture. in whom we beleeue.

6. Item, it wipeth away al traditions, and constitutions of men whatsoeuer, especially from binding of conscience, calling them beggerly elements of this world.

7. Likewise it reiecteth and wipeth away al curious subtilities, and superfluous speculations, & knoweth nothing els but Christ onely Crucified, which is onely the obiect whereunto our faith looketh.

8. Furthermore, as the same doctrine of S. Paule defineth al men to be transgressours by disobedience of one Adam,A true christian knoweth nothing but Christ crucified. All men condemned by one: All men saued by one. Originall sinne, originall iustice. though they neuer touched the Aple, comming of his stocke by nature: so doth it prooue all men to be iustified by the obedience of one, though they did not his obedience, being likewise borne of him by spirituall regeneration and faith.

9. And therfore as all men comming of Adam be condemned originally, before they grow vp to commit anye sinne agaynst the law, so all men be saued originally being regenerated by fayth in Christ, before they begin to do any good worke of charitie, or any other good deede.

10. Item, the doctrine of S. Paule perpending the high glory of a Christen mans state in Christ Iesus by faith, first setteth him in a perfect peace with almightie God.Rom. 5. Rom. 5. Secondly exempteth him from all condemnatiō. Rom. 8. Thirdly it matcheth him with aungels, it equalleth him with Saints and felow citizens of heauen, it nū bereth him with the housholde of God,Ephes. 2. Ita (que) iam non es seruus sed filius. and inheriteth him with Iesus Christ himselfe. Ephes. 2. Fourthly it adopteth him from the state of a seruaunt, to the state of the sonne of God, crying Abba father. Gal. 4. Fiftly, it openeth to him a bolde accesse and entraunce to the high maiestie and throne of grace,Gal. 4. Heb. 4. Ephes. 2. Heb. 4. Sixtlye, it subiecteth all thinges vnder him: as ministers, yea, the Apostles themselues in their hiest office, death, life, thinges present, thinges to come, with the whole worlde besides, and assigneth him no spirituall head, but onely Christ, saying. And you are Christes, 1. Cor. 3. The glorious state of Christian libertie, and spirituall freedome in Christ Iesu. and Christ is Gods. 1. Cor. 3. Seuenthly, it aduaunceth and setteth him in a spirituall liberty or freedome, aboue all terrours of spirite, rising either of Gods lawe or mans lawe, aboue all dreadfull feares of sinne, damnation, malediction, reiection, death, hell, or purgatory: aboue al seruile bondage of ceremonies, mens precepts, traditions, superstitious vses, yokes, customes, or what els soeuer oppresseth and intangleth the spirituall freedome of a conscience with Christ hath set at libertie: And requireth moreouer that wee walke and stande stout in that liberty with the free sonne of Sara, whereto we are brought, and not suffer our selues any more to bee clogged with any such seruile bondage: that is to meane, although we must be content to subiect our bodies to all seruice & to all men, yet that we yeld not our spirituall consciences [Page] [...] [Page] and soules as slaues and seruants to be subiect to the feare or bondage of any terrene thing in this world, forasmuch as we are in that part made Lordes and Princes ouer all things whatsoeuer can harme or binde, or terrifie vs. Ga. 4. Colloss. 2.

Gal. 4. Colos. 2. Dayes and tymes indifferent. Meates indifferent with thāksgeuing. Mariage lawfull for all men. One sacrifice for sinne & no more. Heb. 9. The vse of the holye communion in auncient tyme of the primitiue church.11. Item, the right vayne of S. Paules doctrine putteth no difference nor obseruation in dayes and tymes. Gal. 4. Col. 2.

12. Item, it leaueth all meates to be indifferent, wyth thankes giuing, to serue the necessitie of the body, and not the body to serue them. Col. 2. 1. Tim. 4.

13. Item, it permitteth marriage without restraint or exception, lawfull and also expedient for all men, hauyng neede thereof. 1. Cor. 7.

14. Item, it admitteth no sacrifice for sinne but the sacrifice of Christ alone, and that done once for all with bloude. For without bloud there is no remission of sinne whiche onely is applied to vs by fayth, & by nothing els. Heb. 9.

15. Item, as touching the holy Communion, by the letters of S. Paule to the Cor. 11. we vnderstande, that the vse then amongst them was, to haue the participation of the bread called the Lordes body, and of the cup called the Lordes bloud, administred not at an altar, but at a plaine bord or table, the congregation there meeting together after the time of their supper, where not the minister alone did receaue and the other looked on, but the whole congregation togither did cōmunicate with reuerence & thankes giuyng, not lifting ouer the Priestes head, nor worshipyng, nor kneeling, nor knocking their brestes, but eyther sittyng at the supper, or standing after the supper. According to which forme the Muscouites yet to this day followyng the old rite of the Country (although being drowned otherwise in much superstition) vse to receaue it after they be risen from their diner standing. Experience wherof was seene here at London the first day of October. 1569.

No mo Sacramentes mentioned in S. Paule, but the Lordes supper and baptisme. The authoritie and office of the ciuill Magistrates.16. Item, the sayde Apostle, besides the sacramentall supper maketh mention of Baptisme, or washing of regeneration, although he himselfe Baptised but few. 1. Cor. 1. of the other sacraments he maketh no mention.

17. Item, by the same doctrine of S. Paule no tongue is to be vsed in the congregation which is not knowen and doth not edifie. 1. Cor, 14.

18. Item, the rule of S. Paules doctrine subiecteth euery creature vnder the obedience of Kinges and Princes and ordinary Magistrates ordeined of God to haue the sword and authoritie of publike regiment to order and dispose in all thinges not contrary to God, whatsoeuer perteineth to the maintenance of the good, or to the correction of the euil: from whose iurisdiction there is no exemption of vocations of persons, whether they be Ecclesiasticall or politicall. And therfore to this office appertaineth to preserue peace, to set things in lawfull order, to conserue Christian discipline in the Church of Christ, to remooue offences, to bridle the disobedient, to prouide and procure wholesome and faithfull teachers ouer the people, to maintaine learning and set vp schooles, to haue ouersight not onely of the people, but also of all Ecclesiastical ministers to see to euery one to do his dutye, & to remooue or punish such as be negligent: also to call Councels and Synodes, & to prouide the Church goodes to be faithfullye dispensed by the handes of true dealers, to the sustentation of the Church, of true teachers, & to the publike necessitie of the poore, &c.

The office and aucthoritie of Byshops how farre it doth extend.19. Furthermore, by S. Paules doctrine, the Ministers and superintendentes of Christes Church haue their authoritie and armour likewise to them limited, which armour is onely spiritual, and not carnal, wherby they fight not against flesh & bloud, but against the power of darkenes, errour, and sinne against the spirituall seduction and crastines in heauenly things, against the works and proceedings of Sathan the Prince of this worlde, in comforting weak consciences against the terrors of the deuil, and desperation, and finally against euery cogitation lifted vp against Christ, to subdue euery celsitude to the subiection and power of Christ Iesu the sonne of God.

An other briefe recapitulation of the same

BRiefly and in a compendious summe to reduce the whole doctrine of S. Paule,An other brief recapitulation of S. Paules doctrine reduced to fiue poynts. Iohn. 3. in these fiue pointes chieflie it consisteth.

1. First, in setting foorth the grace, great loue and goodwill, and free promises of God the Father in Christ Iesus his sonne to mankinde, which so loued the worlde, that he hath giuen his owne sonne for the redemption thereof. Iohn 3. which gaue his sonne to die for vs being his enimies. Rom. 5. which hath quickned vs being dead in sinne Ephes. 2. which so mercifully hath reconciled the world to himselfe by his sonne,The great mercy of God in Christ. and also by his ambassadours desireth vs to be reconciled vnto him, 2. Cor. 5. who hath giuē his owne sonne to be sinne for vs. 2. Cor. 5. to be accursed for vs. Gal. 3. which by firme promise hath assured vs of our inheritance.Rom. 5. 2. Cor. 5. Ephes. 2. Rom. 4. Rom. 4. which not by the works of righteousnes that we haue done, but of his owne mercy hath saued vs by the washing of regeneration. Tit. 3. &c.

2. The seconde point consisteth in preaching and expressing the glorious and triumphant Maiestie of Christ Iesus the sonne of God,Tit. 3. The glory and Maiestye of Christ Iesus set forth in Sainct Paule. Ephes. 4. and the excellency of his glory, who being once dead in the infirmitie of flesh rose againe wyth power, ascending vp with maiestie, hath led away captiuitie captiue, Eph. 4. sitteth and reigneth in glory on the right hand of God in heauenly thinges, aboue all principates and potestates, powers and dominations, & aboue euery name that is named, not only in this world, but also in the world to come, Ephe. 1. In whose name euery knee hath to bende both in heauen and in earth, and vnder the earth, and euery tongue to confesse our Lord Christ Iesus to be of the glory of God the Fathee.Phil. 2. Phil. 2. In whome and by whome all things are made both in heauen and in earth, things visible & inuisible, whether they be thrones or dominations, or principates, or potestats, al are by him and for him created, and he is before all, & all thinges consist in him, who is the head of his body the Churche, the beginning and first borne from the dead, in whome dwelleth all fulnes.Colos. 1. Col. 1. To whome the Father hath giuen all iudgement, and iudgeth no man himselfe any more. Ioh. 5. To whom the Father hath giuen all things to his hands Iohn. 13.Iohn. 5. Iohn. 13. Iohn. 17. Math. vlt. To whome the father hath giuen power of all flesh. Iohn. 17. To whome all power is giuen in heauen and in earth. Math. vlt. In whome be all the promises of God. Est. &. Amen. 2. Cor. 1.

3. Thirdly,2. Cor. 1. The 3. braunch. The vertue and effect of Christs death and what exceeding benefites proceede thereof. Ephes. 1. Esay. 53. Collos. 1. Rom. 5. 2. Timo. 1. Heb. 2. Rom. 5. Gal. 3. Ephes. 2. he declareth the vertue of his Crosse & Passion, and that what exceeding benefites proceede to vs by the same. By whose bloud we haue redemption & remission of our sinnes. Ephes. 1. By whose strypes we are made whole. Eay. 53. By whose Crosse all thinges are pacified, both in heauen and in earth. Col. 1. By whose death wee are reconciled. Ro. 5. Who hath destroied death, & brought life to light. 1. Timot. 1. Who by death hath destroyed him which had the power of death, that is the diuell, and hath deliuered them which liued vnder feare of death all theyr life in bondage. Heb. 2. By whose obedience we are made iust: by whose righteousnes we are iustified to life. Rom. 5. By whose curse wee are blessed, and deliuered from the malediction of the law. Gala. 8. By whose bloud we that once were farre of, are made neere vnto God. Ephes. 5. Who in one body hath reconciled both Iewes & Gentiles vnto God. Eph. 2. Who by his flesh hath taken away the diuision and separation betweene God and vs, abolishing the law which was set against vs in preceptes & decrees. Ephes. 2.1. Iohn. 2. Who is our peace, our aduocate, and propitiatiō for the sinnes of the whole worlde. 1. Iohn. 2. Who was made accursed,2. Cor. 5. & sinne for vs, that we might be the righteousnes of God in him. 2. Cor. 5. Who is made of God for vs,1. Cor. 1. our wisedome and righteousnes, & sanctification, and redemption. 1. Cor 1. By whom we haue boldnes, and entraunce with all confidence through faith in him.Ephes 3. Ephes. 3. Who forgiueth all our sinnes, and hath torne a peeces the obligation or handwriting, which was against vs in the law of commaundements, and hath crucified it vpon the Crosse,Collos. 2. Rom. 4. Colos. 2. & vtterly hath dispatched and abolished the same, and hath spoled principates and potestates, as in an open shew of conquest, triumphing ouer them openly in himselfe. Col. 2. Who iustifieth the wicked by faith. Ro. 4. In whom we are made full and complete. Col. 2. &c.

4. The fourth branch is,The fourth braunch. to teach and informe vs (to whō these benefites of Christes Passion and victory do apperteine) by what meanes the same is applied & redoundeth vnto vs: which meanes is onely one, that is onely faith, in Christ Iesu,Fayth onely the meane cause of saluation and nothing els. and no other thing. Which faith it pleaseth almightie God, to accept for righteousnes. And this righteousnes it is, which onely standeth before God and none other, as we are plainly taught by the Scriptures, and especially by the doctrine of S. Paule. Which righteousnes thus rising of faith in Christ. S. Paule calleth the righteousnes of God, where he speaketh of himselfe, vtterly refuseth the other righteousnes which is of the lawe, that the might be found in him, not hauing his own righteousnes which is of the law, but the righteousnes of Christ, which is of faith. Phil. 3.Phil. 3. The righteousnes of the law. Againe, the saide Apostle writing of the Iewes, which sought for righteousnes and found it not: and also of the Gentiles which sought not for it, and yet found it, sheweth the reason why: because (saith he) the one sought it as by workes and the lawe, and came not to [Page] it, who not knowing the righteousnes of God, and seking to set vp their owne righteousnes,The righteousnesse of the gospell. Rom. 9. did not submit themselues to the righteousnes whiche is of God: The other, which were the Gentiles, and sought not for it, obteined righteousnes, that righteousnes, which is of faith. &c. Ro. 9. Also in an other place, Saint Paule in the same Epistle writing of this righteousnes which commeth of faith, calleth it the righteousnes of God, in these wordes. Whome God (saith he) hath set vp for a propitiatiō by faith in his bloud, The places of S. Paul. Rom. 3. expounded. Rom. 3. whereby to make manifest the righteousnes, which is of himselfe in tollerating our sinnes. &c. Rom. 3. By the which righteousnes it is euident that S. Paule meaneth the righteousnes of faith,The righteousnesse of fayth, why it is called Gods righteousnes. Rom. 3. which almightie God nowe reuealeth & maketh manifest by preaching of the Gospell. Wilt thou see yet more plainely this righteousnes of God howe it is taken in S. Paule, for the righteousnes of faith, & therefore is called the righteousnes of God, because it is imputed onely of God to fayth, and not deserued of man? In the same Epistle to the Romanes and in the 3. chap. aforesayd, his wordes be manifest: The righteousnes of God (sayth he) is by faith of Iesus Christ, A lesson out of S. Paules doctrine, of all Christians to be obserued. in all, and vpon al that doe beleue. &c.

Wherfore whosoeuer studieth to be accepted with God and to be found righteous in his light, let him learne diligently by the doctrine of S. Paule to make a difference & a separation, as farre as from heauen and earth, betwene these two, that is betweene the righteousnes of workes, & righteousnes of faith: & in any wise beware he bring no other meanes for his iustification, or remission of his sins, but onely faith apprehending the body or person of Christ Iesus crucified. For as there is no way into the house but by the doore, so is there no comming to God but by Christ alone, which is by faith. And as the mortall body, without bodely sustenance of bread & drinke can not but perishe so the spiritual soule of man hath no other refreshing but only by faith in the body and bloude of Christ,Rom. 9. whereby to be saued.Act. 10. Saluation commeth onely by fayth. Math. 16. With this faith the Idolatrous Gentiles apprehē ded Iesus Christ, and receaued therby righteousnes. Cornelius (the first Baptised Ramane) so sooone as he heard Peter preache Christ, receaued straightway the holy Ghost, Peter himselfe confessed, and for his confession, hadde the keyes of heauen. Math. 16. Zacheus receaued the person of Christ into his house,Luke. 19. and withal receaued saluation both to him and his whole houshold. Luc. 19 What a sinner was Mary,Luc. 7. which had no lesse in her then vij. deuils, & yet because she set her hart and affectiō vpon that person, many sinnes were forgiuen her. Luc. 7. The right hand theefe,Luc. 23. how farre was he from all works of the law, & yet by faith entred he iustified into Paradise ye same day with christ. Luc. 23. In like maner, although the poore Publicane came to the Church with lesse holines after the law, yet went he home to his house more iustified then the Pharisie with all his workes,Luc. 28. That which is lost by the law, is recouered by fayth. and all by reason of fayth. Luc. 18, The parable of the prodigal sonne which was lost yet reuiued agayne: Also of the lost groat, and of the lost sheepe which went astray and was found againe, what do these declare but that which is lost by the lawe, to be recouered by faith and grace? And how oft doe we reade in the Gospels:Luc. 18. Math. 9. Iohn. 14. Iohn. 14. Iohn. 15. Iohn. 6. Thy faith hath saued thee. &c. Iesus seing their beliefe &c. He that beleueth in me I will raise him vp in the last day. &c. Beleue also in me &c. He that beleeueth in me hath euerlasting life. &c. Without me ye can do nothing. &c. He that is in me. &c. He that looueth me. &c. He that heareth me. &c. He that abideth in me. &c. He that receaueth me. &c. Onles ye eate my flesh: and drinke my bloud. Act. 26. Act. 10. Mat. vlt. Iohn 14. &c. That they may receaue remission of sinnes by their faith in me. &c. Act. 26. To him al the Prophets giue witnes, to haue remission of sinnes, whosoeuer beleeueth in his name &c. Act. 10. He that beleeueth & is baptised. Mat. vlt. He that beleueth in me shall do the works that I do, & greater then these. &c.

And likewise in the writings of S. Paule, how often doe we heare the name of Christ, almost in euery thirde or fourth line,The writinges of S. Paule, full of the name of Christ Iesus. Belief onely in Christ saueth. Act. 16. The personall cause of saluation. The instrumentall cause. where hee still repeateth: In Christo Iesu per Christum Iesum, Per Iesum Christum Dominum nostrum. &c. Qui credunt in ipso. &c. Omnes qui credunt in eo. &c. Credentes illo, in eum credentes illi, in nomen eius, in nomine Domini nostri Iesu Christi, &c. Beleue, (saith S Paule to the Iaylor) in the Lorde Iesus, and thou shalt be saued and thy whole house, &c. Actes. 16.

Thus then thou seest as the passion of Christ is onely the efficient or personall cause immediate of our saluation: so is faith onely the instrumentall or meane cause that maketh the merits of Christ to vs auaileable. For as the Passion of Christ serueth to none but such as do beleue: so neither doth faith (as it is onely a bare qualitie or action in mans minde) it self iustifie,How fayth iustifieth. vnles it be directed to the body of Christ crucified, as to his obiect, of whom it receueth all his vertue.Christ the onely obiect of faith And therfore these ij. must alwayes ioyntly concurre together, faith, and Christ Iesus crucified. As for example, when the children of Israel were byd of Moses to looke vp to the brasen Serpent,which iustifieth. Example of the brason Serpent. neither could ye Serpent haue helped them, except they had looked vp, nor yet their looking vpward haue profited them, vnles they had directed their eyes vpon the said Serpent, as the only obiect set vp to the same purpose for them to behold. So our faith in like case directed to the bodye of Iesus our Sauiour is onely the meanes wherby Christes merits are applied vnto vs, and we now iustified before God, according to the doctrine of S. Paule, who in expresse wordes, defining to vs what this faith is, and how it iustifieth, sayth: If thou shalt confesse with thy mouth the Lord Iesus, What fayth is by Sainct Paule. and beleeue with thy hart, that God raised him from death, thou shalt be saued. &c. Rom, 10. Besides this, what action or qualitie soeuer is in man,Rom. 10. either, hope, charitie, or any other kinde of faith and beleeuing, be it neuer so true except it apprehend this obiect (which is) the body of Christ, the sonne of God it serueth not to iustification. And that is the cause why we adde this particle Onely, Faith onely. to faith, and say that faith, Onely, in Christ iustifieth vs, to exclude all other actions, qualyties, giftes, or works of man, from yt cause of iustifying for so much as there is no other knowledge nor gift giuen of God to man, be it neuer so excellent, that can stand before the iudgement of God to iustification, or wherevnto any promise of saluation is annexed: but onely this faith lookyng vp to the brasen Serpent, that is to the body of Christ Iesus for vs crucified.

As for example,Diuers sorts of beleuing. The Turkes fayth. when the Turke sayth, that he beleeueth in one liuyng God that made heauen & earth, his beliefe therin is true, yet it iustifieth him not, because it lacketh the right obiect, which is Christ. So when the Iewe saith that he beleeueth in one God maker of heauen and earth,The Iewes fayth. and beleeueth also the same God to be omnipotent, merciful, iust, and true of promise, and that he hath elected the seede of Abraham: true it is that he beleeueth, and yet all this serueth him not, because Christ ye sonne of God is not ioyned to all.Euery truth may be beleued but the beleuing of euery trueth saueth not. The Papists fayth. Onely. Hope and charitie be no partes of our iustification, nor causes to make the merites of Christ ours. The causes of our saluation distincted. And though ye said Iew should be neuer so deuout in his prayers, or charitable in almose, or precise in keeping ye law, & beleeued neuer so stedfastly yt he is elect to be saued: yet he is neuer the neerer to saluation for all this, so long as his faith is not grounded vpon y• head cornerstone, which is the person and body of Christ Iesus the true Sauiour. After like sort, it may be sayd of the Papist, when he saith that he is Baptised, and beleeueth in the Father, the Sonne, and the holy Ghost, three persons and one God, and also confesseth Iesus Christ to be the sonne of God, which died for our sinnes, and rose againe for our righteousnes. &c. his beleife therin is true, & indede would saue him, if he did stay his saluation in this faith, and vpon Christ his Sauiour, Onely. according to the promise and grace of God, and go no farther. But that he doth not: for neither doth he admit Christ onely to be his perfect Sauiour without the helpe of the patrons, heades, aduocates, and mediatours, nor yet permitteth his faith in Christ, Onely to be the meanes of his iustification, but setteth vp other by meanes, as hope, charitie, sacrifice of the Masse, confession, penaunce, satisfaction, merites, and pardons, supposing thereby to worke his iustification before God, contrary to the word of promise, to the Gospell of grace, & to the doctrine of S. Paule whereof we shall see more (the Lord willing) hereafter,

And thus much of the true causes of our iustification after the doctrine of S. Paule.The causes of our saluation. distincted. Concerning which causes this distinctiō furthermore by the way is to be added, that as touching the originall causes of our saluation, which be diuers and sondry, some are externall, & without vs: some are internall,Grace and mercy. Election. Vocation. Christes passion. Christian fayth. and within vs. Of the external causes which are without vs, the first and principal is the mercy & grace of god. Of this foloweth predestination and election. Thē cōmeth vocation. The last and next cause to vs is the deth and bloudshed of christ wherby we are redemed, & al these be external causes, because they are without vs. Of internall causes that be in man through the gift of God, there is but one, & no mo in scripture apointed, that is, out faith in Christ, which is the gift of God in vs. Beside this there is no gift of God giuen to man, vertue, work, merite, nor any thing els, that is any part or cause of saluation, but only this gyft of fayth,The meaning and cause why fayth onely iustifieth. to beleeue in Christ Iesu. And this is the cause why we hold that faith onely iustifieth, meanyng, that amongst all the workes, deedes, actions, labours, and operations, whatsoeuer man doth, or can doe, there is nothing in that man that worketh saluation but onely his fayth gyuen to hym of God to beleeue in Christ his sonne, following therein the trade of S. Paules teaching: who in precise wordes so ascribeth iustification to fayth, that he excludeth all other actions of man, & works of the law: And therefore in the same Epystle to the Romanes, [Page] S. Paule resoning of the glory of iustifiyng, asketh this question how this glory is excluded: whether by the law of works? and concludeth no: ascribing onely ye glory thereof to the law of faith,All workes of man excluded from the glory of iustifiyng. And consequently vppon the same he inferreth: Colligimus enim iustificari hominem per fidem sine operibus legis. We hold that a man is iustified by faith. without the deedes of the law.

And how then can that he accounted for any part of our iustification, which S. Paule vtterly debarreth and excludeth in that behalfe? of which like exclusiues and negatiues the whole course of S. Paules doctrine is full, where he still concludeth: Sine operibus, absque operibus legis, non exoperibus, Dei donum est, Ephes. 2. Tit. 3. non ex operibus ne quis sed secundū misericordiā glorietur, Ephe 2. Non ex operibus iustitiae quae fecimus nos sed secundū propositsi suum & grati [...]m &c. Titi. 3. Non secundum opera nostra. 2. Timot. 1 &c. Timot 1. That is to say, It is the gift of God, not of works, that no mā should glory. &c. Not of the workes of righteousnes, which we haue done, but of his own mercy. &c. Not after our workes, but after his owne purpose, & grace which is giuen to vs, Gal. 2. &c., Agayne Gal 2. Non iustificatur homo ex operibus. &c. That is, A man is not iustified by works &c. Item,Rom. 4. Ei qui non operatur credenti autē in eū qui iustificat impium fides imputatur ad iustitiam &c. Rom. 4. To him that worketh not, but beleeueth in him which iustifieth the wicked, his faith is imputed to righteousnes. The exclusiues, and negatiues of S. Paule to be marked. &c. By these exclusiues, and negatiues in Sainct Paules doctrine what doth he els meane, but vtterly to seclude all kinde of mans merits, and works of the law from the office & dignitie of iustifying? And although he expresseth not ye word, Onely, yet vpon his exclusiues and negatiues, this exceptiue must needes be inferred. For in all Logike the cōnsequent is necessary and formall, as one man is suffered, to come into the house: and no person els is suffered but one Ergo, one man only is suffered to enter into the housé. And thus much concerning faith in Christ, prooued to be the onely meane, or instrumentall, or conditionall cause of our saluation, and no other besides the same alone, by the doctrine of S. Paule taught to the ancient Romanes.

The fift braunch.5. The fift branch, which I note in S. Paules doctrine, is this: that after he hath thus established vs in certeinty of our saluation through faith in Christ, then after that,The true vse and end of good workes. he exhorteth vs vehemently and with all instaunce of good workes, shewing the true vse and ende of good workes: which is, first to shewe our obedience, and dutifull seruice (as we may) vnto God, who hath done so great thinges for vs. Secondly to relieue our neighbours with our charitie and kindes, as God hath bene kinde to vs his enimies. Thirdly, to stirre vp other by our example, to praise God, to embrace the same Religion, & to do the like. For requisite it is, that as God hath bene so merciful to vs and gratious in eternal giftes, we should be merciful likewise to other in temporall cōmodities. And seeing it hath pleased him of his fatherly goodnes (of our partes so litle deserued) to call vs to so high a vocation, to giue the bloud of his sonne for vs, to forgiue vs al our sinnes, to deliuer vs from this present wicked worlde, to make vs Citizens of heauen, yea his children, more then seruaunts: little then can we doe, and well may we thinke those benefites ill bestowed, if we forgiue not our neigbours, and shewe some thing againe worthy that holy calling wherewith he hath called vs, in mortifying our worldly lustes here, & studying after heauenly things: and finally if we being prouoked with such loue & kindnes, reder not againe some loue for loue, some kindnes for kindnes, seeking how to walke in the steps which he hath prepared for vs to walke in, seruing him (so much as we may) in holines & righteousnes all the daies of our life. And though our obedience shall alwaies be imperfect, doe the best we can: yet reason would that some obedience we should shew as louing children to such a louing father.

Good workes iustifie not, but follow the iustified.And this is the cause why S. Paule is so vehement & vrgent to call vpon good workes, not that workes should iustifie, but that we being iustified so mercifully & tenderly through his grace, should not abuse his grace in vayne, but endeuour our selues to our vttermost to render our seruice againe to him, in such conuersation of life as may most make to his glorye, and profite of our neighbour. And though the words of our sauiour seme in some places to attribute to our obedience and charitie here in earth, great rewards in heauen, that is of his owne free grace & goodnes so to impute small matters for great deserts, and not for vs to claime any meede thereby or thanke at hys hande, as by any worthines of our dooings, no more then the seruaunt when he commeth from the plough and seruing the cattell in the field, serueth first his master at home and waiteth vpon his table: the master is not bound (saith Christ) to thanke his seruaunt therefore,Luke. 17. and bid him sit downe: So you (saith he) when you haue done that is cōmanmanded you, say ye are vnprofitable seruants: ye haue done but what your bound duety was to doe. Luc. 17.

Againe, here also is to be vnderstand, that where such rewardes be ascribed vnto mens deedes, it is not for the worthines of the deede it selfe, but for the faith of the dooer, which faith maketh the worke to bee good in Gods sight: for els if an infidell should do the same worke that the christian doth, it were nothing but meere sinne before god. In that therefore the christian mans worke is accepted be it neuer so small (as to giue a cup of cold water) the same is onely for his fayth sake that doth it,Fayth iustifieth three manner of wayes. and not for the worke which is done. Whereby againe we may learne how faith onely doth iustifie a man, and that three maner of wayes.

First it iustifieth the person in making him accepted, and the child of God by regeneration, before he begin to doe any good worke.

Secondly, it iustifieth a man from sinne, in procuring remission and forgiuenes of the same.

Thirdly, it iusti [...]ieth the good deedes and workes of man, not onely in bringing foorth good fruites, but also in making the same workes to be good and acceptable in the sight of God,The office of fayth, and the office of the law compared together. which otherwise were impure and execrable in his sight.

The office therfore of faith and works is diners, and must not be cōfounded. Faith first goeth before, and regenerateth a man to God, & iustifieth him in the sight of god, both in couering his yll deedes, and in making his good deedes acceptable to God, clyming vp to heauen, & there wrastling with God and his iudgement for righteousnes, for saluation, and for euerlastins life. Workes and charitie, folow faith, and are exercised here vpon the earth, & glorieth onely before man,The workes of man be imparfect and therefore haue nothing to doe with iustification. but not before God, in shewing foorth obedience both to God & to man. Further then this our good works doe not reach, nor haue any thing to doe in the iudgement of God touching saluation. I speake of our good workes (as S. Paule speaketh Rom. 7.) as they be ours & imperfect. For els if our workes could be perfect according to the perfection of the lawe, as Christ wrought them in the perfection of his flesh, that is if we could perfect them, as it is sayd: Qui fecerit ea viuet in eis. But now seeing the imbecilitie of our flesh cannot atteine thereto it foloweth thereof that all glory of iustifying is taken from workes, and transferred onely to faith.

And thus much concerning the principall contents of S. Paules doctrine. Wherein the Church of the auncient Romanes first was grounded & planted, and so continued in the same, or at least did not much alter, during the prymityue state of the Church. Likewise the same forme of doctrine the latter Romanes also that followed shoulde haue mainteined,Gal. 2. and not haue fallen away for any mans preaching, but hold him accursed, yea if he were any Apostle or an Angell from heauen,Deffection of fayth in the Church of Rome. teaching any other doctrine besides that institution which they haue receaued. Gal. 1, for so were they warned before by the Apostle S Paule, to doe. And yet notwithstanding all this forewarning & diligent instruction of this blessed Apostle of the Gentiles, what a defection of faith is fallen among the Gentiles, especially among the Romanes, whereof the sayde Apostle also foretold them so long before, forepropheciyng: That the day of the Lord shall not come, A vew of the Popes Catholicke Church. except there come a defectiō before, and that the man of sinne should be reuealed, the proude aduersary of God. &c. Thei. 2, meaning (no doubt) by this defection, a departing and a falling from that faith which the holy ghost had then planted by his ministery, among the Gentiles. As we see it now come to passe in the Church of Rome. Which Church is so gone from the faith that S. Paule taught, that if he were now aliue, and saw these decrees and decretals of the Bishop of Rome, these heapes of ceremonies & traditions, these masse bokes, these Portuses, these Festiuals and Legendes, these Processionals, Dymmes and Sequences, these Beades and Graduals, & the maner of their inuocation, their Canons, Censures, & latter Councels, such swarmes of superstitious Monkes and Friers, such sectes of so many dyuers religions, the Testament of S. Fraunces, the rule of S. Benedict, of S Brigit, of S. Anthony. &c. the intricate subtel [...]ies & labyrynthes of the scholemen, the infinite cases and distinctiōs of the Canonistes▪ The Church of Rome degenerated agayne almost to new paganisme. the Sermons in Churches, the assertions in schooles, the glory of the Pope, the pride of the clergie, the cruelty of persecuting Prelates with their officials and promotors: he woulde saye this were not a defection, but rather a plaine destruccion and ruine of fayth: neyther that this were any true Church of Christ, but a newe found Religion, or paganisme rather, brought in vnder the shadow of Christianity, wherin remaineth almost no"thing els but the name onely of Christ, and the outwarde [Page] forme of hys religion, the true vayne, and effect whereof is vtterly decayed, as to them which list to examine all the parts of this new Romish religion, may some appeare.

For saue onely that they pretend the solemne forme and wordes of the Crede, and are Baptised confessing ye name of the father the sonne & holy ghost: As touching all other points and true sincerity of the Christian faith which they outwardly professe, they are vtterly degenerated from that which S. Paule & the word of God first had taught them,

First, they cōfesse the father in word, but his will in his word expresed they renounce,The Popes Church onely in wordes Catholicke, in deed heathenish. his grace they acknowledg not, his benefits and promisses giuen vnto vs in his sonne they receaue not, the vigor of his law they feele not, the terrour of his iudgements earnestly they feare not, his commaundementes they obserue by the traditions and commaundements of their owne.

Likewise the name of Christ his sonne in worde they confesse, but his office indede they deface and deminish: his glory they seeke not, but vnder his name they do seke their owne: the power of his bloud and passion they know not or els dissemble it, who neither they admit to be the head of his Church alone, nor sauiour alone, nor only to be our patrone & aduocate; but match with him our Lady, and other patrons, so that euery Parish almost in christendome hath his peculiar patrone besides Christ to hold by.

In like maner they confesse the name of the holy Ghost, But God himselfe knoweth how farre they are from the comfort, knowledge, and tast of the holy ghost, as wel may appeare by their councels, by their expounding of Scripture, by their superstitious ceremonies, by their outward worshipping and Idolatrous inuocation to stockes and stones and dead creatures,The Religion of the Popes Church proceedeth contrary to the working of the holy Ghost. by their scrupulous obseruatiō of dayes, tunes, places, numbers & gestures: And no lesse also by their doctrine, which defraudeth the poore harts of simple Christians, of their due consolation, ioy and liberty in the holy Ghost, & kepeth them still in a seruile bondage, and a doubtfull incertainty of their saluation, contrary to the working of the holy spirite of God.

And thus the Church of Rome pretending onely the name of Christ and of his Religion,The Church of Rome pretentendeth a fayre face of Religion but is voyd of the ef [...]ect therof is so farre altered from the truth of that which it pretendeth, that vnder the name of Christ, it persecuteth both Christ & his Religion: working more harme to the Church of Christ, then euer did the open tirants and persecuting Emperours among the heathen: not much vnlike herein to the olde Sinagoge of the Scribes and Phareseis, who vnder the name of God, crucified the sonne of God,The old Phariseis, and the latter Church of Romanes compared together. and vnder pretence of the law, fought against the Gospell, and vnder the title of Abrahams children, persecuted the childrē of Abraham. And as they bragging so highly of the Temple of the Lord, the Temple of the Lorde, did in deede destroye the true Temple of the Lord: right so these pretensed Catholikes in these dayes, after they haue raysed vppe a Catholike Churche of their owne,The Popes Church vnder the name of the Catholicke Church, persecuteth the true Catholicke Church of Christ. and haue armed the same with lawes, and haue gathered vnto them a power of Priestes, Prelates, Abbats, Priors, of religious men, of Cardinals, and also of secular Princes to take their part, now vnder the name of the Catholicke Church, they persecute the true Catholike church, and coloring their procedings still with In nomine Domini, most cruelly they put to death, which die pro nomine Domini, condemning them for heretikes, schismatikes, and rebles, not which deny any part of the creede, which they themselues professe, nor such whome they can conuince by any Scripture, but onely such which will not ioyne wyth their errours and heresies contrary to the honour of God and truth of his worde.

And lest any should thinke this that we here protest against the corrupt errours & manifold deformities of this latter Church of Rome, to proceede of any raucor or affection, rather then grounded of necessary causes, and demō strations euident, my purpose is (by the Lordes leaue) to take herein some litle paine, that as I haue collected a litle before, the summe & cōtents of S. Paules doctrine, where with the old Church of Rome was first seasoned and acquainted, so now as in a like summary table, to discrye the particular braunches and contents of the Popes doctrine now set foorth, to the intent that all true Christian readers comparing the one with the other may discern what great alteration there is betwene the church of Rome that now is, and the church of Rome that then was, planted by the Apostles in the primitiue time. And to the ende to open to the simple reader some waye whereby he may the better iudge in such matters of doctrine, & not be deceaued in discerning truth from errour, first we wil propound certeine principles or general positions, as infallible rules or truthes of the Scripture, wherby al other doctrines & opinions of men being tried and examined as in the touchstone, may the more easely be iudged whether they be true or cō trary, & whether they make agaynst the scripture, or no.

¶Certeine Principles or generall verities grounded vpon the truth of Gods word.

¶The first principle.

1. AS sinne and death came originally by the disobedience of one to all men of his generation by nature:

Contayne generall principles and rules gathered of the scriptures.

so righteousnes and life come originally by the obedience of one to all men regenerated of him by faith & Baptisme, Rom. 5.

¶The 2. Principle.

2. The promise of God, was freely giuen to our first parentes without their deseruing, that the seede of a woman should breake the Serpents head. Gen. 3.

¶The 3. Principles.

3.

Gene 3.

Promise was giuen freely to Abraham before he deserued any thing, that in his seede all nations should be blessed. Gen. 12.

¶The 4. Principle.

4. To the worde of God neither must wee adde, nor take from it.

Gen. 12. Deut. 4.

Deut. 4.

¶The 5. Principle.

5. He that doth the workes of the law, shall liue therein. Leuit. 18. Gal. 3.

Leuit. 18. Gal. 3. Deut. 27. Gal. 3. Deut. 6. Luc. 4.

¶The 6. Principle.

6. Accursed is he, which abideth not in euery thing that is written in the booke of the law. Deut. 27. Gal. 3.

¶The 7. Principle.

7. God onely is to be worshipped. Deut. 6. Luc. 4.

¶The 8. Principle.

8.

Esay. 64.

All our righteousnes is like a defiled cloth of a woman Esay. 64.

¶The 9. Principle.

9. In all my holy hill, they shall not kill, nor slay saith the Lord. Esay. 11.65.

Esay. 11.65.

¶The 10. Principle.

10. God loueth mercy and obedience, more then sacrifice.

Osee. 6. 1. Reg. 15.

Osee. 6.1. Reg. 15.

¶The 11. Principle.

11. The lawe worketh anger,

Rom. 3.

condemneth, and openeth sinne. Rom. 3.

¶The 12. Principle.

12. The end of the law is Christ, to righteousnes to euery one that beleueth, Rom. 10.

Rom. 10.

¶The 13. Principle.

13. Whosoeuer beleeueth and is Baptised, shall be saued. Mat. vlt.

Math. vlt.

¶The 14. Principle.

14. A man is iustified by faith without workes freely by grace, not of our selues. Gal. 2. Ephes. 2.

Gal. 2. Ephes. 2.

¶The 15. Principle.

15. There is no remission of sinnes without bloud.

Heb. 9.

Heb. 9

¶The 16. Principle.

16. Whatsoeuer is not of faith is sinne. Rom. 14. without faith it is impossible to please God.

Rom. 14. Heb. 11.

Heb. 11.

¶The 17. Principle.

17. One Mediatour betweene God & man Christ Iesus. 1. Tim. 2. & he is the propitiatiō for our sinnes.

1. Tim. 1. 1. Iohn. 2.

1. Iohn. 2.

¶The 18. Principle.

18. Who soeuer seeketh in the law to be iustified, is fallen from grace.

Gal. 5.

¶The 19. Principle.

19. In Christ be all the promises of God,

2. Cor. 1.

Est & Amen. 2. Cor. 1.

¶The 20. Principle.

20. Let euery soule be subiect to superiour powers, gyuyng to Caesar that which is Cesars,

Rom. 13.

& to God that which is Gods. Rom. 13.

These principles and infallible rules of the Scripture, as no man can denie, so if they be granted, the doctrine thē of the Popes Church must needes be found not to be Catholike, but rather full of errours and heresies, as in the sequele folowing remaineth more expressely and particularly by the grace of Christ to be conuinced.

¶Here foloweth a Summary collection of the errours, heresies, and absurdities conteyned in the popes doctrine, contrary to the rules of Gods vvord, and the first institution of the Church of Rome.
Of Faith and Iustification.

FIrst,The errours here [...]ies, and as touching the onely meanes and instrumentall cause of our iustificatiō, wherby the merits of Christes [Page] Passiō be applied to vs & made ours,absurdities in the popes doctrine. ye heard before how S. Paule onely ascrybeth the same to faith: as appeareth by all his letters, especially to the Romanes. Where he excluding al kind of works, ascribeth al our saluation, iustification, righteousnes, reconciliation, and peace with god onely to faith in Christ. Contrary to which doctrine the Pope and his church hath set vp diuers and sondry other meanes of their owne deuising,The meanes of applying Christes merites vnto vs by the Popes doctrine. whereby the merites of Christes passion (they saye) are applyed to vs and made ours, to the putting away of sinnes, and for our iustification, as hope, charitie, sacrifice of the Masse, auricular confession, satisfacion, merits of Saintes, and holy orders, the Popes pardons, &c. So that Christs sacrifice, stripes, and sufferyng, by this teaching doth not heale vs, nor is not beneficiall to vs, though we beleeue neuer so well, vnles wee adde also these workes and merites aboue recited. Which if it be true, then is it false that Esay the prophet doth promise:The taking away of this Article of fayth onely to iustifie, is the roote of great inconuenience in Christes Church. chap. 53. In his stripes all we are made hole. &c. This errour and heresie of the Church of Rome, though it serue at fyrst sight to the naturall reason of man to be out of small importaunce yet if it be earnestly considered, it is in very deede the most pernicious heresie that euer almost crept into the Church, vpon the which as the onely foundation, all, or the most part of all the errours, absurdities, and inconueniences of the Popes Church are grounded. For this being once admitted, that a man is not iustified by his fayth in Christ alone, but that other meanes must be sought by our owne working and merites to apply the merites of Christes Passiō vnto vs, then is there neither any certeinty left, of our saluation, nor end in setting vp newe meanes and merites of our owne deuising,No heresie to be cōpared to the heresie of Papistes. for remission of sinnes. Neyther hath there beene any heresye that eyther hath rebelled more presumptuously against the high Maiestie of God the Father, nor more perniciously hath iniuried the soules of the simple, then this doctrine.

The first inconueniēce.First of all it subuerteth the will and testament of God. For where almighty God of mercy hath giuen vs his son to dye for vs, and with him hath giuen out his full promise, that whosoeuer beleeueth vpō him should be saued by their fayth, & assigneth none other condition either of the lawe or any works,No condition limitted of God to man for saluation but one. Hieroni. in Epist. ad Gal. cap. 1. but onely of fayth, to be ye meanes betweene his sonne and vs: these men take vpon them to alter this testament that God hath set, and adioyne other conditions, which the Lord in his word neuer appointed nor knew. To whom the wordes of Hierome may be well applyed vpon the Epistle to the Gal. speaking of such. Qui de Euangelio Christi faciunt hominis Euangelium, vel quod peius est, Diaboli, &c. That is, Which make of the Gospell of Christ, the Gospell of men, or rather the Gospell of the deuil &c.

The 2. incō uenience. What hurt commeth into the Church, by taking away the Article of iustification.Secondly, whereas the Christian reader in the Gospell, reading of the great grace and swete promises of god gyuen to mankinde in Christ his sonne, might thereby take much comfort of soule, and be at rest and peace with the Lorde his God: commeth in the pestiferous doctrine of these heretikes, wherewyth they obscure this free grace of God, to choake the sweete comforts of man in the holy Ghost, and oppresse Christen libertie, and bring our spirituall into bondage.

Thirdly, as in this their impious doctrine they shew themselues manifest enimies to Gods grace:The third inconuenience. so are they no lesse iniurious to Christen men, whom they leaue in a doubtfull distrust of Gods fauour and of their saluation, contrary to the worde and will of God, and right institutiō of the Apostolicke doctrine.Obiection of the Papistes aunswered. And wheras our new schoolemen of late, to mayntaine the sayde wicked point of doctrine, doe obiect vnto vs that wee rather leaue mens consciences vncertaine, for so much as, if lyfe (saye they) were not a due rewarde, it were vncerteine. And nowe for somuch as due debt is certaine, and mercy or fauour is vncerteine,The Papistes doe teach the mercye of God to be vncertayne. therefore (say they) we leauing mens consciences to the mercy of God, doe leaue them in a doubtfull vncerteintie of their saluation. To this I aunswere that due debt, if it be proued by the law duely deserued, it must be certeine. But if the lawe shall prooue it vnperfect or vnsufficiently due, then is it not certeine, neither can there be any thing duely claymed. Nowe as touching mercye, so long as it remaineth secret in the Princes wyll, and not knowne to his subiectes, so long it is vncerteine, But when this mercy shall be openly published by proclamation, ratified by promise, conferred by will and Testamēt,Mercy of God made certayne by hys owne promises. established in bloude, and sealed wyth Sacraments, then this mercy remayneth no more doubtful, but ought firmely to be beleued of euery true faythfull subiect. And therefore Saint Paule, to establish our harts in this assuraunce, and so aunswere to this doubte, in his Epistle to the Romaines doth teach vs, saying: And therefore of fayth, that after grace the promise might be firme & sure to the whole seede of Abraham. &c. Rom. 4. Meanyng hereby, that workes haue nothing to doe in this case of Iustifying,Saluation standeth sure and certayne by Gods promise. and noteth the reason why. For then our saluation should stande in a doubtfull wauering, because in working we are neuer certeine whether our desertes be perfect and sufficient in Gods iudgement or no. And therefore (sayeth Saint Paule) to the intent our saluation should be out of all doubt,The place of S. Paule. Rom. 4. expounded. and certeine, it standeth not of workes, in deseruing, but of fayth in apprehending, and of Gods free grace in promising.

Fourthly,The 4. inconuenience. as in this their sinister doctryne they break this principle of Christian Religion, which sayth that a man is iustified by fayth wythout workes, so agayne it breaketh an other principle aboue rehearsed. For this rule beyng graunted that nothing is to be added to gods word nor taken from it: then haue these men done wickedly in adding (as they doe) to Gods worde.The 4. principle aboue recited broken. For where the word of god lymiteth to our iustification no cōdition but fayth: Beleeue (sayth he) in the Lorde Iesu and thou shalt be saued, and thy whole house, &c. Act. 16. these Iusticiaries doe adde thereto dyuers and sondry other conditions besides, and such as the worde also precisely excludeth, as hope, charitie, the sacrifice of their Masse, the work of the Priest Ex opere operato, auricular confession, satisfaction, meritorious deedes. &c. And thus much concerning the doctrine of fayth and iustification. Whereby it may appeare to what horrible blindnes and blasphemie, the Church of Rome is now fallen: where this kinde of doctrine is not only suffered, but also publikely professed, which speaking against fayth, thus blasphemously dare say: Fides illa qua quis firmiter credit, Ex Lindano in Epitome doctrinae Euangelicae. & certo statuit propter Christum sibi remissa esse peccata, sese (que) possessurum vitam aeternam, non sides est, sed temeritas: non spiritus sancti persuasio, sed humanae audaciae presumptio. That is, That fayth wherewith a man firmely beleueth and certeinely assureth himselfe, that for Christes sake his sinnes be forgyuen him, and that he shall possesse eternal life, is not faith but rashnes: not the perswasion of the holy Ghost, but presumption of a mans boldnes.

¶ Of workes, and the law.

AS touching the doctrine of good workes and the lawe,The first errour of the Papistes touching good workes. what the teaching of Saint Paule was to the Romanes, yee hearde before. Who although hee excludeth good workes from the office of Iustifying, yet excludeth he them not from the practise and c [...]uersation of Christen life, but most earnestly calleth vpon all faythfull beleeuers in Christ, to walke worthye their vocation, to laye downe their olde conuersation, to gyue theyr members seruauntes of ryghteousnes, to offer their bodyes vppe to God a liuelye Sacrifice, &c. The like example of whose teachyng, if the Churches nowe reformed doe not folowe, let their Sermons, their Preachynges, wrytinges, exhortynges, and lyues also beare recorde. who although they can not say with Christ. Which of you can blame me of sinne, yet they may say to the aduersaryes, whosoeuer of you is wythout fault, cast the fyrst stone of reproch agaynst vs.Hosius in 2. tom. confessionis. Cap. 1. Wherefore Hosius, Pighius, wyth their fellowes, doe them open wrong, and slaunderously belye them in comparing them in this behalfe to Aetius Eunominus, and other heretikes called Anomaei, who taking the good sentences of S. Paule, did abuse the same to filthy licence of the flesh, and corruption of wicked life, &c.

But to let these slaunders passe, nowe what the errours be of the Church of Rome, touching this part of doctryne, remayneth to be declared. Whose errour first standeth in this, that they mysunderstanding the definition of good workes, doe call good workes, not such as properly are commaunded by the lawe of God, but such as are agreable to the Popes law: As buylding of Abbayes and churches, gyuing to the high altar, founding of trentales, fynding of chauntries, gylding of Images, hearing of Masses, going on pilgrimage, fyghting for the holye crosse, keeping of vowes, entryng to orders, fastyng of vigiles, creepyng to the Crosse, praying to Saintes, &c. All which are not onely reputed for good workes, but so preferred also before all other workes, that to these is gyuen pardon from the Pope, double and triplefolde more, then to any other good worke of charitie commaunded in the law of almightie God.The second errour of the Papistes in the doctrine of good workes.

An other errour also may be noted in the Papists, touching the efficient or formall cause of good workes. For albeit they all confesse in their bookes, that Gratia dei gratis data, is the chiefe principall cause thereof, and worketh in vs iustitiam primam (as they call it) yet the good workes after regeneration,Fayth the roote and cause of good workes. they refer to other subordinate causes vnder God, as to fre wil, or to habitum virtutis, or ad integra[Page]naturalia, & nothing at all to faith, when as faith onelye next vnder God, is the roote and fountaine of all well dooyng: as in the fruites of a good tree, albeit the planter or the husbandman be the principall agent thereof, and some cause also may be in ye good ground, yet the next and immediate cause is the roote that maketh the tree fruitefull. In like maner the grace of God, in a soft & repentaunt mollified hart planteth the gift of fayth. Fayth as a good roote can not lye dead or vnoccupied, but springeth foorth and maketh both the tree fruitefull, and also the tree thereof to be good.Workes are not to be called good but by reason of fayth. which otherwise had no acceptatiō nor goodnes in them, were it not for the goodnes of the roote from whence they spring. So Paule although he had certeine workes in him such as they were, before his conuersion, yet had he no good workes before the grace of Christ had rooted fayth in him. So Mary Magdelene the sinner, and Zacheus the Publicane. So all the nations of the Gentiles began to bryng foorth frute, and especially good fruit, when they began to bee ingrafted in Christ,The office of fayth to iustifie. and to receaue the roote of hys fayth, whose fruites before that were all damnable and vnsauery. As touchyng the cause therefore of good workes,The effect of fayth to bring forth good workes. there is no other in man but fayth, whose office as it is to iustifie vs in heauen so the nature of it is here in earth to worke by loue, as the roote worketh by the sappe. For as a man seeth and feeleth by fayth, the loue and grace of God toward him in Christ his sonne:Fides per dilectionē operans. Gal. 5. so begynneth he to loue agayne both God and man, and to doe for his neyghbour as God hath done to him. And hereof properly springeth the runyng fountaine of al good works and deedes of charitie.

The 3. errour of the Papistes touching the end of the law & good works. The end of the law and good workes peruerted.Thirdly, as they erre in the cause of good works, so do they erre much more in the ende of the lawe, and of good workes: for where Saint Paule teacheth the lawe to be gyuen to thys vse and ende, to conuict our transgressions, to prooue vs sinners, to shewe and condemne our infirmitye, and to dryue vs to Christ: they take and applye no other ende to the lawe, but to make vs perfect, to keepe vs from wrath, and to make vs iust before God. And likewise where Saint Paule prooueth al our good works to be vnperfect, and vtterly secludeth them from the ende of Iustifying, they contrariwise doe teache, as though the ende of good workes were to merite remission of synnes, to satisfye vnto God, to deserue grace, to redeeme soules from Purgatory,Thom. Aquinas. Hosius in 2. tom. conses. Cap. 1. and that by them the person of the regenerate man doth please God, and is made iust before God. For so they teach most wickedly and horribly, saying. That christ suffered for originall sinne, or sinnes going before Baptisme, but the actuall sinnes, which followe after Baptisme, must be done away by mens meryts. And so they assigne to Christ the begynning of saluation, or obteyning of the fyrst grace (as they call it) but the perfection or cō sūmation of grace, they giue to works & our own strēgth. Neither can they in any case abide, that we be iustified frely by the mercy of God through fayth onely apprehending the merites of Christ. Howbeit neyther doe all Papistes in this their erroue agree in one. For some make distinction and say:The diuers opinions of their Catholicke Papistes, how faith iustifieth. that we are iustified by Christ principaliter .i. principally: & minus principaliter .i. lesse principally, by the dignitie of our owne deedes, contrary to the eight principle before mentioned, page. 24. Other holde that we are made ryghteous before God, not by works that go before fayth: but by our vertues that follow after. Some againe do thus expound ye saying of Saint Paule: We are iustified by faith: yt is (say they) by fayth, preparing vs or setting vs in a good way to be iustified.The Popes doctrine agaynst the principles of Scripture. Other expoūde by it ye figure Sinecdoche, that is, by faith conioyned together with other vertues. Other thus: by faith, that is, being formed with charytie, &c. Thus all these doe derogate from the benefite of Christ, and attribute vnto works a great or the greatest part of our iustification, directly against the true veine of Saint Paules doctryne and first institucion of the auncient Church of Rome, and against all the principles of holy Scripture.

The 4. errour of the Papistes touching the imperfection of man in satisfiyng the perfection of the law.Furthermore, as touching the sayde doctryne of the lawe and good workes, they erre in misunderstanding the nature of the lawe and workes. For where Saint Paule disputeth that the lawe is spirituall, and requireth of vs perfect obedience of the whole power of man, which wee beyng carnall are neuer able to accomplish: they affirme otherwise that the lawe doth require but onely outward obedience of man, and therewith is contented: And this obedience they say, man is not onely able to performe, but also to do more and greater things then the law requireth. Wherof riseth ye works of supererogatiō,Agaynst the p [...]inciples of Scripture. contrary to ye 6. and 8. principles aboue specified, page. 24. Also there be say they, among other certaine workes of the lawe, which pertayne not to all men, but are consilia, counsayles, left for perfect men,Precepte [...] and Counsayles. as matter for them to merite by, and these they call opera perfectionis, or opera indebita, adding also to these newe deuises to serue God after their owne traditions besides the worde of God, as Monasticall vowes, wilfull pouerty,Workes of supererogation. Mens traditions preferred before the workes of Gods law. difference of meates and garmentes, pilgrimage to reliques and Saints, worshipping of ye dead, superstitious ceremonies, rosaries, &c. With such like, and these they call workes of perfection, which they preferre before the other commaunded in the lawe of God. In so much that in comparison of these, the other necessary duties commaunded and commended by the worde of God (as to beare office in the common wealth, to liue in ye godlye state of matrimony, to susteine the office of a seruant in a house) is contemned,Agaynst the principle of Scripture. and accounted as prophane in cō parison of these, contrary to the 10. principle aboue mentioned. pag. 24.

* Of Sinne.

OF Sinne likewise they teach not rightly,Erroneous doctrine of the latter Church of Rome concerning [...]. nor after the institution of the Apostles, and the auncient Church of Rome, while the consider not the deepenes and largenes of sinne, supposing still to be nothing els but inwarde actions with consent of will, or outwarde, such as are agaynst will: whereas the strength of sinne extendeth not onely to these, but also comprehendeth the blyndnes and ignorance of the minde, lacke of knowledge and true feare of God, the vntowardnes of mans minde to Godwarde, the priuy rebellion of the hart against the lawe of God, the vndeliting will of man to God and his worde. The sense of flesh S. Paule also calleth an enimie against God, and feeleth in himselfe, that is, in his fleshe nothing dwelling but sinne.

As touching also originall sinne,Original sinne [...] it is. wherin we are borne which is the destruction of original iustice, and of gods Image in vs (remayning in vs and bringing foorth in vs wicked cogitations, affections, and motions of naughtynes, against the law of God, and neuer ceaseth so long as man liueth) this originall sinne the Popes doctrine doth not deny, but yet doth much extenuate the same and holdeth that this inwarde concupiscence & vicious affections not brasting out in vs with consent of will,Fomes peccati. Concupiscentia. are no mortall nor damnable sinne, but only fomes peccati: And say moreouer, that this concupiscentia in vs, is no deprauation of the higher, but onely of the lower partes of man, beyng as a thing [...], indifferent, and no lesse naturall in vs then is the appetite to eate and drinke,Original sinne [...] nuated. and that the same is left to remaine in the Saintes after Baptisme, to be to them occasion of more meriting, &c.

* Of Penaunce, or Repentaunce.

OF Penaunce,False doctrine of the latter Church of Rome, touching penaunce. this latter Latterane Church of Rome, of late hath made a Sacrament (contrary to the fourth principle before pag. 24.) which penaunce say they, standeth of three partes. Contrition, Confession, and Satisfaction canonicall. Contrition (as they teach) may be had by strength of free will, without the lawe, and the holy Ghost per actus elicitos, through mans owne action and endeuour.Contrition. Which contrition first must be sufficient, and so it meriteth remission of sinne. In confession, they require a full rehearsall of all sinnes,Confession▪ whereby the Priest knowing the crymes, may minister satisfaction accordingly. And this rehearsing of sinnes, ex opero operato deserueth remission, contrary y• to 14. principle before, pag. 24. Satisfactions they call opera indebita, Satisfaction. enioyned by the ghostly father. And this satisfaction (say they) taketh away, and chaungeth eternall punishment, into temporall paynes, which paines also it doth mittigate. And againe, these satisfactions may be taken away by the Popes indulgence. &c.

This vnsauery and hethenish doctrine of penaunce farre differeth from the true teaching of holye Scripture.True doctrine of repentaunce by the scripture. Partes of repentance. 1. Contrition.2. Fayth.3. New obedience. By the which teaching repentaunce properly conteineth these three partes, contrition, fayth, and new life. Contrition is called in Scripture the sorrow of hart, rysing vpō the consideration of sinne committed and of the anger of God prouoked, which sorrowe dryueth a man to Christ for succour: wherevpon ryseth fayth. Fayth bringeth, afterward amendement or newenes of life, whiche wee call newe obedience, working fruites worthye of repentaunce.

¶Difference betweene the law and the Gospell.

AS there is nothing more necessary and cōfortable for troubled consciences,The blinde ignoraunce of the popes Church in not distincting the law from the Gospel. A Babilonicall confusion in the Popes doctrine. What difference the Papistes put betwene Moses and Christ. Papistes make the Gospell a new law. Papistes deuide the law, into the law of nature, the law of Moses, and the lawe of Christ. The Popes Churche, blinde in the office of Christ. The time of the law, and time of the Gospell distincted. then to be well instructed in the [Page] difference betweene the lawe and the Gospell: so is the Churche of Rome much to blame in thys behalfe, because it confoundeth togyther those two, beyng in nature so dyuers & contrary one from another: as threatninges and promises, thynges temporall wyth thinges eternall, sorrowfull thinges wyth glad tydinges, death wyth lyfe, bondage with freedome, &c. Teachyng the people, that whatsoeuer the lawe sayth the Gospell confirmeth, and whatsoeuer the Gospell sayth the same is agreeable to the lawe, and so make they no difference betweene Moses and Christ, saue onely that Moses (they saye) was the gyuer of the olde lawe, Christ is the gyuer of the newe and a more perfect lawe. And thus imagine they the gospell to be nothyng els but a newe lawe gyuen by Christ, bynding to the promises thereof, the condition of our dooynges and deseruinges, no otherwise then to the olde lawe. And so denyde they the whole lawe after this destinction, into three partes, to wytte, the law of Nature, the lawe of Moses, and the lawe of Christ. And as for the Gospell (they saye) it is reueled for no other cause, but to shew to the world more perfect preceptes and counsayles, then were in the olde lawe: to the fulfylling whereof they attribute iustification, and so leaue the poore consciences of men in perpetuall doubt, and induce other many folde errours: bryngyng the people into a false opinion of Christ, as though he were not a remedy against the law, but came as an other Moses, to gyue a newe lawe to the worlde.

Furthermore, as they make no difference betweene the nature of the lawe and nature of the Gospell, confoundyng Moses and Christ together: so neyther doe they distinct or discerne the tyme of the lawe, and the time of the Gospell a sonder. For where S. Paule, bryngeth in the law, to be a schoolmaster, & limiteth him his tune vnto Christ: & saith that Christ is the end of the law, that is, wheras y• law ceaseth, there Christ beginneth, & where christ begineth there the law endeth, they cōtrary make ye law to haue no ende nor ceasing,Malediction of the law ceaseth in Christ. The vse of the law remayneth. Christ and the law can not raygne together. Ephes. 4. The power of the law is for a time The power of Christ is eternall. Rom. 8. Colos. 2. The malediction of the law geueth place to Christ. The curse of the law is crucified and shall neuer rise agayne. but gyue to it immortall life & kingdome equall with Christ, so that Christ and the lawe togither do reigne ouer the soule and conscience of man. Which is vntrue. For either Christ must giue place, and the lawe stande: Or els the law (the condemnation and malediction of the lawe I meane) must ende, and Christ reigne. For both these, Christ and the lawe, grace and malediction, can not reigne and gouerne together. But Christ the Sonne of God which once dyed, can die no more, but must reigne for euer. Wherefore the lawe with his strēgth styng, and curse, must needes cease and haue an end. And this is it that S. Paule speaking of the tryumph of Christ, saieth, that he ascendyng vp led away captiuitie captiue, & hath set man at lyberty, not at libertie to liue as flesh listeth, neither hath freed him from the vse & exercyse of the law, but from the dominion and power of the lawe, so that there is nowe no condemnation to them that bee in Christ Iesu, which walke not after the flesh, &c. Romaines, 8, And in an other place Saint Paule speaking of the same power and dominion of the lawe, sayth, that Christ hath taken the oblygation written against vs in decrees, and hath nayled it vpon the Crosse, tryumphing ouer all, &c. so that as the kyngdome of Christ fyrst began vpon the Crosse, euen so vpon the same Crosse, and at the same time the kingdome of the lawe expired, and the malediction of the lawe was so crucified vpon the Crosse, that it shall neuer ryse agayne, to haue any power agaynst them that be in Christ Iesu. For lyke as if a woman be discharged from her first husband being dead, & hath maryed an other man, the first husbande hath no more power ouer her:Rom. 7. Rom. 6. euen so we nowe beyng espoused vnto Christ our seconde husbande, are discharged vtterly from our first husbād the law: (& as S. Paule in an other place sayth) are no more vnder the law, that is, vnder the dominion & malediction of the lawe, but vnder grace, To be vnder the law, and vnder grace expounded. that is, vnder perpetual remission of al sinnes, cōmitted not only before our Baptisme, but as well also after Baptisme, and duryng all our lyfe long. For therein properly consisteth the grace of God, in not imputyng sinne vnto vs, so often as the repenting sinner rising vp by fayth flyeth vnto Christ,What is to be vnder grace. Psal. 31. Act. 10. One remedy for remission of sins and no more. Auriculer confession no remedy for remission of sinnes. and apprehendeth Gods mercy and remission promised in him, according to the testimonie both of the Psalme: Blessed is the man to whome the Lord imputeth no sinne. &c. & also of all the Prophets, which (as Saint Peter saith) giue recorde to him that through his name all that beleeue in him shall receaue remission of their sinnes, &c. Actes. 10. Which being so, as it can not be denied, then what needeth these priuate and extraordinary remissions to be brought into the Church by eare confession, by meritorious deedes, and by the Popes pardons? for if there be no condemnation but by the law: and if this law it selfe be captiued, crucified, abolished, and departed, which was the first husbande, what condēnation thē can there be to thē that be in Christ Iesu, or by whome should it come? If there be no condemnation, but a free and generall deliueraunce for all men, once gotten by the victorie of Christ, from the penalty of ye lawe: what nedeth thē any particular remission of sinnes,Remission of sinnes standeth vpon a generall cause, and not particular. at sondry tymes to be sought at the Priestes handes or the Popes pardons? He that hath a generall pardon needeth no particular. If remedy for sinne be generall and perpetuall once gotten for euer, to all them that be in Christ Iesu, what needeth any other remedy by auricular confession? If it be not generall and perpetuall, howe then, is it true that Saint Paule sayth: the lawe is crucified, and condemnation abolished? or howe standeth redemption perpetuall and generall,The law crucifie [...] by Christ. [...] meaneth. if remission be not generall? For what is redemption els, but remission of sinnes, or sinnes bought out? or what is els to kill the lawe, but to discharge vs from condemnation for euer? He that deliuereth his friende for a time out of his enimies hande, doth him a pleasure: but he that killeth the enimie once out of the way giueth perpetuall safety. So if remission of sinnes by Christ were for some sinnes and not for all, the lawe then must needes liue still. But nowe the kylling and crucifying of the law importeth full remission to be absolute,Obiection. and our safety to be perpetuall. But here percase will be obiected of some: how standeth remission of sinnes certeine and perpetuall, seeyng newe offences being daily committed, doe daily require newe remission?Auns [...]. Hereto I aunswere? albeit sinnes doe daily growe, whereby wee haue neede dailie to desire God to forgiue vs our trespasses (&c. yet notwithstanding the cause of our remission standeth euer one and perpetuall,The cause of remission eue [...] one and perpetuall. neither is the same to be repeted any more, nor any other cause to be sought besides that alone. This cause is the sacrificed body of Christ once vpon the Crosse for all sinnes that either haue or shall be committed. Beside this cause, there is no other, neither confession, nor mens pardons that remitteth sinnes.The promise of remission euer perpetuall.

Furthermore, as the cause is one and euer perpetuall, which worketh remission of sinnes vnto vs: so is the promise of God euer one, once made and standeth perpetuall that offereth the same to the faith of the repenting sinner. And because the sayde promise of God is alwayes sure and can not fayle,Remission of sinnes freely promised without limitation of time or number. which offereth remission to all them that beleeue in Christ, being limited neyther to time nor number, therefore we may boldely conclude, that what time soeuer a repenting synner beleeueth, and by fayth applyeth to him the sacrifice of Christ, he hath by Gods owne promise remission of his sinnes, whether they were done before, or after Baptisme.

And moreouer,The meanes whereby remission is promised is onely fayth. for so much as the said promise of God offereth remission to the repentaunt synner, by no other meanes nor condition. but onely one, that is, by fayth in Christ: therefore excluding all other meanes and conditions of mans working, we say, that what repenting sinner soeuer beleeueth in Christ, hath already in him selfe (and needeth not to seeke to any Priest) perpetuall assuraunce of remission,The wordes of promise free and absolute. not for this time or that time onely, but for euer and a day. For the promise fayth not, he that beleeueth in Christ shall be pardoned this tyme, so he sinne no more: neyther doth it say, that the law is stayde, or the sentence repriued, but sayth playnely, that the law with her condemnation and sentence her selfe is condemned and hanged vp, and shall neuer ryse agayne to them that be in Christ Iesu: and promiseth indeterminatelye, without limitation,Act. 10. remission of sinnes, to all that beleeue in his name. &c, Actes. 10. and likewise in an other place the Scripture speaking absolutely, saith, Sinne shall not preuayle ouer you, & addeth the reason why: saying: Because ye are not vnder the law but vnder grace. Rom. 6. Adding this lesson withall, (as it followeth in the same place) not that sinners shoulde sinne more therefore, because they are vnder grace, but onely that weake infirmities myght be releeued,Mans infirmitie impayreth not the grace of Christ, but augmenteth it. 2. Cor. 12. Rom. 5. Foure thinges concurre in remissiō of sinnes. broken consciences comforted, and repenting sinners holpen from desperation, to the prayse of Gods glory. For as God forgiueth not synners because they should sinne: so neither doth infirmitie of falling diminish the grace of Christ, but rather doth illustrate the same, as it is written: My strength is made perfect in infirmitie. 2. Cor. 12. and againe: Where sinne aboundeth, there superaboundeth also grace.

In remission of synnes therefore, these foure thinges must concurre together: the cause that worketh (which is the sacrifice of Christes body) 2. the promise that offereth, 3. fayth that apprehendeth. 4. the repenting sinner that receaueth. And although sinnes daily do grow, which daily prouoke vs to craue remission, yet as touching the cause [Page] that worketh remission of our daily sinnes: & the meanes which apprehendeth and applieth the sayd cause vnto vs, they remayne alwaies one & perpetuall: besides which no other cause nor meanes is to be sought of man. So that to them that be repenting sinners & be in Christ Iesu there is no law to condemne them, though they haue deserued condemnation: but they are vnder a perpetual kingdome and a heauen full of grace and remission to couer their sins and not to impute their iniquities, through the promise of God in Christ Iesu our Lord.

The Popes errours touching remission of sinnes detected.And therefore wicked and impious is the doctrine of them, fyrst which seeke any other cause of remission, then onely the bloud of our Sauiour. Secondly, which assigne any other meanes to apply the bloudsheding of Christ vnto vs, besides onely faith. Thirdly and especially, which so limite and restraine the eternall priuiledge of Christs passion, as though it serued but only for sinnes done without and before faith: and that the rest after Baptisme committed must be done away by confession, pardons, and satisfactory deedes. And al this riseth, because the true nature of the law,What inconuenience riseth for Jacke of distinction betweene the law and the Gospell. & of the Gospell is not knowen, nor the difference rightly considered betwene the times of the one, and of the other. Neither againe doe they make any distinction betweene the malediction of the law, and vse of the law. And therfore whensoeuer they heare vs speake of the law (meanyng ye malediction of the law) to be abolished, therevpon they maliciously slaunder vs, as though we speak against the good exercises of the lawe, and giue liberty of fleshe to carnall men to liue as they list. Whereof more shalbe sayd (by the Lordes grace) as place and time shall hereafter require.

Of free will.

COncerning free will, as it may peraduenture in some case be admitted that men without the grace may doe some outward functions of the law, and keepe some outward obseruaunces or traditions: so as touching thinges spirituall & apperteining to saluation, the strength of man being not regenerate by grace, is so infirme and impotent that he can performe nothing,Erroneous doctrine of the papistes concerning free will. neither in dooing well nor willing well. Who after he be regenerated by grace may worke and doe wel, but yet in such sort, that still remaineth notwithstanding a great imperfection of flesh, & a perpetuall repugnaunce betwene the flesh and spirit. And thus was the originall Church of the auncient Romanes first instructed. From whome see now howe farre this latter Church of Rome hath degenerated, which holdeth and affirmeth, that men without grace may performe the obedience of the law,Meritum de congruo. & prepare themselues to receaue grace by working, so that those works may be meritorious, and of congruitie obteine grace. Which grace once obteined, then men may (say they) perfectly performe the full obedience of the law, and accomplish those spirituall actions, and workes which God requireth,Meritum de incongruo. and so those workes, of cō dignitie, deserue euerlasting life. As for the infirmity which still remaineth in nature, that they nothing regarde nor once speake of.

Of Inuocation, and Adoration.

False doctrine concerning inuocation. Mediator of intercession. Mediator of saluation. Christ a continuall Mediator, by the doctrine of S. Paule. Rom. 8. Christ onely being our Mediator of saluation, what needeth any other Mediation of Sainctes? Saluation falsely attributed to the blessed Virgine. Idolatrous adoration of Reliques and Sacramentes. Prophanation of the Lordes Supper.OUer and besides these vncatholike and almost vnchristian absurdities and defections from the Apostolicall faith aboue specified, let vs consider the maner of theyr Inuocation, not to God alone, as they should, but to dead men saying: that saintes are to be called vpon tanquam mediatores intercessionis: as Mediatours of intercession: Christum vero tanquam mediatorem Salutis, and Christ as the Mediator of Saluation. And affirme moreouer, yt Christ was a Medyatour onely in time of his Passion. Which is repugnaunt to the wordes of S. Paule writing to the old Romanes chap. 8. where he speaking of the intercession of Christ: Which is (saith he) on the right hand of God, who also maketh intercession for vs, &c. And if Christ be a Mediatour of saluation, what needeth then any other intercession of the Saintes for other sutes? for saluation being once had what can we require more? or what lacketh he more to be obtained of the Saintes, which is sure to be saued only by Christ? And yet in their Catholicke deuotions: why doe they teach vs thus to pray to the blessed virgine: Salua omnes qui te glorificant, i. Saue all them that glorifie thee, &c. if saluation onely belong to Christ? vnles they study of purpose to seeme contrary to themselues.

Hetherto also perteineth the worshipping of reliques, and the false adoration of Sacramentes, that is, the outward signes of the things signified, cōtrary to the 7. principle before, page▪ 24. Adde to this also the prophanation of the Lordes Supper, contrary to the vse for which it was ordeined,False m [...]lting by Masses. in reseruing it after the Communion ministred, in setting it to sale for money, and falsely perswading both them selues and other, that the Priest doth merite both to him selfe that saith, and to him that heareth, Ex opere operato, sine bono motu vtentis, &c. That is, Onely by the meere doing of the worke, though the partie that vseth the same, hath no good motion in him. &c.

* Of Sacramentes, Baptisme and the Lordes Supper.

AS touching Sacramentes, their doctrine likewise is corrupt and erroneus.False doctrine touching Sacramentes.

1. First they erre falsely in the number. For where the institution of Christ ordeineth but two, they (contrary to the fourth principle aboue prefixed) haue added to the prescription of the Lords worde, fine other Sacraments.

2. Secondly, in the cause finall they erre. For where the word hath ordeined those Sacraments to excite our faith, and to giue vs admonitions of spiritual things: they contrariwise doe teach that the Sacramentes doe not onely stirre vp faith, but also that they auayle and are effectuall without faith, Ex opere operato, sine bono motu vtentis &c. as is to be founde in Thom. Aquine, Scotus, Catharinus, and other moe.

3. Thirdly,The number, Ca [...]e finall, The operation. The application of Sacrament [...] in the operation & effect of the Sacramentes they faile: where the contrary to the minde of the Scriptures, doe say, that they giue grace & not onely do signifie, but also conteine and exhibite that which they signifie, to wytte grace and saluation.

4. Fourthly, they erre also in Application, applying their Sacramentes both to the quicke and the dead, to thē also that be absent, to remission of sinnes, and releasing of payne. &c.

In the Sacrament of Baptisme they are to be reprooued,Errours and abuses in Baptisme. not onely for adding to the simple wordes of Christs institution, diuers other newfound rites & phantasies of men: but also where the vse of the olde Church of Rome was onely to baptise men,Baptising of Belles. they Baptise also Belles, and applye the wordes of Baptisme to water, fire, candels, stockes, and stones. &c.

But especially in the Supper of the Lord their doctrine most filthely swarueth from the right minde of the Scripture,False doctrine of the Popes Churche concerning the Lordes Supper. all order, reason, and fashion, most worthy to be exployded out of all Christen Churches. Touching ye which Sacrament, the first errour is their Idolatrous abuse by worshipping, adoring, sensing, knocking and kneelyng vnto it, in reseruing also and carying the same about in pompe and procession in townes and fieldes. Secondlye also in the substance thereof their teaching is monstruous,Idolatry cō mitted to the Sacrament. leauing there no substance of bread and wine to remayne, but onely the reall body and bloud of Christ, putting no difference betweene calling, and making. Because Christ called bread, his body therfore, say they, he made it his body, and so of a wholesome Sacramēt, make a perilous Idole, & that which the old Church of Rome did euer take to be a mistery,The Sacrament turned to an Idole. they turne into a blind miste of meere accidences to bleare the peoples eies, making them beleeue they see that they see not:Chaūging. Worshiping. Offering, Eating, Burning the body of Christ in the Sacrament, of the Altar. & not to see yt which they see: & to worship a thing made, for their maker, a creature for their creator: and that was threshed out of a wheaten sheffe they set vp in the Church, & worship for a Sauiour: and when they haue worshipped him, then they offer him to his father: and when they haue offered him, then they eate him vp, or els close him fast in a pixe. Where if he corrupt & putrifie before he be eaten, then they burne him to pouder & ashes. And notwithstanding they know wel by the scriptures, that the body of christ can neuer corrupt and putrifie, yet for all this corruption, will they needes make it the body of Christ, and burne all them which beleeue not that, which is against true Christian beleefe.

*Of Matrimony.

WHat order and rule S. Paule hath set for mariage in his Epistle to the Corinthians it is manifest.Absurdities and errours of the popes Churche touching Matrimony 1. Cor. 7. Wheras he preferreth single life in such as haue the gift of continence, before the maried state, so againe in such as haue not the gift he preferreth the coupled life before the other: willing euery such one to haue his wife because of fornication. Furthermore, how the said Apostle aloweth a Byshop to be the husband of one wife (so he excede not to the maner of the Iewes, which were permitted to haue many) & how vehemently he reproueth them that restraine mariage,1. Tim. 3. 1. Tim. 4. his letters to Timothy do record. Moreouer, what degres be permitted by the law of God to mary, in the booke of Leu. [Page] is to be seene. cha, 18. Also how children ought not to marry without consent of their parents,Leuit. 18. by manifest examples of the Scriptures it is notorious.

Contrary to these ordinaunces of the Scripture, the new Catholikes of the Popes church,Single life be it neuer so impure preferred before Matrimony. The third part of christendome stopt by the Popes law to marry the Popes doctrine agaynst Priestes maryage, and their Children. The third part of the yeare exempted frō the mariage. Mariage within the fift, or sixt degree, by the Popes law. Gossippes inhibited to marry by the Popes law. What inconueniences come by restrayning of mariage. The corrupt doctrine of the Popes Churche concerning ciuile rulers and magistrates. Rom. 13. first doe repute and call mariage a state of imperfection, & preferre single lyfe, be it neuer so impure, before the same, pretending yt where the one replenisheth the earth, the other filleth Heauen. Further, as good as ye third part of Christendome, if it be not more both men and women, they keepe through coacted vowes from mariage, hauing no respect whethey they haue the gift or no. Ministers and Priestes, such as are found to haue wiues, not onely they remoue out of place, but also pronounce sentence of death vpon them & account their children for bastardes & illegitimate. Againe, as good as the iij. part of the yeare they exempt & suspend from liberty of mariage. Degres of copulation forbidden they extend farther then euer did the law of God, euen to the fift or sixt degree. Which degree notwithstanding they release againe when they list for money. Ouer and besides al this they haue added a new found prohibition of spiritual kindred, that is, that such as haue bene gossips, or godfathers and godmothers together in christening an other mans child, must not by their law mary together. Briefly and finally in this their doctrine and cases of Matrimony they gaine and rake to themselues much money from the people, they augment horrible Sodomitry, they nourish wicked adultery and much fornication. They fill the worlde with offensions, and bastardes, and giue great occasion of murdering infants.

Of Magistrates and ciuill gouernement.

YE hard before what rules and lessons S. Paule gaue to the old Romanes concerning Magistrats, to whose authoritie he would all humaine creatures to be subiected and how they are the ministers of God, hauing the sworde giuen vnto them, wherewith they ought to represse false doctrine and idolatry, and maintaine that which is true & right. Rom. 13. Now let vs suruey a litle the Popes proceedinges, and marke how farre he transgresseth in this, as he doth in al other points almost from true christianity.

1. First, the Pope with all his clergy exempt themselues from all obedience ciuill.

2. They arrogate to themselues authoritie to ordeine and constitute, without all leaue or knowledge of the ordinary Magistrate.

3. Yea, they take vpon them to depose, and set vp rulers and Magistrates whom they list.

Of Purgatory.

The Phantasies and Antiques of the popes Churche concerning Purgatory.THe Paradoxes, or rather the phantesies of the latter Church of Rome concerning purgatory, be monstruous, neither old nor Apostolicall.

1. First, (say they) there is a Purgatory, where soules do burne in fier after this life.

2. The paine of Purgatory differeth nothing from the paynes of hell, but onely that it hath an end, the paines of hell haue none.

3. The painefull suffering of this fier fretteth and scoureth away the sinnes before committed in the body.

Ex Thom. Mono & alijs.4. The time of these paines indureth in some longer, in some lesse, according as their sinnes deserue.

5. After which time of their paines being expired, then the mercy of God doth translate them to heauenly blisse, which the body of Christ hath bought for them.

6. The paines of purgatory be so great, that if al the beggars of the world were seene on the one side, and but one soule of Purgatory on the other side, the whole worlde woulde pitie more that one, then all the other.

7. The whole time of punishment in this Purgatory must continue so long, till the fier haue cleane fretted and scoured away the rusty spots of euery sinnefull soule there burning, vnlesse there come some release.

8. Helpes and releases that may shorten the time of their purgation, be the Popes pardons and indulgences, sacrifice of the alter, dyrges, and trentals, prayer, fasting meritorious deedes out of the treasure house of the Church, almes, and charitable deedes of the liuing in satisfiyng gods Iustice for them, &c.

9. Lacke of beliefe of Purgatory, bringeth to hell.

Many other false errours and great deformities, heresies, absurdities, vanities, & follies, bisides their blasphemous raylinges and contumelies, may be noted in the said latter church of Rome,Manifest defection of the Popes Church from the olde fayth of Rome. wherein they haue made manifest defection from the old faith of Rome, as in depriuing the Church of one kinde of the Sacrament, in taking from the people the knowledge and reading of Gods word, in praying and speaking to the people and administring sacramentes in a tongue vnknowne, in mistaking the authoritie of the keyes, in their vnwritten verities, in making ye authority of scripture insufficient, in vntrue iudgement of the Churche and the wrong notes of the same, in the supremacy of the sea of Rome, in their wrong opinion of Antichrist.

But because these with all other partes of doctryne are more copiously and at large comprehended in other bookes both in Latine and Englishe set foorth in these our dayes, I shall not need further herein to trauell, especially seeing the contrariety betweene the Popes Church, and the Church of Christ, betweene the doctrine of the one, and doctrine of the other, is so euident that he is blind that seeth it not, and hath no handes almost, that feeleth it not.

For (briefely in one note to comprehende,Contrarietie betweene the Religion of Christ and of the Pope briefly noted. which may suffice for all) where as the doctrine of Christ is altogether spirituall, consisting wholy in spirite and veritie, and requireth no outwarde thing to make a true Christen man but onely Baptisme (which is the outwarde profession of fayth) and receauing the Lordes supper:Christes doctrine is wholly spirituall. let vs now examine the whole religion of this latter Church of Rome, and we shall finde it wholy from toppe to toe, to consist in nothing els but altogether in outwarde and ceremoniall exercises, as outward confession, absolution at the Priests hand, outward sacrifice of the Masse, buying of pardons, purchasing of obites,No outward thing is required in Christes doctrine to make a Christen man but onely Baptisme and the Lordes Supper. externe worshipping of Images and reliques, pilgrimage of this place or that: building of Churches, founding of Monasteries, outward workes of the law, outwarde gestures, garments, colours, choise of meates, difference of times and places, peculiar rytes, and obseruauncies, set prayers and number of prayers prescribed, fasting of vigiles, keeping of holidayes, comming to Church, hearing of seruice, externe succession of Bishops,All doctrine of the Pope standeth onely in outward things. and of Peters sea, externe forme and notes of the Church. &c. so that by this religion to make a true Christian and a good Catholike, there is no working of the holy Ghost almost required: As by example to make this matter more demonstrable, let vs here define a Christen man after the Popes making: whereby we may see the better what is to be iudged of the scope of his doctrine.

A Christen man after the Popes making defined.

AFter the Popes Catholike Religion,A Christen man defined after the Popes doctrine. a true Christen man is thus defined: first to be baptised in the Latine tongue (where the Godfathers professe they can not tell what) then confirmed by the Byshop: the Mother of the childe to be purified. After he be growen in yeares, then to come to the Church, to keepe his fasting dayes, to fast the Lent, to come vnder benedicite. that is, to be confessed of the Priest, to doe his penance, at Easter to take his rites to heare Masse, and diuine seruice, to set vppe candels before Images to creepe to ye Crosse, to take holy bread and holy water, to go on processiō, to cary his palmes & candle, and to take ashes, to fast the Ember daies, Rogation daies, & vigiles, to keepe the holy dayes, to pay his tithes and offeringe daies, to go on pilgrimage, to buy pardons, to worship his maker ouer the Priestes head, to receaue the Pope for his supreame head and to obey his lawes, to receaue S. Nicolas Clerks, to haue his beades, & to giue to the high altar, to take orders, if he will be Priest, to saye his Mattens,Corporall exercise serueth to small profite. to sing his Masse, to lift vp fayre, to keepe his vow, and not to marry. When he is sicke to be anneeld and take the rites of holy Church, to be buried in ye church yard, to be rong for, to be song for, to be buried in a Fryers coule, to finde a soule Priest. &c.

All which pointes being obserued, who can denie but this is a deuoute man and a perfecte Christian Catholike, and sure to be saued, as a true faithfull childe of the holye mother Church.

Now looke vpon this definition, and tell me (good reader) what faith or spirite, or what working of the holye Ghost in all this doctrine is to be required. The grace of our Lord Iesus giue the true light of his Gospell to shine in our hartes, Amen.

[...].

¶The first booke contayning the 300. yeares next after Christ.

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THese things before premised, hauing thus hitherto prepared ye way vnto our story, let vs nowe (by the grace and speede of Christ our Lord) enter into the matter: yt as we haue heretofore set forth in a generall descriptiō the whole state as wel of the primitiue as of the latter times of this Church of Rome: so now consequently to discourse in particular sort the Actes and doings of euery age, by it selfe, in such order 1 as is afore prefixed.

First, to declare of the suffering time of the Church, which conteineth about the time of three hundreth yeares 2 after Christ.

Secondly, the florishing & growing time of the same: 3 conteyning other 300. yeares.

Thirdly the declining time of the Church, and of true 4 Religion, other 300. yeares.

Fourthly, of the time of Antichrist, raigning & raging 5 in the Church, since the loosing of Sathan.

Lastly, of the reforming time of Christes Church in these latter 300. yeares.

In the tractation of all which things our chiefe purpose and indenor shalbe (so neare as the Lord will giue vs grace) not so much to intermedle with outward affaires of Princes, or matters ciuile,) except somtime for example of life) as specially minding (by the helpe of the Lorde) to prosecute such thinges, which to the Ecclesiasticall state of the Church are appertaining: as first to entreat of the stablishing of Christian faith, then of the persecutions of tyraunts, the constancy and patience of Gods Saintes, the first conuersion of Christen Realmes to the faith of Christ namely of this Realme of England & Scotland: first beginning with king Lucius, and so forwarde following the order of our English kings here in this land, to declare the maintenaunce of true doctrine, the false practise of Prelates, the creping in of superstition, and hipocrisie, the manifold assaultes, warres and tumults of the princes of this world, against the people of God. Wherein may appeare the wonderfull operation of Christes mightie hand, euer working in his church, & neuer ceasing to defend the same against his enimies, according to the verity of his owne word, promising to be with his Church while the worlde shal stand, so as by the proces of this story may welbe proued, and be testified in the sequell thereof.Two thinges in this history chiefly to be noted.

In the traction of all which things 2. especiall pointes I chiefly commend to the reader, as most requisite and nenessary of euery Christen man to obserue & to note for his owne experience and profite, as first the disposition & nature of this worlde: secondly the nature & condition of the kingdome of Christ, the vanitie of the one, and stablshment of the other: The vnprosperous and vnquiet state of the one,The world. ruled by mans violence & wisdome: And the happy successe of the other euer ruled by Gods blessing & prouidence. The wrath and reuenging hand of god in the one and his mercy vpon the other.The kingdome of Christ in this world. The world I call al such as be without or against Christ, eyther by ignoraunce not knowing him, or by heathenish life not following him, or by violence resisting him. On the otherside the kingdome of Christ in this world I take to be all them which belong to the faith of Christ, & here take his part in this world against the world. The nūber of whom although it be much smaller then the other and alwaies lightly is hated & molested of the world,The visible Church. yet it is the number, which the Lorde peculiarly doth blesse and prosper, and euer will. And this number of Christes subiects is it,The Church of Christ deuided in two sortes of people. which we cal the visible Church here in earth. Which visible Church hauing in it selfe a difference of 2 sorts of people, so is it to be deuided in two parts, of which the one standeth of such as be of outward profession only, the other which by election inwardly are ioyned to Christ, the first in words & lips seemeth to honor Christ, and are in the visible Church onely, but not in the Church inuisible, & partaketh the outward Sacraments of Christ, but not the inward blessing of Christ: the other are both in the visible & also in the inuisible Church of Christ, which not in wordes onely and outward profession, but also in hart doe truely serue & honour Christ, partaking not onely the Sacramentes, but also the heauenly blessings and grace of Christ.

And many times it happeneth, that as betweene the world, and the kingdome of Christ there is a continual repugnaunce: so betweene these two partes of this visible Church aforesaid, oft times groweth great variaunce and mortal persecution, insomuch that sometime ye true church of Christ hath no greater enimes, than of their owne profession and company, as happened not onely in the time of Christ,Euseb. Lib. 1. cap. 1. and his Apostles, but also from time to time almost continually, Euseb. Lib. 8. cap. 1. But especially in these latter daies of the Church vnder the persecution of Antichrist and his retinue, as by the reading of this volume more manifestly hereafter may appeare.

At the first preaching of Christ, and comming of the Gospel: who should rather haue knowen & receaued him, then the Phariseis and Scribes of that people, which had his law?Gods punishment for refusing the Gospel, And yet who persecuted and reiected him more, then they themselues? What followed▪ They in refusing Christ to be their king, and chosing rather to be subiect vnto Caesar, were by the sayde their owne Caesar at length destroyed: when as Christes subiectes the same time escaped the daunger. Whereby it is to be learned, what a dangerous thing it is to refuse the Gospell of God, when it is so gently offered.

The like example of Gods wrathful punishment is to be noted no lesse in the Romanes also themselues.Tiberius Casar moueth the Senate to haue Christ receaued. Christ refused of the Senate of Rome. For when Tiberius Caesar, hauing receaued by letters frō Pontius Pilate, of the doings of christ, of his miracles. Resurrection, and ascention into heauen, & how he was receiued as God of many, was himselfe also mooued with beliefe of the same, and did conferre thereof with the whole Senate of Rome, to haue Christ adored as god: but they not agreyng therunto refused him, because that contrary to the law of the Romanes, he was consecrated, (said they) for God, before the Senate of Rome had so decred & approued him.The vayne cause why the Senate of Rome refused Christ. Tertul. Apol. cap. 5. Euseb. lib. 2. cap. 3. The Senate and Citie of Rome plagued for refusing of Christ. &c. Tertul. Apol. cap. 5. Thus the vaine Senate following rather the law of man, then of God, & which were contented with the Emperour to reigne ouer them, were not cō tented with the meeke king of glory the sonne of God to be their king. And therfore after much like sort to ye Iewes were scourged and intrapped for their vniust refusing, by the same way which they themselues did preferre. For as they preferred the Emperour, and reiected Christ, so the iust permission of God, did stirre vp their owne Emperours against them in such sort, that both the Senatours themselues were almost all deuoured, & the whole Citye most horrible afflicted the space almost of 300. yeares togither. For first the same Tiberius, which for a great part of his reigne was a moderate and a tollerable Prince, afterward was to them a sharpe and heauy tyraunt, who neyther fauoured his owne mother, nor spared his owne nenewes, nor the Princes of the City, such as were his own counselers, of whom to ye number of xx, he left not past two or three aliue,Ex Suet. in vitae Tiberij. & so cruell was he to the Citye, that as the story recordeth: Nullus a paena hominum cessabat dies, ne religiosus quidem ac sacer. Suet. reporteth him to be so sterne of nature and tirannical, that in time of his reigne, very many were accused and condemned with their wiues & children, Maydes also first defloured, then put to death. In one day he recordeth .xx. persons to be drawen to ye place of execution. By whom also, through the iust punishment of God Pilate vnder whom Christ was crucified, was apprehended and accused at Rome, deposed, then banished to the towne of Lyonce, and at length did slaye himselfe. Neither did Herode and Cayphas long escape,Christ suffereth and riseth agayne. of whome more followeth hereafter. Agrippa also by him was cast into prison, albeit afterward he was restored. In ye raigne of Tiberius the Lord Iesus the sonne of God, in the xxxiiij. yeare of his age, which was the xvij. of this Emperour by the malice of the Iewes, suffered his blessed passion for the conquering of sinne, death, and Sathan the Prince of this world,An. 34. and rose againe the third day. After whose blessed Passion & resurrertiō, this foresayde Tiberius Nero (otherwise called) Liberius Mero, Sainct Paul. conuerted. liued vj. yeares, duryng which time no persecution was yet stirring in Rome against the Christians,An. 35. through ye commaundemēt of the Emperour.

In the raigne also of this Emperour, and yeare which was the next after the passion of our Sauior, or somewhat more,An. 39.. S. Paule was conuerted to the faith. After the death of Tiberius: whē he had raigned 23. yeares, succded C. Caesar Caligula, Caesar. Caligula. Claudius Nero, and Domitius Nero: which 3. were likewise such scourges to the Senate and people of Rome that the first not onely tooke other mens wiues violentlye from them, but also defloured three of his owne sisters. and afterward banished them.Caligula commaunded hys image to be set vp in the Temple of Hierusalem. So wicked he was that he cōmaunded himselfe to be worshipped as God, and temples to be erected in his name, and vsed to sit in the temple among the Gods, requiring his images to be set vp in all temples, and also in the temple of Ierusalem whiche caused great disturbaunce among the Iewes, and then began the abhomination of desolation to be set vp in ye holy place, [Page] spoken of in the gospel. His cruel condition, or els displeasure was such toward the Romaines,The abhomination of desolation standing in the holye place. Herode miserably dyed in banishment. Gayphas deposed. that he wished that all the people of Rome had but one necke, that hee at hys pleasure might destroy such a multitude. By this sayd Caligula, Herode the murtherer of Iohn Baptist, and condemner of Christ, was condemned to perpetuall banishment, where he died miserably. Cayphas also which wickedly sat vpon Christ, was the same tyme remoued from the high Priests roome, and Ionathan set in his place. The raging fiercenes of this Caligula incensed agaynst the Romaines, had not thus ceased, had not he bene cut of by the handes of a Tribune, and other gentle men, which slew him in the 4 yeare of hys raigne. After whose death was found in his closet. 2. litle libels, one called a sword, the other the daggar. In the whiche libels were contayned the names of those Senatours, and noble men of Rome, whom he had purposed to put to death.An. 43. Besides this sword and daggar, there was sound also a cofer, wherein diuers kindes of poyson were kept in glasses and vessels, for the purpose to destroy a wonderful number of people. Which poysons afterward being thrown into the sea,Ex Gotfrido Viterbiensi part. 25 destroied a great number of fish. Gotfr. Vīterb.

But that which this Caligula had onely conceaued, the same did the other two, which came after, bring to passe, Claudius Nero, Claudius Nero. who raygned xiii. yeares with no little cruelty. But especially the third of these Neroes, called Domitius Nero. An. 56. Whiche succeeding after Claudius, rayned 14. yeares, with such fury and tyranny, that he slewe the most part of the Senats,Domitius Nero. he destroyd the whole order of knighthoode in Rome. So prodigious a monster of nature was he, more like a beast, yea rather a deuill then a man, that he seemed to be borne to the destruction of man.The horrible wickednes and crueltie of Nero. Such was his monstrous vncleannes, yt he abstayned not from hys owne mother, his naturall sister, nor from any degree of kindred. Such was his wretched cruelty, that he caused to be put to death his mother, his brother in law, his sister, hys wyse great with childe, also his instructor Seneca and Lucane, with diuers moe of his owne kindred and consanguinitie. Moreouer, he commaunded Rome to be set on fire in vii. places, and so continued it 6. dayes and 7. nights in burning, while that he to see the example how Troy burned, sang the verses of Homere. And to auoide the infamie therof, he layd the fault vpon the Christian men, & caused them to be persecuted. And so continued this miserable Emperour in his reigne 14. yeares, till at last the Senate proclaiming him a publike enemie of mankind, condemned him to be drawn through the citie, and to be whipped to death. For the feare whereof, he flying the hands of his enemies,Peter and Paule suffered for Christ. in the night fled to a manor of his seruants in the countrey, where he was forced to slay himselfe, complayning that he had then neither friend nor enemie left, that would do so much for him. In the latter end of this Domitius Nero, An. 69. Peter also and Paul were put to death for the testimonie and faith of Christ. an. 69.

Thus ye see, which is worthy to be marked, how the iust scourge and heauie indignation of God from tyme to tyme euer followeth there, and how all things there go to ruine, neither doth any thing well prosper, where Christ Iesus the sonne of god is contemned, and not receiued, as by these examples may appeare, both of Romains which not only were thus consumed and plagued by their owne Emperors, but also by ciuile warres, wherof three were fought in two yeres at Rome, after the death of Nero, and other casualties (as in Sueton is testified) so yt in the dayes of Tiberius aforesaid, 5000. Romains were hurt and slaine at one time by fal of a Theatre. And also most especially by the destruction of the Iewes, which about this same tyme, an. 73. and 40. yeres after the passion of Christ, and the third yeare after the suffering of S. Peter and Paule,Vespasian Emperour and Titus his sonne. The destruction of the Iewes. were destroied by Titus & Vespasian his father, (who succeeded after Nero in the Empire, to the number of xi. hundred thousand besides them which Vespasian slue in subduing the country of Galilie, ouer and beside them also which were sold and sent into Egypt and other prouinces, to vile slauery, to the number of 17. thousand, 2000. were brought with Titus in his triumph,A note for all Realmes to marke. of which, part he gaue to be deuoured of the wild beasts, part otherwise most cruelly were slaine. By whose case al nations and realmes may take exāple, what it is to reiect the visitation of Gods veritie being sent, and much more to persecute thē which be sent of God for their saluation.

The Romanes in contemning Christ, punished by their owne Emperours.And as this wrathfull vengeaunce of God thus hath ben shewed vpō this rebellious people both of the Iewes and of the Romains, for their contempt of Christ, whome God so punished by their own Emperours, so neither the Emperors themselues, for persecuting Christ in his members escaped without their iust reward. For amongest so many Emperours, which put so many christian Martyrs to death, during the space of these first 300. yeares, fewe or none of them scaped either not slaine thēselues, or by some miserable end or other, worthily reuenged. First, of ye poisoning of Tiberius, & of the slaughter of the other thre Neroes after him,Examples of the [...] plague of God vpon the Romaine Emperours persecuting and resisting Christ till the time of Constantine. sufficiently is declared before. After Nero, Domitius Galba. within 7. monthes was slaine by Ottho. And so did Ottho afterward slay himselfe, being ouercome by Vitellus. And was not Vitellus shortly after drawen through the citie of Rome, and after he was tormēted, was thrown into Tiber Titus a good Emperor, is thought to be poysoned of Domitian his brother. The said Domitian after he had bene a persecutor of the christians, was slaine in his chamber, not without the consent of his wife. Likewise Commodus was murdered of Narcissus. Tiberius. [...] Ne [...] Galbe. Ottho. Vitelius. Titus. Domitian. Commedus. Pertinax. Iulianas. Seueras. Gera. Bassianus. Macrinus. Dead [...]nerus. Helagab [...]lus. Alexande. Seuerus. Maximinus. Maximus. Barbinus. Gordianus. Philippus. Decius. Gallus & Volusianus. Aemilianus. Varelianus. & Galienus. The like end was of Pertinax and Iulianus. Moreouer, after that Seuerus was slayne here in England, and lieth at Yorke, did not his sonne Bassianus slay his brother Geta, and he after slaine of Martialis▪ Macrinus with his sonne Diadumenus were both slayne, of their owne souldiours. After whom Heliagabolus that mō strous bellypanch, was of his owne people slain, & drawn through the citie, and cast into Tiber. Alexander Seuerus, that worthy and learned Emperour, which sayd he would not feede his seruants doing nothing, with the bowels of the common wealth, although in life and vertues, was much vnlike other Emperours, yet prooued the like ende, beyng slayne at Mentz, with his godly mother Mammea by Maximinus whom the Emperour before of a Muletor had aduaunced to great dignities. The which Maximinus also after three yeres was slaine himselfe of his souldiours. What should I speake of Maximus, and Balbinus, in like sort both slaine in Rome? Of Gordian slaine by Philip: of Philip the first christened Emperour, slaine or rather martired for the same cause? of wicked Decius, drouned, and his sonne slaine the same time in battail? Of Gallus and Volusianus his sōne, Emperours after Decius, both slaine by conspiracie of Aemilianus, who rose against them both in warre, and within three monthes after was slaine himselfe? Next to Aemilianus succeded Valerianus and Galianus his sonne, of whome Valerianus (who was a persecuter of the Christians) was taken prisoner of the Persians, and there made a ridyng foole of Sapores their king, who vsed him for a stoole to leap vp vpon his horse, while his sonne Galienus sleepyng at Rome, either would not, or could not once proferre to reuenge his fathers ignominie. For after the taking of Valerian, so many Emperors rose vp as were prouinces in the Romaine Monarch: At length Galienus also was killed by Aureolus, which warred against him. It were too long here to speake of Aurelianus an other persecuter,Aurelianus. Tacitus. Florinus. slain of his Secretarie: Of Tacitus and Florinus his brother, of whom the first raigned 6. months, and was slaine at Pontus, the other raigned two months, and was murdred at Tarsis. Of Probus, Probus. who although a good ciuill Emperour, yet was he destroied by his souldiers. After whom Carus the next emperour was slaine by lightning. Next to Carus followed the impious and wicked persecuter Dioclesian, with his fellowes Maximian, Carus. Dioclesianus. Maximianus. Galerius. Maximinus. Maxentius. Licinius. Galerius, Maximinus, Maxentius, and Licinius, vnder whom all at one time (during the life of Dioclesian) the greatest and most grieuous persecution was mooued against the Christians x. yeares together. Of which, Dioclesian and Maximinian deposed themselues frō the Empire. Galerius the chiefest minister of the persecution, after his terrible persecutions, fell into a wonderfull sicknesse, hauing such a sore risen in the neather part of his belly, which consumed his priuie members, and so did swarme with wormes, that being not curable, neither by Surgerie nor Phisike, he confessed, that it happened for his crueltie toward the Christians, and so called in his proclamations against them. Notwithstanding, he not able to sustain (as some say) the stench of his sore slue himselfe. Maximinus in his warre being tormented with payne in his guttes, there died. Maxentius was vanquished by Constantine, and drouned in Tiber. Licinius likewise beyng ouercome by the said Constantine the great, was deposed from his Empire, and afterward slaine of his souldiours. But on the other side, after the tyme of Constantine, when as the fayth of Christ was receiued into Imperiall seate, we read of no Emperour ofter the like sort destroied or molested, except it were Iulianus or Basilius which expelled one Zeno, & was afterward expelled himselfe: or Valende, besides these we read of no Emperour to come to ruine, as the other before mentioned. Ex lib hist. tripart.

And thus haue we in a briefe summe collected out of the Chronicles, the vnquiet and miserable state of the Emperours of Rome, vntill the tyme of Christian Constantine, with the examples no lesse terrible then manifest, of Gods seuere iustice vpon them, for their contemptuous refusing [Page] and persecuting the faith and name of Christ their Lord.

Moreouer, in much like sort and condition, if leisure of tyme, or haste of matter, would suffer me a little to digresse vnto more lower tymes, and to come more nere home, the like examples I could also inferre of this our countrey of England, concerning the terrible plagues of God against the churlish and vnthankfull refusing or abusing the benefite of his truth. First, we read how that God stirred vp Gildas to preach to the old Britains,Brittaines. Gildas. and to exhort thē vnto repentance and amendment of life, and afore to warne thē of plagues to come, if they repented not. What auayled it? Gildas was laughed to scorne and taken for a false prophet, and a malicious preacher. the Britains with lusty courages, whorish faces, and vnrepentant hartes, went forth to sinne, and to offend the Lord their God. What followed? God sent in their enemies on euery side, & destroied them, and gaue the land to other nations. Not many yeres past, God seing idolatry, superstition, hipocrisie, and wicked liuing vsed in this Realme, raysed vp that godly learned man Iohn Wickliffe, to preach vnto our fathers repentance, and to exhort them to amend their liues, to forsake their Papistry & Idolatry,Wickliefe and hys bookes condemned and brent for an heriticke after hys death. their hypocrisy, superstition, and to walke in the feare of God. His exhortations were not regarded. He with his Sermons was despised. His bookes and he himself after his death were burnt, what followed? they slue their right king, and set vp three wrong kings on a rowe, vnder whom all the noble bloud was slaine vp, & halfe the commons thereto, what in Fraunce, & with their own sword in fighting among themselues for the crowne, and the Cities and townes decayed, and the land brought halfe to a wildernes, in respect of that it was before. O extreme plagues of Gods vengeance. Since that tyme euen of late yeares, God once againe hauing pitie of this realm of England, raised vp his prophets, namely, William Tindall, Thomas Bilney, Iohn Frith, Doctor Barnes, Ierome Garret, Anthonie Person, with diuers other, which both with their writings and sermons earnestly laboured to call vs vnto repentaunce, that by this meanes the fierce wrath of God might be turned away from vs. But how were they intreated? how were their painfull labours regarded? they themselues were condemned and burnt as heretikes, and their bookes condemned and burnt as heretical. The time shall come saith Christ, that whosoeuer killeth you, will thinke that he doth God hie good seruice. Whether any thing since that tyme hath so chaunced this Realme worthy the name of a plague, let the godly wise iudge. If God hath deferred his punishment, or forgeuē vs these our wicked deedes, as I trust he hath, let vs not therfore be proud and hie minded, but most humbly thanke him for his tender mercies, and beware of the like vngodly enterprises hereafter. Neither is it here any neede to speake of these our lower and latter tymes,Gods benefites toward England. which haue ben in king Henry and king Edwards dayes, seeing the memory thereof is yet fresh, and cannot be forgotten. But let this passe, of this I am sure, that God yet once againe is come on visitation to this church of England, yea and that more louingly & beneficially then euer he did afore. For in this his visitation he hath redressed many abuses, and cleansed his church of much vngodlines and superstition, and made it a glorious Church, if it be compared to the olde forme and state. And now how gratefull receiuers we be, with what hart, study and reuerence we embrace that which he hath giuen,A caueat for England. that I referre either to thē that see our fruits, or to the sequele, which peraduenture will declare. But this by the way of digression. Now to regresse againe to the state of the first former tymes. It remaineth, that as I haue set foorth the iustice of God vpon these Romain persecutors: so now we declare their persecutions raised vp against the people and seruauntes of Christ, within the space of 300. yeares after Christ. Which persecutions in number commonly are coū ted to be tenne, besides the persecutions first mooued by the Iewes in Hierusalem and other places against the Apostles. In the which,S. Steuen the first ring leader of all Christes Martyrs. first S. Steuen the Deacon was put to death, with diuers other moe, in the same rage of tyme either slaine, or cast into prisō. At the doing wherof, Saule the same tyme playd the doughtie Pharisie, beyng not yet cōuerted to the fayth of Christ, wherof the history is playne in the Actes of the Apostles set forth at large by S. Luke.

After the Martyrdome of this blessed Steuen, suffered next Iames the holy Apostle of Christ,S Iames the Apostle, brother of Iohn Martyred. Act. 12. and brother of Iohn. Of which Iames, mention is made in the Actes of the Apostles the xii. chap. Where is declared, how that not long after the stoning of Stephen, king Herode stretched forth his hand, to take and afflict certaine of the cōgregation: among whome Iames was one, whom he slew with the sword, &c. Of this Iames, Eusebius also inferreth mention, alleaging Clement, thus writing a memorable story of him. Thus Iames (saith Clement) when hee was brought to the tribunall seat,Hist. Eccle. lib. 2. cap. 9. Ex clemente Septimae Hypolyposeon. he that brought him (& was the cause of his trouble) seeing him to be condemned, and that he should suffer death: as he went to the execution, he being mooued therewith in hart and conscience, confessed himselfe also of his owne accord to be a Christian. And so were they both led foorth together, where in the way he desired of Iames to forgiue him that he had done. After that Iames had a little paused with him vpon the matter,A notable conuersion of a wicked accuser, and after a martyr. turning to him Peace (sayth he) be to thee brother, and kissed him, and both were beheaded together, an. 36.

Dorotheus in his booke named Synopsis testifieth, that Nicanor one of the vii. Deacons, with 2000. other, which beleued in Christ, suffred also the same day, when as Steuen did suffer.

The faith Dorotheus witnesseth also of Simon, Nicanor one of the seuen Deacons. with 2000. other martyred. Ex Dorotheo in Synops. Symon a Deacon martyred. S. Thomas the Apostle suffered. Symon Zelotes crucified. Thaddeus the Apostle slayne. an other of the Deacons, Bishop afterward of Bostrum in Arabie, there to be burned. Parmenias also an other of the Deacons suffred.

Thomas preached to the Parthians, Medes, and Persians: Also to the Germains, Hiraconis, Bactris, & Magis. He suffred in Calamina a Citie of Iudea, being slaine with a dart.

Simon Zelotes preached at Mauritania, and in the Countrey of Affrike. And in Britania hee was lykewise crucified.

Iudas brother of Iames, called also Thaddeus, and Lebeus, preached to the Edessens, and to all Mesopotamia. He was slayne vnder Augarus. king of the Edessens in Berito.

Simon called Cananeus, which was brother to Iude aboue mentioned, and to Iames the younger, which all were the sonnes of Mary Cleopha, and of Alpheus, was Bishop of Hierusalem after Iames, and was crucified in a Citie of Egypt in the tyme of Traianus Emperour, as Dorotheus recordeth.Simon Cananeus crucified. But Abdias writeth, that hee with his brother Iude, were both slayne by a tumult of the people in Suanyr a citie of Parsidis.

Marke the Euangelist,Marke the Euangelist burned. and first Bishop of Alexandria, preached the Gospell in Egypt, and there drawen with ropes vnto the fire, was burned, and afterward buried in a place called there Bucolus, vnder the raigne of Traianus Emperour.

Bartholomeus is sayd also to preach to the Indians,Battholomew the Apostle. crucified and beheaded. Ex Ioan. de Monte Regals. Andrew the Apostle crucified for the Gospel. Ex Hieronemo in Catologo scrip. Eccles. Ex Cypriano. lib. De duplici Martyrio Ex Barnardo serm. 2. de Sanct. Andraa. and to haue conuerted the Gospell of S. Mathew into their tonge, where he continued a great space doing many miracles. At last in Albania a citie of greater Armenia, after diuers persecutions, he was beaten doune with staues, then crucified, and after being excoriate, he was at length beheaded. Ioan. De Monte Regali.

Of Andrew the Apostle and brother to Peter, thus writeth Ierome in his booke De catalogo scriptorum Eccles. Andrew the brother of Peter (in the tyme and raigne of Vespasianus, as our aunceters haue reported) did preach in the 80. yeare of our Lord Iesu Christ to the Scithians, Sogdians to the Saxons, and in a Citie which is called Augustia, where the Ethiopians do now inhabite. He was buried in Patris a citie of Achaia, being crucified of Egeas the gouernour of the Edessians: hitherto writeth Ierome Although in the number of yeares he semeth a little to misse, for Vespasianus reached not to the yere 80. after Christ. But Bernard in his second Sermon, and S. Cyprian in his booke De duplici Martyrio, doe make mention of the confession and Martyrdome of this blessed Apostle, wherof partly out of these, partly out of other credible writers we haue collected after this maner: that when as Andrew being conuersant in a Citie of Achaia called Patris, through his diligent preaching had brought many to the faith of Christ: Egeas the gouernour knowing this, resorted thither to the intēt he might constraine as many as did beleeue Christ to bee God, by the whole consent of the Senate, to doe sacrifice vnto the Idols, and so geue diuine honor vnto them. Andrew thinking good at the beginning to resist the wicked counsaile,The words of Andrew to the Coū sell. and the doings of Egeas, went vnto him, saying in this effect vnto him: that it behooued him which was Iudge of men, first to know his Iudge which dwelleth in heauen, and then to worship him being knowen, and so in worshipping the true God, to reuoke his mynd from false Gods and blynd Idols. These wordes spake Andrew to the Consul.

But he greatly therwith discontented, demaunded of him whether he was the same Andrew that did ouerthrow the Temple of ye gods,The feruencie of Andrew agaynst Idolatry. and perswaded men of that superstitious sect, which the Romaines of late had commaunded to be abolished and reiected. Andrew did plainely affirme that the Princes of the Romains did not vnderstand the truth, & that the sonne of God comming from heauen [Page] into the world for mans sake, hath taught & declared how these Idols, whom they so honoured as Gods, were not only not gods, but also most cruell Deuils, most enemies to mankind, teaching ye people nothing els, but that wherwith God is offended, and being offended turneth away and regardeth them not, and so by the wicked seruice of the Deuill doe fall headlong into all wickednesse, and after their departing, nothing remaineth vnto them, but their euill deedes.

But the Proconsul esteeming these thinges to bee as vayne, especially seing the Iewes (as he said) had crucified Christ before, therfore charged and commaunded Andrew not to teach and preach such thinges any more, or if he did, that he should be fastened to the crosse with all speede.

Andrew abiding in his former mynd very constāt, answered thus concerning the punishment which he threatened, he would not haue preached the honour and glory of the crosse, if he had feared the death of the crosse. Wherupon sentence of condemnation was pronounced, that Andrew teaching and enterprising a new sect, and taking away the religion of their gods ought to be crucified.The constant fayth of Andrew to the end. Andrew commyng to the place, and seyng a farre of the crosse prepared, did chaunge neither countenance nor colour, as the imbecillitie of mortal men is woont to do, neither did his bloud shrinke, neither did he faile in his speech, his body faynted not, neither was his mynd molested, his vnderstanding did not fayle him, as it is the maner of men to do, but out of the aboundance of his hart his mouth did speake.The crosse here is not taken for the materiall crosse of wood: but for the maner of death vpon the Crosse whiche death was to him welcome. S. Mathew the Apostle slayne with a speare. Euseb lib. 3. Cap. 24. 39. Irenaus lib. 3. cap. 1. Hiero. in catalogo script. And feruent charitie did appeare in his words as kindled sparcles. He said, O crosse most welcome and long looked for with a willing mynde, ioyfully and desirously I come to thee, beyng the Scholer of him which did hang on thee: Because I haue bene alwayes thy louer and haue coueted to embrace thee. So beyng crucified, he yelded vp the Ghost and fell on sleepe, the day before the Calendes of December.

Mathew otherwise named Leui, first of a Publicane made an Apostle, wrote his gospell to the Iewes in ye Hebrue tongue, as recordeth Eusebius, lib. 3.24.39. lib 5. cap. 8. cap. 10. Also Iraeneus, lib 3. cap. 1. Item Hieronymus in Catalogo script. Ecclesiast. concerning the doings and decreementes of this blessed Apostle and Euangelist, diuers things bee recorded by Iulius Africanus, vnder the pretensed name of Abdias. Also of Vincentius, Perionius, and others, but in such sort, as by the contents may greatly be suspected, the matter not to lacke some craftie forgerie, for the more establishment of latter decretals, and Romish doctrine, as touching merites, consecration of Nunnes, the superstitious prescription of Lent fast, not onely in abstainyng from all fleshmeates, but also from all matrimoniall copulatiō betwene man and wife, during the said tyme of holy Lent. Item, the straight prohibition not to taste any bodily sustenance, before the receiuing of the Lordes supper. In ordaining of Masse, and that no Nunne must marry after the vowe of her profession, with such other like.

Mathias the Apostle, stoned and headed. Philip the Apostle crucified. Ex Isido. lib. de patribus noui testā. Iames Byshop of Ierusalem. Ioan de Monte Regali, testifieth of Mathias, that after he had preached to the Iewes, at length he was stoned & beheaded. Some other record that he died in Ethiopia.

Philippus the holy Apostle, after he had much laboured among the barbarous nations in preaching the worde of saluation to them, at length he suffered as the other Apostles did, in Hierapolis a citie of Phrygia, being there crucified and stoned to death, where also he was buried, & his daughters also with him. Isido.

* Of Iames the brother of the Lord, thus we read in the story of Clement and Egesippus.

AFter that Festus had sent the Apostle Paul vnto Rome after his appellatiō made at Caesaria, & that the Iewes by the meanes thereof had lost their hope of performing their malicious vow against him conceiued, they fel vpon Iames the brother of our Lord, who was bishop at Ierusalem, against whom they being bent with like malice, brought him forth before them, and required him to denye before all the people the faith of Christ. But he otherwise: then they all looked for, freely and with a greater constancie before all the multitude, confessed Iesus to be the sonne of God, our Sauiour, and our Lord. Wherupon, they not being able to abide the testimonie of this man any longer, because he was thought to be the iustest among all, for the highnes of deuine wisedome, and godlinesse, which in liuing he declared, they killed him, finding the more opportunitie to accomplish their mischiefe, because the kingdom the same tyme was vacant. For Festus being dead in Iewrie, the administration of that prouince was destitute of a ruler, and a deputie. But after what maner Iames was killed,Fx Clemente. Ex Egesippo in Commenturro. the words of Clement do declare, which writeth that he was cast doune from the pinacle of the temple, and being smitten with the instrument of a Fuller was slain, but Egesippus which liued in the tyme next after the Apostles, describeth this cause diligently, in his fift Commentarie, after this maner as followeth.

Iames the brother of our Lord, tooke in hand to gouern the Church after the Apostles (beyng counted of all men from the tyme of our Lord to be a iust and perfect man.) Many and diuers other Iameses there were beside him, but this was borne holy from his mothers wombe, he dronke no wine, nor any strong drinke. neither did he cate any liuing creature, the rasor neuer came vpon his head, he was not annointed with oyle, neither did he vse bathe, to him onely was it lawfull to enter into the holy place, neyther was he clothed with woollen cloth; but with silke; and he onely entred into the temple, falling vpon his knees, asking remission for the people, so that his knees by ofte kneling, lost the sence of feeling, being benumined & hardened like the knees of a Camell. He was (for worshipping God and crauing forgiuenes for the people) called iust, & for the exceliencie of his iust life named Oblias, which (if you do interprete it) is the sauegard, and iustice of the people as the Prophets declare of him: therefore when as many of the heretikes which were among the people asked him what maner of dore Iesus should be, he aunswered that he was the Sauiour. Wherof some do beleue him to be Iesus Christ, but the aforesaid heretikes neither beleue the resurrection, neither that any shall come, which shal render vnto euery man according to his workes, but as many as beleue, they beleued for Iames cause. When as many therefore of the Princes did beleue,Apoc. 12. there was a tumult made of the Scribes, Iewes, and Phariseis, saying: it is daungerous least that all the people do looke for this Iesus, as for Christ, therfore they gathered themselues togither, & sayd vnto Iames: We beseech thee restrain the people, for they beleue in Iesus, as though he were Christ. We pray thee perswade them all which come vnto the feast of the Passeouer of Iesus, for we are all obedient vnto thee, and all the people do testifie of thee that thou art iust, neither that thou doest accept the person of any man, therefore perswade the people that they be not deceiued in Iesus, and all the people, and we will obey thee, therfore stand vpon the piller of the temple, that thou mayest be seene from aboue, and that thy wordes may be perceiued of all the people, for to this passeouer all the tribes do come with all the countrey. And thus the forenamed Scribes, and Phariseis did set Iames vpon the battlements of the Church, and they cried vnto him and sayd, thou iust man whom all we ought to obey, because this people is led after Iesus, which is crucified, tell what is the dore of Iesus crucified: and he aunswered with a great voyce, what do you aske me of Iesus ye sonne of man, seeyng that he sitteth on the right hand of God in heauen, and shall come in the cloudes of the skie? But whō many were persuaded of this, they glorified God vpon the witnes of Iames, and sayd: Osanna in the highest to the sonne of Dauid. Then the Scribes and the Phariseis sayd among themselues, we haue done euill that we haue caused such a testimony of Iesus. But let vs go vp and let vs take him, that they being compelled with feare, may deny that faith. And they cried out, saying: O, O, this iust man also is seduced, and they fulfilled that Scripture which is spoken of in Esay.Cap. 3. Let vs take away the iust man, because he is not profitable for vs: Wherfore let them eat the fruits of their workes. Therfore they went vp to throwe doune the iust man, and said among themselues: let vs stone this iust man Iames, & they toke him to smite him with stones for he was not yet dead whē he was cast doune, but he turning, fell doune vpon his knees, saying: O Lord God, Father, I beseech thee to forgeue them, for they know not what they do.Luc. 23. But whē they had smitten him with stones one of the priests of the children of Rechas, the sonne of Charobim, spake to them the testimonie which is in Ieremie the Prophet: leaue off, what do ye? The iust man praieth for you. And one of those which were present, tooke a Fullers instrument, wherwith they did vse to beat and purge cloth, and smote the iust man on his head, and so he finished his Martyrdome, and they buried him in the same place, & his piller abideth yet by the temple. He was a true testimonie to the Iewes and the Gentiles. And shortly after Vespasianus the Emperour destroying the land of Iewrie, brought them into captiuitie. These thinges being thus written at large of Egesippus, do well agree to those which Clement did write of him. This Iames was so notable a man, that for his iustice he was had in honour of all men, in so much that the wise men of the Iewes shortly after [Page] his Martyrdome did impute the cause of the besieging of Ierusalem and other calamities which happened vnto thē to no other cause, but vnto the violence and iniurie done to this man.Iosephus lib. 20. Also Iosephus hath not left this out of his historie, where he speaketh of him after this maner: These things so chanced vnto the Iewes for a vengeance because of that iust man Iames which was the brother of Iesu, whō they called Christ, for the Iewes killed him although he was a righteous man.

The same Iosephus declareth his death in the same booke and chapter, saying: Caesar hearing of the death of Festus, sent Albinus the Lieuetenant into Iewrie, but Ananus the yonger, being bishop, and of the sect of the Saduces, trusting that he had obtained a conuenient tyme, seing that Festus was dead, and Albinus entred on his iourney, he called a Councell, and calling many vnto him, among whom was Iames by name the brother of Iesu which is called Christ, he stoned them, accusing them as breakers of the law.

Martyrs.Whereby it appeareth, that many other besides Iames also the same tyme were Martyred and put to death amōg the Iewes, for the faith of Christ.

A description of the X. first persecutions in the Primitiue Church.

The first x. persecutions in the primitiue Church. THese thinges being thus declared for the Martyrdome of the Apostles, and the persecutiō of the Iewes. Now let vs (by ye grace of Christ our Lord) comprehend with like breuitie, the persecutions raised by the Romaines, against the Christians in the Primitiue age of the Church, during the space of 300. yeares, till the comming of godly Constantine, which persecutions are reckoned of Eusebius, and by the most part of writers, to the number of x. most speciall.

Wherin meruailous it is, to see and read the numbers incredible of Christian innocents that were slaine and tormented, some one way, some an other. As Rabanus saith, & saith truly.The sondry tormentes of the holy Martyrs in the Primitiue Church. Alij ferro perempti. Alij flammis exusti. Alij flagris verberati. Alij vectibus perforati. Alij cruciati patibulo. Alij demersi pelagi periculo. Alij viui decoriati. Alij vinculis mancipati. Alij linguis priuati. Alij lapidibus obruti. Alij frigore afflicti. Alij fame cruciati. Alij truncatis manibus, aliísue caesis membris spectaculum contumeliae, nudi propter nomen Domini portantes, &c. That is, Some slaine with sword. Some burnt with fire. Some with whips scourged. Some stabbed in with forkes of iron. Some fastned to the crosse or gibbet. Some drowned in the sea. Some their skinnes pluckt of. Some their tongues cut off. Some stoned to death. Some killed with cold. Some starued with hunger. Some their hands cut off or otherwise dismembred, haue bene so left naked to the open shame of the world, &c. Whereof Augustine also in his booke De Ciuit. 22. cap. 6. thus saith:Aug. de Ciuit. Lib. 22. cap. 6. Ligabantur, includebantur, caedebantur, torquebantur, vrebantur, laniabantur, trucidabantur, multiplicabantur, non pugnantes pro salute, sed salutem contemnentes pro seruatore. Whose kindes of punishments although they were diuers, yet the maner of constancie in all these Martyrs was one. And yet notwithstā ding the sharpenes of these so many and sundry tormēts, and like cruelnes of the tormentors: yet such was the nū ber of these constant Saintes that suffered, or rather such was the power of the Lord in his Saints, that as Hierome in his Epistle to Chromatius, The number of holy Martyrs in the primitiue Church. and Heliodorus saith: Nullus esset dies qui non vltra quin (que) millium numerum Martyrum reperiri posset ascriptus excepto die Kalendarum Ianuarij. That is, There is no day in the whole yeare, vnto which the nū ber of fine thousand Martyrs cannot be ascribed, except onely the first day of Ianuary.

*The first Persecution.

THe first of these x. persecutions, was stirred vp by Nero Domitius, The first persecution. the vj. Emperour before mentioned, about the yeare of our Lord, 67. The tyrannous rage of which Emperour, was so fierce against the Christians (as Eusebius recordeth) Vs (que) adeò vt videres repletas humanis corporibus ciuitates, Anno. 67. iacentes mortuos simul cum paruulis senes: foemi. narúm (que) abs (que) vlla sexus reuerentia nudata in publico, Histor. Ecclesi. Lib. 2. Cap. 24.25.26. reiectá (que) starent cadauera. That is, In so much that a man might then see cities lye full of mens bodies, the old there lying together with the yong, and the dead bodies of women cast out naked,Orosius. Lib. 7. Nero thought to be Antichrist. without all reuerence of that sexe in the opē streets. &c. Likewise Orosius writing of the said Nero, saith, that he was the first which in Rome did raise vp persecution against the Christians, and not onely in Rome, but also through all the prouinces therof, thinking to abolish and to destroy the whole name of Christians in all places, &c. Whereunto accordeth moreouer the testimonie of Hierome vpon Daniel, saying: thàt many there were of the Christians in those dayes, which seyng the filthy abominations, and intollerable crueltie of Nero, thought that he should be Antichrist, &c.

In this persecution,S. Peter the Apostle, crucified at Rome. among many other Saintes the blessed Apostle Peter was condemned to death, and crucified as some doe write, at Rome, albeit othersome, and not without cause doe doubt thereof, concerning whose lyfe and hystory, because it is sufficiently described in the text of the Gospell, and in the Actes of S. Luke. chap. 4.5. 12. I neede not heere to make any great repetytion therof. As touching the cause and maner of hys death, diuers ther be,Hieron. lib. Deuiris illustris. which make relation, as Hierome, Egesippus, Eusebius, Abdias, and other: although they doe not all precisely agree in the tyme. The wordes of Hierome be these: Simon Peter the sonne of Iona, of the prouince of Galile, and of the Towne of Bethsaida, the brother of Andrew. &c. After hee had bene Byshop of the Church of Antioch, and had preached to the dispersion of them that beleued, of the Circumcision in Pontus, Galacia, Capadocia, Asia, and Bithinia in the second yeare of Claudius, the Emperour, (whiche was about the yeare of our Lord. 44.) came to Rome, to withstand Simon Magus, and there kept the priestly chayre, the space of This report seemeth neyther to come of Ierome not to be true in Peter. Egesippus. Lib. 3. De excidio Hieroso. cap. 2. 25. yeares, vntill the last yeare of the foresayd Nero, which was the 14. yeare of hys raygne, of whome he was crucified, hys head being downe, and his feete vpward, himselfe so requiring, because he was (he sayd) vnworthy to be crucified after the same forme and maner, as the Lord was. &c. Egesippus, prosecuting this matter something more at large, and Abdias, also, (if any authoritie is to be geuen to hys booke, who following not onely the sense, but also the very forme of wordes of Egesippus in this Hystory, seemeth to be extracted out of him, and of other authors) sayth, that Simon Magus being then a great man with Nero, and his president and keeper, of hys life, was required vppon a tyme to be present at the raysing vp of a certayne noble young man in Rome,Abdias. lib. 1. De vitae Patri. of Neros kindred, lately departed. Wheras Peter also was desired to come to the reuiuing of the sayd personage. But when Magus in the presence of Peter could not doe it: Then Peter calling vpon the name of the Lord Iesus, dyd rayse him vp, and restored him to hys mother, wherby the estimation of Simon Magus, began greatly to decay, and to be detested in Rome. Not long after the sayd Magus threatned the Romaynes, that he would leaue the Citie and in their light flye away from them into heauen. So the day being appoynted Magus taking hys winges in the Mounte Capitolinus, began to flye in the ayre. But Peter by the power of the Lord Iesus brought him downe with his winges headlong to the ground, by the whiche fall hys legges and ioyntes were broken, and he thereupon dyed. Then Nero sorrowing for the death of him, sought matter agaynst Peter to put hym to death. Which when the people perceiued, they entreated Peter with much a doe, that he would flye the Citie. Peter through their importunitie at length perswaded, prepared himselfe to auoyd. But comming to the gate he sawe the Lord Christ come to meete him, to whom he worshipping sayd: Lord whether doest thou goe? To whome he aunswered and sayd, I come agayne to be crucified. By this Peter perceauing hys suffering to be vnderstanded, returned backe into the Citty agayne. And so was he crucified, in maner as is before declared. And this out of Egesippus.

Eusebius moreouer, writing of the death not onely of Peter,Euseb. lib. 30 hist. eccle. c. 30. but also of his wife, affirmeth, that Peter seeing his wife goyng to her Martyrdom (belike as he was yet hanging vpon the crosse) was greatly ioyous and glad thereof, who crying vnto her with a loud voyce,Peters wife put to death for Christ. The wordes of Peter to hys wife, goyng to death. Paule the Apostle. and calling her by her name, bade her remember the Lord Iesus. Such was then (saith Eusebius) the blessed bonde of Mariage among the Saintes of God. And thus much of Peter.

Paule the Apostle, which before was called Saule, after his great trauail and vnspeakable labours in promooting the Gospell of Christ, suffred also in this first persecution vnder Nero, and was beheaded. Of whom thus writeth Hierome in his Booke De viris illustr. Paule, otherwise called Saule, one of the Apostles, yet out of the number of xij. was of the tribe of Beniamin, and of a towne of Iewrie called Gisealis:Ex Hieronimo. Lib. de viris illust. which towne beyng taken of the Romains, he with his parents fled to Tharsus a town of Cilicia. Afterward was sent vp by his parents to Hierusalē, [Page] and there brought vp in the knowledge of the law, at the feete of Gamaliel,Saule brought vp vnder Gamaliell. Saule a persecutor. Saule conuerted. and was at the death of Stephen a doer. And when he had receiued letters from the high Priest to persecute the Christians, by the way going to Damascus, was stroken downe of the Lordes glory, and of a persecutor, was made a professor, an Apostle, a Martyr, a witnesse of the Gospell, and a vessell of election.

Among his other manifold labors & trauails in spreading the doctrine of Christ, he wan Sergius Paulus, the Proconsul of Cyprus, to the faith of Christ, whereupon he tooke his name as some suppose,Saulus turned to Paulus. Paule sent to the Gentiles. turned from Saulus to Paulus. After he had passed through diuers places and countries in his laborious peregrinations, he tooke to him Barnabas, and went vp to Hierusalem, to Peter, Iames, and Iohn, where he was ordained and sent out with Barnabas to preach vnto the Gentils.

And because it is in the Actes of the Apostles sufficiently comprehended, concerning the admirable conuersion, & conuersation of this most worthy Apostle, that which remaineth of the rest of his history, I will here adde, how the sayd Apostle Paule, the 25. yere after the passion of the lord, in the second yeare of Nero, what tyme Festus ruled in Iewrie, was sent vp in bondes to Rome,Act. 28. where he remaining in his free hosterie two yeares together, disputed daily against the Iewes, proouing Christ to be come. And here is to be noted, that after his first answer or purgation there made at Rome, the Emperor Nero, not yet fully confirmed in his Empire, & yet not bursting out into those mischiefs, which histories report of him, he was at that tyme by Nero discharged, and dismissed to preach the Gospell in the West partes and about the coastes of Italy, as he himselfe writing vnto Timothie, afterward in his second apprehension, in his second Epistle witnesseth,2. Tim. 4. saying: In my first purgation, no man stoode with me, but did all forsake me, the Lord lay it not to their charge. But the Lord stood with me, & did comfort me, that the preaching of his word might proceed by me, & that all the Gentiles might heare and be taught, and I was deliuered out of the Lions mouth, &c. In which place by the Lion he plainly meaneth Nero. And afterward likewise saith: I was deliuered from the mouth of the Lion, &c. And againe, the Lord hath deliuered me out from all euill workes, and hath saued me vnto his heauenly kingdom, &c. speaking this, because he perceiued thē the tyme of his Martyrdome to be nere at hand. For in the same Epistle before. he saith: I am now offred vp, and the tyme of my dissolution draweth on.

Thus then, this worthy preacher and messenger of the Lord, in the 14. yeare of Nero, and the same day in which Peter was crucified (although not in the same yeare as some write, but in the next yeare following) was beheaded at Rome for the testimonie of Christ, and was buried in the way of Ostia.The epistles of S. Paule to vi [...] Churches. The yeare after the passion of the Lord 37. He wrote ix. Epistles to seuen Churches: to the Romains one, to the Corinthians two, to the Galathiās one, to the Ephesians one, to the Philippians one, to the Colossians one, to the Thessalonians two. Moreouer, he wrote to his Disciples, to Timothie two, to Titus one, to Philemon one.

The Epistle which beareth the title to the Hebrues, is not thought to be his, for the difference of the stile & phrase, but either iudged to be written of Timothie, as Tertullian supposeth, or of S. Luke as other do thinke: or els of Clement afterward Bishop of Rome, who as they say, was adioyned with Paul, and compiling together his sayings and sentences, did phrase them in his stile and maner. Or els,The Epistle to the Hebrues. as some do iudge, because S. Paul wrote vnto the Hebrues, for the odiousnes of his name among that people, therefore he dissimuled, and confessed his name in the first entre of his salutation, contrary to his accustomed condition. And as he wrote to the Hebrues he being an Hebrue, so he wrote in Hebrue, yt is, in his own tongue more eloquently. And that is thought to be the cause why it differeth from his other Epistles, and is after a more eloquent maner translated into the Greeke, then his other Epistles be.The Epistle to Laodicia Some also read the Epistle written to Laodicea, but that is explosed of all men. Thus much Hierome.

As touching the tyme and order of the death and Martyrdome of S. Paule, as Eusebius, Hierome, Maximus and other authors doe but briefly passe ouer: So Abdias (if his booke be of any substātial authoritie) speaking more largely of the same doth say:Abdias de viris. lib. 2. that after the crucifying of Peter, & the ruine of Simon Magus, Paule yet remayning in free custody, was dimissed and deliuered at that time from Martyrdome by Gods permission, that all the Gentiles might be replenished with preaching of the Gospell by him.

And the same Abdias proceeding in his story, declareth moreouer, that as Paule was thus occupied at Rome, he was accused to the Emperour, not onely for teaching new doctrine,Paule declareth his doctrine to the Emperour. but also for stirring vp sedition against the Empire. For this he being called before Nero, and demaunded to shew the order and maner of his doctrine, there declared what his doctrine was, to teach all men peace and charitie how to loue one an other, how to preuent one an other in honor,The summe of Paules doctrine. rich mē not to be puft in pride, nor to put their trust in their treasures, but in the liuing God. Meane men to be contented with foode and rayment, and with their present state. Poore mē to reioyce in their pouertie with hope. Fathers to bring vp their children in the feare of God. Children to obey their parents. Husbandes to loue their wiues. Wiues to be subiect vnto their husbands. Citizens and subiects to giue their tribute vnto Caesar and to be subiect to their magistrates. Maisters to be curteous not currish to their seruaunts. Seruants to deale faithfully with their maisters. And this to be the summe of his teaching, which his doctrine he receiued not of men nor by men, but by Iesus Christ, and the father of glory, which spake to him from heauen, the Lord Iesus saying to him, that he should goe and preach in his name, and that he would be with him, and would be the spirit of life to all that beleued in him, and that whatsoeuer he did or said, he would iustifie it, &c. After that Paule had thus declared vnto the Emperour, shortly after sentence of death was pronounced against him,Paule condemned. that he should be headed. Unto whose execut [...]ō then Nero sent two of his Esquiers Ferega, and Parthemius to bring him word of his death. They comming to Paule, instructing then the people, desired him to pray for them that they might beleue. Who told them that shortly after they should beleue, and be baptised at his Sepulchre (as Abdias writeth.Paule suffereth.) This done, the souldiours came and led him out of the Citie to the place of execution, where he after his prayers made, gaue his necke to the sword. Abdias reporteth,A Legende miracle. that as his head was strokē off, in stead of blood issued out white milke, and that at laying downe his head he signed himselfe with the signe of a crosse in his forehead, but this being found in no other historie,The story of Abdias suspected. Abdias semeth either to adde of his own, or els to borow out of the Legend as he doth many other things beside, wherof more shalbe sayd (Christ willing) hereafter. Although the same miracle of milke flowing out of his necke, is referred also vnto Ambrose, who in his sermon 68. (if it be not counterfaited) seemeth to affirme the same. Of the tyme and yeare when these blessed Apostles did suffer, histories doe not all agree. They that follow the commō opinion,Historyes doe varry about the tyme of their Martyrdome. and the Popes decrees say, that both Peter and Paul suffred both in one day and in one yeare, which opinion semeth to be taken out of Dionysius bishop of Corinth. Hierome in his booke De viris illustr. affirmeth that they suffred both in one day, but he expresseth not the yeare.If this be true that Prudētius. recordeth of Paule to suffer vnder Nero, and the yeare after Peter. then is it false, which Hierome before testifieth, Peter to suffer the [...] yeare of Nero. So doth Isodorus and Eusebius. Symon Metaphrastes bringeth in the opinion of some, which thinke that Paul suffred not with Peter, but after Peter. Prudentius in his Peristephanō, noteth that they both were put to death vpon the same day, but not in the same yere, and saith that Paule followed Peter a yeare after.

Abdias aboue mentioned, recordeth that Paule suffered two yeares after Peter. Moreouer, if it be true which Abdias saith, that after the crucifiyng of Peter, Paul remained in his fyare custody at Rome, mētioned in the Actes of the Apostles, which was as Hierom witnesseth the 3. or 4. yere of Nero, then must it be x. yeare betwixt the Martyrdome of Peter and of Paule, for as much as it is by all writers confessed, that Paule suffered the 14. yeare, which was the last yeare of Nero. And so Abdias seemeth neither to agree with other authors, nor with himselfe. And thus much of the first persecution.

The second Persecution.

THe first Romaine persecution beginning vnder Nero, as is aforesaid,The second persecution. ceased vnder Vespasianus who gaue some rest to the poore Christians. After whose raigne was mooued not long after the second persecution,Anno. 69. by the Emperor Domitian brother of Titus. Of whome Eusebius and Orosius so write, that he first beginning mildly, afterward did so farre outrage in pride intollerable, that he commaunded himself to be worshipped as God, and that images of gold and siluer in his honour should be set vp in Capitolio. Ex Orosio. Lib. 7. The chiefest nobles of the Senators, either vpon enuy, or for their goodes, he caused to be put to death, some openly, and some he sent into banishment, there causing them to be slaine priuilie.

And as his tiranny was vnmeasurable, so the intemperancie of his life was no lesse.The tyranny and intemporaunce of Domitian. He put to death all the nephewes of Iuda, called the Lordes brother, and caused to be sought out, and to be slayne all that could be found of the [Page] stocke of Dauid (as Vespasian also did before him) for feare least he were yet to come of the house of Dauid,Symeon Byshop of Hierusalem crucified. which should enioy the kingdome. In the tyme of this persecutor, Symeon Bishop of Hierusalem, after other torments, was crucified to death, whom Iustus afterward succeeded in that Bishopprike.

In this persecution Iohn the Apostle and Euangelist was exiled by the sayd Domitianus into Pathmos.Iohn the Euangelist. Of whō diuers and sundry memorable actes, be reported in sundry Chronicles. As first how he was put in a vessell of boiling Oile,Isidorus de patribus nous Testaments. by the Proconsul of Ephesus. The Legend and Perionius say, it was done at Rome. Isidorus also writing of him and comprehending many things in few wordes, declareth that he turned certaine peeces of wood into gold, and stones by the seaside into Margarites, to satisfie the desire of two, whom he had before perswaded to renounce their riches: And afterward they repenting that for worldly treasure, they had lost heauen, for their sakes agayne he changed the same into their former substance. Also, how he raised vp a widow and a certaine yong man from death to life. How he dronke poison, and it hurt him not, raising also to life two which had dronke the same before. These and such other miracles, although they may be true, & are foūd in Isidorus & other writers mo,Euseb. Lib. 3. Cap. 10. Histor Eccle. yet because they are no articles of our Christian belief, I let them passe, and only content my selfe with that which I read in Eusebius, declaring of him in this wise: That in the 14. yeare after Nero, in the second persecution, in the dayes of Domitian, Iohn was banished into Pathmos for the testimonie of the word,Anno. 97. an. 97. And after the death of the foresaid Domitian being slaine, & his actes repealed by the Senate,Iohn banished. Iohn released out of banishement. Iohn was againe released vnder Pertinax the Emperor, & came to Ephesus, an. 100. Where he continued vntill the tyme of Traianus, & there gouerned the Churches in Asia, where also he wrote his Gospell, and so liued till the yeare after the Passion of our Lord, 68. which was the yeare of his age. 99.

Moreouer, in the foresayd Ecclesiasticall story of Eusebius, we read that Iohn the Apostle and Euangelist,Euseb. lib. 3. Cap. 23. whō the Lord did loue, was in Asia, where he being returned out of Pathmos, after the death of Domitian, gouerned the Churches and congregations. Irenaeus in his second booke thus writeth: And of him all the Elders do witnes, which were with Iohn the Disciple of the Lord in Asia, that he spake and wrote these thinges, &c. for there he continued with them vnto the tyme of Traianus, &c. Also the said Irenaeus, Lib. 3. Hypothes. in like wordes declareth,Iren. Lib. 3. Clemens Alexandrinus. saying: The Church of the Ephesians being first founded by Paul, afterward beyng confirmed of Iohn, (who continued in the same Citie vnto the tyme of Traianus the Emperour) is a true witnesse of this Apostolicall tradition, &c. Clemens Alexandrinus moreouer noteth, both the tyme of this holy Apostle, and also addeth to the same a certain history of him, not vnworthy to bee remembred of such which delite in things honest and profitable.A notable history of Iohn the Euangelist. Of the which historie Sozomenus also in his Commentaries maketh mention. The wordes of the author setting forth this historie, be these: Heare a fable, and not a fable, but a true report which is told vs of Iohn the Apostle, deliuered and commended to our remembrance. After the death of the tyrant, whē Iohn was returned to Ephesus, from the Ile of Pathmos: he was desired to resort to the places bordering neare vnto him, partly to constitute bishops, partly to dispose the causes and matters of the church, partly to ordaine and set such, of the Clergy in office, whom the holy ghost should elect. Wherupon, when he was come to a certaine citie not farre of, the name of which also, many do yet remember, and had among other thinges comforted the brethren, he looking more earnestly vpon him which was the chiefe bishop among them, beheld a yong man mighty in body, and of a beautiful countenance, and of a feruent mind. I commend this man (saith he) to thee with great diligence, in the witnesse here of Christ and of the Church.

When the Bishop had receiued of him this charge, and had promised his faithfull diligence therein. Agayne the second tyme Iohn spake vnto him and desired him in like maner and contestatiō as before. This done, Iohn returneth againe to Ephesus. The Bishop receiuing the yong man, commēded & commicteth to his charge, brought him home, kept him and nourished him, and at length also did illuminate, (that is) he baptised him. And in short tyme through his diligence, brought him into such order and towardnes, that he cōmitted vnto him the ouersight of a certaine cure in the Lordes behalfe. The yong man thus hauing more his libertie, it chanced that certaine of his companions & old familiars being idle, dissolute, & accustomed of old time to wickednes, did ioyne in company with him. Who first brought him to sumptuous & riotous bankets. Then entised him forth with them in the night to rob and steale.What wicked company doth. After that, he was allured by thē vnto greater mischiefe and wickednesse. Wherin by custome of tyme by litle and litle, he being more practised, and being of a good wit, and a stout courage, like vnto a wild or an vnbrokē horse, leauing the right way & running at large without bridle, was caried headlong to the profunditie of all misorder and outrage. And thus being past all hope of grace, vtterly forgetting and reiecting the wholesome doctrine of saluatiō, which he had learned before, began to set his mynde vpon no small matters. And forasmuch as he was entred so farre in the way of perdition, he cared not how further he proceded in the same. And so associating vnto him the company of his companions, and fellow thieues, tooke vpon him to be as head and captaine among them, in committing all kynd of murther and felony.

In the meane time it chaunced, that of necessitie Iohn was sent for to those quarters againe, and came. The causes being decided, and his busines ended, for the which he came, by the way meeting with the Bishop afore specified, requireth of him the pledge, which in the witnes of Christ and of the congregation then present, he left in his handes to keepe. The bishop something amased at the woordes of Iohn, supposing he had meant of some money committed to his custody, which he had not receiued, and yet durst not mistrust Iohn, nor contrary his woordes could not tell what to aunswer. Then Iohn perceauing his doubtyng, and vtteryng his mynde more plainely: The yong man (saith he) and the soule of our brother committed to your custody, I do require. Then the bishop with a loude voice, sorrowing and weeping, said, he is dead: to whom Iohn said, how? And by what death? The other said, he is dead to God: for he is become an euill man, and pernicious, to be briefe, a thiefe: & now he doth frequent this mountaine with a company of villains and thieues,A notable lesson for al ministers to seeke againe their lost sheepe. like vnto himselfe against the Church. But the Apostle renting his garmēts, and with great lamentation, said, I haue lett a good keper of my brothers soule. Get me a horse, and let mee haue a guide with me, which being done, his horse and man procured, hasted from the Churche as much as he could, and comming to the same place, was taken of theeues yt watched. But he neyther flying, nor refusing sayd: I came for this same cause hither, lead me (sayd he) to your captayne. So he being brought, the captaine all armed, fiercely begā to looke vpon him. And eftsoones comming to the knowledge of him, was stroken with confusion and shame, and began to flie. But the olde man followed him as much as he might, forgetting his age and crying: My sonne, why doest thou flie from thy father? an armed man, from one naked,O vnspeakable loue shevved out to a wicked sinner. a yong man, from an olde man. Haue pitie on me my sonne, and feare not, for there is yet hope of saluation, I will make an answer for thee vnto Christ, I will dye for thee if neede be, as Christ hath died for vs. I will giue my life for thee, beleeue me, Christ hath sent me. He hearing these things, first as in a mase stood still, and therewith his courage was abated. After that he cast downe his weapons, by and by he trembled, yea and wept bitterly: and comming to the old man, embraced him, and spake vnto him with wepyng (as well as he could) beyng euen then baptised a fresh with teares, only his right hand beyng hid and couered. Then the Apostle, after that he had promised and firmly ascertained him that he should obtain remission of our Sauiour, and also prayed falling downe vpon his knees, & kissed his murdering right hand, which for shame he durst not shew before: as now purged through repentaunce, brought him to the congregation, and when he had prayed for him with continuall prayer and daily fastings, and had comforted and confirmed his mynde with many sentences, went not from him (as the author reporteth) before he had restored him to the congregation againe, and made him a great example and triall of regeneration, and a token of the visible resurrection.

Moreouer, the foresayd Irenaeus in Lib. 3. cap. 3. and Eusebius, Lib. 3. cap 28. and Lib. 4. cap. 14. prosecuting the historie of Iohn, declare in these wordes, saying, that there were certaine which heard Policarpus say; that Iohn the disciple of our Lord,An example of the godly to flye the cō pany of the wicked. goyng into Ephesus to be washed, seyng Corinthus within, he leaped out of the bathe vnbathed, because he feared the bathe should haue fallen, seing that Cerinthus an enemy to the truth, was within. Such feare had the Apostles (saith Irenaeus) that they would not communicate a word with them that adulterate the truth.

And forasmuch as we are here in hand with the story of Iohn the blessed Euangelist, commeth in matter and occasion, not geuē by him, but takē of other, of a great doubt and difficulty, such as hath occupied all the Catholike, subtile, illuminate, and seraphicall Doctors of the Popes Catholike [Page] Church, these 500. yeares. The difficultie is this: that for so much as auricular confession hath bene,A Catholique question concerning auriculer confession. & is yet receiued in the Popes Catholike Church for an holy and necessary Sacrament, extending vniuersally to al & singular creatures Christian. Here then riseth a question, who was our Ladies confessour, or ghostly father? But that is decreed and confessed with full consent of all the Catholikes to bee S. Iohn. Whosoeuer denieth or doubteth of this,Solutio. An other Catholique question. is straight wayes ipso facto an heretike. This then so determined, ariseth an other question or doubt, that seeyng our Lady was without all originall sinne, and also actuall or mortall: what need then had she of any Confessour? or what should she confesse vnto him? For if she had confessed any sinne, when she had none: then had she made herselfe a lyer,Solution. Albert. super Euā gelium. Missus est. An other question with the solution. & so had sinned in deede. Here therefore gentle Reader, in this perplexitie, these our illuminate Doctours stād in neede of thine ayde, to helpe at a pinch. Magnus Albertus ye great diuine, denieth not, but that she in deede, although most pure, yet was confessed to her ghostly father, to keepe the obseruances of the law, appointed for such as had that neede, which she had not. And therfore (sayth he) necessary it was that she should confesse with mouth. But then here is to be asked, what did she say in her confession, when she had nothing to confesse? To this Albertus aunswereth agayne, and telleth vs plainely what she sayd in her confessiō which was this:Albert. ibidem. ca. 17. that she had receiued that great grace, not ex condigno, that is, not of any dignitie of her own, but yet notwithstanding of congruitie. And this was it (sayth Albert) that she sayd in her confession. Albert cap. 74. super Euang. Missus est, &c.

Moreouer, to helpe this case out of all doubt, commeth in famous Thomas of Watring, S. Thomas par. 3. ques. 37. art. 5. & thus looseth the knot, much after like effect, saying: that as Christ, although he did owe nothing to the law, yet notwithstanding receiued he Circumcision, to geue to other example of humilitie and obedience: In like maner would our Lady shew her selfe obedient to the obseruaunce of the law, albeit there was no cause, why she had any neede thereof. And thus hast thou (gentle Reader) this doubtful questiō mooued and soluted, to the intent I would reueale to thee some part of the deep diuinitie of our Catholike Maisters, that haue ruled and gouerned the Church in these their late Popish dayes.

Flauia the daughter of a Consul. banished for the testimony of christ. Ex Euseb. Lib. 3. ca. 19 The Emperour maketh inquirie for all that were of Dauids stocke.But breaking of this matter, to returne againe where we left, that is, to this foresayd 2. persecutiō vnder Domitianus. In which persecution besides these afore mentioned, and many other innumerable godly Martyrs, sufferyng for the like testimonie of ye Lord Iesus, was Flauia ye daughter of Flauius Clemens, one of the Romaine Consuls, which Flauia with many other was banished out of Rome into the Isle Pontia, for the testimony of the Lord Iesus by the Emperour, Domitianus, Euseb. Lib. 3.

This Domitianus feared the comming of Christ as Herode did, & therefore commaunded them to be killed which were of the stocke of Dauid in Iewry. There were remaining aliue at that tyme certayne of the Lordes kindred, which were the nephewes of Iude, that was called the Lordes brother after the flesh. These when the Lieuetenāt of Iewry had brought vp to Domitian to be slayn:Dauids stocke feared of the Emperours. the Emperour demaunded of thē, whether they were of the stocke of Dauid: which when they had graūted, he asked againe, what possessions, and what substaunce they had. They aū swered, yt they both had no more betweene them in all, but xxxix. acres of grounde, & how they gat their liuing & sustained their families with the hard labours of their hādes shewing forth their hands vnto the Emperor,Two Nephewes of Iude the Lordes brother preserued. The kingdome of Christ not of this world. being hard and roughworne with labours, to witnes that to be true which they had spoken. Then the Emperour inquiring of them concerning the kingdome of Christ, what maner of kingdome it was, how and when it should appeare: they aunswered that his kingdome was no worldly nor terren thing, but an heauenly and Aungelicall kingdome, & that it should appeare in the consummation & end of the world what tyme he comming in glory, should iudge the quicke and the dead, and render to euery one according to his deseruinges. Domitian, the Emperour hearing this (as the saying is) did not condemne them, but despising them as vile persons, let them go, & also staid the persecution then mooued against the Christians. They being thus discharged and dismissed, afterward had the gouernmēt of Churches, beyng taken for Martyrs, and as of the Lords stock, and so consumed in good peace till the tyme of Traianus. The causes why the Emperours and Senate of Rome did so rage agaynst the Christians. Haec Egesip. & Euseb Lib. 3. cap. 20.

By this story here recited may appeare, what were the causes why the Emperours of the Romaine Monarchie did so persecute the Christians: which causes were chiefly these: feare, and hatred: 1. feare, for that the Emperors and Senate of blinde ignoraunce, not knowing the maner of Christes kingdome,The kingdome of Christ feared of the Romaines. feared and misdoubted least the same would subuert their Emperie. Like as the Pope thinkeeh now that this Gospel wil ouerthrow his kingdom of maiestie. And therfore sought they all means possible, how by death and all kindes of torments vtterly to extinguish the name and memorie of the christians.Lex antiqua Romana contra Christianos. Ex Euseb. lib. 2. cap. 21. And therupon semeth to spring the old law of the Romaine Senate: Non debere dimitti Christianos qui semel ad tribunal venissent, nisi propositum mutent. i. That the Christians should not bee let goe, which were once brought to the iudgement seate, except they chaunged their purpose, &c. Euseb. Lib. 5. cap. 21.2. Hatred, partly for that this world of his owne naturall condition hath euer hated and maliced the people of god,The kingdome of Christ hated of Romaine Princes. from the first beginning of the world. Partly agayne, for that the Christians beyng of a contrary nature and Religion, seruing only the true liuing God, despised their false gods, spake against their idolatrous worshippings, and many tymes stopped the power of Sathan, working in their Idoles. And therfore Sathan the Prince of this world, stirred vp the Romaine Princes & blynd Idolaters to beare the more hatred and spite against them.

Upon these causes and such like, rose vp these malicious slaunders, false surmises, infamous lies & slanderous accusations,False accusations and slaunders agaynst the Christians. Ex Apologiae Iustini. Marty. of the Heathen idolaters against the Christian seruaunts of God, which incited the Princes of this world the more to persecute them: for what crimes so euer malice could inuent, or rash suspicion could minister, that was imputed to the Christians, as that they were a people incestuous, that in the night in their concourses, puttyng out their candles, they ranne together in all filthy maner, that they killed their owne children, that they vsed to eate mans flesh, that they were seditious and rebellious, that they would not sweare by the fortune & prosperitie of Caesar, that they would not adore the Image of Caesar in the market place, that they were pernitious to the Emperie of Rome. Briefly, whatsoeuer mishappened to the Citie or Prouinces of Rome, either famine, pestilence, earthquake, warres, wonders, vnseasonablenes of weather, or what other euils soeuer hapned, it was imputed to the Christians, as Iustinus recordeth. Ouer and beside al these, a great occasion that stirred vp the Emperours against the Christians came by one Publius Tarquinius the chiefe Prelate of the idolatrous sacrifices,Publius Tarquinius. Mamertinus persecutors. and Mamertinus the chiefe gouernour of the Citie, in the tyme of Traianus, who partly with money, partly with sinister and pestilent counsa [...]e, partly with infamous accusations (as witnesseth Nauclerus) incensed the mynde of the Emperour so muche against Gods people.

Also among these other causes abouesaid, crept in some piece of couetousnes withal (as in all other things it doth) in that the wicked promooters and accusers for sucre sake, to haue the possessions of the christians, were the more redy to accuse them to haue the spoyle of their goods.

Thus hast thou (Christian reader) first the causes declared of these persecutions.Ex Iust. Mart. in. 2. Apolog. The forme of inquisition agaynst the Christians in the old tyme. 2. The cruell law of their condemnation. 3. Now heare more what was the forme of inquisition, which was (as is witnessed in the second Apologie of Iustinus) to this effect: that they should sweare to declare the truth, whether they were in very deed Christians or not: and if they confessed then by the law the sentence of death proceeded. Iust. Apol. 2.

Neither yet were these tyrants and organes of Sathā thus contented with death onely,The cruelty of tyrauntes in killing of Christen men. to bereaue the life from the bodye. The kindes of death were diuers, and no lesse horrible then diuers. Whatsoeuer the cruelnesse of mans inuention could deuise for the punishment of mans body, was practised against the Christians (as partly I haue mentioned before, and more appeareth by the Epistle sent from the brethren of France,Ex Epist fratrum. Viennensium & Lugdunensium, ad fratres per Asiam, & Phrigiam scripta. hereafter following. Craftie traynes, outcries of enemies, imprisonments, stripes and scourgings, drawings, tearings, stonings, plates of iron layd to them burning hote, deep dungeons, racks, strangling in prisons, the teeth of wild beasts, gridirons, gibbets and gallowes, tossing vpon the hornes of Buls: Moreouer, whē they were thus killed, their bodies laid in heaps, and dogs there left to keep them, that no man might come to bury them, neither would any prayer obtayne them to be interred and buried. Ex Epistola fratrum Viennensium ac Lugdunensium. &c.

And yet notwithstanding for all these continual persecutions,Ex Nicephero. Lib. 3. cap. 22. and horrible punishments, the church of the christians daily increased, deepely rooted in the doctrine of the Apostles,Ex Iustino. Martyr in Dialogo cum Tripheo, and of men Apostolicall, and watered plenteously with the bloud of Saintes, as saith Nicephorus. Tib. 3.

Whereof let vs heare the worthy testimony of Iustinus Martyr in his Dialogue with Tripheus: And that none (saith he) can terrifie or remoue vs which beleue in Iesus, [Page] by this it daily appeareth: for when we are slaine, crucified, cast to wild beastes,The Church increaseth by persecution. into the fire, or geuen to other torments, yet we goe not from our confession: but contrary, the more crueltie and slaughter is wrought against vs, the mo they be that come to pietie and faith by the name of Iesus: no otherwise then if a man cut the vine tree, the better the branches grow. For the vine tree planted by God and Christ our Sauiour, is his people. Haec Iust.

¶To comprehend the names and number of all the Martyrs that suffered in all these ten persecutions (which are innumerable) as it is vnpossible, so it is hard in such varietie and diuersitie of matter, to keepe such a perfect order and course of yeares and times, that either some be not left out, or that euery one bee reduced into his right place, especially seeing the Authors themselues, whome in this present worke we follow, doe diuersly disagree, both in the tymes, in the names, and also in the kynd of Martyrdome of them that suffered. As for example, where the common reading and opinion of the Church, and the Epistles Decretall doe take Anacletus to succeed after Clement, Disagreement in authors touching the liues and tymes of Martyrs. next before Euaristus. Contrary Eusebius, Lib. 3. & Lib. 5. cap 6. making no mention of Cletus, but of Anacletus, sayth that Euaristus succeeded next to Clement. Likewise Ruffinus and Epiphanius, speakyng nothyng of Anacletus, make mention of Linus and of Cletus, next before Clement, but say nothing of Anacletus, Linus Byshop of Rome. whereby it may appeare that Cletus and Anacletus were both one. Sabellicus Aenead. 7. Lib. 2. speaketh of Linus and of Cletus, and sayth that they were ordained helpers vnder Peter, while he laboured in his Apostleship abroad,Cletus and Anacletus both one. and so sayth also Marianus Scotus. Contrary Irenaeus Lib. 3. contra Haeres. speaketh of Anacletus, making no mention of Cletus. Wherby it may appeare by the way, what credite is to be geuen to the Decretall Epistles whom all the latter hystories of the Popes Church do follow in this behalfe, &c. Moreouer, where Antoninus, Vincentius, Iacobus in Supplemento, Symoneta, Aloysius, with other, declare of Linus, Cletus, Clemens, Anacletus, Euaristus, Alexander, bishops of Rome, that they died Martyrs. Eusebius in his Ecclesiasticall history writing of them, maketh therof no mention.

Clement Byshop counted a Martyr.And first as touching Clement (whom Marianus Scotus calleth the first Bishop of Rome after Peter) they say that he was sent out in banishment of Traianus, beyond Ponticus, with 2000. christians, where he opened to them a welspring, whiche in the wildernesse were condemned to the Mines. Afterward being accused to the Emperor, he was throwne into the sea with a Milstone fastened about his necke, and that not long after his body was cast vp & buried (as Platina saith) at the place where the wel was made. Some say it was found first in the dayes of Pope Nicholas the first, Fascicul. tempor. But forasmuch as I finde of his Martyrdome no firme relation in the auncient authors, but onely in such new writers of latter tymes,The liues of Martyrs paynted out with fayned miracles. which are woont to painte out the liues and histories of good men, with fained additions offorged miracles, therfore I count the same of lesse credite, as I do also certaine Decretall Epistles, vntruely (as may seeme) ascribed and intituled to his name. Eusebius in his third booke, writing of Clemens, geueth no more of him, but thus: After he had gouerned the Church of Rome ix. yeares, the sayd Clement left ye succession thereof to Euaristus.

Of which Euaristus next Bishop of Rome, thus we find in Irenaeus, Euaristus Byshoppe of Rome and martyr. Lib 3. cap. 3. Peter and Paule (sayth he) cōmitted the charge of that church to Linus. After whom came Anacletus, then succeeded Clemens, next to Clemens followed Euaristus, after whome came Alexander, and then Sixtus the vj. Bishop of Rome after the Apostles. After Sixtus sate Telesphorus, then Higinus, then Pius, then Ani [...]etus. And when Soter tooke the place after hym, then the xij. Bishop of Rome was Eleutherius. Thus after Clement followed (as is sayd) Euaristus in the second or third yeare of Traianus as sayth Eusebius, or as Nicephorus sayth, the fourth yeare of the sayd Emperour. But howsoeuer the counte of the yeares stand, little or nothing remayneth of the Actes and Monuments either of this, or of other Bishops of Rome in those dayes. Whereby it may appeare that no great accompt was then made of Romain Bishops in those dais, whose actes and deedes were then either so lightly reputed, or so slenderly committed to history. Notwithstanding certaine Decretal Epistles are remayning,The decretall Epistles. or rather thrust vpon vs in their names, containing in them litle substance of any doctrine, but all together stuffed with lawes, iniunctions, and stately decrees, little to the purpose, and lesse sauoring of the nature of that time then present. Amongest whō also are nūbred the two epistles of this Euaristus. And when he had geuen these orders, & had made vi. Priestes, two Deacons, and fiue Byshops, for sondry places (sayth the story,) he suffered Martyrdome, but what kinde of death, for what cause he suffred, what constancy he shewed what was the order or conuersation of hys life, is nothing touched, and seemeth therefore the more to be doubted that which our new historyes do say: because the olde auncient writers haue no remembraunce thereof, which otherwise would not haue passed such thinges ouer in silence, if they had bene true.N [...]uel [...] Platina. Volateran Anthropo. Lib 22. Euseb. Lib. 3. Cap. 24. Agayne, neyther do the authors fully agree in the tyme of hys martyrdome, which Nauclerus witnesseth to be in the last yere of Traianus: but Platina thinketh rather that he suffered vnder. Hadrianus: Fascicul temporum, referreth it to the third yeare of Hadrian, Volateranus, to the begynning of the reigne of Hadrian, Contrary, Eusebius, comming neare to the simple trueth (as seemeth) doth affirme that Euaristus succeeded Clement in the third yeare of Traianus, and so geuing to him .ix. yeares, it should follow thereby that Euaristus deceased the xii. yeare of Trianus.

After whome succeeded next Alexander, Alexander Byshop of Rome and Martyr. in the gouernaunce of that Church, of whose tyme & death the like discrepance is among the writers, Marianus Scotus, sayth, he was the fourth Byshop from Peter, but that could not be. Some say he was the sixt & some the vii. but they likewise were deceiued.Authors disagree. For the most part all do graunt Sixtus to be the vi. Damasus affirmeth that hee was in the reigne of Traiane. And how can that be, when the sayd Damasus affirmed before that Euaristus hys predecessour suffered in the last yeare of Traiane, and then the Byshopricke stood at least a moneth voyde, except hee meane that the sayd Alexander succeeded Euaristus in the last yeare of Traianus? But then how can that stand with Bede and Marianus Scotus, which say, that he suffered vnder Traianus, or with Otto Frisingensis, which sayth he suffered the fourth yeare of Hadrian, whē he had bene Byshop ten yeares, by the generall consent of most writers?

They which write of the deedes and doynges of thys blessed Byshop, as Bergomensis, Antoninus, Equelinus and such as follow them, declare that he had conuerted a great part of the Senators to the fayth of Christ, amongst whom was Hermes a great man in Rome, whose sonne being dead, Alexander raysed agayne to lyfe, and likewise restored sight to hys mayd being blinde. Hadrian the Emperour then absent hearing this, sent word to Aurelianus gouernour of Rome, to apprehend Alexander, with Euentius and Theodulus, Alexander. Euentius. Theodulus. Hermes with hys houshold. Quirinus with hys houshold Martyrs. otherwise called Theodorus, as Platina sayth, hys two Deacons, and Hermes, and to commit them to warde with Quirinus the Tribune: whiche being done as their story recordeth, Alexander inclosed in a diuers prison from Hermes. Notwithstanding by the guiding of an Aungell through three doores wt three lockes a peece, was brought with candle light to the lodging of Hermes. And so returning to the prison agayne: cured the daughter of Quirinus his keeper, named Balbina. by reason whereof the sayd Quirinus, with his whole houshold were all Baptised, and suffered also for the fayth of Christ.

Thus then sayth the story, about the second yeare of Hadrian, Aurelianus the ruler tooke Alexander the Byshop, with Hermes, hys wife children, and hys whole houshold, to the number of a M, CC.L. and threw them in prison. And not long after the sayd Alexander with Euentius his Deacon, and Hermes and the rest were burned in a fornace, Theodulus an other Deacon of Alexander, seeyng and rebuking the crueltie of the tyrant, suffered also the same Martyrdome.

Quirinus also the same tyme (as sayth Antoninus) hauyng first his tongue cut out,Ex Platina in vita Alexandre. then his hands and feete, afterward was beheaded and cast to the dogs. Equilinus saith that he was beheaded and cast into Tyber in the raigne of the Emperour Claudius, but that cannot be. Albeit Platina maketh relation but onely of Alexander with his two Deacons aforesayd.Saphyra. Sabina, Martyrs. Ex Florilego. Declaring moreouer, that in the tyme of this Bishop, Saphira of Antioch, and Sabina a Romaine suffred Martyrdome.

Florilegus, the Author of Flores Historiarum, affirmeth that Alexander Byshoppe of Rome was beheaded seuen myles out of Rome, where he lyeth buried, anno. 105. but that agreeth not with the Chronicles aboue recited. Eusebius recordeth of him no more, but that in the third yeare of Hadrian, he ended his life and office, after he had bene bishop ten yeares.

Diuers miracles are reported of this Alexander, in the Canon Legends, and liues of Saintes: which as I deny not but may be true: so because I cannot auouch them by any graue testimony of auncient writers, therefore I dare not affirme them, but dd referre them to the authors & Patrons thereof, where they are founde. Notwithstandyng, whatsoeuer is to be thought of his miracles. this is to bee [Page] affirmed and not doubted, but that he was a godly & vertuous Bishop.

The ordidinaunces of Euaristus.And as I say of his miracles, the like iudgement also I haue of the ordinaunces both of him and of Euaristus his predecessour testified in the Popes Decrees, by Gratianus, as 93. Dist. cap. Diaconi, where is sayd that Euaristus deuided diuers titles in the Citie of Rome to the Priestes,Dist. 93. cap. Diaconi. also ordeined in euery Citie vij. Deacons to associate and assist the bishop in his preaching, both for his defence, and for the witnes of truth. Notwithstāding, if probable coniectures might stand against the authoritie of Gratianus and his decrees, here might be doubted whether this absolute ordination of Priestes was first forbidden by Euaristus, and whether the intitulation of Priestes was first by hym brought in or not: wherein an instaunce may be geuen to the contrary, that this intitulation seemeth to take his first beginning at the Councell of Chalcedon,Ex Dist. 70. cap. Neminem. and of Pope Vrbane in the Councell of Placent. In the which Councell of Chalcedon the wordes of the Canon (making no mention of Euaristus at all) doe expressely forbid, that any Ecclesiasticall person eyther Priest or Deacon should be ordayned absolutely, otherwise the imposition of handes without some proper title of the party ordayned, to stād voyde and frustrate. &c. And likewise Vrbanus in the counsell of Placentia, Ibedem cap. Sanctorum. doth decree the same, alledging no name of Euaristus, but the statutes of former Councels.

Moreouer in the time of Euaristus the Church then being vnder terrible persecutions, was deuided in no peculiar Parishes or Cures, wherby any title might rise, but was scattered rather in corners and desertes, where they could beast hide themselues. And as the Church of Rome, in those dayes was not deuided into seuerall Parrishes or Cures (as I suppose) so neyther was then any such open or solemne preaching in Churches, that the assistaunce or testimony of vii. Deacons eyther could auayle among the multitude of the Heathen, or els needed amongst the christian secret congregations. Agayne the constitution of vii. Deacons seemeth rather to spring out of the counsell of Neocesaria long after Euaristus, Ex Dist. 93. cap. Diaconi. where it was appoynted that in euery Citie were it neuer so small, there should be vii. Deacons after the rule. And this rule the sayd Councel taketh out of the booke of the Actes of the Apostles, making no word or mentiō of Euaristus at all Dist. 93. but these (as is said) be but onely coniectures, not denying yt which is commonly receiued, but onely shewing what may bee doubted in their Epistles Decretall.

More vnlike it seemeth to be true that is recorded and reported of Alexander, The Institutions of Alexander. Holy water first inuented. De consecrat. Dist 3. that he should be the first founder and finder of holy water mixt with salt, to purge and sanctifie them vpon whom it is sprinckeled. The wordes of the Dist. be these: Aquam sale conspersam in populis benedicimus, vt ea cuncti aspersi sanctificentur & purificentur, quod omnibus sacerdotibus faciendū esse mandamus, &c. That is, We blesse water mixt with salte among the people, that all men being sprinckled therewith may be sanctified and purified. And this we commaund all Priests to do,The mixting of water with the wine in the chalice. &c.

The opinion is also, but how true I haue not to affirme, that by him first was ordained, water to bee mixte with wine in the chalice.

Item, that by him was brought in the piece of the Masse Canon,Qui predie put in the Masse Canon. beginning: Qui pridie, &c. And thus much of these foresayd Bishops of Rome, martired in the dayes of Traian and Hadrian.

*The third Persecution.

The third persecution of the Church.BEtwene the second Romain persecution and the third, was but one yeare, vnder the Emperour Nerua. After whom succeeded Traianus. And after him followed the third persecution. So the second and the third, are noted of some to be both one,An. 100. hauing no more difference but one yere betwene them. This Traianus if we looke well vpon his politike and ciuill gauernance, might seeme in comparison of other, a right worthy and commendable Prince. Much familiar with inferiors, and so behauing himself toward his subiectes, as he himselfe would haue ye Prince to be to him, if he himselfe were a subiect. Also he was noted to be a great obseruer of iustice, in so much that when he ordained any Pretour, geuing to him the sword, he would bid him vse the sword against his enemies in iust causes, and if he him selfe did otherwise then iustice, to vse then his power against him also.Plinius secundus. wrote to Traian to stop the persecutiō. But for all these vertues, toward christian Religion, he was impious and cruel, who caused the third persecution of the Church. In the which persecution Plinie the second, a man learned and famous, seyng the lamentable slaughter of Christians, and mooued therewith to pitie, wrote to Traianus of the pitifull persecution: certifiyng him that there were many thousāds of them daily put to death, of which none did any thing contrary to the Romaine lawes worthy persecution, sauing that they vsed to gather together in the morning before day, and sing Hymnes to a certaine God, whom they worshipped, called Christ. In all other their ordinaunces they were godly and honest. Wherby the persecution by commaundement of the Emperour, was greatly stayd and diminished. The forme and copy of which Epistle of Plinie I thought here not inconuenient to set downe as followeth.

*The Epistle of Plinie an Heathen Philosopher to Traiane the Emperour.

IT is my propertie and maner (my soueraigne,The Epistle of Plinie to Traianus.) to make relation of all those thinges vnto you wherein I doubt. For who can better, either correct my slackenesse, or instruct mine ignoraunce then you? I was neuer yet present my selfe, at the exaamination and execution of these Christians. And therfore what punishment is to be administred, and how farre, or how to proceede in such Inquisitions, I am plaine ignoraunt, not able to resolue in the matter, whether any difference is to bee had in age and person, whether the young and tender ought to be with like crueltie intreated as the elder and stronger, whether repentance may haue any pardon, or whether it may profite him or not, to denie which hath bene a Christiā, whether the name onely of Christians without other offences, or whether the offences ioyned with the name of a Christian ought to be punished. In the meane season, as touching such Christians as haue bene presented vnto me, I haue kept this order, I haue inquired the second and third time of them, whether they were Christians, manacing them with feare of punishment, and suche as did perseuere, I commaunded to execution. For thus I thought, that what so euer their profession was, yet their stubburnenesse and obstinacie ought to be punished. Whether they were also of the same madnesse, whom because they were Citizens of Rome, I thought to send them backe againe to the Citie. Afterward, in further processe & handling of this matter, as the sect did further spread, so the more cases did thereof ensue.

There was a libell offred to me bearing no name, wherein was contained the names of many which denied themselues to be Christians, contented to doe sacrifice with incense, and wine to the Gods and to your Image (whiche Image I for that purpose caused to be brought) and to blaspheme Christ: whereunto none such as were true Christians in deede could be compelled, and those I did discharge and let goe. Other some confessed that they had bene Christians,The vse of Christians in the primitiue Churche. but afterward denied the same, &c. Affirming vnto me the whole summe of that sect or errour, to consist in this, that they were woont at certain times appointed, to conuent before day, and to sing certaine Hymnes to one Christ their God, and to confederate among themselues to abstaine from all theft,The testimony of the Heathen of the Christians. murther, and adulterie, to keepe their faith and to defraude no man: which done, then to departe for that time, and afterward to resort againe to take meate in companies together both men and women, one with an other, & yet without any acte of euils.

In the truth whereof to be further certified whether it were so or not,Two maydens racked for Christ. I caused two maidens to bee laied on the Racke, and with tormentes to bee examined of the same. But finding no other thing in them, but onely lewde and immoderate superstition, I though to surcease of further inquirie, til tyme that I might be further aduertised in the matter from you, for so the matter seemed vnto me worthy and needefull of aduisement, especially, for the great number of those that were in daunger of your statute. For very many there were of all ages and states, both men & women which then were & more are like hereafter to incurre the same perill of condemnation. For that infection hath crepte not onely in Cities, but Villages also and Boroughs about, which seemeth that it may be staied and reformed For as much as we see in many places that the Temples of our Gods whiche were woont to be desolate, beginne now againe to be frequented, and that they bring sacrifices from euerie parte to be solde, whiche before verye fewe were founde willing to buie them. Whereby it may easilie be coniectured, what multitudes of men may bee amended, if space and tyme bee giuen them, wherein they may be reclaimed.

The Epistle of Traianus to Plinie.

THe Acte and Statute my Secundus, concernyng the causes of the Christians whiche ye ought to followe,The aunswere of Traian to Plinies letter. ye haue rightlye executed. For no suche generall lawe can be enacted, wherin all speciall cases particularly can be comprehended. Let them not be sought for, but if they be brought and conuicted, then let them suffer execution: So notwithstanding that whosoeuer shall [Page] deny himselfe to be a Christian, and that he do it vnfainedly in open audience, and do sacrifice to our Gods, howsoeuer he hath bene suspected before, let him be released vpō promise of amendment. Such libels as haue no names, suffice not to any iust crime or accusation, for that should geue both an euill President, neither doth it agree with the example of our tyme.

Tertullian writing vpon this letter of Traianus aboue prefixed, thus saith: O sentence of a confused necessitie: He would not haue them to be sought for as men innocent, & yet causeth them to be punished as persons gilty. And thus the rage of that persecutiō ceased for a tyme, although notwithstanding many naughty disposed men and cruell officers that were, which vpon false pretence to accomplishe their wicked myndes, ceased not to afflict the Christians in diuers prouinces. And especially if any occasiō were geuē neuer so litle for the enemies to take hold, or if any commotion were raised in the Prouinces abroad, by and by the fault was laid vpon the christians. As in Hierusalem after that the emperor Traianus had sent doune his commaundement,The stocke of Dauid feared and inquired for of the Romaine Emperours. Ex Egesippo. Simeon sonne of Mary Cleophas. A iust punishment of God vpon the malitious accusers of the Christians. that whosoeuer could be found of the stocke of Dauid, he should be enquired out and put to death: vpon this Egesippus writing, saith, that certaine sectaries there were of the Iewish nation, that accused Simeon the bishop then of Ierusalem and sonne of Cleophas to come of the stocke of Dauid, and that he was a Christian. Of the which his accusers it happened also (saith the said Egesippus) that certaine of them likewise were apprehended and taken to bee of the stocke of Dauid, and so right iustly were put to execution themselues, which sought the destruction of other. As concerning Simeon the blessed bishop, the foresayd Egesippus thus writeth: That Simeon the lordes nephew, whē he was accused to Attalus the Proconsul, by the malicious sect of the Iewes,The age of Simeon. The death and Martyrdome of Simeon. to be of the line of Dauid, & to be a christian, was scourged, during the space of many dayes together, beyng of the age of an hundred and twentie yeres. In which his Martyrdome he indured so constant, that both the Consul and all the multitude did meruaile to see him of that age so constantly to suffer, and so at last being crucified finished his course in the Lord, for whome he suffered, as partly before also is recorded.

In this persecution of Traianus aboue specified, (which Traianus next followed after Nerua) besides the other afore mentioned,Phocas. Byshop of Pontus Martyr. also suffred Phocas bishop of Pontus, whome Traianus because he would not do sacrifice to Neptunus, caused to be cast into an hote Limekilne: and afterward to be put into a skalding bathe, where the constant godly Martyr, in ye testimony of Christ ended his life, or rather entred into l [...]e. Anton. Equil. Fascic. temporum.

In the same persecution suffered also Sulpitius and Seruilianus, two Romains.Sulpitius. [...] Exphrofina, [...] Martyrs. Sabina Martyr. Ex. Su [...]ple. Chr. Seraphia. Nereus. Achilleus Martyrs. Sagaris Martyr. Whose wiues are sayd to bee Euphrosina and Theodora, whom Sabina did cōuert to the faith of Christ, and after were also Martyred. Of which Sabina Iacobus Philippus author of the booke called Supplementum, reporteth that in the mount of Auentine in Rome, she was beheaded of Clepidus the gouernour, in the dayes of Hadriā. Under whom also suffred Seraphia a virgin of Antioche, as Hermannus witnesseth.

The forenamed authors Anton. and Equilius make mē tion moreouer of Nereus and Achilleus, who in this persecution of Traiane, had the croune of Martyrdom, being put to death at Rome. Eusebius in his iiij. booke cap. 26. maketh mention of one Sagaris, who about the same tyme suffered Martyrdome in Asia, Seruilius Paulus beyng then Proconsul in that Prouince.

Ignatius Martyr.In this persecution beside many other, suffred the blesed Martyr of Christ Ignatius, who vnto this day is had in famous reuerence among very many.Anno. 111. This Ignatius was appointed to the bishoprike of Antioch next after Peter in succession. Some do say, that he beyng sent from Syria to Rome,Ex Euse. Lib. 3. Cap. 35.36 Ex Hier In catalogo Scrip. because he professed Christ, was giuen to the wilde beasts to be deuoured. It is also sayd of him, that when he passed through Asia, being vnder the most straight custody of his garders, he strengthned and confirmed the parishes through all the cities as he went, both with his exhortations and preaching of the word of God: and admonished them especially and before all other things, to beware and shunne those heresies risen vp, and sprong newly among them, and that they should cleaue and sticke fast to the traditiō of the Apostles, which he for their better safegard, beyng about to denoūce or put in writing, thought it a thing very necessary to trauaile in. And thus when he came to Smyrna, where Polycarpus was, he wrote one epistle to the congregation of Ephesus,Eccles. Onesimus Pastor at Ephesus. wherin he made mention of Onesimus their Pastor, & an other he wrote to the congregation of Magnesia, beyng at Meandre, wherein also he forgetteth not Dama their Bishop. Also an other he wrote to the congregation of Trallis: the gouernour of which Citie at that time he noteth to be one Polibius. Unto which congregation he made an exhortation, lest they refusing Martyrdome, should loose the hope that they desired.

But it shalbe very requisite that I aledge somewhat thereof to the declaration of this matter.The wordes of Ignatius. The straig [...] handling of Ignatius. He wrote therfore as the wordes lye in this sort. From Syria (saith he) euen till I came to Rome had I a battell with beastes, as well by sea, as land, both day & night, being bound in the midst of ten cruell Libardes (that is, the company or band of the souldiers) which, the more benefites that they receaued at my hands, became so much the woorse vnto me. But I being exercised and now wel acquainted with their iniuries, am taught euery day more and more: but hereby am I not yet iustified. And would to God I were once come to ye beasts, which are prepared for me. Which also I wish with gaping mouthes were ready to come vpon me, whō also I will prouoke that they without delay may deuoure me, and forbeare me nothing at all, as those whome before they haue not touched or hurt for feare. And if they wyll not vnlesse they be prouoked, I will then inforce them agaynst my selfe. Pardon me I pray you. How much beneficiall it is to me, I knowe. Now begin I to be a scholer I force or esteeme no visible thinges,The notable constancy and burning zeale to Christ in this blessed martyr to be marked. nor yet inuisible thinges, so that I may get or obtaine Christ Iesu. Let the fire, the galowes, the deuouring of wild beastes, the breaking of bones, the pulling a sunder of my members, the broosing or pressing of my whole body, and the tormentes of the deuill or hell it selfe come vpon me, so that I maye winne Christ Iesus.

And these things wrote he from the foresayde Citye, vnto the congregations which we haue recited. And when he was euen now iudged to be throwne to the beastes, he spake for ye burning desire that he had to suffer,Ignatius denoured of wild beasts▪ what tyme he heard the Lyons roaryng: I am the wheat or grayne (sayth he) of Christ, I shall be grounde wyth the teeth of wylde beastes, that I may be found pure bread. Hee suffered in the xj. yeare of Traian the Emperour. Haec Eusebius, & Hieronym.

Besides this godly Ignatius, manye thousandes also were put to death in the same persecutiō, as appeareth by the letter of Plinius secundus aboue recited, written vnto the Emperour.

Hierome in his booke intituled De viris illustrib, Ex Hier. Lib. de viris illust. Publius Byshop of Athens Martyr. maketh mention of one Publius Byshop of Athens, who for the sayth of Christ, the same time during this persecution was put to death and martyred.

Hadrian Emperour.

NExt after this Traianus succeded Hadriā the Emperor, vnder whom suffered Alexander the Bishop of Rome, with his two Deacons: Euentius and Theodorus: Also Hermes, and Quirinus, with their families, as latly before was declared.

It is signified moreouer in the historyes, yt in the time of this Hadrian, Zenon with 10000. Martyrs slayne for Christ. Ex Henr. de Exfordia & alijs. Zenon a noble man of Rome with ten thousand, two hundreth and three, were slayne for Christ. Henr. de Erfordia, and Bergomensis, Lib. 8. make mention of tenne thousand, in the daies of this Hadrian, to be crucified in the mount Ararath, crowned with crownes of thorne, & thrust into the sides with sharpe Dartes, after the example of the Lordes passion. Whose Captaines (as Antonin us, & Vincentius in spec. histor. declareth (were Achaicus, Heliades, Theodorus, and Carcerius, &c. Whether this story be ye same with the other aboue of Zenō, Achaichus. Heliades. Theodorus. Carcerius with ten thousand Martyrs. Eustachius with hys wife and Children Martyred for Christ. or not, it is doubted. As touching the miracles done, and the speaking of the angell, I referre the certainty therof to Vincentius and such other like authors where mo things seme to be told, then to be true.

There was one Eustachius a Captaine, whom Traianus in tyme past had sent out to warre against the Barbarians. After he had by Gods grace ualiantly subdued his enemies, and now was returning home with victory: Hadrian for ioymeting him in his iourney, to bring him home with triumph, by the way first would do sacrifice to Apollo, for the victory gotten, willing also Eustachius to doe the same with him. But when Eustachius could by no meanes therto be inforced, being brought to Rome, there with his wife and children suffred Martyrdome vnder the foresayd Hadrian. It were a long processe here to recite all the miracles conteined or rather suspected in this story of this Eustachius concerning his conuersion and death. How the crucifixe appeared to him betwene the hornes of an Hart. Of the sauing of his wife frō the shipmen. Of one of his sōnes saued from the Lion, the other saued from ye wolf. Of their miraculous preseruation from the wild beasts, frō the torments of fire mentioned in Bergomensis, and Vincētius and [Page] other. All which as I find them in no ancient records, so I leaue them to their authors and compilers of the Legēds.Faustinus and Iobita. Calocerius. Martrys.

We read also of Faustinus and Iobita, citizens of the Citie of Brixia, which suffered Martyrdome with like grieuous torments. At the sight wherof, one Calocerius seeing their so great pacience, in so great torments, cried out with these wordes: Verè Magnus Deus Christianorum. That is, verily great is the God of the Christians. Which woordes being heard, forthwith he was apprehended, and being brought to the place of their executiō, was made partaker of their Martyrdome. Ex Ant. Equilin.

Elutherius. with hys mother Anthia Martyrs. Ex Nicephor [...] & ex Onam. [...]ustus and Pastor brethren and Martyrs. Symboris. with her 7. Children martyred.The history of Nicephorus maketh mention of Anthia a godly woman, who committed her sonne Eleutherius to Anicetus bishop of Rome, to be brought vp in the doctrine of Christian faith, who afterward beyng Bishop in Apulia, was there beheaded with his foresayd mother Anthia, Onomast.

Iustus also and Pastor two brethen, with like Martyrdome ended their liues in a citie of Spaine called Gomplutum, vnder the said Hadrian the Emperour.

Likewise Symphorissa the wife of Ge [...]ulus the Martyr, with her vij. children, is said about the same time to suffer: who first was much, and oft beaten & scourged, afterward was hanged vp by the haire of her head. At last hauing an huge stone fastened vnto her, was throwne headlong into the riuer, & after that her seuen childrē in like maner, with sundry & diuers kindes of punishment diuersly were martyred by the tirants.

The story of M. Hermannus, and Antoninus, and other, report of Sophia, Sophia with her 3. children Martired. with her three children also. also of Serapia and Sabina, to suffer vnder the said Emperour, about the yeare of our Lord, 130.

As concerning Alexander bishop of Rome, with his ij. Deacons, also with Hermes, Quirinus, Saphyra, and Sabina ▪ Some writers, as Bede, and Marianus Scotus recorde that they suffred vnder Traianus. Others againe, as Otto Frisingensis with like mo, report that they suffred in the iiij. yeare of this Emperour Hadrian, but of these Martyrs sufficiently hath bene sayd before.

While Hadrian the Emperour was at Athens, he purposed to visite the countrey of Eleusina, Quadratus Byshop of Athens, offereth an Apology of Christian doctrine. and so did: where he sacrifising to the Gentiles Gods, after the maner of the Grecians, had geuen free leaue & libertie, whosoeuer would to persecute the Christians. Whereupon Quadratus a man of no lesse zeale excellent, as of famous learning, being thē Bishop of Athens, and Disciple of the Apostles, or at least succeding incontinent the age of the Apostles, and following after Publius (who a litle before was martyred for the testimony of Christ) did offer vp and exhibite vnto Hadrian the Emperour, a learned and excellent Apologie in the defence of the Christian Religion. Wherein he declared the Christians without all iust cause or desert, to be so cruelly entreated and persecuted,Aristides a Philosopher of Athens, defē deth before the Emperour the religion of Christ. Serenus Granius a defender of Christian Religion. Euseb. lib.. 4 Cap. 8. &c. The like also did Aristides an other no lesse excellēt Philosopher in Athens, who for his singular learning and eloquence being notified to the emperor, and comming to his presence, there made before him an eloquent Oration. Moreouer, did exhibite vnto the said Emperour a memorable Apologie for the christians, so ful of learning and eloquence, that as Hierome sayth, it was a spectacle and admiration to men in his tyme, that loued to see wit and learning. Ouer and besides these, there was also an other named Serenus Granius a man of great nobility, who likewise did write very pithy & graue letters to Hadrian the Emperour, shewing and declaring therein, to be consonant with no right nor reason, for the bloud of innocents so to be geuen to the rage and fury of the people, and so to be condemned for no fault, onely for the name and sect that they followed.

Thus the goodnes of God being mooued with the prayers and constant labour of these so excellent men, so turned the hart of the Emperour, that he beyng better informed concerning the order & profession of the christians, became more fauorable vnto them. And immediatly vpō the same directed his letters to Minutius Fundanus (as is partly before mencioned) Proconsul of Asia,The Emperour writeth for the Christians. willing him frō henceforth to exercise no more such extremitie against the Christians, as to condemne any of them hauing no other crime obiected against them but onely their name. The copy of which his letter, because that Iustine in his Apologie doth alleage it, I thought therefore to expresse the same in his owne wordes as followeth.

The letter of Hadrian the Emperour, to Minutius Fundanus.

I Haue receiued an Epistle writen vnto me from Serennius Granianus, our right worthy and welbeloued, whose office you do now execute.The letter of Hadrian the Emperour to Fundanus the Proconsull, Therefore I thinke it not good to leaue this matter without further aduisement and circumspection to passe, least our subiects be molested, and malicious sycophants boldned and supported in their euill: Wherefore if the subiects of our prouinces, doe bring forth any accusation before the iudge agaynst the Christians, and can prooue the thing they obiect against them, let them doe the same, and no more, and otherwise for the name onely, not to impeach them, nor to cry out against them. For so, more conuenient it is, that if any man will be an accuser, you to take the accusation quietly, and iudge vpon the same. Therfore, if any shall accuse the Christians, and complaine of them as malefactors, doing contrary to the law, then geue you iudgement according to the qualitie of the crime But notwithstanding who so euer vpō spite and maliciousnes shal commence or cauil against them, see you correct and punish that man, for his vnordinate and malicious dealing.

Thus by the mercifull prouidence of God,Respite from persecution. some more quiet and rest was geuen to the Church, although Hermannus thinketh these Alcione dayes did not very long continue, but that the Emperour changing his Edict, began to renue agayne persecution against gods people, albeit this soundeth not to be so by the wordes of Melito in his Apologic to Antoninus hereafter ensuing.The second destruction of the Iewes. Hierusalem reedified & enlarged. Some write that the place where Christ was crucified, was taken into the walles. Hierusalem called by a new name. Aeliopolis. In the meane tyme this is certain, that in the dayes of this Hadrian, the Iewes rebelled agayne & spoyled the country of Palestina. Against whom the Emperour sent Iulius Seuerus, who ouerthrew in Iurie, 50. castels, and burnt and destroyed 980. villages and Tounes, and slue of the Iewes 50. thousand, so that with famine, sickenes, sword, and fire, Iuda was almost desolate. But at length Hadrian the Emperour, which otherwise was named Aelius, repaired and enlarged the Citie agayn of Hierusalem, which was called after his name Aeliopolis, or Aelia Capitolina, the inhabitaunce whereof, he graunted only to the Gentiles, and to the Christians, forbidding the Iewes vtterly not to enter into the Citie.

After the death of Hadrian, who died by bleeding at the nose, succeded Antoninus Pius, about the yeare of our Lord, 140. and raigned 23. yeres.Antoninus Pius Emperour. Who for his clemency and modest behauiour, had the name of Pius, and is for the same in histories commended. His saying was, that he had rather saue one Citizen, then destroy a thousand of his aduersaries. At the beginning of his raigne,Anno. 140. such was the state of the Church, as Hadrian his predecessour had left it, as in which, although there was no Edict set forth to persecute the Christians: yet the tumultuous rage of the Heathen multitude for the causes aboue specified, did not cease to disquiete and afflict the quiet people of God, impu [...]ing and ascribing to the Christians whatsoeuer misfortune happened contrary to their desires. Moreouer, inuentyng agaynst them all false crimes and contumelies wherein to accuse them. By reason whereof, diuers there were in sundry places much molested, and some put to death: albeit, as it is to be supposed, not by the consent of the Emperour, who of nature was so mylde and gentle, that either he raysed vp no persecution agaynst the Christians, or els he soone stayed the same beyng mooued. As well may appeare by his letter sent doune to the countreys of Asia, the tenor whereof here insueth.

The Epistle of Antoninus Pius, to the Common of Asia.

EMperour and Caesar,The letter of Antoninus Pius to the common of Asia. Aurelius, Antoninus, Augustus, Armenicus, Pontifex Maximus, Tribune eleuen tymes, Consull thrise,

vnto the commons of Asia greeting.

I am very certayne, that the Gods haue a care of this, that they which be such, shall be knowen, and not lye hid. For they doe punish them, that will not worship them more then you: which so vexe and trouble them, confirming thereby the opinion which they haue conceaued, and doe conceaue of you, that is, to bee wicked men. For this is their ioy and desire, that when they are accused, rather they couet to dye for their God, then to lyue. Whereby they are Victorers, and doe ouercome you,A notable argument of the Emperour to proue the good conscience of Christians, and the false conscience of the Heathen. geuing rather their lyues, then to bee obedient to you, in doyng that which you require of them. And here it shall not be inconuenient to aduertise you of the Earthquakes, which haue, and doe happen among vs, that when at the sight of them you tremble and are afraide, then conferre your case with them. For they vpon a sure confidence of their God, are bolde and fearelesse, much more then you: who in all the tyme of this your ignoraunce, both doe worship other Gods, and neglect the Religion of immortalitie, and such Christians as worship him, them you doe driue out, and persecute them vnto death. Of these and such like matters, many Presidents of our Prouinces, did write to our father of famous memorie heretofore. To whome he directed his aunswere agayne, willing them in no case to molest the Christians, except they were found in some trespasse preiudiciall against the Empire of Rome. [Page] And to me also many there be, which write, signifiyng their mind in like maner.He meaneth Hadrian which adopted this Antoninus of hys sonne in law, to be hys sonne & heyre. O noble edict. To whome I haue aunswered againe, to the same effect and maner as my father did. Wherefore, if any hereafter shall offer any vexatiō or trouble, to such, hauing no other cause, but onely for that they are such, let him that is appeached, be released and discharged free, yea although he be founde to bee such, (that is a Christian) and let the accuser sustaine the punishment, &c.

This godly Edict of the Emperour was proclaymed at Ephesus, in the publique assēbly of all Asia, wherof Melito also Byshop of Sardis, who florished in the same tyme, maketh mention in his Apologie written in defence of our doctrine to M. Antoninus Verus as hereafter (Christ willing) shall appeare. By this meanes then the tempest of persecution in those daies began to be appeased, through the mercifull prouidence of God, which woulde not haue hys Church vtterly to be ouerthrowne, though hardly yet to growe.

*The fourth Persecution.

M. Antoninus Verus Emperour.AFter the decease of the foresayd quiet and milde Prince Aurelius Antonius Pius (who among all other Emperours of that tyme made the most quiet end, followed his sonne M. Antoninus Verus, with Lucius his brother, about the yeare of our Lord .162. a man of nature more sterne and seuere.Anno. 162. And although in study of Philosophy, & in ciuile gouernement no lesse commendable: yet to ward the Christians sharpe and fierce, by whome was moued the fourth persecution after Nero. In whose tyme a great number of them which truely professed Christ, suffered most cruel tormentes, and punishments,Policarpus, the blessed Martyr Byshop of Smyrna. both in Asia and in Fraunce. In the number of whome was Policarpus, the worthy Bishop of Smyrna. Who in the great rage of this persecution in Asia, among many other most constant Saintes was also Martyred. Of whose end and Martyrdome I thought it here not vnexpedient to cōmit to history, so much as Eusebius declareth to be taken out of a certaine letter or Epistle, written by them of hys owne Churche, to the brethren of Pontus the tenor of which Epistle here followeth.

The congregation which is at Smyrna, to the congregation which is at Philomilium, Ex Euseb. hist. Eccles Lib. 4. Cap. 15. Hieron. in Catalogo. and to all the congregations throughout Pontus, mercy to you, peace, and the loue of God our father, and of our Lord Iesu Christ, be multiplied, Amen. We haue written vnto you brethren of those men which haue suffred Martyrdome, and of blessed Polycarpus which hath ended and appeased this persecutiō, as it were by the shedding of his own bloud. And in the same epistle, before they enter into farther matter of Polycarpus, Twelue Martyrs in Asia. they discourse of other Martyrs, describing what patience they abode and shewed in suffring their torments: which was so great and admirable (saith the Epistle) that the lookers on were amased,The cruell and beastly handling of the Christian Martyrs. seeing and beholding. how they were so scourged and whipped, that the inward vaynes & arteries appeared, yea euen so much that the very intrailes of their bodies, their bowels and members were seen, & after that, were set vpon sharp shels taken out of the sea, edged, and sharpe,The singular patience, and constancie of the Christians. and certaine nailes and thornes for the Martyrs to go vpon, which were sharpned and pointed called Obelisci. Thus suffred they all kind of punishment and torment that might be deuised: and lastly, were throwne vnto the wild beasts to be deuoured. But especially in the foresayd Epistle, mention is made of one Germanicus, how he most woorthily perseuered and ouercame by the grace of God,Germanicus a most constant Martyr. that feare of death which is ingraffed in the common nature of all men, whose notable patience & sufferaunce was so notable, that the whole multitude wondring at this beloued Martyr of God, for this his so bold constancie, and also for the singular strength and vertue proceeding of the whole multitude of the Christians: began sodenly to cry with a loud voyce, saying: destroy the wicked men, let Polycarpus be sought for. And whilest a great vprore and tumult began thus to be raised vpon those cries: A certaine Phrigian named Quintus, Quintus a Phrigian to hardie hold. lately come out of Phrigia, who seyng and abhorring the wilde beasts, and the fierce rage of them, of an ouer light mynd betrayed his own safetie. For so the same letter of him doth report, that he, not reuerently but more malipertly then requisite, was together with others rushed into the iudgement place, and so being takē, was made a manifest example to all the beholders, that no man ought rashly and vnreuerently with such boldnesse, to thrust in himself, to entermeddle in matters, wherwith he hath not to do.

But now we will surcease to speake more of them, and returne to Polycarpus, of whome the foresayd letter consequently declareth as foloweth: How that in ye beginning, when he heard of these things, was nothing at all afrayd nor disquieted in mynd, but purposed to haue taried stil in the Citie, till beyng perswaded by the intreatie of thē that were about him (which desired him instatly that he would conuey himselfe away) hid himselfe in a grange or village not farre of from the Citie,Polycarpus, flyeth persecution. and there abidyng with a fewe more in his company, did nothing els (night nor day) but abode in supplication, wherin he made his humble petitiō for the obtaining of peace vnto all ye congregatiōs through out the world.Policarpus prayeth for the church. For that was his accustomed maner so to doe. And as he was thus making his prayers three dayes before he was apprehended, in a vision by night he saw the bed set on fire vnder his head, and sodainly to be cōsumed. And when he awaked,Policarpus hath a visiō of hys burning. he told by and by & expounded vnto them that were present, his vision, and told them before what thing should come to passe, that is, how that in ye fire he should lose his life for Christes cause. It is further mentioned. that whē they were hard at hand, which so narowly sought for him, that he was inforced for the affection and loue of his brethren,Policarpus pursued and taken. to fleet into an other village, to which place notwithstanding within a little while alter the pursuers came, and when they had taken a couple of children that dwelt therabouts, they so beat one of them wt whips, yt by the bewraying or confession of him, they were brought to the Inne where Polycarpus was. And they say that the pursuers making no great hast to enter, found him in the vppermost place of the house,Policarpus might escape and would not from whence he might haue escaped into other houses, if he would, but this he would not do, saying: the wil of God be done. Furthermore, whē he knew that they were come, as the said history sheweth: he came downe, and spake vnto them with a very chereful and pleasant countenaunce, so that it was a wonder to see those which a while agone knew not the man, now beholding & viewyng his comely age, and his graue & constant countenaunce, lamented that they had so much employed their labour, that so aged a man should be apprehēded. To conclude, he commaunded that straightway without any delay the [...]able should be layd for them, and persuaded thē that they would eate and di [...]e well, and required of them boldly, that he might haue an houres respite to make his prayers.Policarpus falleth to prayer. Which thing after it was graunted, he arose and went to pray, so being replenished which the grace of God, that they which were present, and hearyng the prayers that he made, were astonied at it, and now many of them were sory that so honest and godly an aged man should be put to death.

After this, the foresaid Epistle or letter, prosecuting the historie, addeth more as followeth: After he had made an end of his prayers, & had called to his remēbrance al those things which euer hapned vnto him, and to the vniuersal catholike church throughout all the world (whether they were small or great, glorious or els inglorious) and that the houre was now come in which they ought to set forward, they set him vpon an Asse, and brought him to the Citie vpon a solemne feast day. And there met him Irenarchus Herodes, and his father Nicetes, which causing him to come vp into the chariote where they sate, persuaded him & sayd:Policarpus refuseth to doe sacrifice. What hurt I pray thee shall come thereof to thee, if thou say (by the way of salutation.) My Lord Caesar, and to do sacrifice, and thus to saue thy selfe? But he at the beginning made them none aunswere. Till that when they inforced him to speake, he sayd: I wil not do as ye counsail me I should. When that they sawe he could not be persuaded, they gaue him very rough language, & of purpose molested him, that in goyng doune the chariot from them, he might hurt or breake his legs. But he forcing very light of the matter, as though he had felt no hurt, went merily and diligently forward, making hast vnto the place appointed. And when there was such vprore in the place of execution,Policarpus comforted by a uoyce from heauē. that he could not be heard but of a very few, there came a voyce from heauen to Polycarpus, as he was going into the Stage or appointed place of iudgement, saying: be of good cheare Polycarpus and play the man. No man there was, which saw him that spake, but very many of vs heard his voyce. And when he was brought in, there was a great noise made by them which vnderstood that Polycarpus was apprehended. The Proconsul asked him whē that he was come,Policarpus allured to chaunge hys name would not consent. whether his name was Polycarpus or not, and when he said, yea it was, he gaue him counsail to deny his name, and said vnto him, be good vnto thy selfe, and fauour thyne old age, and many other such like words which they accustome to speake. Sweare saith he, by the Emperours good fortune, looke vpō this matter, say thou with vs: Destroy these naughtie men. Then Polycarpus beholding with constant countenance the whole multitude which was in the place appointed, and geuing a great sigh, looked vp to heauen, saying: Thou, thou it is that wilt destroy these wicked naughty men. And the Proconsul thus being earnestly [Page] in hand with him, sayd, take thine othe, and I will dyscharge thee, desye Christ, Policarpus aunswered: fourescore and syxe yeares haue I beene his seruaunt,A faythfull seruaunt of Christ his Lord. yet in all this tyme hath he not so much as once hurt me: how then may I speake euill of my king & souereigne Lorde, which hath thus preserued me: Then the Proconsull againe inforced him and sayd: Sweare thou I aduise thee by Caesars prosperity. Policarpus replieth, if thou require of me this fonde word of vaine boasting,Policarpus ready to geue reason of hys doctrine. teyning not to know (as yu saiest) who I am, I doe thee to wit, that I am a Christian: And if thou desire to know the doctrin of Christianity, appoint a day, & thou shalt heare. Perswade the people to this said the Proconsul: Truly sayth Policarpus, I haue thought it my part, thus to say vnto you, for so much as we are commaunded to giue vnto the gouernours & powers ordayned of God,Policarpus obedient to higher powers. the honor meete & due to them, and not hurtfull vnto vs: but as for those I doe iudge them vnworthy, to purge my self vnto them. Hereupon the proconsul stode vp, I haue, saith he, wilde beasts, to whom I will throwe thee, vnles thou take a better way: Whereunto Policarpus answered let thē come: we haue determined with our selues that we will not by repentance turne vs from the better way, to the worse, but rather conuenient it is, that a man turne from the thinges that be euill, to that which is good and iust.Policarpus threatned with wilde beastes. Agayne sayth the Proconsul, I will taine thee with fire, if that thou set not by the wilde beastes, nor yet repent. Then said Policarpus you threaten me with fyre which shal burne for the space of an houre, & shalbe within a litle while after put out & extinguished, but yu knowest not the fire of the iudgement that is to come and of euerlasting punishment, which is reserued for the wicked & vngodly. But why make you all these delayes, giue me what death soeuer ye lift. These & many other such like thinges being by him spoken, he was so replenished with ioy, and boldnes, and his countenaunce appeared so full of grace & fauour, that not onely he was not troubled with those things which y• Proconsul spake vnto him, but contrarily the Proconsul himselfe began to be amased and sent for the crier, which in the middle of the stage was commaunded to cry 3. times, Policarpus, hath confessed himself to be a Christian, which wordes of the cryer, were no sooner spoken, but that all the whole multitude both of the Gentiles and Iewes inhabiting at Smyrna, with a vehement rage and loude voice cried. This is that Doctour or teacher of Asia, the father of the Christianes, and the destroyer of our gods, which hath instructed a great nūber that our Gods are not to be worshipped, & after this they crid vnto Philip the gouernour of Asia, and required him that he would let loose the Lion to Policarpus. To whom he made aunswere that he might not so doe, because he had already his praye. Then they cried againe altogither with one voice that he woulde burne Policarpus a liue. For it was requisite that yt vision which he saw as concerning his pillow or bolster should be fulfilled: which when he had seene burnt, as he was in his prayer, he turned himselfe vnto the faithful sort which were with him, saying by the way of prophecie, it will so come, that I shall be burned a liue. And the Proconsul had no sooner spoken, but it was out of hande performed. For why the multitude by and by brought out of their shops, workehouses, and baynes, woode and other dry matter for that purpose and especially the Iewes were most seruiceable for that matter, after their wōted maner. And thus the pile being layd, and that now hee had put of his garments & vndone his girdel, and was about to pul of his shooes, which he had not done before, for that all the faithfull sort amongst themselues striued (as it were) who should first touch his body at their farewell,An example of brotherly loue. bicause for the good conuersation of his life, yea, from his yonger age, he was had in great estimation of al men. Therfore straightway those instruments which are requisite to such a bonfire, were brought vnto him, & when the would haue nayled him to the stake with yron hoopes, he said, let me alone as I am, for he that hath giuen me strength to suffer and abide the fire, shal also giue power, that without this your prouision of nayles, I shall abide, & stirre not in the middest of this fire or pyle of woode. Which thing when they heard,The willing minde of Policarpus to suffer. they did not nayle him, but bounde him. Therefore when his handes were bounde behinde him, euen as the chiefest Ramme taken out of the flocke, he was sacrificed as an acceptable burnt offring to God saying: O father of thy wel beloued and blessed sonne Iesus Christ, by whom we haue attained the knowledge of thee, the God of aungels and powers, and of euery creature, and of al iust men which liue before thee,His prayer before hys death. I giue thee thankes, that thou hast vouchsafed to graūt me this day that I may haue my part amongest the number of the Martyrs in the cup of Christ vnto the resurrection of eternall life both of body & soule, through the operation of the holy spirit, among whome I shalbe this day receaued into thy sight for an acceptable sacrifice: & as thou hast prepared, and reueled the same before this time, so thou hast accomplished the same. Which canst not lye, O thou most true God. Wherefore Im lyke case for all things prayse thee, blesse thee, and glorifie thee by our euerlasting Bishop Iesus Christ to whom be glory euermore.The thankesgeuing of Policarpus Amen.

And assoone as he had ended this word Amen, and finished his prayer, the tormentors began to kindle the fire, & as the flame flashed out vehemently: we to whom it was giue to discerne the same, saw a marueilous matter, which were also to this purpose preserued, that we might shewe the same to other.A miracle shewed. For the fier being made like to ar [...]fe or vaute of a house, and after the maner of a shipmans [...]yle, filled with wind, compassed about the body of the Martir as with a certaine wall, and he in the middle of the same, not as flesh, that burned, but as gold and siluer whe [...] it is tried in the fier. And surely we smelt a sauour so swete as if Myrre or some other precious balme had giuen a sent. At the last when those wicked persons sawe ye hys body could not be consumed by fire, they commaunded one of the tormentors to come vnto him, & thrust him through with his sworde.An example of much cruelty. Which being done, so great a quantitie of bloude ran out of his body that the fire was quenched therewith, & the whole multitude marueyled that there was so much diuersitie betwene the infidels and the elect, of whom this Policarpus was one, being a Disciple of the Apostles, and a propheticall instructour of our times, and Bishop of the Catholique Church of Smyrna, for what worde soeuer he spake both it was and shalbe accomplished. But the subtil and enuious aduersary, when he saw the worthines of his martirdome, & that his conuersation euen from his yoū ger yeares could not be reproued, and that he was adourned with the crowne of martirdome, and had now obtained that incomparable benefite, gaue in charge, that we should not take & deuide his body. For feare least the remnaunts of the dead corps should be taken away, & so worshipped of the people. Whervpon diuers whispered Niceta the father of Herode, and his brother Dalces in the eare, to admonish the Proconsul, that in no case he should deliuer his body, least (saith he) they leaue Christ & begin to worship him.The Iewes enemies alwayes to the Christians. And this spake they because the Iewes had gyuen them secret warning & prouoked them thervnto, who also watched vs that we shoulde not take him out of the fire. not being ignoraunt how that we ment, at no time to forsake Christ, which gaue his life for the saluation of the whole world, (as many I meane as are elected to saluatiō by him) neither yet that we could worship any other. For why? him we worship as the sonne of God, but the Martirs do we loue as disciples of the Lord (& that worthely) for their aboundaunt loue towardes their king and maister,Marke that he sayth we loue them, and worshippe them not. of whom we also desire and wish to be companions, & to be made his disciples. Whē therfore the Centurion saw & perceaued the labour of the Iewes, the corps being layd abroad, they burnt the same, as was their maner to doe.

Thus good Policarpus with xij. other that came from Philadelphia, Twelue Martyrs put to death in Smyrna suffered Martyrdome at Smyrna, which Policarpus specially aboue the rest is had in memory, so that hee in all places among the Gentiles is most famous. And this was the ende of this worthy disciple of the Apostles. Whose hystory the brethren of the congregation at Smyrna, haue wrytten in this their Epistle as is aboue recited.

Iraeneus in his 3. booke against heresies,Ex Irenaeo. lib. 3. cap. 3. Euseb. Lib. 4. cap. 14. the 3, chap. and Eusaebius in his 4. booke, and 14. chap. of his Ecclesiasticall history reporteth this worthy saying of Poticarpus: This Policarpus (sayth hee) meeting at a certeine time Martion, the heretick, who said vnto him, doest thou not know me? made answere, I know that thou art the first begotten of Sathan. So great feare what euil might ensue therof, had the Disciples of the Apostles, that they would not speake to them whom they knew to be the deprauers of the verytie, euen as Paule saith: The hereticke after the first and second admonition, shonne, and auoyd: Knowing that he which is such one, is peruerse or frowarde, and damneth himselfe. This most holy confessour and Martyr of Christ Policarpus, Anno. 167. suffered death in the fourth persecution after Nero, when Marcus Antonius, and Lucius Aurelius Commodus raigned, an, Dom. 167. as Vrsperg. affirmeth, an. 170. as Eusebius witnesseth in his Chronicles the 7. before the Calendes of Februarie.

Of Germanicus mention is made aboue in the storye of Policarpus of whome writeth Eusebius Lib. 4. cap. 15.Germanicus. Ex. Euseb. lib. 4. cap. 15. Histor. eccle. notyng him to be a younge man, and most constantly to perseuere in the profession of Christes doctrine, whom whē the Proconsul went about to perswade, to remember his age, and [Page] to fauor him selfe, being in the floure of his age, he woulde nor be allured: but constātly and boldly, and of his owne accorde incited and prouoked the wild beast to come vpon him, and to deuour him, to be deliuerd more spedely out of this wretched life. Haec Eusebius, an, 170.

The olde age of Policarpus.Thus haue you heard out of the Epistle of the brethren of Smyrna, the whole order and li [...]e of Policarpus, wherby it may appeare that he was a very aged mā who had serued Christ, lxxxvj. yeares since the first knowledge of him, and serued also in the ministery about the space of 70. yeares. This Policarpus was the schooler and hearer of Iohn the Euangelist,Policarpus the scholler of Iohn. and was placed by the sayde Iohn in Smyrna. Of him also Ignatius maketh mention in his Epistle which he wrote in his iourney to Rome, going toward his martyrdome, and commended to him the gouernement of hys Church at Antioch, whereby it appeareth that Policarpus then was in y• ministery. Likewise Iraeneus writeth of the sayd Policarpus after this maner.Irenaeus lib. 3. Cap. 1. He alwaies taught (sayd he) those things which he learned of the Apostles, leauing them to the Church, and are onely true. Wherevnto also at the Churches that be in Asia, and all they which succeeded after Policarpus to this day beareth witnes, And the same Irenaeus witnesseth also that the sayd Policarpus wrote an Epistle to the Phillipians,The Epistle of Policarpus to the Philippians. which whether it be the same that is now extant and read in the name of Policarpus, it is doubted of some: notwithstanding in the sayd Epistle diuers things are founde very holesome and Apostolicke: as where he teacheth of Christ, of iudgement and of the resurrection. Also he writeth of faith very worthily, thus declaryng that by grace we are saued,Iustification by fayth. and not by works, but in the will of God by Iesus Christ.

In Eusebius we reade in like maner a part of an Epistle written by Irenaeus to Florinus, Ex Euseb. lib. 5. cap. 20. Irenaeus conuersaunt with policarpus. wherin is declared how that the said Irenaeus being yet yong, was with Policarpus in Asia: at what time he saw & well remembred, what Policarpus did, and the place where he sat teaching, his who [...]e order of life and proportion of his body, with the sermons & wordes which he said to the people. And furthermore, he perfectly remembred howe that the saide Policarpus often times reported vnto him those thinges which hee learned and heard them speake of the Lord,Policarpus conuersaunt with the Apo [...]tles. his dooinges, power, and doctrine, who heard the worde of life with their owne eares, all which were more consonant and agreable to the holy Scripture. Thus with much more hath Irenaeus, concerning Policarpus. The authoritie of Policarpus in the Churches of Asia.

Hierome also writing of the same Policarpus, hath howe he was in great estimation throughout all Asia, for that he was scholer to the Apostles and to them which did see and were conuersant with Christ himselfe, whereby it is to be coniectured his authority to be much not onely with them of his owne Church, but wyth all other Churches about him.

Policarpus came to Rome. Polycarpus conferreth with Anicetus The East church and Romaine Church differre about Easterday Ex Nicepho. Lib. 4. cap. 39.Ouer and besides, it is witnessed by the sayd Irenaeus, that Policarpus came to Rome in the time of Anicetus Byshop of Rome about the yere of our Lord. 157. in y• raigne of Antoninus Pius, whose cause of his comming thether appeareth to be about the controuersie of Easterday: wherin the Asians and the Romanes somthing disagreed amonge thēselues. And therfore the said Policarpus in the behalfe of the brethren and Church of Asia, tooke his long iourneye thether to come and conferre with Anicetus. Wherof wryteth also Nicephorus Lib. 4. declaring that Policarpus and Anicetus, something varied in opinions and iudgement about that mater. And that notwithstanding, yet both frēdly communicated either with the other.Difference of ceremonyes caused no breach of charitie in the Primitiue Church. insomuch that Anicetus in his Church gaue place to Policarpus to minister the Communion and Sacrament of the Lordes Supper for honour sake, which may be a notable testimony now to vs, that the doctrine concerning the free vse and liberty of ceremonies, was at that time retained in the church without any offence of stomacke, or breach of Christian peace in the Church.

This Policarpus (as is aboue mentioned) suffered his Martyrdome euen in his owne Church at Smyrna, where he had laboured so many yeares in planting of the Gospel of Christ, which was about the yeare of our Lorde 170. as Eusebius rekoneth in his Chronicle, and in the 7. yeare of Antoninus Verus his raigne:Socrates deceiued in hys Tripart. hist. Ex Euseb. Lib. 4. cap. 17. Metrodorus. Pionius. Carpus. Papylus. Agathonica. Martyrs. wherby it appeareth that Socrates in Historia tripartita was much deceaued saying that Policarpus suffered in the time of Gordianus.

In this fourth persecution beside Policarpus and other mentioned before, we read also in Eusebius of diuers other, who at the same time likewise did suffer at Smyrna.

Ouer and besides in the said persecution suffered moreouer Metrodorus a ministrr: who was giuen to the fier, & so consumed. An other was worthy Pionius, which after much boldnes of speeche, with his Apologies exhibited, & his sermons made to the people in the defence of christian sayth, and after much reheuyng and comforting of such as were in prisons, and otherwise discōforted, at last was put to cruell torments and afflictions, then giuen likewise to the fire, so finished his blessed martyrdome.

After these also suffered Carpus Papylus, and Agathonyca, a woman who after their most constaunt and worthye confessions were put to death at Pergamopolis in Asia, witnessing Eusebius Lib. 4, cap 7.

And as these suffered to in Asia, so in Rome suffered Felicitas with her 7,Felicitas with her 7. Children. Ianuari. Felix. Philipus. Siluanus. Alexander. Vitalis. Martialis▪ Martyrs. children, who vnder this M. Antoninus Verus, sustayned also the cruelty of this persecution. The names of whose children Bergomensis and other histories doe thus recite, Ianuarius. Felix, Philippe, Siluanus, Alexander, Vitalis, Martialis. Of whom her first and eldest sonne Ianuarius after he was whipped and scourged with roddes, was prest to death with leaden waightes. Felix and Phillippe had their braynes beaten out with maules. Siluanus was cast downe headlong, and had his necke broken. Furthermore, Alexander, Vitalis, and Martialis was beheaded. Last of all Felicitas the mother (otherwise then the accustomed maner was, for such as hadde borne Children) was slayne with the sword. Ex Supplem.

In the rage of this fourth persecution, vnder the raigne of Antonius Pius, Iustinus suffered also good Iustinus, a man in learning and Philosophy excellent, & a great defender of Christian Religion. Who first exhibited unto the Emperour & to the Senate, a booke or Apologie in the defence of the Christians,Martyr. Ex Euseb. Lib. 4. Cap. 16. and afterward himselfe also dyed a Martyr. Of whom in the history of Euseb. Lib. 4. cap. 16. it is thus recorded: That about what tyme, or a little before that Polycarpus with other diuers Sainctes suffered Martyrdome in Pargamopolis, a Cittie of Asia, this Iustinus (as is aforesayd) pre [...]ented a booke in defence of our doctrine to the Emperour, to wit vnto Antonius, and to the Senate. After which he was also crowned with like Martyrdome vnto those, whome he in his booke had defended, through the malicious meanes, and crafty circumuention of Crescens.

This Crescens was a Philosopher confirming hys lyfe and maners to the Cynical sect,Crescens A Philosopher procurer of the death of Iustinus. whom for because this Iustinus had reproued in open audience, and had borne away the victory of the trueth which he defended, he therefore as much as in him lay, did worke & procure vnto him this crowne of Martyrdome. And this did also Iustine him selfe a Philosopher, no lesse famous by hys profession, foresee and declare in hys foresayd Apology, telling almost all those thinges before hand which should happen vnto him, by these words saying: And I looke after this good turne, that I be slayne goyng by the way, eyther of some of those whom I haue named, and to haue my braynes beaten out with a bat, or els of Crescens, whom I cannot call a Phylosopher, but rather a vayne boaster. For it is not conuenient to call him a Philosopher, whiche openly professeth thinges to him vnknowne, and whereof he hath no skil, saying and reporting of vs, that the Christians be vngodly & irreligiouse: And all to please and flatter them, which are reduced by errour.

For whether he obiecteth against vs the doctrine of the Christians whiche he hath not read,Crescens a rayling Philosopher, and a malicious rayler. yet is he very malicious, and worse then the vnlearned ideotes, who for the most part vse not to dispute or iudge of thinges they know not, and to beare witnes of the fame. Or put case that he had read them, yet vnderstandeth he not the maiestie of the matters therein conteined, or if peraduenture he vnderstandeth them, and doth it for thys purpose, that he would not be counted as one of them: then is he so much the more wicked and malicious, and the bondslaue of vyle & beastly both fame and feare. For this I testifie of him, geuing you truely to vnderstand that for a truth,A slane of fame and feare. which I declare vnto you, how that I haue apposed him, and haue put vnto him many questions, whereby I know and perceaue, that he vnderstandeth nothing. But if so be that this our disputatiō with him, hath not come vnto your eares, I am ready to communicate vnto you agayn those questions which I demaunded of him,Crescens proued an vnlearned Philosopher. whiche things shall not be vnfit for your Princely honour to heare. But if ye knowe and vnderstand both what thinges I haue examined him of, as also what aunswere he hath made, it shal be apparant vnto you, that he is altogether ignoraunt of our doctrine and learning, or els if he knoweth the same, he dare not vtter it for feare of hys auditors, which thing, as I sayd before, is a proofe that he is no Philosopher, but a slaue to vayne glory, which maketh none accompt of that, which his own Mayster Socrates had in so great estimation. And thus much of Iustine, out of Iustine himselfe.

Now to verifie that, which Iustine here of him selfe doth prophecie, that Crescens would and did procure his death, [Page] Tacianus (a man brought vp of a childe in the institutions of the Gentiles,Tacianus cōmended. and obtayned in the same not a little fame, and which also left behinde him many good monumentes and Commentaries) writeth in hys booke agaynst ye Gentiles in this sort:The prayse of Iustinus Martyr. And Iustine sayth he, that most excellent learned man, full well spake and vttered his minde, that the afore recited men were lyke vnto theeues or lyers by ye high way side. And in the sayd book speaking afterward of certaine Philosophers, the sayd Tacianus inferreth thus: Crescens therefore (sayth he) when he came first into that great Cittie, passed all other in the vicious loue of children, and was very much geuen to couetousnes, and where he taught that men ought not to regard death, he himself doth feare death, that he did all his indeuour to oppresse Iustine with death, as with the most greatest euill that was, and all because that Iustine speaking trueth, reproued the Philosophers to be men onely for the belly and deceauers,Ex Catalogo Hiero. and this was the cause of Iustines Martyrdome. Hierome in his Ecclesiasticall Catalogue thus writeth: Iustine when in the Cittie of Rome he had his disputations, and had reprooued Crescens the Cinike, for a great blasphemer of the Christians: for a bellygod and a man fearing death, and also a follower of lust and lechery:The death and martirdome of Iustinus. the noble Philosopher and a Christian Martyr. Praxedis, Potentiana Christian virgines. at the last by his indeuour and conspiracie was accused to be a Christian, and for Christ shed his bloud in the yeare of our Lord. 154. vnder Marcus Antonius, as the Cronicles doe witnes, Abb Vrsperg: and Eusebius in his Cronicle in the xiii. yeare of the Emperour Antoninus.

Among these aboue recited is also to be numbred Praxedis a blessed virgine, the daughter of a Citizen of Rome, who in the tyme of Anicetus there Byshop, was so brought vp in the doctrine of Christ, and so affected to hys religion, that she with her sister Potentiana, bestowed all her patrimony vpon the relieuing of poore Christians, geuing all her time to fasting and prayer, and to the burryng of ye bodyes of the Martyrs. And after she had made free all her famelie with her seruauntes, after the death of her sister, she also departed and was buryed in peace.

Under the same Antoninus also suffered Ptolomeus, and Lucius for the confession of Christ, in a Cittie of Egipt called Alexandria, Ptolomeus. Lucius Martyrs. whose history because it is described in the Apology of Iustinus Martyr, I thought therefore so to set forth the same, as it is alledged in Eusebius, declaring the manner and occasion therof. Lib. 4 cap. 17. in wordes and effect as followeth, &c.

Euseb. lib. 4. Cap. 17.There was (sayth he) a certayne woman maryed vnto a husband, who was geuen much to laciuiousnes, whereunto she her selfe in tymes past was also addict. But she afterward being instructed in the Christian religion, became chaste her self and also perswaded her husband to liue chastly: often times telling him that it was written in the preceptes of the Christians, that they should be punished eternally, which liued not chastely and iustly in this life. But he still continuing in his filthines, thereby caused his wife to estraunge her selfe from his company. For why? the woman thought it not conuenient to continue in her husbandes company, which contemning the lawe of nature, sought otherwise to satisfie hys filthy appetite. Therefore she was purposed to be deuorced frō him. But her neighbours and kinsfolkes prouoked her, by promising hys amendment, to keepe company agayne with hym, and so she did. But he after this, tooke hys iourny into Alexandria and when it was shewed her, that there hee liued more licenciously, then at any time before, for that she would not be counted partaker of his incestuous lyfe by coupling her selfe any longer with him, she gaue him a letter of diuorce, & so departed frō him. Then her husbād, who ought rather to haue reioyced to haue so honost and chaste a wife, which not onely would not commit any dishonest thing her selfe, but also could not abide any lewde or misordered behauiour in her husband, and that by this her seperation shee went about to reclayme hym from hys incest and wickednes to better amendment of lyfe: He in recompence to hys wyfe agayne, accused her to be a Christian, whiche at that tyme was no lesse then death. Whereupon she being in great perill and daunger deliuered vp vnto the Emperour (as Iustinus in his Apology writing to the Emperour him selfe declareth) a supplication, desiring and crauing of hys maiesty, first to graunt her so much licence as to set her familie in order, and that done, afterward to come agayne & make aunswere to all that might or should be layd agaynst her: whereunto the Emperour condescended. Then her husband seing that he could haue no vauntage agaynst her deuised wt himselfe, how he might bring Ptolomeus (which was her instructor in the fayth of Christ) in trouble and accusation: vsing the meanes of a certayne Centurion who was hys very frend, whom he perswaded to examine Ptolomeus whether he were a Christian or not. Ptolomeus (as one ye loued the trueth, & not thinking good to hide hys profession) confessed no lesse then to the examinour, openly declaring that he had (as truth was) taught and professed the veritie of Christian doctrine. For who so denyeth him selfe to be that he is, eyther cōdemneth in denying that thing that he is, or maketh himselfe vnworthy of that, the confession whereof he flyeth, whiche thing is neuer found in a true and sincere Christian. Thus thē he being brought before Vrbicius the iudge and by him condemned to suffer: One Lucius being also a Christian, standing by, and seing the wrong iudgement, and hasty sentence of the Iudge, sayd to Vrbicius: what reason, I pray you or equitie is this, that this man, who neyther is adulterer, nor fornicator, nor homicide, nor fealon, neyther hath committed any such crime, wherein hee may be charged, thus is condemned onely for hys name and confession of a Christian. This cō demnation and these maner of Iudgementes (O Vrbici) are neither seemely for the vertuous Emperour, nor to the Philosopher hys sonne, nor yet for the estate of hys Senate of Rome.

Which wordes being heard, Vrbitius making no farther examination of the matter,The boldnes & Christian constancie of Lucius. sayd vnto Lucius: me thinketh thou art also a Christian. And when Lucius had geuen him to vnderstand that he was also a Christian, the Iudge without further delay commaunded him to be had away to the place of execution. To whom he aunswered: I thanke you with al my hart,Lucius condemned and Martyred. that you release me from most wicked gouernours, and send me vnto my good and most louing father, being also the king of all Gods. And in like maner the third man also, comming vnto him, and vsing the like libertie of speeche,The third also condemned and Martyred. had also the like sentence of death and condemnation, and crowned also with the same crowne of Martyrdome. And thus much out of the Apology of Iustinus, by the which story it may appeare not to be true, that Gratianus attributeth vnto Higynus Byshop of Rome,A place of Gracianus suspected. the deciding of causes matrimoniall, seeing that in Iustinus tyme (who was in the same age of Higynus) the deuorcement of this woman in this history aboue touched, was not decided by any Ecclesiasticall law, or brought before any Byshop, but was brought before a Heathen Prince, and determined by the law ciuill.

Henricus de Erfordia recordeth out of the Martyrologe of Isuardus, Concordus Martyr. of one Concordus a minister of the Citie of Spolete, who in the reigne of this Antoninus Verus, because he would not sacrifice vnto Iupiter, but did spit in the face of the Idole,Concordus spitteth [...] face of [...] Idole. after diuers and sundry punishments sustaynd, at last with the sword was beheaded. Vincentius in hys x. booke, chap. 108. reciteth a long story of his actes and life, wherof some part perhappes may seeme tollerable. But this verily appeareth to be false and fabulous, concerning the water flowing besides his sepulchre in the forenamed Cittie of Spolete, vnto the whiche water was geuen (sayth Vincentius) by the vertue of hym,The story of Vincentius suspected of vntrueth. for whose name hee suffered, to restore sight to the blinde, to heale the sicke, and to cast out deuils. &c. Which kinde of vertue to open the eyes of the blinde, and to expell deuils, neither doth God geue to any creature of water, neither is it like that Concordius the blessed Martyr did or would require any such thing at the handes of God.Ex Isuardo. Vincenti [...]. & Henrico de Erford.

Isuardus and Bede, Vincentius, and Henricus de Erfordia, with other authors moe, make relation of diuers other Martyrs that by sondry kindes of tormentes were put to death,Symmetrius. Florellus. pontianus. Alexander. Caius. Epipodus. Victor. Corona. Marcellus. Valerian, Martyrs. Aucthors in the writing the miracles of Martyrs suspected. Getulus. Corcal [...]. Amantius. Primitiuus. Ma [...]tyrs. The vii. sonnes of Symph [...]rosa. Crescens. Iulianus. vnder the foresayd Antoninus Verus: the names of whome be Simmetrius, Florellus, Pontianus, Alexander, Caius, Epipodus, Victor, Corona, Marcellus, Valerianus. The cause or whose Martyrdome was the reprehending of Idolatry and because at the Emperours cōmandement, they would not sacrifice to Idols. Many sortes of punishmentes and of miracles are tolde of them, but at length the end of them all is this, that they were beheaded. Whereby it may be the more suspected, the histories of these writers not to be certayne or true, aswell touching these, as also other Martyrs, as may appeare in Vincentius, in Petrus de Natalibus, & other authors of like sort. In which authors they which list to read more of their miracles, there may finde them.

A little before, pag 41 mention was made of Symphorissa, otherwise named Symphorosa, wife of Getulus, with her vii. sonnes. This Getulus or Getulius, was a minister or a teacher (as witnesseth Martyrol. Adonis) in the Cittie of Tyber, which Getulus with Cerealis, Amantius, and Primitiuus, by the commaundement of Adria were condemned to the fire, wherein they were Martyred and put to death. The names moreour of the seuen sonnes of this Symphorosa, I finde to be Crescens, Iulianus, Nemesius, Primitiuus, Iustinus Statteus, and Eugenius, whom the Chronicle of Ado declareth to be put to death at the commaundement of Hadrian, [Page] being fastened to vij. stakes, and so racked vp wyth a pulley,Nemesius. Primiti [...]us. Iustinus. Statteus. Eugenius. Martyrs. and at last were thrust through, Crescens in the necke, Iulianus in the brest, Nemesius in the hart, Primitiuus about the nauell, Iustinus cut in euery ioynte of his bodye, Stateus run through with speares, Eugenius cut a sonder frō the brest to the lower partes, and then cast into a deepe pyt, hauyng the name by the Idolatrous Priestes, intituled Ad septem Biothanatos. After the martirdome of whō also Symphorosa the mother did likewise suffer, as is before declared.

Under the sayd Antoninus Verus, and in the same persecution, which raged not in Rome and Asia onely,The persecution in Lyons and Vienna, two Cities in Fraunce. Ex Euseb. lib. 5. Cap. 2. but in other countryes also, suffered the glorious & most cōstant Martirs of Lyons and Uienna, two Cities in Fraunce, gyuing to Christ a glorious testimony, & to all Christian men a spectacle, or example of singular constancie, and fortitude in Christ our sauiour. The history of whom, because it is written and set forth by their owne Churches, where they did suffer, mentioned in Euseb. Lib. 5. cap. 2. I thought here to expresse the same in the forme and effecte of their owne wordes, as there is to be seene. The title of which their Epistle written to the brethren of Asia and Phrigia thus beginneth.

* The seruauntes of Christ inhabiting the Cities of Vienna and Lyons, to the brethren in Asia and Phrigia, hauing the same faith and hope of redemption with vs: peace, and grace, and glory, from God the father, and from Iesus Christ our Lorde.

A letter of the brethren of Fraunce to the brethrē of Asia.THe greatnes of this our tribulation, the furious rage of the Gentiles against vs, & the tormentes which the blessed martyrs suffered, neither can we in wordes, nor yet in writing exactly, as they deserue, set forth. For the aduersary with all his force gaue his endeuor to the working of such preparatiues, as he himselfe listed, against his tyrannous comming, & in euery place practised he and instructed his ministers, how in most spitefull maner to set them against the seruauntes of God: so that not onely in our houses shoppes and markets we were restrained, but also were vniuersally cōmaunded, that none (so hardy) should be sene in any place. But God hath alwaies mercy in store and tooke out of their hands such as were weake amongst them, and other some did he set vp as firme and immoueable pillers, which by sufferance were able to abide all violent force, and valiantly to withstand the enimie, induring all their opprobrious punishment they could deuise: to cō clude, they fought this battell for that intent to come vnto Christ, esteming their great troubles but as light: therby shewing that al that may be suffered in this present life, is not able to counteruayle the great glorye which shall be shewed vpō vs after this life. And first they patiently suffered whatsouer the multitude of frantike people running vpon head did vnto them, as railings, scourgings, drawynges and hailings, flynging of stones, imprisoninges, & what other thing soeuer the rage of the multitude are wōt to vse and practise against their professed enimies. Then afterwarde they being led into the marked place, and there iudged of the Captayne and rest of the Potentates of the Citie, after their confession made openly before the multitude were commaunded againe to prisō, vntil the returne of their chiefe gouernor. After this they being brought before him, and he vsing all extremity that possibly he might against them:Vetius Epaegaethus Martir. One Vetius Epagathus, one of the brethren, replenished with feruent zeale, both towards god and his brethren (whose conuersation, although he were a young man was counted as perfect, as was the life of Zachary the Priest, for he walked diligently in al the commaundements and iustifications of the Lord, and in all obedience towards his brethren blamles) he hauing within him the feruent zeale of loue, and spirit of god, could not suffer that wicked iudgement which was giuen vpon the Christians but being vehemently displeased, desired that the Iudge woulde heare the excuse which he was minded to make in the behalfe of the christians, in whom saith he is no impietie founde, But the people cryed againe to those that were assistentes wt the chiefe Iustice, that it might not be so (for indede he was a noble man borne) neither did the Iustice graunt him his lawfull request, but onely asked him whether he himselfe were a Christian or not. And he immediatly with a loude and boulde voice,The stoutnes of a godly young man. aunswered and sayde, I am a Christian. And thus was he receiued into the felowship of the martirs, and called the aduocate of the Christians. And he hauing the spirite of God more plentifully in time, then had Zachary, the abundaunce thereof he declared, in that he gaue his life in the defence of his brethren, being a true disciple of Christ, following the Lamb whersoeuer he goeth.

By this mans example the rest of the Martirs were the more animated to martirdome, and made more ioious with al courage of mind to accomplish the same. Some other there were vnready and not so well prepared,The faynting of certaine weake Christians. and as yet weak, not well able to beare the vehemency of so great conflict: of whom x. there were in number, that faynted, ministring to vs much heauines & lamentation. Who by their example caused the rest which were not yet apprehēded, to be lesse willing thereunto. Then were we all for the variablenes of confession not a litle astonied: not yt we feared the punishment intended against vs, but rather as hauing respect to the ende, and fearing least any shoulde fal. Euery day there were apprehended such as were worthy to fulful the number of them which were fallen. In so much that of two churches, such as were chiefest, & which were the principall gouernors of our Churches were apprehended. With these also certeine of the Ethnicks, being our men seruaunts, were apprehended (for so the gouernour commaunded, that all of vs ingenerall without any respect, should be taken) which seruants being ouercome by Sathan, and fearing the torments which they saw the Saintes doe suffer, being also compelled thereunto by the meanes of the souldiers, fained against vs that we kept the feastinges of Thiestes, False slaunders of the Christians. and incest of Oedipus, and many such other crimes, which are neither to be remembred, nor named of vs, nor yet to bee thought that euer any man would commit the like.

These things being now bruted abroad, euery man began to shewe crueltie against vs, insomuch that those which before for familiarities sake were more gentle toward vs,The rage of the Heathen against the Christians. now vehemently disdained vs, and waxed mad against vs. And thus was now fulfilled that, which was spoken by Christ, saying, the time will come that whosoeuer killeth you, shall thinke that he doth God great good seruice. Thē suffered the Martirs of God such bitter persecution as is passing to be tolde: Sathan still shooting at this marke, to make them to vtter some blasphemy by all meanes possible. Marueilous therefore was the rage both of the people & Prince, specially against one Sanctus, which was Deacon of the congregation of Uienna, and agaynst Maturus, being but a litle before baptised, but yet a worthy souldiour of Christ, and also against Attalus, being borne in Pergama, which was the foundation and pyller of that congregation, and also against Blandina, by whome Christ sheweth, that those things which the world esteemed vyle and abiect, to be glorious in Gods sight, for the very loue which in hart and deede they beare vnto him, not in outward face onely. For when all we were afrayd, & specially her mistres in flesh, who also was her selfe one of the nūber of the foresayd martirs, least happely for the weakenes of body she woulde not stande strongly to her confession, the foresaid Blandina was so replenished with strength & boldnes,The cruell handling and great patience of Blandina. that they which had the tormenting of her by course from morning to night, for very werines gaue ouer & fell downe, & were themselues ouercome, confessing that they could do no more against her, & marueiled that yet she liued hauing her body so torne and rent. And testified that any one of those torments alone without any moe had ben inough to haue plucke the life from her body. But that blessed woman, fighting this worthy battell, became strō ger & stronger, & as often as she spake these words) I am a Christian, neither haue we committed any euill) it was to her a marueilous comfort and bolding to abide the torments.

Sanctus also another of the Martyrs,Sanctus a Martyr. who in the middest of his tormentes, induring more paines, then the nature of a man might away with, also at what time ye wicked supposed, to haue heard him vtter some blasphemous words, for the greatnes & intollerablenes of his torments & paines, that he was in, abode notwithstanding in such constancy of mind,The notable constancy of Sanctus. that neither he told them his name, nor what countryman he was, nor in what Citie brought vp, neither whether he was a free man or a seruaunt, but vnto euery question yt was asked him, he aunswered in the Latine toung, I am a Christian, and this was al that he confessed both of his name, citie, kinred, and all other thinges in the place of execution, neither yet could the Gentils, get any more of him: whereupon both the Gouernour & tormentours, were the more vehemently bent against him. And when they had nothing to vexe him with all, they clapped plates of Brasse red hote, to ye most tenderest parts of his body, wherewith his body indede being schorched, yet he neuer shronke for the matter, but was bold and constant, in his confession,The cruell tormentors of Sanctus. being strengthened and moystened with the fountaine of liuely water, flowing out of Christs side. Truely his body was a sufficient witnes, what torments [Page] he suffered for it was all drawne together and most pitifully wounded and scoarched, so that it had therwith lost the proper shape of a man, in whose suffering Christ obtained inspeakeable glory, for that he ouercame his aduersa [...]y, and to the instruction of other declared, that nothing els is terrible, or ought to be feared where the loue of God is, nor nothing greeuous, wherein the glory of Christ is manifested.

And when those wicked men, began after a certayne time againe to torment the Martyr, & hoped well to bring it to passe, that either they should ouercome him in causing him to recant, by rei [...]erating his torments, now whē his body was so sore & swollen, that he might not suffer a man to touch him with his hande, or els that if hee died vnder their handes,A miraculous working of God. yet that thereby they should strike such feare into the harts of the rest, to cause them to deny Christ. But they were not only disappointed here in, but also contrary to the expectation of men, his bodye was in the latter punishment & torments soupled & restored, and toke the fyrst shape and vse of the members of the same, so that the same his second torment was by the grace of Christ (in steede of punishment) a safe medecine.

Also Sathan now thinking to haue setteled himselfe in the hart of one Byblides, being one of them which had denied Christ,Byblydes an holy Martyr. and thinking to haue caused her, beyng a weake and feable woman in faith, to haue damned her soule, in blaspheming the name of God, brought her to the place of execution: inforcing to wrest some wicked thing out of the mouth of the Christians. But she in midle of her torments, returning to her selfe, and waked as it were out of her dead slepe, by that temporall paine, called to her remembraunce the paynes of hell fire, and against all mens expectations reuiled the tormentors, saying. How should we Christians eate young infants (as ye reported of vs) for whom it is not lawfull to eate the bloud of any beast▪ Upon that so soone as she had confessed her selfe to bee a Christian, she was Martyred with the rest. Thus when Christ had ended those tyrannicall torments, by the patience & sufferaunce of our Saintes, the diuell yet inuented other engynes and instruments. For when the Christians were cast into prison,Eculeus ad quintum feramen. Diuers Martyrs strangled in prison. they were shut vp in darke and ougly dongeons, and were drawne by the feete, in a racke or ingine made for that purpose, euen vnto the fift hole. And many other such punishmentes suffered they which the furious ministers stirred vp with deuilish furye, are wont to put men vnto: so that very manye of them were strangled & killed in the prisons, whom the Lorde in thys maner would haue to enioy euerlasting life, & set forth his glory. And surely these good men were so pittifully tormented, that and if they had had all the helpe, & medicines in the world, it was thought impossible for them to lyue, & to be restored. And thus they remaining in prison destitute of al humaine helpe, were so strengthened of the Lord, and both in body and minde confirmed, that they comforted & stirred vp the myndes of the rest,Other martyrs dyed in prison. the yonger sor [...]e of them, whiche were latter apprehended, & put in prison, whose bodies had not yet felt ye lash of y• whip, were not able to indure ye sharpness of their imprisonment, but died of ye same.

[...]hotinus a blessed martyr.The blessed Photinus, who was a Deacon to the bishop of Lyons, about. 90. yeares old, and a very feeble or weake man, & could scarsely draw breath for the imbecilitie of his body: yet was he of a liuely courage & spirit. For the great desire he had of martyrdome, when he was brought vnto the iudgement seate: although his bodye was feeble and weake, both because of his old age, and also through sicknes, yet was his soule or life preserued to this purpose, that by the same Christ might triumph & be glorified. He, being by the souldiers brought to the place of iudgement, many Citizens & men of great ability following him, and the whole multitude cried vpon him diuersly, as though he had beene Christ himselfe, gaue a good testimony. For being demaunded of the chiefe ruler, what was the Christian mans God, he aunswered: If thou be worthy to know thou shalt know. He being with these words somewhat neere touched, caused him to be very sore beaten. For those that stood next him, did him all the spit & displeasure yt they could both with hand and foote, hauing no regarde at all to his olde age or white heares. And they which were further of,The rage of the people agaynst Pbotinus. whatsoeuer came next to hande, they threwe at him, & euery man thought yt he did very wickedly reframe that withheld his hande from not doing the like. For by this meanes they thought that they did reuenge the quarell of their Gods. Photinus, now euen as it were gasping after life, was throwen into prison, and within two daies after dyed.

And here is the mighty prouidence of God, and the inspeakable mercy of Iesus Christ declared, which prouidence being assured amongest a fraternity, is neuer destitute of the aide of Iesus Christ. For those which in theyr first persecution denied Christ, they also were put in pryson, and made pertakers of the others affliction. Neither yet did it any whit at all at that time helpe them that had demed Christ, but they which confessed him, were imprisoned as christians, neither was there any other crime obiected against them, but the other sort taken like homicides and wicked doers, were layd hand on, and had double more punishment then the others had.The comfort of the godly standing to their confession. The denyers of their confes [...]io [...] comfortles and notwithstanding punish [...]d. These mē were refreshed with the ioy of martyrdome, the hope [...]. Gods promises, the loue toward Christ, and the spirite of God: The other their consciences accused them, & that very sore in so much that by their ga [...]e, their countenances bewra [...]ed vnto the rest their gi [...]ie consciences. For the Christians went forth hauing cheerefull co [...]ntenaunces, very much adourned with glory and grace, insomuch that the verye bondes wherewith they were dyed, set them out are men in seemely apparel: and like as brides when they be decked in gorgeous and gay garments, and therewithal laud [...]ed as of the redolent smell of Christ, so that it might be suppo [...]ed them to be annointed with some sweete ba [...]e: whereas the other were doubtfull and [...], filled, wt al shame, and furthermore related of the Gentils themselues, as wretches, degenerate, hauing the crime of [...] and dest [...]u [...] of the most precious, glo [...]ious, and likely calling o [...] the Christian name. And truly by th [...]se lightes the rest were confirmed, & being apprehended, conf [...]ing christ without any [...], no [...] hauing so much as ye thought of any such [...] of [...]. And in the same Epistle of the foresayd brethren of Fraunce, writing to the brethren of Asia, it followeth in this maner, After these things done, the Martirdome of these holy Sai [...]ts were deui [...]ed diuers [...]y. into diuers kindes and formes, as the offering to God the Father a garland decked with diuers and sundry kinds of colours and [...]. For it so behoued the wor [...]hy Champions of God, after they had suffered diuers kindes of torments, and so winning a triumphaunt victory to obtaine great reward of immortalitie.

Then Maturus Blandina, and Attalus together were brought to the cōmon [...], there in the face of the people to be cast & deuoured of the beasts. And Maturus with Sanctus being brought ye second time to the scaffolde, suffered againe all kinde of torments, as though hetherto they had suffered nothing at all, yea rather as though ye aduersarye being oftentimes put to the worst, they as striuyng for the crowne,The spitefull handling of Gods people. suffered againe more scourginges. the tearing of wilde beastes, & what thing els soeuer the frantike people on euery side cryed for and willed. And aboue al the rest they brought an yron chayre, in the which their bodies being set,Maturus and Sanctio Martyred. were so [...]ryed and scorched as on a gridiron fried vpon the coales, filled with the sauour of the frying all the people that stoode by. And yet for all that the tormentours cea [...]ed not, but waxed more fierce and mad against thē, laboring to ouercome the patience of the Saints. Notwithstanding al this they could not get out of Sanctus mouth any other thing but the confession which at the beginning he declared. And thus these holy men, after they had long continued aliue in this their most horrible conflicte, at the length were slaine, being made al that whole day a spectacle vnto the worlde in place and in stede of the games and sightes, which were woont to be exhibited to the people. And thus much concerning Maturus and Sanctus.

Now concerning Blandina, who being fastened vpon a stake, was cast to the rauening beastes to be deuoured, which thing was not done without the determinate wyll of God:Blandina brought forth agayne. to this ende that while she seemed to hang vpon a crosse (as it were) by the feruentnes of her praier, she much cōforted the rest of the saints, as beholding vnto her christ, with their bodily eyes, which in that agonie suffered for them all, and that al which beleue in him, and suffer for the glory of Christ, might be assured to liue with him for euer. And when they sawe that no beast woulde come neare her thus hanging, they toke her downe from the tree, and cast her againe into prison till an other time, that she hauing ye victory of many battels, might triumphe ouer that ang [...]y Serpent the deuill, & that she being a weake and fely woman, and not regarded, armed with Christ the inuincible conquerour, might incourage her brethren, and by the induring of this battaile might winne a crowne of incorruptible glory.

Now to Attalus, who being also required and cald for of the people to punishment, already prepared (for his conscience sake) commeth forth to the [...]ight. For he being worthely exercised in the Christian profession, was alwayes a witnes and a mayntayner of our doctrine. Therfore when the presse of people was about the scaffolde, and the table [Page] caried before him, wherein was written in the Romayne toung.Attalus commaunded to pryson. This is Attalus the Christian. Then the people were in a marueilous rage against him, but the gouernor vnderstanding yt he was a Romane, commaunded him againe to prison, with the rest of his prison fellowes: whereof he wrote to the Emperour, and waited for aunswere what his pleasure herein was. The prisoners were not ydle in ye meane seasō, nor vnprofitable to their brethrē, but by their patience the vnspeakable mercy of Christ shined out. For those which were dead before, were now reuiued by them that liued and they which were Martyrs, profited them which were none, & the Church did much reioyce, as receiuing them againe aliue, whō she had lost before as dead For many of them which before had denied,The denyers returning agayne to their confession. now by theyr denial were restored and stirred vp, and learned to be confessours. And now being reuiued and strengthned, and tasting the sweetenes of him which desireth not the death of a sinner, but is mercifull to the penitent, came of their own accorde to the iudgement seate againe, that they might bee examined of the Iudge. And for that the Emperour had written backe againe to him, that all the confessors should be punished and the other let go, and that the Sessions or Sises were now begun, which for the multitude that had repayre thether out of euery quarter, was marueilous great: he caused all the holy martirs to be brought thether, that the multitude might beholde them, & once againe examined them, and as many of them as he thought had the Romane fredome, he beheaded, the residue he gaue to the beastes to be deuoured. And truely Christ was much glorified by those which a little before had denied him, which againe contrary to ye expectation of the Infidels, confessed him euen to the death. For they were examined a part frō the rest. because of their deliuery, which being found Confessours, were ioined to the company of the martirs, & had with them their part. But there were then abroade, which had no saith at all, neither yet so much as the feeling of the wedding garment, nor any cogitation at all, of the feare of God, but blasphemed his waies, by the lewd conuersatiō of their life, euen such as were the children of damnation. Al the residue ioined thēselues to the congregation: which whē they were examined one Alexander a phrigian, borne, and a Phisition,Alexander the Phrigian Martyred. which had dwelt long in Fraunce, and knowen almost of euery man, for the loue he had to God, & boldnes of speaking (neither was he voide of the Apostolicall loue) this Alexander standing somewhat neare to the barre, by signes and beckes perswaded such as were examined to confesse Christ: so that by his countenaunce somtime reioising, and some other while sorrowing, he was descryed of the standers by. The people not taking in good part to see those which now recanted, by and by againe to sticke to their first confession, they cried out against Alexander, as one that was the cause of all this matter. And when he was inforced by the Iudge and cōmaunded what Religion he was of, he aunswered: I am a Christian. He had no sooner spoken the worde, but he was iudged to the beastes, of them to be deuoured.

The next day following, Attalus, of whome I made mention a litle before, and Alexander, were brought foorth together (for the gouernour graunting Attalus vnto the people, was baited againe of the beasts.) When these men were brought to the scaffold, and had taken a tast of all the instruments that there were prepared for their execution, and had suffered the greatest agonie they could put thē to, were also at the length slaine: Of whome Alexander neuer gaue so much as a sigh, nor held his peace, but frō the bottome of his hart praised and praied to the Lorde.The worthy pacience and constancie of Attalus. But Attalus when he was set in the yron chaire, and began to frye, and the frying sauour of his burning body began to smell, he spake to the multitude in ye Romane language: Behold (sayth hee) this is to eate mans flesh which you doe, for we neither eate men, nor yet cōmit any other wickednes. And being demaunded what was the name of their God: our God (saith he) hath no such name as men haue. Then said they, now let vs see whether your God can helpe you, and take you out of our handes or not.

Blandina and Ponticus [...] brought forth.After this, being the last day of the spectacle, Blandine againe, & one Pōticus, a child of xv. yeare old was brought forth, and this was euery day, to the intent they seing the punishment of their fellowes, might be compelled thereby to sweare by their Idoles. But because they constantly abode in their purpose, & defied their idols, the whole multitude was in a rage with them, neither sparing the age of the child, nor fauoring the sexe of the woman, but put them to all the punishment and paine they could deuise, & often times inforced them to sweare, & yet were not able to cō pel them therevnto.Ponticus Martyred. For Ponticus so being animated of his sister, as the Heath [...]ikes standing by did see, after he had suffered all torments and paynes gaue vp the ghost. This blessed Blandina therefore being the last that suffered, after she had like a worthy mother giuen exhortations vnto her children, and had sent them before as conquerours to their heauenly k [...]ng, and had called to her remembrance al their batels & conflicts, so much reioiced of her childrens death, & so hastened her owne, as though she had bene bidden to a bridall, & not in case to be throwne to the wilde beastes. After this her pittifull whipping,Blandina Martyred. her deliuery to ye beasts, & her tormentes vpon the gridiron, at the length she was put in a net, and throwne to the wild Bull, and when she had bene sufficiently gored & wounded with the hornes of the same beast, & felt nothing of all that chaunced to her, for the great hope and consolation she had in Christ & heauen [...]y thinges, was thus slaine, insomuch that the verye Heathen men themselues confessed that there was neuer woman put to death of them that suffered so much as this woman did. Neither yet was their furious crueltie thus asswaged against the Christians. For the cruel barbarous people, like wilde beastes when they be moued, knew not when the time was to make an ende, but inuented new & sundry torments euery day against our bodies. Neyther yet did it content thē when they had put the Christians to death,Apoc. 22. for yt they wanted the sense of men: for which cause both the magistrate & people were vexed at the very harts that the scripture might be fulfilled, which saith, he that is wicked, let him be wicked stil, and he that is iust let him be more iust. For those which in their prisons they strangled they threw after to the dogs setting keepers both day and night to watch them, that they shoulde not be buryed, and bringing forth the remnaunt of their bones & bodies, some halfe burnt, some left of the wilde beasts, & some al [...]o be mangled, also bringing forth heads of other which were cut of, and like maner committed by them to the charge of the keepers to see them remaine vnburied.

The Gentiles grinded & gnashed at the Christians with their teeth, seeking which way they might amplifie their punishment: some other flouted and mocked them, extolling their idoles, attributing vnto them the cause of thys crueltie and vengeaunce shewed to vs. Such which were of the meeker sort, and seemed to be moued with some pyty, did hit vs in the teeth, saying, where is your God, that you so much boast of: & what helpeth this your religion: for which you giue your liues? These were the sundrye passions and affects of the Gentiles, but the Christians in the meane while were in great heauines, that they might not burye the bodies and reliques of the holy Martirs. Neither could the dark night serue them to that purpose, nor any intreaty, nor waging them with money, whiche were appointed for watchmen: but they so narowly loked vnto the matter, as though they should haue gotten great benefite and profite thereby.

Thus were the bodies of the martirs made a wonderyng stocke, and laye sixe dayes in the open streetes, at the length they burned them, & threwe their ashes into ye riuer of Rods, so that there might appeare no remnaunt of thē vpō the earth. And this did they as though they had beene able to haue pulled god out of his seat, & to haue let the regeneration of the Saintes, and taken from them the hope of the resurrection, whereof they being perswaded (sayd they) bring in this newe and straunge Religion, and set thus light by death and punishment. Atque haec: haec ex Epistola Viennensium. &c.

Amongest other that suffered vnder Antoninus, Iustinus. mention was made also of Iustinus, who as it is said before, exhibited two Apologies, concerning the defence of christian doctrine, the one to the Senate of Rome, and the other to Antoninus Pius the Emperour, cōcerning whose suffering, and the causes therof is partly before declared: this Iustine was borne in Neapoli, in the countrey of Palestine, whose father was Priscus Bachius, as he himselfe doth testifie. By whom in his youth he was set to schole to learne,Priscus Bachius. Iustinus father. wherin processe of time he became a famous and worthy Philosopher, o [...] whose excellency many learned & notable men doe record, For first, he being altogither inflamed and rauished with desire of knowledge, would in no wise be satisfied in his mind, before he had gotten instructors singularly seene in all kinde of Philosophy, wherevpon he writeth of him selfe in the beginning of his Dialogue Cum Tripone, thus declaring,Iustine desirous of Philosophy. that in the beginning he being desirous of that sect and societie, applied himselfe to be the scholer to a certaine Stoicke, & remaining with him a time, when he nothing profited in diuine knowledge (wherof the Stoicke had no skill, and affirmed the knowledge therof not to be necessary) he forsoke him, and went to another of the sect of the Perepatetick, a sharp witted man, as he thought with whom after he had beene a while, he demaunded of him a [Page] stipend [...] for his teaching, for the better confirmatiō of their familiaritie. Whereupon Iustine accōpting him as no Philosopher left him,Iustine proueth all sectes of Philosophy. & departed. And yet not satisfied in mind but desirous to heare of further learning in Philosophye. adioyned himselfe to one that professed ye Pithagorian [...]ect, a man of great fame, and one who made no small accompt of himselfe. Who after he had followed a time, his maister, demaunded of him whether he had any sight in Musicke, Astronomy, and Geometry, wythout the sight of whiche science, he saide he coulde not be apte to receiue the knowledge of vertue and felicitie, vnles before he had vsed to apply his minde from sensible matters to the contemplation of things intellible. And speaking much in the commen [...]ation of these sciences, how profitable and necessary they were: after that Iustine had declared him selfe not to bee sene therin, the Philosopher gaue him ouer, which greued Iustine not a little, & so much themore because he thought his master to haue some knowledge in those sciences. After this Iustine considering with himselfe what time was requisite to the learning of these sciences, and thinking not to di [...]erte any longer, thought best to resort to the secte of the Platonistes for the great fame that ran of them: wherefore he chose vnto him a singuler learned man of that secte,Iustine a Platonist. which lately was come to those parties & so remaining wt him seemed to profite not a litle in contemplation of supernall things, & inuisible formes, insomuch that he thought shortly to aspire to such sharpnes of witte and wisedome, that out of hand he might atchiue to the comprehension & contēplation of god,The end of Plato hys Philosophy. which is the end of Plato his Philosophie. And in this maner he bestowed his youth: but afterward he growing to a riper age, howe & by what meanes the said Iustine came to the knowledge & profession of chritianitie, it foloweth likewise in his saide first Apologie: where he affirmeth of him selfe (as witnesseth Eusebius in his fourth booke) that when he did behold the christians in their torments and sufferinges to be so constaunt in theyr profession,Ex Euseb. lib. 4. cap. 8. was therwith maru [...]ilously mooued: after this maner reasoning with himselfe, that it was impossible for that kinde of people to be subiect to any vice or carnalitie, which vices of their owne nature are not able to sustayne any sharpe aduersitie,Iustine beginneth to fauour Christen Religion. much lesse the bytternesse of death. The sight wherof helped him not a litle (being of his own nature inclined to the searching of true knowledge & vertue) to begin thereby to loue and imbrace Christian Relygion, for so he doth witnes of himselfe in the ende of ye fyrst Apologie: signifiyng there how it was his seking and indeuor to attaine to Christianitie: Understanding how the Christians by malice of wicked persons were cōpelled to suffer wrong and tormentes,Iustine goeth into desert. and to be euill spoken of. By sight whereof, as he saith himselfe, he became a Christian, through this occasion, for being thus afflicted in his minde as is aforesaid, it came in his head for his more quietnes to go aside to some desert and solitary place void of concourse of people, vnto a village or graūge neare to ye seaside: whither as he approched, thinking there to be al alone, there meeteth with him an old auntient father of a comly visage and gentle behauior,Iustinus miraculously conuerted by an olde man. who folowing him a litle of began to reason with him, where after lōg disputation, when ye old man had declared vnto him that there was no knowledge of truth amongst the Philosophers, which neither knewe God, neither were aided by the holy Ghost: & further had reasoned wt him of ye immortality of ye soule, of the reward of the godly, & punishment of the wicked: then Iustine being confirmed with his reasons and arguments, yelded to him of his owne accorde, and demaunded of him by what meanes he might attaine to that true knowledge of God, Wherof he had spoken.The vanity of the olde Philosophers reproued. Who then counsailed him to read & searche the Prophetes, adioyning therewith prayer: but what master, quoth Iustine should I vse for the instruction therof. & who shalbe able to helpe vs if these philosophers (as you say) lacke the truth, & are voide of the same? To whom the old father aunswering, there haue bene saide he many yeres before these philosophers, other more aūtient then all these, which beyng accompted for Philosophers were iust and beloued of God:The doctrine of the Prophetes commended. who spake by the spirite of God, foreseing and prophesiyng these thinges which wee see now come to passe, & therfore they are called Prophets. These only haue knowen the truth and reueled it to men, neither fearing nor passyng for any: who were seduced wt no opinions of mans inuention, but only spake & taught those things which they themselues both heard and sawe, being inspired with the holy spirit of god:The vtilitie of reading the Prophetes. whose writings and works yet to this day remaine. Out of which the reader may receiue great profite & knowledge of thinges, as concerning the first creation of the worlde & end of ye same, with al other things necessary to be knowne of euery true Philosopher which wil giue credite vnto them. Neither in their teaching they do vse any demonstration, as being more certaine o [...] themselues, then that they neede any such demonstration to be made. For asmuch as the accomplyshing and the end of things both paste,Prophetes to [...] credited for tw [...] causes. & now present constraineth vs of necessitie to beleue the words and doctrine which they taught: which men not only therefore are to be beleued, but also for their miracles and wonders done are worthy of credite, for that they both preached of God the maker and creator of all thinges: And also did prophecye before of Christ his sonne to be sent of him, The which the false Prophets being seduced with false and wicked spyrits, neither haue done, nor do, but onely take vpon them to worke certaine prodigious wonders for men to gase at, setting out thereby to the worlde false & vncleane spirites: But then afore all thinges make thy prayer, that ye gate of light may be opened vnto thee, for otherwise these things cannot be attained vnto of euery man, but onely of such, to whom God and his Christ giueth vnderstanding. These thinges with much more (which now leasure serueth not, to prosecute) after the foresaid old father had declared vnto him he departed: exhortyng him well to follow the things which he had spoken. And after that Iustine as he himselfe witnesseth, saw him no more. Immediatly after thys Iustine being all inflamed as with fyre kindled in his breast, began to conceiue a loue & zeale toward the Prophets and all such as were fauoured of Christ. And thus he reuoluing in his mind more and more these wordes, found only this Philosophie among all other professions, both sure and profitable,Iustinus baptised. and so became he a Philosopher, & in time by these meanes afterwards he was made a Christian and Baptised. But where he receiued this holy Sacrament of Baptisme, it is not read of, nor yet by what occasiō he left his country and came to Rome. This only we read in Ierome that he was in Rome, & there vsed certaine exercises which he called Diatribas, disputing there with Crescens, a Cinycal philosopher,Diatriba. as is before touched. But this is certaine how that Iustine after he had receaued the professiō of Christian Religiō, became an earnest defēder of the same, traueiling and disputing against al the aduersaries thereof fearing neither peril of life nor daunger of death whereby he might maintaine the doctrine of Christ, against the malicious blasphemers and also augment the number of Christian beleuers.Iustinus an earnest defender of Christ. As may appeare by his vehement disputations against ye heathen Philosophers. Also moreouer aswell appeareth in that long disputatiō which he had with one Tripho at Ephesus: as also in his confutations of heretikes.Two Apologies of Iustinus. Furthermore his conflictes and Apologies which with great courage & security he exhibited against the persecutors of the Christians, both the Emperour and the Magistrates, yea and the whole Senate of Rome, doe testifie the same.

Of the which Apologies the first he wrote to the Senate of Rome,The summe of his Apologies. and after to Antoninus Pius the Emperour as is before mentioned, where, in the fyrst writing wyth great liberty to the Senate he declared: that of necessitie he was compelled to write and vtter his minde and consciēce to them. For that in persecuting of the Christians they did neglect their duety, and highly offended God, and therfore neede they had to be admonished. And further writing to Vrbitius liefetenaunt of the Citie, sayd, that hee put men to death and tormentes for no offence committed, but for the confession onely of the name of Christ: which proceedinges and iudgementes neyther became the Emperour nor hys sonne, nor the Senate: defending moreouer in the sayd Apology and purgyng the Christiās of such crimes as falsely were layd and obiected agaynst them by the Ethnikes.

And likewise in hys second Apology writing to Antonius the Emperour and his successours,The second A-Apology of Iustine. with like grauity and free libertie, declareth vnto them how they had the name, cōmonly beyng reputed & taken as vertuous Philosophers, mayntayners of iustice, louers of learning, but whether they were so, their actes declared. As for him neither for flattery nor fauour at their hands, he was cōstrayned thus to write vnto them, but onely to sue vnto thē and desire a serious & righteous kind of dealing in their iudgements and sentences. For it becommeth Princes to folow vprightnes & pietie in their iudgements, not tiranny and violence: & also in playne wordes chargeth as wel the emperour as the Senate with manifest wrong. For that they did not graunt the Christians, that which is not denied to all other malefactors, iudging men to death not conuicted but onely for the hatred of the name: Other men which be appeached (said he) in iudgement, are not condemned, before they are cōuicted: but on vs you take your name only for the crime, when as indede you ought to see iustice done vpō our accusers. And againe (saith he) if a Christian being accused onely denie that name, him you release beyng [Page] not able to charge him with any other offence. But if he stande to his name, onely for his confession you may cast him, where indeede it were your duety rather to examine their maner of life what thing they confesse or denye, and according to their demerites to see iustice done.

The Lord take away this spirit of fury, condemning innocentes before they be conuicted.And in the same further he saith, you examine not the causes, but incensed with rash affections as with the spur of fury, ye slay & murder them not conuicted, without any respect of iustice. And further he addeth: Some peraduenture wil say certaine of them haue bene apprehended & taken in euill doinges, as though (saith he) you vsed to enquire vpō them being brought afore you, & not commonly to condemne thē before due examination of their offence for the cause aboue mentioned. Where also in the ende of ye said Apology after this maner he reprehendeth thē. You do degenerate (quoth he) from the goodnes of your predecessours, whose exāple you followe not: for your father Adrian of famous memorye, caused to bee proclaymed that Christians accused before the iudge, should not be cōdemned, vnles they were found gilty of some notorious crime I finde that all his vehement and graue Apologie stādeth vpon most strong & firme probations: denying yt the christians ought by conscience at the will & commaundement of the Emperour & Senate to doe sacrifice to the Idols. For the which they being condemned, affirme yt they suffer open wrong: approuing moreouer that the true & only Religion, is the Religion of the Christians: whose both doctrine and conuersation hath no fault. Iustinus although with these and such like perswasions did not so preuayle with the Emperour to cause him to loue his Religion & become a christian (for that is not written) yet thus much he obtained, that Antoninus writing to his Officers in Asia in the behalfe of the Christians, required and cōmaunded them, that those Christians which onely were founde giltie of any trespasse, should suffer, and such as were not conuicted, should not therfore onely for the name be punished, because they were called Christians. By these it is apparant with what zeale and faith this Iustinus did striue against the persecutors, which (as he said) could kill onely but could not hurt.

Ex Euseb. lib 4. Cap. 16. A place of Epiphanius found faulty.This Iustinus by the meanes and malice of Crescens the Philosopher as is before declared, suffered Martyrdome vnder Marcus Antoninus Verus a little after that Polycarpus was martired in Asia, as witnesseth Eusebius. Lib. 4. Here is to be gathered how Epiphanius was deceiued in the time of his death, saying that he suffered vnder Rusticus the president, and Adrian the Emperour, being of xxx. yeares of age, which indeede agreeth not neither with Eusebius, nor Ierome, nor Swide, nor other moe, which manifestly declare and testifie how he exhibited his Apology vnto Antoninus Pius which came after Adrian. Thus hast thou good Reader the li [...]e of this learned & blessed martir although partly touched before, yet now more fully & amply discoursed, for the better commendatiō of his excellent & notable vertues of whose small ende thus writeth Photius saying that he suffering for Christ died cheerefully & with honor.

C [...]m dignitate & latus pro Christo pertulit. The singuler modesty of the foresayd Martyrs declared. Ex Euseb. lib. 5. cap. 2.Thus haue ye heard the whole discourse of Iustinus and of the blessed Saints of Fraunce, Vetius, Zacharias, Sanctus, Maturus, Attalus, Blandina, Alexander, Alcibiades, with other, recorded and set foorth by the writing of certaine Christian brethren of the same Church & place of Fraunce. In the which foresaid writing of theirs moreouer appeareth the great meekenes and modest constancie of the said martirs described in these words: such folowers were they of christ who when he was in the forme of God thought it no robbery to be equal with god, being in ye same glory with him, that they not once nor twise, but oft times suffered martyrdome, & taken againe from the beastes & bearing wounds tearinges and skarres in their bodies, yet neither woulde counte them selues Martirs, neyther woulde they suffer vs so to cal thē: but if any of vs either by word or letter woulde call them Martirs, they did vehementlye rebuke them: saying that ye name of martirdome was to be gyuen to Christ the faithfull and true martir, the first borne of the dead, & the captaine of life, testifiyng moreouer that martirdome belongeth to such, who by their martirdome were already passed out of this life, and whom as christ by their worthy confession hath receiued vnto him selfe and hath sealed vp their Martirdome by their ende finished:The holy Martyrs refuse to be called Martyrs. As for thē, which were not yet consūmated, they (said they) were not worthy the names of martirs, but only were humble and worthy confessours, desiring also their brethren with teares, to praye without ceasing for their confirmation. Thus they performing in deede that whiche belonged to true Martirs, in resisting the heathen with much lybertie, and great patience, without all feare of man, being replenished with the feare of God, refused to be named of their brethren for martirs. And after in the said writing it followeth more: they humbled themselues vnder the mightye hand of God, by which they were greatly exalted. Then they rendred to all men a reason of their faith, they accused no man, they loosed all, they bounde none. And for them which so euill did intreate them, they praied, following the example of Stephen the perfect Martir, which sayde: O Lord impute not their sinne to them. And after againe: Neither did they proudly disdaine against them which fell but of such as they had, they imparted to them that lacked bearing toward them a motherly affection, shedding their plentifull teares for them to God the Father, and prayed for their life and saluation, and as God gaue it them, they also did communicate to their neighbours. And thus they as conquerers of all thynges departed to God. They loued peace, and leauing the same to vs; they went to God, neither leauyng any molestation to their mother, nor sedition or trouble to their brethren, but ioye, peace, concorde, and loue to all.

Out of the same writyng moreouer concernyng these Martyrs of Fraunce afore mentioned, is recorded also an other history, not vnworthy to be noted, taken out of the same booke of Eusebius. cap. 3. Which history is this.

There was among these constaunt and blessed Martirs, one Alcibiades, Ex Euseb. Lib. 5. ca [...]. Alcibiades. The straite fasting of Alcibiades corrected by the holy Ghost. as is aboue specified: which Alcibiades euer vsed a very straight died, receiuing for his foode and sustenaunce nothing els but only bread and water: when this Alcibiades now [...]eing cast into prison, went about to accustome the same straightnes of diet, after his vsual maner before it was reueiled by God to Attalus afore mentioned, one of the said company, being also the same time imprisoned after his first conflict vpon the scaffolde that Alcibiades did not well in that hee refused to vse and take the creatures of God: & also thereby ministred to other a pernicious occasion of offensiue example. Whereupon Alcibiades being aduertised, & reformed, began to take al thinges boldly and with giuing thankes, whereby may appeare to all scrupulous consciences,A lesson for scripulous consciences. not only a wholesome instrucion of the holy Ghost, but also here is to be noted how in those dayes they were not destytute of the grace of God: but had the holy spirite of God to be their instructor, Haec Euseb.

The foresaide martirs of Fraunce also the same tyme, commended Irenaeus newly then made minister,Irenaus newely made minister, and cō mended to Eleutherius. Appollinaris and Melito exhibited. Apologies to the Emperour for the Christians. with their letters vnto Eleutherus Bishop of Rome: as witnesseth Euseb. in the x. thap. of the same booke, which Irenaeus fyrst was the hearer of Polycarpus, then made minister (as is sayde) vnder these Martyrs. And after their death, made Byshop afterward of Lyons in Fraunce and succeded after Photinus. Besides this Iustinus there was also the same time in Asia, Claudius Apolinaris, or Apolinarius Byshop of Hierapolis, And also Melito Bishop of Sardis an eloquent & learned man, much commended of Tertullian, who succeeding after the time of the apostles, in the reigne of this Antoninus Verus, exhibited vnto him, learned and eloquent Apologies, in defence of Christes Religion, like as Quadratus and Aristides aboue mentioned, did vnto the Emperour Hadrian whereby they mooued him somewhat to stay, the rage of his persecution. In like maner did this Apolinaris and Melito (stirred vp by God) aduenture to defende in writing the cause of the christians vnto this Antoninus. Of this Melito, Eusebius in his fourth booke making mention, excerpeth certaine places of his Apologie,Ex Euseb. Lib. 4. cap. 26. The summe of the Apologye of Melito. in these wordes as followeth. Nowe saith he which was neuer seene before, the godly suffereth persecution by occasion of certaine Proclamations & Edictes proclaimed throughout Asia, for vilanous Sichophantes, robbers & spoylers of other mens goods grounding them selmes vpon those Proclamations, and taking occasion of them, robbe openlye night and daye, and spoyle those which doe no harme: And it followeth after: which if it be done by your commaundement, be it so well done. For a good Prince wyll neuer commaund but good things. And so we wil be contented to sustaine the honor of his death. This onely wee most humblye beseech your Maiestie, that callyng before you and examining the authors of this tumult and cōtention, then your grace would iustly iudge whether we are worthy of cruell death or quiet life. And then if it be not your pleasure, and that it proceedeth not by your occasion (which indeede against your barbarous enimies were to badde) the more a great deale we are petitioners to your hyghnes,The Christians Religion began with the Empire of Rome. that hereafter you wyll vouchsafe to heare vs thus so vexed and oppressed with these kinde of vylanous robberies. And verily our Philosophy & doctryne did first among the barbarous take place, which doctrine fyrst in the daies of Augustus your predecessor, when it did raygne and florish, thereby your Empire became most famous & [Page] fortunate: and from that time more and more the state of the Romane Empire increased in honor wherof you most happely were made successour,Christen religion maketh common weales to florish. and so shall your sonne to. Honor therefore this Philosophie, which with your Empire sprang vp and came in with Augustus whiche your progenitors aboue al other honored & most esteemed. And verily this is no small argumēt of a good beginning, that since our doctrine flourished in the Empire, no misfortune or losse happened frō Augustus time: but contrary alwaies victory, good and honorable yeres, as euer any mā would wishe. Onely among all, and of all Nero and Domitian beyng kindled by diuers naughty and spitfull persons cauillingly obiected against our doctrine, of whom this Sicophanticall slaundring of vs by naughty custome first came and sprang vp. But your godly fathers espying the ignoraunce of these, oftentimes by their writing corrected their temerous attemptes in that behalfe. Among whom your granfather Adrian wt many other is read of, to haue wrytten of Fundayne the Proconsul and Lieutenāt of Asia. And your father, your own father I say, with whom you ruled in al things, wrote to the Cities vnder his signet, as the Laersens, Thessalonicenses, Athenienses and Grecians rashly to innouate or alter nothing of your highnes: therfore, who in this case is of that sect as your predecessours were, yea & of a more benigne & Philosophicall minde, we are in good hope to obtaine our peticion and request.

The bookes of the olde Testament autentike and receaued.Thus much out of the Apologie of Melito, who writing to Onesimus, geueth to vs this benefite to knowe the true Catalogue, & the names of al the autentike bookes of the olde Testament, receaued in the auncient time of the prymitiue Church. Concerning the number & names wherof the said Melito in his letter to Onesimus declareth, howe that he returning into the parts where these things were done and preached, there hee diligently inquired out the bookes aprooued of the old Testament, the names wherof in order he subscribeth & sendeth vnto him as followeth: The fiue bookes of Moses, Genesis, Exodus, Leuiticus, Numeri, Deuteronomi, Iesus Naue, The Iudges, Ruth, Foure bookes of Kings: Two bookes Paralipomenon. The Psalmes Prouerbes of Salomon The booke of Wisedome: The Preacher. The song of songs. Iob. The Prophets, Esay, Hieromie, twelue Prophetes in one booke, Daniel, Ezechiel, Esdras. And thus much of thys matter, which I thought here to record, for that it is not vnprofitable for these latter times to vnderstande what in the first times was receaued, and admitted as autentike, and what otherwise.

But from this little digression to returne to our matter omitted, that is, to the Apologies of Apolinarius and Melito, in the story so it followeth, that whether it was by the occasiō of these two Apologies, or whether it was through the writing of Athenagoras a Philosopher, and a Legate of the Christians, it is vncertaine: but this is certaine that the persecution the same time was staid. Some do thinke, which most probably seeme to touch the truthe, that the cause of staying this persecution, did rise vpon a wonderfull myracle of God, shewed in the Emperours campe by the Christians the story wherof is this: At what time the two brethren Marcus Antonius, and Marcus Aurelius Commodus Emperours,Ex Eusebio ibidem. A miraculous rayne obtayned by the Christians. ioyning together, warred against the Quades, Vandales, Sarmates, and Germaines, in the expeditiō against them their army by reason of the imminent assault of their enimies, was cooped & shut in within the straights and hoate dry places, where their souldiours besides other difficulties of battaile, being destitute of water, fyue dayes, were like to haue perished, which dread not a little discomfited them, & did abate their courage. Wherin this their so great distresse and ieopardy, sodainely wythdrew from the army a legian of the christian souldiours for their succour: who falling prostrate vpon the earth, by ardent praier, by & by obtained of God double reliefe: by meanes of whom God gaue certaine pleasaunt showers from the element, whereby as their souldiors quenched their thirst so were a great number of their enimies discomfited & put to flight by the continual lightnings which shooted out of the aire. This miracle so pleased & won the Emperour, that euer after he waxed gentler & gentler to the Christians & dyrected his letters to diuers of his rulers, as Tertullian in his Apologie witnesseth, commaūding thē therin to giue thankes to the Christians, no lesse for his victory, then for the preseruation of him and all his men. The copy of which letter hereafter ensueth.

¶Marcus Aurelius Antonius Emperour, to the Senate and people of Rome.

I Giue you hereby to vnderstande, what I intend to doe, as also, what successe I haue had in my warres in Germany, and with how much difficultie I haue viteled my campe, being compassed about with 74. fierce Dragons, whome my Scottes descryed to be within ix. miles of vs, and Pompeianus our Liefetenaunt hath viewed as he signified vnto vs by hys letters: Wherefore I thought no lesse but to be ouerunne and all my bandes of so great multitude, as well my vaward mayne warde as reere warde, with all my souldiours of Ephrata. In whose host there were numbred of fighting men ix. hundreth seuenty and fiue thousand. But when I saw my selfe not able to encounter with the enemy, I craued ayde of our countrey Gods, at whose hands I finding no comfort, and being driuen of the enemye vnto an exegent, I caused to be sent for those men which we call Christians who being mustred were found a good indifferent number, with whom I was in farther rage, then I had good cause, as afterwardes I had experience by their merueilous power, who forthwith did their indeuour, but without either weapon, munition, armour or trumpets, as men abhorring such preparation and furniture but onely satisfied in trust of their God, whome they cary about with them in their consciences. It is therefore to be credited, although we call them wicked men, that they worship God in their hartes. For they falling prostrate vpon the ground, prayed not onely for me, but for the host also, which was with me, beseeching their God for helpe in that our extremitie of vittels and fresh water. For we had bene now v. dayes without water, and were in our enemies land, euen in the middest of Germany. who thus falling vppon their faces, made their prayer to a GOD vnknowne of me: and there sell amongest vs from heauen a most pleasaunt and cold shower, but amongest our enemies a great storme of hayle mixt with lightning so that immediately we perceiued the inuincible ayde of the most mighty God to be with vs. Therefore we geue those men leaue to professe Christianitie, least perhap by their prayer, we be punished with the lyke, and thereby make my selfe the author of such hurt as shalbe receiued by the Christian profession. And if any shall apprehend one that is a Christian, onely for that cause: I will that he being apprended without punishment, may haue leaue to confesse the same, so that there be none other cause obiected agaynst hym, more then that he is a Christian: But let his accuser be burned aliue. Neither will I that he confessing and being founde a Christian, shalbe enforced to alter the same his opinion by the gouernour of any of our prouinces, but le [...]t to hys owne choyse. And this decree of myne I will to be ratified in the Senate house, and commaund the same publiquely to be proclaymed and read in the Court of Traianus and that farther from thence it may be sent into all our Prouinces by the diligence of Veratius gouernour of our Citie Polione. And further we geue leaue to all men to vse and write out this our decree, taking the same out of our co [...]e publiquely in the common Hall set forth.

Thus the tempestuous rage of persecution against the Christians began for a tyme to asswage partly by the occasion hereof, partly also vpon other causes incident, cōpelling the enimies to surcease their persecutiō, as great plagues & pestilence lying vpon the countrie of Italy: lykewise great warres, as well in ye East partes, as also in Italy and Fraunce, terrible earthquakes great flouds, no [...] some swarmes of flies and vermine deuouring their corne fieldes,Antoninus Verus. M. Aurelius Commodus Emperrours▪ The discrepance betweene Eusebius and Platina. &c. And thus much of thinges done vnder Antoninus Verus which Antoninus in the beginning of his raygne ioyned with him in the gouernement of the Empire, hys brother Marcus Aurelius Commodus, who also was wyth hym at the miraculous victory gotten by the Christiās, as Eusebius cap. 5. Lib. 5. recordeth, contrary Platina in vita Soteris, and the book intituled Flores historiarū, referre the same to the time of Antoninus verus, and his sonne Lucius Antoninus Commodus, and not of Marcus Aurelius Commodus hys brother. But howsoeuer the truth of yeares doe stand, certaine it is,Anno. 175. that after the death of Antoninus Verus, and of Aurelius Commodus, succeeded Lucius Antoninus, Commodus the sonne of Verus who raigned 13. yeares.

In the time of this Commodus, although he was an incōmodious Prince to the Senatours of Rome,Quitnes geuen to the Church. yet notwtstanding there was some quietnes vniuersally through the whole Church of Christ from persecution by what occasion it is not certaine. Some thinke of whom is Xiphilinus that it came through Marcia the Emperou [...]s concubine, which fauoured the Christians: but how soeuer it came saith Eusebius, the furye of the raging enimies was then somwhat mittigated. & peace was giuen by the grace of Christ, vnto the Church throughout the whole worlde. At what time the wholesome doctrine of the Gospel allured and reduced the harts of all forces of people, vnto the true Religion of God, insomuch that many both rich and noble personages of Rome, with their whole families and housholdes to their saluation, adioyned thē to the Church of Christ.

Among whom there was one Apollonius, a noble man and a Senatour of Rome,Appollonius Martyr. mentioned in Eusebius. Lib. 5. ca. 21. who being maliciously accused vnto the Senate by one [Page] whom Hierome writeth to be the seruaunt of ye said Apollonius, and nameth him Seuerus: but whose seruaunt soeuer he was,Appollonius accused by hys owne seruaunt. the wretched man came soone inough before the iudge, being condignely rewarded, for that his malicious diligence. For by a law which ye Emperour made that no man vpon paine of death shoulde falsely accuse the Christians, he was put to execution, & had his legs broken forthwith, by the sentence of Perenninus the iudge, which being an heathen man, he pronounced against him: but the beloued martyr of God,Apoollonius exhibiteth an Apology of hys fayth to the Senate. when the iudge with much a doe had obtained of hym to render an accout before the honorable Senate of his faith, vnder whose defence and warrant of lyfe he did the same, deliuered vnto them an eloquēt Apologie of the christian beliefe: but the former warrant notwithstanding, he by the decree of the Senate, was beheaded, and so ended his life:An old wicked law of the Romaines. For that there was an auncient law among them decreed, that none that professed Christ, and therefore araigned, should be released without recantation, or altering his opinion.

This Commodus is said in stories to be so sure & steddy handed in casting the dart, that in the open Theatre before the people, he would encounter with the wild beasts, and be sure to hit them in place where he appointed. Among diuers other his vicious and wild parts he was to farre surpressed in pride & arrogancy,The ridiculous pride of the Emperour. that he would be called Hercules, and many times would shewe himselfe to the people in the skinne of a Lion, to bee counted thereby the king of men, like as the Lion is of the beastes.

Upon a certaine time being his birth day, this Commodus, calling the people of Rome togither, in a great roialtye hauing his lions skinne vpon him, made sacrifice to Hercules & Iupiter, causing it to be cried through the Citty that Hercules was the patrone and defender of the Citye. There were the same time at Rome. Vincentius, Eusebius, Peregrinus, Potentianus, learned men, and instructors of the people,Vincentius. Eusebius. Peregrinus. Potentianus. Martyrs. who folowing the steps of the Apostles, went about from place to place where the Gospell was not yet preached, conuerting the Gentiles to the sayth of Christ, These hearing the madnes of the Emperour & of the people, began to reproue their idolatrous blindnes, teaching in villages & townes al that heard them, to beleue vpon ye true and only God, and to come away from such worshipping of deuils, and to giue honor to God alone, which only is to be worshipped, willing them to repent and to bee Baptised,Iulius a Senator conuerted to Christ. Ex Vincen, lib. 10. cap 119. Henr. de Erfor. least they perished with Commodus. With thys their preaching, they conuerted one Iulius a Senatour and other to the Religion of Christ. The Emperour hearyng thereof, caused thē to be apprehended of Vitellus his Captaine, and to be compelled to sacrifice vnto Hercules, which when they stoutly refused, after diuers greuous torments and great miracles by them done, at last they were pressed with [...]eaden waightes to death, Vincentius. Lib. 10. cap. 119. & Chron. Henr. de Erfordia.

Peregrinus sent to Fraunce and Martyred at at Rome. Ex Platinain vita Sixti.This Peregrinus aboue mentioned had bene sent before by Xistus Byshop of Rome, into the parties of Fraunce, to supply there ye rowme of a Bishop and teacher, by reason yt for the continual and horrible persecutions there aboue touched, those places were left desolat and destitute of ministers and instructors, where after he had occupied hym selfe wt much frute among the flocke of Christ, and had stablished the congregation there, returning home againe to Rome, there finished at last (as it is said) his martirdome.

Now remaineth likewise to speake of Iulius, which Iulius being as is afore described, a Senator of Rome, and now won by ye preaching of these blessed men, to the fayth of Christ, did eftsoones inuite them & brought them home to his house,Iulius with hy [...] family baptised and after Martyred. where being by them more fully instructed in christian religiō, he beleued in the gospel. And sending for one Ruffinus a Priest, was with all his family by him baptised, who (not as the common sort was wont to do) kept close and secret his faith: but incensed with a marueylous and sincere zeale openly professed the same: altogither wishing and praying to be giuen to him by God, not only to beleue in Christ, but also to hasarde his life for him. Which thing the Emperour hearing, how that Iulius had forsakē his old religion, and became a christian, forthwith sent for him to come before him, vnto whom he spake on this wise O Iuly, what madnes hath possessed thee, that this thou doest fall from the olde & common Religion of thy forefathers who acknowledged and worshipped Iupiter & Hercules their gods, & now doest embrace a new & fond kind of Religion of the Christians: At which time Iulius hauing good occasion to shew and opē his faith gaue straight way accompt thereof to him, and affirmed that Hercules & Iupiter were false Gods, & how the worshippers of thē should perish with eternall damnation & punishmentes. Which the Emperour hearing, how that he condemned & despised his Gods, being then inflamed with a great wrath as he was by nature very cholericke, committed him foorthwith to Vitellus, the master of the souldiours, a very cruell & fierce man, to see Iulius either to sacrifice to mighty Hercules or refusing the same to slea him. Vitellus as hee was commaunded) exhorted Iulius to obey the Emperors cō maundement and to worship his Gods, Alledging how that the whole Empire of Rome was not onely constituted, but also preserued and maintained by them. Which Iulius denied vtterly to do, admonishing sharply in like maner Vitellus to acknowledge the true God, and obey hys commaundementes, least he with his maister should dye some greeuous death. Whereat Vitellus being moued, caused Iulius with cougels to be beaten vnto death.

These things being thus briefly recited touching such holy martirs, as hetherto haue suffered, nowe remayneth that wee returne againe to the order of the Romaine Byshops such as followed next after Alexander, Xistus Byshop of Rome. at whome we left, whose succeder next was Xistus or Sixtus, the sixt Byshoppe counted after Peter, and gouerned that ministerye the space of x yeares as Damascus & other do write. Vrspergensis maketh mention but of ix. yeares. Platina recordeth that he died a Martir, and was buried at Uaticane. But Eusebius speaking of his discease, maketh no word mentiō of any Martyrdome. In the 2. tome of the Councelles certaine Epistles be attributed to him, whereof Eusebius Damasus, Hierome, and other olde authors, as they make no relation, so seeme they to haue no intelligence nor knowledge of any such matter. In these coūterfeit epistles, & in Platina appeareth ye Xistus was the first author of these ordinaunces.The trifling ordinaunce [...] of Xistus. First that the holy misteries and holy vessels shoulde be touched, but onely of persons holy and consecrated, especially of no woman, Itē that the corporas cloth should be made of no other cloth, but of fine linnen. Item that bishops such as were called vp to the Apostolicke sea, returning home againe,S. Peter celebrated the Lordes supper onely with the Lords prai [...] Plateua [...] vita Sixti. should not be receiued at their returne, vnlesse they brought with them letters from the bishop of Rome, saluting the people. Itē, at the celebration he ordained to be song this verse, Sanctus, Sanctus, Sanctus, Dominus Deus Sabaoth. Where moreouer is to be noted, that the saide Platina, in the life of thys Xistus, doeth testifie that Peter ministred the celebration of the cōmunion onlie wyth the Lordes prayer. These tryflyng ordinaunces of Xistus, who is so rude that seeth not or may not easly cōiecture to be falsly fathered of Xistus, The ordinaunce of Xistus. suspected. or of anye father of that time, first by the vniforme rudenes and stile of all those decretal letters, nothing sauouryng of that age, but rather of ye later dunsticall times that followed. Also by the matter and argument in those leters contained, nothing agreing with the state of those troublesome daies. Neither againe is it to be supposed that any such recourse of bishops was then to the Apostolicall sea of Rome, that it was not lawfull to returne without their letters: when as the persecution against the Christians was then so hoate, in the daies of Hadrian that the Bishoppes of Rome themselues were more glad to flee out of the Citie, then other bishops were to come to them vnto Rome. And if Xistus added the Sanctus vnto the Masse cannon, what peece then of the canon went before it, when they which put to the other patches came after Xistus: And if they came after Xistus that aded the rest, why did they set their peeces before his, seing they yt began the first peece of the canon, came after him?

The same likewise is to be iudged of the Epistles & ordinaunces of Telesphorus, Telesphorus Byshop of Rome and Martyr. who succeded next vnto Xistus, and being Bishop of that congregation the terme of a 11, yeares, the first yeare of the raigne of Antoninus Pius, dyed Martyr, about the yeare of our Lorde. 138. His Epistle like vnto the rest containing in it no great matter of doctrine,The ordidaunces of Telesphorus. hath these ordinaunces: First he cōmaundeth al that were of the Clergy to fast and abstaine from flesh eatyng, vij. weekes before Easter. That three Masses shoulde bee said vpon the Natiuity day of the Lord. That no lay man should accuse either bishop or priest. He ordained moreouer Gloria in excelsis, to be added to the Masse, &c. but these things falsely to be fained vpon him may easely be coniectured. For as touching the vij. weekes fast neither doth it agree with the old Romane terme cōmonly receaued, calling it Quadragesima, Lent fast and the originall therof examined. that is the xl. daies fast: neither with the example of our Sauiour, who fasted not seuen wekes but onelye xl. dayes. Moreouer, as concernyng this xl. daies fast, wee reade of the same in the Epistle of Ignatius, which was lōg before Telesphorus: wherby it may appere that this Telesphorus was not the first inuentour thereof. And if it be true, that is lately come out in the name of Abdias (but vntruly, as by many coniectures may be proued) there is read, that in the daies of S. Mathewe this Lent, fast of xl. dayes was obserued long before Telesphorus: by [Page] these wordes that followe: In the dayes sayd he, either of Lente, or in the time of other lawfull fastinges, he that abstaineth not as well from the eating meate as also from ye mixture of bodies, doth incurre in so doing not onely pollution, but also cōmitteth offence, which must be washed away with the teares of repentaunce.Montanus first brought in the lawes of fasting Ex Euseb. Lib. 5. cap. 18. Agayne, Apollonius, affirmeth that Montanus the heretike, was the first deuiser and brynger in of these lawes of fasting into the Churche, which before was vsed to be free. Euseb. Lib. 5. cap. 18. but especially by Socrates, wryter of the Ecclesiasticali story, who lyued after the daies of Theodosius, maye bee argued, that this vij. wekes fast is falsely imputed to Telesphorus. For Socrates in his first booke, speaking of this time hath these wordes:Ex Socrat. Eccles. Iust. Lib. 5. cap. 20. Romani namque tres ante Pascha septimanas praeter Sabbatum & Dominicam continuas ieiuuant, that is: the Romanes (saith he) doe fast three weekes continually before Easter, beside the Sabbaoth and the Sonday. And moreouer, speaking of the diuers and sundry fastings of Lent in sundry and diuers Churches, he addeth these words: And because that no man can bring forth any commaundement written of this matter, it is therefore apparant, that the Apostles left this kind of fast free to euery mans will and iudgement, least anye should be constrayned by feare and necessitie to doe that which is good, &c. With this of Socrates, agreeth also the wordes of Sozomenus, Ex Sozomeno. lib. 7. cap. 19. The ordinaunces of Telesphorus falsely to him ascribed. Higynus Byshop of Rome and Martyr. Ex Volatetano Anthrop. Lib. 22. Creame. One Godfather and Godmother in Baptisme. Dedication of Churches. Piu [...] Byshop of Rome. The daungers of letting the holy misteries fall from the Lordes Table. liuing much about y• same time, in his seuenth voke, where he thus writeth: The whole fast of Lent (saith he) some comprehend in sixe weekes, as doe the Illyrians, and the west churches, with al Libia, Egipt, & Palestina: some in vij. weekes, as at Cōstantinople, & ye parties bordering to Phoenicia: other some in three weekes, next before the day of Easter, & some againe in ij. weekes. &c. By ye whiche it may be collected, yt Telesph. neuer ordained any such fast of vij. wekes: whiche otherwise neither woulde haue ben neglected in Rome, & in ye west churches: neither againe woulde haue bene vnremembred of these auncient Ecclesiasticall writers, if any such thing had bene. The like is to be thought also of the rest, not onely of his constitutions: but also of the other auntient Byshops & Martyrs, which followed after him, as of Higinus. an. 142. who succeding him & dying also a Martyr, as Volateranus, Lib. 22. declareth, is saide or rather fained to bring in the creame, one Godfather and Godmother in Baptisme, to ordayne the dedication of Churches: when as in his time so far it was of, that anye solemne Churches were standing in Rome, that vnneth the Christians could safely conuent in their own houses. Likewise they distincting the orders of Metropolitanes, Byshops, and other degres, sauour nothing lesse then of that tyme.

After Higynus followed Pius, who as Platina reporteth was so precisely deuout aboute the holye misteries of the Lords Table, that if any one croome therof did fall downe to the grounde, he ordained that the Priest shoulde doe penaunce xl. daies. If any fell vpō the Superalter, he should doe penaunce iij. daies: if vpon the linen Corporas cloth iiij. daies: if vpon any other linnen cloth. ix. daies. And if any drop of the bloude (saith he) should chaunce be spilled, wheresoeuer it fell it should be licked vp, if it were possible if not the place should be washed or pared, & so being washed or pared, should be burned and layd in the vestry. All which toies may seeme to a wise man, more vaine and trifling, then to fauour of those pure and straight times of those holy Martyrs. This Pius (as is reported) was much conuersaunt with Hermes called otherwise Pastor. Damasus saith he was his brother, but how is that like that Hermes being the disciple of Paule,The reuelation of Hermes. or one of the lx. disciples, could be the brother of this Pius? Of this Hermes & of the reuelations the foresaid Pius in his Epistle decretall (if it be not forged) maketh mentiō, declaring that vnto him appeared the aungel of God in the habite of a shepherde,The decretall Epistle of Pius. commaunding him, yt Easter day should be celebrated of al men vpō no other day, but vpon a sonday, whereupon, saith the Epistle, Pius the Byshop, by his authoritie Apostolicall, decreed and commaunded the same to be obserued of al men.

Then succeeded Anicetus, Soter, and Eleutharius, about the yeare of our Lord.Anicetus. Byshop of Rome and Martyr. Soter Byshop. Elutherius Byshop. England conuerted to the fayth of Christ. 180. This Eleutherius, at the request of Lucius king of Britanes, sent to him Damianus, and Fugatius, by whom the king was conuerted to Christes saith, and baptised about the yeare of our Lorde 179. Nauclerus, Lib. Chro. Gen. 6. saith, it was, an. 156. Henr. de Erfodia, saith, it was, 169. in the xix. yeare of Verus the Emperour, some say it was in the vj. yeare of Commodus, which shoulde be about the yeare of our Lorde, 185. Timotheus in his storye thinketh that Eleutherius came himself: but that is not like And as there is a variaunce among the writers for ye count of yeres: So doth there rise a question among some, whether Eleutherius was the first that brought the faith from Rome into this lande or not. Nicephorus. Lib. 2. cap. 4. saith that Symō Zelotes, came into Britaine. Some other alledge out of Gildas de victoria Aurel Ambrosi, Ex Nicep. lib. 2. cap. 4. Ex Gilda de Victor. Aur. Ambros. Whether this land of Britaine receiued the Gospell before kinge Lucius dayes. that Ioseph of Aramathie after the dispersion of the Iewes, was sent to Philip the Apostle from Fraunce to Britaine; about the yeare of our Lord 63. and here remained in this land al his time, and so with his fellowes laide the first foundation of christian fayth among the Britaine people. Whereupon other preachers and teachers cōming afterwarde confirmed the same & increased it more. And therefore doth Petrus Cluniacensis call the Scotishmen & so doth count them as more auntient Christians. For the confirmation hereof might be alledged the testimonie of Origene, of Tertulian, and the wordes also of the letter of Eleutherius whiche importe no lesse, but that the faith of Christ was here in Englande among the Britaine people, before Eleutherius time, & before the king was cōuerted, but hereof more shalbe spokē hereafter (Christ willing,) when after the tractation of these .x. persecutiōs, we shal enter ye matter of our English stories.

About this time of Commodus aforementioned among diuers other learned men and famous teachers whō God stirred vp at that time (as he doth at all other times rayse vp some) in his church, to confound ye persecutors by learning and writing, as the Martirs to confirme the truth with their bloud,Serapion Byshop of Antioche. Egesippus Ecclesiasticall writer. was Serapion Byshop of Antioche, Egesippus a writer of the Ecclesiasticall historye from Christes Passion to his time, as witnesseth Hierome, & Eusebius Lib. 4. cap. 8. & 22. which bookes of his be not nowe remayning And those that be remaining (which be 5. de excidio Hierosol.) be not mentioned neither of Hierome, nor of Eusebius Miltiades which also wrote his Apology in defence of christian Religion,Miltiades Ecclesiasticall writer. Her [...]clitus Ecclesiasticall writer. Theophilus Ecclesiasticall writer. Dioniti [...]s Corinthius Ecclesiasticall writer. The yoke of chastitie not to be layd vpon the infirme brethren. Ex Euseb. lib. [...]. cap. 23. The booke of Dionisius Areo. De Hierarchia suspected. as did Melito Quadratus, and Aristides before mentioned. About ye same time also wrote Heraclitus, who first began to write annotations & enarrations vpon the newe Testament, and Epistles of the Apostles. Also Theophilus Byshop of Caesaria, Dionysius Byshoppe of Corinthe a man famously learned, which wrote diuers Epistles to diuers Churches, & among other writeth, exhorting Penitus a certaine Byshop, Ne graue seruandae castitatis onus necessario fratribus imponat, sed multorum sese imbecilitati attemperet, that is, that he would lay no yoke of chastitie of any necessity vpon his brethren: but that he would consider the infirmitie of other, and beare with it. Euseb. Lib. 4. cap. 23. Moreouer ye sayd Dionisius in his Epistles writing of Dionisius Agiopagites, declareth of him how that he was first cōuerted to the Christian faith by S. Paule, according as in the actes is recorded, and afterwarde was made the first Byshop of Athens, but maketh there no mention of his booke de Hierarchia. Whereby it maye easely appeare, what is to be iudged of that booke. Furthermore, by the Epistles of the saide Dionisius Corint. this wee haue to vnderstande, to be the vse at that time in Churches to reade the letters and Epistles, such as were sent by learned Bishops and teachers vnto the Congregations, as may appeare by these words of Dionisius, who writing to ye church of the Romanes, and to Soter saith. This day we celebrate the holy Dominical day. In which we haue read your Epistle, which alwaies we wil read for our exhortation,Celebration of the Sonday. like as we doe reade also the Epistle of Clement sent to vs before, &c. Euseb. ibid. where also mention is made of keepyng the Sonday holy. Whereof wee finde no mention made in auntient authors, before his time, except onely in Iustinus Martyr, who in his description declareth two tymes most especially vsed for Christen men to congregate together, first, when any conuert was to be Baptised. The second was vpon the Sonday, which was wont for ij. causes then to be halowed. First, because (saith he) vpon that day God made the worde, Secondlye, because that Christ vpon that day first shewed himselfe after his resurrection to his Disciples, &c.

Ouer and beside these aboue named, about the daies of Commodus, Clemens Alexandrinus. wrote also Clemens Alexandrinus, a man of notable and singular learning, whose bookes, although for a great part be lost, yet certaine of them yet remaine wherin is declared among other thinges, the order and number of the bookes and Gospels of the new testament, &c.

The same time moreouer liued Pantenus, which was the first in Alexandria, that professed in open schoole to reade of whom is thought first to proceede the order and maner among the Christians to read and professe in Uniuersities This Pantenus for his excellency of learning was sent by Demetrius Bishop of Alexandria to preach to the Indeans,The Gospell of S. Mathew in Hebrew. where he founde the Gospell of S. Mathewe written in Hebrew, left there by S. Bartelinewe, which booke afterward he brought with him from thence, to the Library of Alexandria.

Duryng all the raigne of Commodus; God graunted rest & tranquility, although not without some bloudshed [Page] of certaine holy Martyrs, as is aboue declared, vnto his Church. In the which time of tranquillitie, the Christians hauing now some laisure from the foraine enemy,Difference about the ceremony of Easter. begā to haue a little contention among themselues, about the ceremonie of Easter: which contention albeit of long time before had bene stirring in the church as is before mentioned of Polycarpus and Anicetus: yet the variance and difference of that ceremonie brought no breach of Christian concorde and societie among them: Neither as yet did the matter exceede so farre, but that the band of loue, and communion of brotherly life continued, although they differed in the ceremonie of the day. For they of the West Church pretending the tradition of Paule and Peter, but in deede beyng the traditiō of Hermes and of Pius, kept one day, which was vpon the Sonday after the 14. day of the first moneth. The Church of Asia following the ordinance of Iohn the Apostle, obserued an other, as more shalbe declared (the Lord willing) when we come to the tyme of Victor Bishop of Rome. In the meane tyme as concerning the fourth persecution, let this hetherto suffise.

The fift Persecution.

Seuerus Emperour.AFter the death of Commodus, raigned Pertinax but few monthes, after whom succeeded Seuerus. Under whom was raised the fift persecution against the christian saints:Anno. 195. who raigning the terme of 18. yeares, the first x. yeares of the same, was very fauourable and curteous to the Christians. Afterward through sinister suggestions and malicio [...]s accusations of the malignāt,The 5. persecution. Ex Euse. Lib. 6. cap. 2. was so incensed against them, that by Proclamations he commaunded no Christians any more to be suffered. Thus the rage of the Emperour beyng inflamed agaynst them, great persecution was stirred vpon euery side,Anno. 205. wherby an infinite nūber of Martyrs were slayne, as Eusebius in his sixt booke recordeth, which was about the yeare of our Lord,The false accusations agaynst the Christians. 205. The crimes and false accusations obiected against the Christians, are partly touched before, pag. 37. as sedition and rebellion against the Emperour, sacriledge, murthering of Infants, incestuous polution, eating rawe flesh, libidinous cōmixture, whereof certaine in deede called then Gnostici, were infamed. Item, it was obiected against them, for worshipping the head of an Asse, which whereof it should rise, I finde no certain cause, except it were perhaps by ye Iewes. Also they were charged for worshipping the sunne, for that peraduenture before the sunne rise, they conuented together, singing their morning Hymnes vnto the Lord, or els because they prayed toward ye East: but especially for that they would not with them worship their idolatrous gods and were counted as enemies to all men. &c.

The Capitaines and Presidentes of this persecution vnder the Emperour were Hilarianus, The captaines and ministers of this persecution. Ex Tertul ad Scapulam. Vigellius, Claudius, Hermianus Ruler of Cappadocia, Cecilius, Capella, Vespronius, also Demetrius mentioned of Cyprian. And Aquila Iudge of Alexandria, of whom Euseb. Lib. 6. cap. 5. maketh relation.

The places where the force of this persecution most raged, were Affrica, Alexandria, Cappadocia, and Carthage.

The number of them that suffered in this persecution, by the report of the Ecclesiasticall story was innumerable.Leonides father of Origene Martyr. Of whō the first was Leonides, the father of Origene, who was beheaded: with whō also Origene his sonne, beyng of the age thē of xvij. yeares, should haue suffered (such a seruent desire hee had to be Martired for Christ) had not hys mother priuily in the night season conueied away his clothes & his shirt.Origene kept from Martyrdome by hys mother. Wherupō more for shame to be seen, then for feare to die, he was cōstrained to remaine at home: and when he could do nothing els, yet he writing to his father a letter with these words: Caue tibi, ne quid propter nos aliud quam martyrij constanter faciendi propostum cogites, that is, Take heede to your selfe, that you tourne not your thought and purpose for our sake,Origene commended. Ex Euseb. Lib. 6. cap. 3. &c. Such a feruency had this Origene being yet young, to the doctrine of Christes faith, by the operation of Gods heauenly prouidence, and partlye also by the diligent education of his Father, who brought him vp from his youth most studiously in all good literature, but especially in ye reding & exercise of holy scripture, wherin he had such inward & mistical speculatiō, that many times he would moue questions to his father, of the meaning of this place, or yt place in ye scripture. Insomuch yt his father diuers times would vncouer his brest being a sleepe,Ex Euseb. Anconi [...]o. Symoneta. &c. & kisse it, giuing thanks to God which had made him so happy a father of such a happy child. After the death of his father, and all his goodes confiscated to the Emperour, he wyth his poore mother, and sixe brethren, beyng brought to such extreme pouerty, did sustaine both himself and them by teaching a schole. Til at length being wearye of yt profession, he transferred his study onely to the knowledge and seeking of diuine Scripture, & such other learning conducible to the same. So much he profited both in the Hebrue and other toungs, that he conferred y• Hebrue text with the translation of the lxx. And moreouer did conferre and find out the other translations which we call the common translation of Aquila, of Symmachus, and Theodotion. Also he adioyned to these aforesaid other foure translations, wherof more is in the story of Eusebius expressed.

They that write of the life of Origene, testifie of him that he was of wit quicke and sharpe, much patient of labour, a great traueler in the tongues, of a spare dyet, of a straight life, a great faster, his teaching & his lining were both one: his going was much barefoot. A straight obseruer of that saying of the Lorde, bydding to haue but one coate, &c, he is said to haue written so much as seuen Notaries, & so many maides euery day could penne. The nū ber of his bookes by the accōpt of Hierome, came to 7000. Uolumes, ye copies whereof he vsed to sel for 3. d. or a little more, for the sustentation of his liuing. But of hym more shalbe touched hereafter. So zelous he was in the cause of Christ, and of Christes Martirs, that he nothing fearyng his owne perill would assist & exhort them going to theyr death, & kisse them, insomuch that he was oft in ieoperdie to be stoned of the multitude. And sometimes by the prouision of Christen men had his house garded about wyth souldiers, for the safety of them, which daily resorted to heare his readings, & many times he was cōpelled to shift places & houses, for such as laid waite for him in al places, But such was the prouidence of God to preserue him in the middest of all this tempest of Seuerus. Among other which resorted vnto him, & were his hearers. Plutarchus, was one,Plutarchus scholler of Origene. and Serenus hys brother Martyred. Heraclides. Heron. Rhais. Potamiena, Marcella. schollers of Origene and Martyrs. and died a martyr, & with him Serenus hys brother who was burned. The third after these was Heraclides, The fourth Heron, who were both beheaded. The fift, was an other Serenus also beheaded, Rhais, and Potamiena. who was tormented with pitch poured vpon her, & martyred with her mother, Marcella, who died also in the fyre. This Potamiena was of a fresh and flourishing beautie, who because she could not be remoued from her profession was committed to Basilides one of the Captaines there in the armie, to see the execution done, Basilides receyuing her at the Iudges hand, & leading her to the place, shewed to her some compassion in repressing the rebukes and raylinges of the wicked aduersaries: for the which Potamiena, the virgine, to requite againe his kindnes, bad him bee of good comfort, saying that she would pray ye Lord to shewe mercy vpon him. And so went she to her Martyrdome, which she both strongly and quietly did sustaine.

Not long after it happened that Basilides was required to giue an othe in a matter cōcerning his fellowe souldiours: which thing he denied to doe,Basilides of a persecutour made a martyr. plainely affirming ye he was a Christian. For their othe then, was woont to be by the Idoles & the Emperor. At the first he was thought dissimulingly to iest, but after whē he was heard constantly, & in earnest to confirme the same, he was had before the iudge, and so by him committed towarde. The Christians marueiling thereat, as they came to him in the prison inquired of him the cause of that his sodaine conuersion. To whom he aunswered againe and saide, that Potamiena had praied for him to the Lord, & so he saw a crowne put vpon his head: adding moreouer that it should not be long, but he should be receiued. Which things thus done, ye next day following, he was had to the place of execution, and there beheaded, Euseb. Lib. 6. cap. 5. Albeit the said Eusebius, giueth this story of no credite,Ex Euseb. Lib. 6. cap. 5. Albeit the said Eusebius, giueth but onely of heare say, as he there expresseth.

As diuers and many there were that suffered in the daies of this Seuerus:Alexander confessor and Byshop of Hierusalem. The notable age of Narcissus Byshop of Hierusalem. so some were againe which through the protection of God his prouidence, being put to great torments, yet escaped wt life. Of whom was one Alexander who for his constant confessiō and torments suffered, was made Bishop afterwarde of Hierusalem, together with Narcissus, who being then an olde man of an hundred and threescore yeares and three, as sayeth Eusebius, was vnwieldy for his age to gouerne that function alone.

Of this Narcissus is reported in the Ecclesiasticall historie, that certaine miracles by him were wrought verye notable,A miracle of water turned into oyle. Ex. Euseb. Lib. 6. Ca. 9. if they be true. First of water by him turned into oyle at the solemne vigile of Easter, what time the cōgregation wanted oyle for their lampes. Another miracle is also told of him, which is this. There were three euill disposed persons, who seing the soundnes & graue constancy of his vertuous life, & fearyng their owne punishment, as a conscience that is giltie, is alwaies fearefull, thought to preuent his accusations, in accusing him first, & laying an haynous crime to his charge. And to make their accusatiō [Page] more probable before the people, they bound their accusation with a great othe: One wishing to be destroied with fire if he sayd not true. The other to bee consumed with a grieuous sickenes. The third to loose both his eyes if they did lye. Narcissus although hauing his conscience cleare, yet not able beyng but one man to withstand their accusation bound with such othes gaue place, and remooued himself [...] from the multitude, into a solitarie desert by himself, where he continued the space of many yeares. In the meane time to them which so willingly and wickedly forsweare themselues, this happened:A terrible example of periury punished. the first by casualtie of one litle smal sparkle of fire, was burnt with his goods and all his familie. The second, was taken with a great sicknesse from the top to the toe, and deuoured with the same. The third, hearing and seyng the punishment of the other, confessed his fault, but through great repentance poured out such tears, that he lost both his eyes.Narcissus and Alexander ioyned together in one Byshopricke. And thus was their false periurie punished. Narcissus after long absence returning home agayne, was by this meanes both cleared of the facte, and receiued into his bishoprike agayne. To whom, as is said, for impotencie of his age, Alexander was ioined with him in execution of the function. Euseb. Hist. Eccles. Lib. 6. cap. 10. Of this Alexander is recorded in the sayd Ecclesiasticall history, that after his agonies and constancie of his confessiō shewed in the persecution of Seuerus, he was admonished by a vision in the night season to make his iourney vp to Hierusalem & Palestina (for that place remained free from this persecution) to see there the congregation, & to pray. Thus he taking his iourney,Alexander ordayned Byshop of Hierusalem by Gods miracle. Ex Euseb. Lib. 6. cap. 11. and drawing nere to the city, a vision with playne wordes was geuen to certaine chiefe heads of Hierusalem, to go out of the gate of the city, there to receiue the Bishop appointed to them of God. And so was Alexander met and receiued, and ioyned partner with aged Narcissus, as is before expressed in the Citie of Hierusalem, where he continued bishop aboue 40. yeares, vntill the persecution of Decius, and there crected a famous Libraric, where Eusebius had his chiefest helpe in writing his Ecclesiasticall history. He wrote also diuers Epistles to diuers churches, and licensed Origene openly to teach in his Church.The constā cie & death of Alexander Byshop At length beyng very aged, was brought frō Ierusalem to Cesaria before the Iudge vnder Decius, where after his constant confession the second tyme, he was committed to prison, and there died.

Besides these that suffred in this persecution of Seuerus recited of Eusebius, Vincentius also, Lib. 11. cap. 6. Ex Martyrol. speaketh of one Andoclus, Andoclus, Martyr., whom Polycarpus before had sent into Fraunce: which Andoclus because he spread there the doctrine of Christ, was apprehended of Seuerus, and first beaten with staues and battes, after was beheaded.

To these aboue named, may also be added Asclepiades, who although was not put to death in this persecution of Seuerus, Asclepiades Byshop of Antioche coufessor. yet constantly he did abide the trial of his confessiō & suffered much for the same, as Alexander did before mentioned. Wherefore afterward he was ordained bishop of Antioch, where he continued the space of vij. yeares of whom Alexander writeth to the Church of Antioche, out of prison, much reioysing and geuing thankes to God, to heare that he was their Bishop.

About the same tyme during the raigne of Seuerus, died Irenaeus, Irenaeus Byshop of Lyons, and Martyr. Henr. de Erfordia, Ado, and other Martyr writers, do hold, that he was martyred with a great multitude of other moe, for the confession and doctrine of Christ, about the fourth or fift yeare of Seuerus. This Irenaeus as he was a great writer, so was he greatly commended of Tertullian for his learning, whom he calleth omnium doctrinarum curiosissimum exploratorem: a great searcher of all kynde of learning. He was first scholer and hearer of Polycarpus, frō thence either was sent or came to Fraunce, and there by Photinus, and the rest of the Martyrs was instituted into the ministery, commended by their letter vnto Eleutherius, as is before premonished. At length after ye Martyrdom of Photinus, he was appointed bishop of Lions, where he cō tinued about the space of 23. yeres. In ye tyme of this Irenaeus, the state of the Church was much troubled, not only for the outward persecution of the foraine enemy, but also for diuers sectes and errours then stirring, against which he diligently laboured, and wrote much, although but few of his bookes be now remayning. The nature of this man well agreeyng with his name, was such, that he euer loued peace, and sought to set agreement when any controuersie role in the Church. And therfore, when the question of keeping the Easter day was renued to the Church, bebetwene Victor bishop of Rome, and the churches of Asia, and when Victor would haue excommunicated them as schisinatikes, for disagreeyng from him therein: Irenaeus with other brethren, of the French Church, sory to see such a contention among brethren for such a trifle, conuented themselues together in a common Councell, and directing their letter with their common consent subscribed, sent vnto Victor, intreating him to stay his purpose, & not to proceed in excommunicating his brethren for that matter. Although they themselues agreed with him in obseruing the Sonday Easter as he did: yet with great reasons and arguments exhorted him not to deale so rigorously with his other brethren, following the ancient custome of their coū trey maner in that behalf. And beside this he wrote diuers other letters abroad concerning the same contentiō, declaring the excommunication of Victor to be of no force.

Not long after Irenaeus followed also Tertullian about the tyme of this Seuerus, Tertullian Ecclesiasticall writer. and Antoninus Carcalla his sonne, a man both in Greeke and Latin wel expert, hauing great gifts in disputing, and in writing eloquent, as his bookes declare, & as the commendation of al learned men doth testifie no lesse. To whom Vincentius Lirinensis geueth such prayse, that he calleth him the floure of all Latine writers, and of the eloquence of his stile so he writeth, that with the force of his reasons, he saith, whom he could not persuade, them he cōpelled to consent vnto him. How many words, so many sentences, and how many sentences, so many victories he had, &.

Such men of doing and writing, God raiseth vp from tyme to tyme, as pillers and stayes for his poore Church, as he did this Tertullian in these dangerous dayes of persecution. For whē the christians were vexed with wrongs,The Apology of Tertullian defending the Christians. & falsly accused of the Gentils, Tertullian taking their cause in hand, defendeth them against the persecutors, & against their slaunderous accusations: First, that they neuer minded any styre or rebellion, either against the Empire or Emperors of Rome: forsomuch as the vse of Christians was to pray for the state of their Emperours and gouernours. And where as they were accused falsly to bee enemies to all mankind,Tertullianus [...] Scapulam. how could that be (saith Tertullian to Scapula) seyng the proper office of the Christians is by their profession to pray for all men, to loue their enemies, neuer requiting euil for euil, when as all other do loue but onely their friends, and scarcely them? As touching the horrible slaunder of murdering infants, how can that be true in the Christians (saith he)▪ whose order is to abstayne from all bloud, & strangled: in so much, that it is not lawful for thē to touch the bloud of any beast at their tables when they feede? From filthy copulation no sort more free then they: which are and euer hath ben the greatest obseruers of chastitie, of whom, such as may, liue in perpetuall Uirginitie all their life, such as cannot, contract matrimony, for auoyding all whoredom and fornication. Neither can it be proued of the christians to worship the sunne, which false surmise, Tertulliā declareth to rise hereof,The occasion hereof, belike came of the Iewes worshipping the iawe of an Asse in the story of Sampson. for that the maner of the Christians was to pray toward the East. Much lesse was there any of them so mad as to worship an Asses head whereof the occasion beyng taken onely of the Iewes, the slaunder therof therfore he prooueth to be falsly and wrōgfully laid to the charge of the Christians.

And likewise against all other lies and slaunders, obiected of the Heathen against the Christians, the sayd Tertullian purgeth the Christians, declaring them falsly to be belied, & wrongfully persecuted, not for any defect of theirs but only for the hatred of their name. And yet notwithstā ding by the same persecutions, he prooueth in the same Apologie, the religion of the christians nothing to be empaired, but rather encreased. The more (saith he) we are mowen doune of you,Tertul. in Apelogetico. the moe rise vp. The bloud of Christians is seede. For what man sayth he, in beholding the painfull torments, and the perfect patience of them will not search and inquire what is in the cause? And when he hath found it out, who will not agree vnto it? And when he agreeth to it, who will not desire to suffer for it? Thus (faith he) this sect will neuer die, which the more it is cutdoune, the more it groweth. For euery man seing and wondring at the sufferance of the Saints, is mooued the more therby to search the cause in searching, he findeth it, and in finding, he followeth it. Tertul in eodem Apolog.

Thus Tertullian in this daungerous tyme of persecution, being stirred vp of God, defended the innocēcie of the Christians, against the blasphemy of the aduersaries, and moreouer for the instruction of the church compiled many fruitfull workes, whereof some are extant, some are not to be found.The errours and imperfection [...] in learned men neted. Notwithstanding the great learning & famous vertues of this worthy mā, certaine errors and blemishes are noted in his doctrine, as were before both of Origine, & Irenaeus, and likewise of them were they neuer so excellent, that followed them. Which errors all here in order to note and comprehend, were too long a matter for this story to prosecute. This by the way shall be sufficient to admonish the Reader, neuer to looke for any such perfection of any [Page] man in this world, how singular so euer he be (Christ onely excepted) but some blemishe or other ioyneth himselfe withall, whereof more perchaunce shall be sayd when we come to Cyprian.

Victor Byshop of Rome. Victor reported of some to dye a Martyr.And now to returne agayne to the order of bishops of Rome intermitted: after Eleutherius afore mentioned, next in the bishoprike of Rome succeded Victor, who as Platina sayth, died quietly in the dayes of Seuerus. But Damasus Supplementum, Lib. 8. and such as folow the common Chronicles, affirme that he died a Martyr, after he had sitten x. or as some say xij. yeares. This Victor was a great styrre [...] (as partly before is signified) in the controuersie and contention of Easterday. For the which he would haue proceded in excommunication against the churches of Asia, had not Irenaeus then bishop of Lions, with the counsaile of other his brethren there assēbled, repressed his intended violence. As touching that cōtrouersie of Easter in those dais of the primitiue Church, the originall thereof was this, as Eusebius, Socrates, Platina, and other record. First, certain it is,The cause discussed why the holy Ghost forbad bloud and strangled in the primitiue Church. that the Apostles onely being intentiue and attendaunt to the doctrine of saluation, gaue no heed nor regard to the obseruation of dayes & times, neither bound the Church to any ceremoni [...]s and rites, except those things necessary mentioned in the Actes of the Apostles, as strangled and bloud, which was ordayned then of the holy Ghost, notwithout a most vrgent and necessary cause, touched partly in ye history before. For when the murdering and bloud of Infants was commonly obiected by the Heathen perse [...]utors agaynst the Christians, they had no other argumēt to help thēselues, nor to refell the aduersarie, but only their own law, by the which they were commaūded to abstaine not onely from all mens bloud, but also from the bloud of all cōmon beastes. And therefore that law seemeth by the holy Ghost to be geuen, & also to the same end & continued in the Church, so long as the cause, that is the persecutions of the Heathen Gentiles continued. Beside these we read of no other ceremonies or rites, which the Apostles greatly regarded, but left such things free to the libertie of Christians, euery man to vse therein his own discretion, for the vsing or not vsing thereof. Whereupon, as concerning all the ceremoniall obseruations of dayes, tymes, places, meates, drinks, vestures, and such other, of all these things neither was the diuersitie among men greatly noted, nor any vniformitie greatly required. In so much, that Irenaeus writing to Victor of the tradition of dayes,Ex Euseb. lib. 5. Cap. 26. The doctrine of Christian libertie in outward vsages. and of fastings, and of the diuersitie of these things then vsed among ye primitiue fathers, saith: Nihilo tamen minus omnes Illi pacem inter se retinuerunt, & retinemus etiamnū, & leiunij dissonantia, fidei concordiam commendat, &c. That is, Notwithstanding all this varietie, all they kept peace among themselues, & yet we keepe it still, and this difference of fasting among vs, commendeth more the concord of faith. And so long did the doctrine of Christian libertie remaine whole & sounde in the Church till the tyme of Victor, Anno. 200. which was about the yeare of our Lord, 200. Although the diuersitie of these vsages, began something before also in the dayes of Pius and Anicetus, about the yere of our Lord, 163. to be misliked: yet restraint hereof was not so much vrged before, as in ye tune of Victor. And yet neither did the violēce of Victor take such place, but that the doctrine of Christian libertie was defended and maintained by meanes of Irenaeus and other, and so continued in the Church till after the Councell of Nice. And thus much concerning the doctrine of Christian libertie of the differences of rites and ceremonies.

Now to returne to Victor agayne, to shew what diuersitie there was in obseruing the day of Easter, and how it came, thus is the story: First, in the tyme of Pius and Anicetus, an. 163. the questiō of Easter day began first to be moued, at what tyme Pius, by the reuelation of Hermes, decreed the obseruatiō of that day to be chaunged from the wonted maner of the 14. day of the moone in the first moneth, vnto the next Sonday after. After him came Anicetus, Soter, and Eleutherius Bishops of Rome, which also determined the same.Ex Euseb. Lib. 4. Cap 26. Polycarpus and Anicetus disagreeing in controuersie, yet agreed in cha [...]e. Agaynst these stode Melito. Bishop of Sardis, Polycarpus, and as some thinke, Egesippus, with other learned men of Asia which Polycarpus being sent by the brethren of Asia, came to Rome as is aforesayd, to cōferre with Anicetus in that matter: wherin when they could not agree after long debating, yet notwithstanding, they did both cō municate together with reuerēce, & departed in peace. And so the celebration of Easterday remained Adiaphoron, as a thing indifferent in the Church, till the time of Victor. Who folowing after Anicetus and hys fellowes, and chiefly stirring in this matter, endeuoured by all meanes and might, to draw, or rather subdue the Churches of Asia vnto hys opinion, thinking moreouer to excommunicate all those Byshops and churches of Asia, as heretickes and schismatickes, which disagreed from the Romaine order, had not Irenaeus otherwise restrayned him from that doyng,Vnifor [...] in ceremonies not to be required as a thing necessary. as is a foresayd, whiche was about the yeare of our Lord .191. in the reigne of Commodus. Thus then began the vniformitie of keeping that holy day to be first required, as a thing necessary, & all they accompted as heretickes and schismatickes, which dissented from ye Bishop & traditiō of Rome.

With Victor stoode Theophilus Byshop of Cesar [...]a, Narcissus of Hierusalem, Irenaeus of Lyons, Palmas of Pontus, Banchillus of Corinthe, the Byshop of D [...]roena, and other moe. All which condescended to haue the celebration of Easter vpon the Sonday, because they would differ frō the Iewes in all things, as neare as they might, and partly because the resurrection of the Lord fell on the same day.

On the contrary side diuers Byshop were in Asia, of whom the principall was Policrates Byshop of Ephesus, who being assembled with a great multitude of Bishops and brethren of those parties,Polycrates Byshop of Ephesus. by the common assent of the rest, wrote agayne to Victor, and to the Church of Rome, declaring, that they had euer from the beginning obserued that day, according to the rule of Scripture vnchaunged, neither adding nor altering any thing frō the same. Alledging moreouer for them the examples of the Apostles and holy fathers their predecessours, as Phillip the Apostle, with hys three daughters at Hierapolis: also Iohn the Apostle and Euangelist at Ephesus, Polycarpus at Smyrna Thraseas at Eumenia, Byshoppe and Martyr, lykewise of Sagaris at Laodicaea Byshop and Mattyr, Holy Papyrius, and Melito at Sardis. Beside these bishops also of his own kindred,Byshop in those dayes maryed. and his owne aunceters, to the number of seuen which all were bishops before him, & he the eight now after them. All which obserued (saith he) the solemnitie of the same day, after the same wi [...]e and sort as we do now.

Victor being not a litle mooued herewith,Victor excommunicating the Churches of Asia. by letters agayne denounceth against them (more bold vpon authoritie, then wi [...]e in his commission) violent excommunicatiō, Albeit by the wise handlyng of Irenaeus, and other learned men, that matter was staid, and Victor otherwise perswaded. What the perswasiōs of Irenaeus were, partly may appeare in Euseb. Lib. 5. cap. 26. the summe whereof tendeth to this effect: That the variance and difference of ceremonies is no straunge matter in the Church of Christ,Irenaeus to Victor. when as this varietie is not onely in the day of Easter, but also in the maner of fasting, & in diuers other vsages among the christian. For some fast one day, some two days, some other fast moe. Other there be, which counting xl. houres, both day & night, take that for a ful dayes fast. And this so diuers fashion of fasting in the church of Christ, began not onely in this our tyme, but was before among our fore elders. And yet notwithstanding they with all this diuersity, were in vnitie among themselues, and so be we, neyther both this difference of ceremonies any thing hinder, but rather commendeth the concorde of fayth. And bringeth forth the examples of the fathers of Telesphorus, Diuersitie commendeth the concorde of fayth. Pius, Anicetus, Soter, Eleutherius, and such other, who neither obserued the same vsage themselues, neither prescribed it to others, and yet notwithstanding kept christian charitie with such as came to cōmunicate with them, not obseruing the same forme of things which they obserued, as well appeared by Polycarpus and Anicetus, which although they agreed not in one vniforme custome of rites, yet refused not to cōmunicate together, the one geuing reuerence vnto the other. Thus the controuersie being taken vp betwene Irenaeus & Victor, remained free to the time of Nicene Councell. Haec ex Iren. Eusebius. And thus much cōcerning the controuersie of that matter, and concerning the doings of Victor.

After Victor, succeeded in the sea of Rome Zephyrinus, in the dayes of the foresayd Seuerus, Zephyrinu [...] Byshop of Rome. about the yeare of our Lord .203. To this Zephyrinus be ascribed two Epistles, in the first Tome of the Councels. But as I haue sayd before of the decretall Epistles of other Romaine Bishops: so I say and verily suppose of this, that neither the countenāce of the stile, nor the matter therin contained, nor the condition of the [...]yme,The Epistle and ordinaunces of Zephyrinus suspected to be counterfet. doth otherwise giue to thinke of these letters, but that they be verily bastard letters, not written by these fathers, nor in these tymes, but craftily and wickedly pact in by some, which to set vp ye primacie of Rome, haue most pestilently abused the authoritie of these holy & auncient fathers, to deceaue the simple Church. For who is so rude, but that in considering onely the state of those terrible tymes, may easily vnderstand except affectiō blind him, beside a nomber of other probable coniectures to lead him, that the poore persecuted bishops in that time, would haue bene glad to haue any safe couert to put their heades in: so far was it of, that they had any lust or laisure, thē to seeke for any Primacie or Patriarkeship, or to driue all other churches to appeale to the sea of Rome, or to exempt [Page] all Priests from the accusation of any lay man: as in the first Epistle of Zephyrinus is to be seene,The first Epistle of Zephyrinus to the Byshops of Sicilia. written to the Bishops of Sicilia, And likewise the second Epistle of his, to the Bishops of the prouince of Egypt, containing no maner of doctrine, nor consolation necessary for that time, but only certain ritual decrees to no purpose, argueth no lesse but the said epistles neither to sauor of that man, nor taste of the tyme.

Of like credite also seemeth the constitution of the Patines of glasse,Patins of glasse borne before the Priest. The ordinaunces of Zepherinus of small credite. which Damasus sayth that the same Zephyrinus ordained to be caried before the Priest, at the celebratiō of the Masse. Againe Platina writeth that he ordayned the ministration of the Sacramēt to be no more vsed in vessels of wood, or of glasse, or of any other mettall, except only siluer, gold, and tinne, &c. But how these two testimonies of Damasus and Platina ioyne together, let the reader iudge: especially seyng the same decree is referred to Vrbanus, that came after him. Againe, what needed this decree of golden chalices to be stablished afterward in the Councell of Tybur and Rhenes,Golden chalices. Concilium Tiburti [...]um Rhemense. if it had bene enacted before by Zephyrinus? How long this Zephyrinus sate, our writers do varie. Eusebius sayth, he died in the raigne of Caracalla, and sate 17. yeares, Platina writeth that he died vnder Seuerus, and sate 8. yeares, and so saith also Nauclerus. Damasus affirmeth that he sate 16. yeares and two monthes.

Matthaeus author of the story intituled, Flores Historiarū, with other latter Chronicles,Ex Florilego. Perpetua. Felicitas. Reuocatus Saturninus. Sa [...]yrus. Secundulus. Martyrs. Souerus warreth in Brittayne. A wall betweene England builded. 132. miles in length. Seuerus the persecutour slayne at Yorke. maketh mention of Perpetua, and Felicitas, and Reuocatus, her brother, also of Saturninus and Satyrus brethren, and Secundulus, which in the persecution of this Seuerus, gaue ouer their liues to Martyrdome for Christ, beyng throwen to wild beasts, and deuoured of the same, in Carthage and in Affrike, saue that Saturninus brought agayne from the beasts, was beheaded, and Secū dulus dyed in prison, about the yeare of our Lord, 202. as writeth Florilegus.

This Seuerus the persecutor raigned, as the most part of writers accord the terme of 18. yeares, who about ye latter tyme of his raigne, came with his army hether into Britaine, where after many conflictes had with the Britains, in the borders of the North, he cast vp a ditche with a mighty walle made of earth and turues, & strong stakes, to the length of 132. myles from the one side of the sea to the other, beginning at Tine, and reached to the Scottish sea, which done, he remooued to Yorke, and there by the breaking in of the Northren men and the Scots, was besieged and slaine, about the yere of our Lord, 214. leauing behind him two sonnes, Bassianus, and Geta. which Bassianus surnamed Caracalla, An. 215. after he had slayne his brother Geta here in Britaine, gouerned the Empire alone, the space of sixe yeares.Bassianus Emperour. Macrinus with hys sonne Diadumenus Emperour. After whose death, he beyng slayne also of his seruaunts (as he had slayne his brother before) succeded Macrinus with his sonne Diadumenus, to be Emperour, who after they had raigned one yeare, were both slayne of their owne people.

After them followed Varius Heliogabalus, in the empire, rather to be called a Monster, then a man, so prodigious was his life in all glotonie, filthines, and ribaudry. Such was his pompe,An. 219. that in his lampes he vsed balme, & filled his fishpondes with rosewater. To let passe his sumptuous vestures which he would not weare but only of gold,The monstrous life of Heliogabolus Emperour. and most costly silkes: his shoes glistering with precious stones finely engraued he was neuer ij. dayes serued with one kynd of meate, he neuer wore one garment twise, and likewise for his fleshly wickednes: some dayes his company was serued at meale with the braynes of Ostriges, and a straunge foule called Phenocapterie, an other day with the toungs of Popiniayes, and other sweete singing birdes. Beyng nye to the sea, he neuer vsed fish: in places farre distant from the sea, all his house was serued with most delicate fishes. At one supper he was serued with 7000. fishes, and 5000. foules. At his remooning in his progresse,A prodigious beliged. often there followed him 600. chariots, laden only with baudes, common harlots, and ribaudes. He sacrificed with young children, and preferred to the best aduauncementes in the common weale, most light personages, as baudes, Minstrels, Carters, and such like. In one word he was an enemy to all honesty & good order. And when he was foretold by his Sorcerers and Astronomers, that he should dye a violent death, he prouided ropes of silke to hang himselfe, swordes of gold to kill himselfe▪ and strong poyson in Iacincts and Emeraudes to poyson himself, if needs he must thereto be forced.Heliogabalus slayne of hys soulniours. Ex Eutropio [...]. Moreouer, he made an high tower, hauing the floore of boordes couered with gold plate, bordred with precious stones, frō the which toure he would throw himself downe, if he should be pursued of his enemies. But notwithstanding all his prouision, he was slayne of the souldiours, drawen through the Citie, and cast into Tiber after he had raigned two yeres and viij. monthes, as witnesseth Eutropius, other say foure yeares.

This Heliogabalus hauing no issue,Alexander Seuerus Emperour. adopted to his sōne and heyre Aurelius Alexander Seuerus, the sonne of Mammea who entring his raigne the yeare of our Lorde, 224. cō tinued 13. yeares,Anno. 224. well commended for vertuous, wise, gē tle, liberal, & to no man hurtful. And as he was not vnlerned himself, through the diligent education of Mammea his mother, so he was a great fauourer of men, wise and learned. Neither did he any thing in the common weale, without the assistance of learned and sage counsailors.Against corrupt Iudges. The saying of Alexander to be noted and followed. Idle seruauntes eate vp the bowels of the common weale. It is reported of him, to beare such stomacke against corrupt iudges, that when he chaunced to meete with any of them, by the commotion of his mind, he would cast vp choler, being so mooued with them that he could not speake, and was redy with his two fingers to put out their eyes. From his court he dismissed all superfluous and vnneedful seruants saying, that he was no good pupil, which fed idle seruants with the bowels of his common weale.

Among his other good vertues, it appeareth also that he was frendly and fauourable vnto the Christians, as by this act may be gathered: For when the christians had occupied a certaine publike place in some good vse, belike for the assembling and conuenting together of the congregation, the company of the Cookes or tiplers, made chalenge of that place to belōg vnto thē. The matter being brought before the Emperour, he iudged it more honest, the place to serue to the worship of God, howsoeuer it were, then to the dirtie slubbering of Cookes and Skullians.

By this it may be vnderstand,A note worthy to be marked.that in Rome no Christian churches were erected vnto this tyme, when as yet (notwithstanding this fauour of the Emperour) no publike house could quietly be obtained for the christians. So that by the reason hereof may appeare the decretall epistle and ordinance of Pope Higynus concerning the dedication of churches aboue mentioned, pag. 53. to bee falsified. And likewise the ordinaunce of Pius his successour, concernyng the Altar, or Superaltare, to be also false. For what Superaltare was it like, they had in the tyme of Higynus and Pius, when as at this tyme which was long after, no publike place almost could be graunted them for the Christians to assemble together?

Of this Alexander, Platina writeth, that as hee was a great hater of all boasters & flatterers,Platina in vita Iontians. so he was of suche prudence, that no deceit could escape him, and bringeth in a story of one Turinus, who had gotten craftily many great bribes and gifts, in making the people beleue that he was of great authoritie with the Emperour, and that he could helpe them to haue whatsoeuer they sued for. Whereof the Emperour being certified,Punished with smoke, that [...]old smoke. Mammea the mother of the Emperour. caused him in the open market to be fastned to a stake, and there killed with smoke, where the Crier stood thus crying to the people: Smoke he sold, and with smoke he is punished.

Mammea the mother of this Alexander aboue mentioned (whom Hierome calleth a deuout and religious woman) hearing of the same and the excellent learning of Origene, being then at Alexandria, sent for him to Antioche, desirous to heare and see him▪ Unto whom the foresayd Origene according to her request, resorted, and after that he had there remained a space with the Emperour, and his mother, returned againe to Alexandria.

And thus continued this good Emperor his raigne the space of 13. yeares, at length at a commotion in Germany, with his mother Mammea he was slaine. After whome succeded Maximinus, contrary to the mynd of the Scuate, only appointed by the souldiours to be Emperour. During all this tyme betwene Seuerus and this Maximinus, the church of Christ, although it had not perfect peace, yet it had some meane tranquillitie from persecution. Albeit some Martyrs there were at this tyme that suffred,Ex Nauclero. whereof Nauclerus giueth this reason: For although (saith he) Alexander beyng perswaded through the entreating of his mother Mā mea, did fauour the Christians: yet notwithstanding, there was no publike Edict or Proclamation prouided for their safegard. By reasō wherof, diuers there were which suffered Martyrdome vnder Almachius & other iudges.Calixtus Byshop of Rome and Martyr.In the number of whom after some stories, was Calixtus Bishop of Rome, who succeded next vnto Zephyrinus; aboue mentioned. And after him Vrbanus also, which both beyng Bishops of Rome, did both suffer, by the opiniō of some writers, vnder Alexander Seuerus.

This Calixtus in his two decretal Epistles, written to Benedictus, The decretall Epistles of Calixtus examined. and to the Bishops of Fraunce, geueth these ordinances, that no actions or accusations agaynst the Prelates or teachers of the church should be receaued, that no secret conspiracies should be made against bishops. Item, no man to communicate with persons excōmunicate. Also [Page] no bishop to excommunicate or to deale in an other Dioces.The place of S. Paule vnfitly expounded. And here he expoundeth the Dioces or the Parish of any bishop or minister to be his wife. The wife (sayth the Apostle) is bound to the law, so long as the husbād liueth, when he is dead, she is free from the law: So (saith Calixtus) the wife of a bishop (which is his Church) so long as he liueth, is bound duely to him, neither ought to be iudged or disposed by any other man, without his will and iudgement: after his death she is free from the lawe, to marrie to whō she will, so it be in the Lord, that is, regulariter, regularly. In the end of the sayd his epistle decretall, he confuteth the error of them which hold, that they which are fallen, are not to be receiued agayne. Which heresie after the tyme of Calixtus or Calistus, came in first by Nouatus, in the dayes of Cornelius. Moreouer, in his sayd first Epistle decretall, is contayned the fast of the foure tymes, commonly called the Imber fast,Imber fast first ordayned. whereof also Marianus Scotus, maketh mention. But Damasus speaking of the same fast, sayth, he ordayned the fast but of three tymes, which was for the encrease of corne, wyne, and oyle.

By these hetherto premised, it is not hard for a quicke Reader to smel out the crafty iugling of that person or persons whosoeuer they were, ye falsly haue ascribed these decretall institutions to those holy fathers. For first, what laysure had the Christians to lay in their accusations against their bishops, when we neuer read nor finde in any story any kynde of variaunce in those dayes among them, but all loue, mutuall compassion, and harty communion among the Saintes. And as we read of no variaunce among the people in those dayes, nor of any fault or backsliding among the Bishops, who for the most part then died all constant Martirs: so neither do we read of any tribunall seat or Consistorie vsed or frequented then about any such matters. Agayne, if a man examine well the dangers of those busie days, he shall see the poore flocke of the christians, so occupied and piteously oppressed by the cruell accusations of the Heathen Infidels, that though the cause did, yet the tyme would not serue them to commense any law against their bishops. Secōdly, as touching their conspiracie against bishops, what conspiracie either would they then practise agaynst them, which always gaue their liues for their defence? Or how could they then conspire in any cōpanies together, when neuer a true thristian man durst once put his head out of his dores, neither was there in the church any Christian man in those perilous dayes, except he were a true man in deed, such as was farre from all false conspiracies? And when as all the world almost in all places conspired agaynst them: What tyme, what cause, or what hart trow ye could they haue to cōspire against their instructors? Thirdly, concerning the confutation of that heresie, how standeth the confutation with the tyme of Calistus, whē Nouatus the author of that heresie was after him in the tyme of Cornelius? Fourthly, if by the lawe of Calixtus, euery Dioces be the proper wife of euery bishop or minister, then how many bishops wiues, and persons wiues hath the adulterous Pope of Rome defloured in these latter dayes of the Church, which so proudly and impudently hath intermedled and taken his pleasure & his owne profit in euery Dioces and Parish almost through all Christendome, without all leaue and licence of the good man, who hath bene in the meane tyme,Agaynst the decretall Epistles and constitutions. & yet is compelled stil, where so euer the Popes holines commeth, Vigilante sternere naso, and to giue him leaue vnasked, to do what he list. Wherefore if this Canon decretall be truly his, why is it not obserued, so as it doth stand without exceptiō? If it bee not, why is it then falsly forged vpon him, and the Church of Christ deceaued? And certes, lamentable it is, that this falsifiyng of such trifling traditions vnder the false pretēce of antiquitie, either was begon in the Church, to deceaue the people: or that it hath remayned so long vndetected. For as I thinke, the church of Christ will neuer be perfectly reformed, before these decretall constitutions & Epistles which haue so long put on the visard of antiquitie, shalbe fully detected, and appeare in their owne colour, wherein they were first paynted.

And yet neither do I say this, or thinke contrary, but that it may be, that bishops of Rome and of the same name haue bene the true authors of these traditions: but here cō meth in the error (as I credibly suppose) that when other later bishops of the like name, haue deuised these ceremoniall inuentions, the vulgar opinion of men hath transferred them to the first primitiue fathers,Calixtus a Martyr. Ex Vincen. in spocul Hist. Et Antonino. tit. 7. cap. 6. although beyng of an other time, yet bearing the same name with the true inuentors thereof. But of Calixtus enough: who as Damasus sayth in the dayes of this Alexander Seuerus, died a Martyr. Vincentius affirmeth that he was tied to a great stone, and so out of a window was thrown into a ditch. Eusebius speakyng of his death, maketh no mention of his Martyrdom, and sayth he sate v. yeares. Platina sayth vj. yeres,Vrbanus Byshop of Rome. Sabellicus giueth him vij. yeares, and so doth Damasus.

After Calistus folowed Vrbanus, about the yeare of our Lord 227.An. 227. who in his epistle decretall (comming out of the same forge) which he wrote in common to all bishops, making no mention of the heauy persecutions of the Church, nor ministring any exhortation of comfort or constancie to the brethren, onely geueth many straight precepts, for not transporting or alienating the goods of the Church, and to pay truly their off [...]ngs, which they vow: also to haue all common among the Clergie.Confirmation of children instituted. Moreouer, about the ende of his epistle he instituteth the confirmation of children after Baptisme (which the Papistes bee woont to take into the number of their vii. Sacraments) affirming and denouncing more then Scripture will beare, that the imposition of the Bishops hand bringeth the holy ghost, and thereby to be made full Christiās, &c. But of these decretall epistles inough is sayd before, more may bee considered of the discrete Reader. Marianus Scotus, Sabellicus, Nauclerus, & other late story writers doe hold as is aforesayd,Vrbanus Martyred. that he dyed a Martyr in the dayes of Alexander Seuerus, after he had gouerned that seat, 4. yeares, as Damasus and Platina do witnes, as Marianus sayth, eight yeares.

The same Damasus and Platina do testifie of him, that he by his preaching and holines of life cōuerted diuers Ethnikes to the fayth.Tiburtius. Valerianus Martyrs. Among whom were Tiburtius, and Valerianus the husband of Cecilia, which both being noble men of Rome, remained constant in the fayth vnto the end and Martyrdome.

Of this Cecilia thus it is is written in the Martyrologe by Ado, Cecilia Martyr Ex martyrologio Adonis. that Cecilie the virgin, after she had brought Valerian her husband espoused, and Tiburtius his brother to the knowledge and fayth of Christ, and with her exhortations had made them constant vnto Martyrdome: after the suffryng of them she was also apprehended by Almachius the ruler, and brought to the Idols to do sacrifice, which thing when she abhorred to do, she should be presented before the iudge to haue the condēnation of death. In the meane time the Sergeants and officers which were about her, beholdyng her comely beautie, and the prudent behauior in her conuersation, began with many persuasions of wordes to sollicite her mynd, to fauour her selfe, and that so excellent beautie, and not to cast her selfe away, &c. But she agayne so replied to them with reasons & godly exhortations, that by the grace of almighty God their hartes began to kindle and at length to yeld to that Religion, which before they did persecute. Which thing she perceauing, desired of the iudge Almachius a litle respite. Which beyng graunted, she sendeth for Vrbanus the Bishop home to her house, to stablish and ground them in the fayth of Christ. And so were they, with diuers other at the same tyme Baptised, both men & women, to the number (as the story sayth) of 400. persons, among whome was one Gordianus a noble man. This done, this blessed Martyr was brought before the iudge,The Martyrdome of Cecilia. where she was condemned: then after was brought to the house of the Iudge, where she was enclosed in a whote bath, but she remayning there a whole day & night without any hurt, as in a cold place, was brought out again, and cōmaundement giuen that in the bath she should be beheaded. The executor is said to haue foure strokes at her necke, & yet her head beyng cut off, she (as the story geueth) liued three days after. And so died this holy Virgine martyr, whose body in the night season Vrbanus the bishop tooke and buried among the other Bishops. Ado the compiler of this Martyrologe addeth that this was done in ye tyme of Marcus Aurelius, and Commodus. But that cannot be, for so much as Vrbanus by all histories, was long after those Emperors, and liued in the dayes of this Alexander as is aboue declared. Antoninus, Bergomēsis, Equilinus with such other writers, set forth this history with many strāge miracles, wrought by the said Cecilia, in conuerting her husband Valerianus, and his brother, in shewyng them the Angell which was the keeper of her virginitie, and of the Angell putting on crowns vpon their heads. But as touching these miracles, as I do not dispute whether they be true or fabulous: so because they haue no ground vpon any ancient or graue authors, but taken out of certain new Legends, I do therfore referre them thether from whence they came.

Under the same Alexander diuers other there be whom Bergomensis mentioned to haue suffred martyrdom,Agapitus a blessed Martyr. Ex Bergomense. Lib. 8. as one Agapitus of the age of xv. yeares, who beyng apprehended and condemned at Preneste in Italy, because he would not sacrifice to Idoles, was assayled with sundry tormentes: first with whips scourged, then hanged vp by the feete, after hauing hote water poured vpon him, at last cast to the [Page] wild beasts, with all which torments, when he could not be hurt,A notable example of Gods iust plague vpon a persecutor. Ex Henr. Er [...]ordiens. Lib 6. Calepodius, Martyr. Pammachius with his wife and children Martyrs. 42. Martyrs. Simplicius, Martyr. Quiritius, Iulia, hys mother Martyrs. Tyberius, Valerianus, brethren and martirs. Martina a Virgine & Martyr. finally with sword was beheaded. The executor of these punishments (as by Henricus Erford, may be gathered) was one Antiochus, who in the executing of the foresayd torments, sodenly fell downe from his iudiciall seate, crying out, that al his inward bowels burned within him and so gaue vp the breath, Henr. de Erfordia, Lib. 6. cap. 29.

Also with the same Agapitus is numbred Calepodius a minister of Rome, whose body first was drawen through the citie of Rome, & after cast into Tiber. Bergo. ibidem.

Then followeth Pammachius a Senatour of Rome, wt his wife and children, and other both men and women, to the number of xlii.

Item an other noble Senator of Rome named Simplicius all which together in one day had their heads smitten off, and their heads after hanged vp in diuers gates of the Citie, for a terrour of other, that none should professe the name of Christ.

Beside these suffred also Quiritius a noble man of Rome, who with his mother Iulia, and a great number moe, were put likewise to death.

Also Tiberius and Valerianus, Citizens of Rome, and brethren, suffered (as Bergomensis sayth) the same tyme, who first being bruised and broken with bats, after were beheaded.

Also Vincentius, Bergomensis, and Erfordiensis, make mē tion of Martina a Christian virgine, which after diuers bitter punishments, beyng constant in her fayth, suffered in like maner by the sword.

Albeit as touching the tyme of these forenamed Martyrs, as I find them not in elder writers: so do I suppose them to suffer vnder Maximinus, or Decius, rather then vnder Alexander.

*The sixt Persecution.

Maximinus Emperour and persecutour. The vi. persecution.AFter the death of Alexander the Emperour, who with his mother Mammea (as is said) was murdred in Germany folowed Maximinus, chosen by the will of the souldiours, rather then by the authority of the Senate, about the yeare of our Lord, 237. who for the hatred hee had to the house of Alexander (as Eusebius recordeth) raysed vp the vi. persecution against the Christians:An. 237. especially against the teachers and leaders of the Church, thinking thereby the sooner to vanquish the rest, if the captains of them were remooued out of the way. Whereby I suppose rather ye Martyrdome of Vrbanus the bishop, and of the rest aboue specified,Origenes de Martyrio. to haue happened vnder the tiranny of this Maximinus then vnder Alexander. In the tyme of this persecution, Origene wrote his booke De Martyrio: which booke if it were extant would geue vs some knowledge, I doubt not, of such as in this persecution did suffer, which now lye in silence vnknowne. And no doubt but a great number they were, & moe should haue bene, had not the prouidēt mercy of God shortened his dayes, & brideled his tiranny, for he raigned but three yeares. After whom succeeded Gordianus an 240. a man no lesse studious for the vtilitie of the commō wealth,Gordianus Emperour. as mild and gentle to the christians. This Gordian after he had gouerned with much peace and tranquilitie the Monarchie of Rome the space of vj.An. 240. yeares was slayne of Philip Emperour after him.

Pontianus Byshop of Rome. Diuersity betweene Damasus and Euseb. Pontianus banished.In the dayes of these Emperours aboue recited, was Pontianus bishop of Rome, who succeeded next after Vrbanus aboue rehersed, about the yeare of our Lord, 236. in the xij. yeare of Alexander, as Eusebius, Lib. 6. cap. 28. noteth: declaring him to sit vj. yeares. Contrary Damasus and Platina write, that he was bishop ix. yeares and a halfe. And that in the tyme of Alexander, he with Philippus his Priest was banished into Sardina, and there died, But it semeth more credible that he was banished rather vnder Maximinus, and died in the beginning of the raigne of Gordianus. In his Epistles decretal (which seeme likewise to be fayned) he appeareth very deuout, after the common example of other bishops to vphold the dignitie of Priests, and of Clergie men, saying: that God hath them so familiar with him, that by them he accepteth the offrings and oblations of other, and forgiueth their sinnes,This doctrine seemeth derogatory to Christ and blasphemous. and reconcileth them vnto him. Also, that they do make the body of the lord with their owne mouth, and geue it to other, &c. Which doctrine how it standeth with the Testament of God, & glory of Christ, let the Reader vse his owne iudgement.

Other notable fathers also in the same time were raysed vp in the church, as Philetus Bishop of Antioch, which succeded after Asclepiades afore mentioned,Ammonius a Christian writer. an. 220. and after him Zebennus bishop of the same place, an. 231.

To these also may be added Ammonius the schoolemaister of Origene, as Suidas supposeth, also the kinsmen of Porphiry the great enemy of Christ. Notwithstanding, this Ammonius endued wt better grace,Iulius Aphricanus writer. as he left diuers bookes in defence of Christes religion: so he did constantly perseuere (as Eusebius reporteth) in ye doctrine of Christ, which he had in the beginning receaued, who was about y• days of Alexander.

Iulius Aphricanus also about the tyme of Gordianus aforesayd, is numbred among the old and auncient writers, of whom Nicephorus writeth to be the scholer of Origene, and a great writer of histories of that tyme.

Unto these Doctors and Confessors may be adioyned the story of Natalius;Natalius, Confessor. Ex Euseb. lib. [...]. cap. 28. mentioned in the fift booke of Eusebius. This Natalius had suffred persecution before like a constant confessor, who being seduced and persuaded by Asclepiodotus and Theodorus (which were the Disciples of Theodorus) to take vpon him to be bishop of their sect, promising to geue him euery month an hundreth and fiftie pieces of siluer, and so he ioyning himselfe to them, was admonished by vision and reuelatiō from the Lord. For such was the great mercy of God, and of our Lord Christ Iesu, that he would nor his Martyr, which had suffered so much for his name before, now to perish out of his church. For the which cause (sayth Eusebius) God by certaine visions did admonish him.The Lord will not loose them which haue done or suffered anye thing for him. But he not taking great heede thereunto, beyng blynded partly with lucre, partly with honor, was at length all the night long scourged of the Angels: In so much that he beyng made thereby very fore, and early on the morow putting on sackcloth, with much weeping and lamentation went to Zephyrinus the bishop aboue mentioned, where he falling down before him and all the Christian congregation, shewed them the stripes of his body, and prayed them for the mercies of Christ, that he might be receiued into their communion again, from which he had sequestred himselfe before. And so was admitted according as he desired.

After the decease of Pontianus Bishoppe of Rome afore mentioned,Anterius, Byshop of Rome martyr. succeeded next in that place Anterius of whom Isuardus writeth that Pontianus departing away, did substitute him his roome. But Eusebius writeth that he succeeded immediately after him. Damasus sayth, that because he caused the actes and deathes of the Martyrs to be written, therefore he was put to martirdome himselfe, by Maximinus the Iudge.Authors disagree. Concerning the tyme of this Byshop, our writers do greatly iarre. Eusebius and Marianus Scotus affirme that he was Bishop but one moneth. Sabellicus sayth that not to be so. Damasus assigneth to him xii. yeares & one moneth. Volateranus, Bergomensis, and Henricus Erford, geue to him three yeares & one moneth. Nauclerus writeth that he sat one yeare and one moneth. All which are so farr discrepant one from an other, that which of them most agreeth with truth, it lyeth in doubt. Next to this Bishop was Fabianus, of whom more is to be sayd hereafter.

Of Hippolytus, Hyppolitus Byshop and Martyr. also both Eusebius and Hieronymus maketh mention that he was a bishop, but where, they make no relation. And so likewise doth Theodoretus witnes him to be a bishop, and also a Martyr, but namyng no place. Gelasius contra Eutichen sayth, he dyed a Martyr, and that he was bishop of an head Citie in Arabie. Nicephorus writeth, that he was Bishop of Ostia, a port towne neare to Rome. Certain it is, he was a great writer, and left many workes in the Church, which Eusebius and Hierome do recite: by the supputation of Eusebius, he was about the yeare of our Lord, 230.Prudentius Peristepha.

Prudentius in his Peristephanon, making mentiō of great heapes of Martyrs buried by ix. together, speaketh also of Hippolytus, and sayth that he was drawn with wild horses through fields, dales and bushes, and describeth thereof a pitifull story.

After the Emperour Gordianus, the Empire fell to Philippus, who with Philip his sonne, gouerned the space of vj. yeares,Philippus Emperour. an. 246. This Philippus with his sonne and all his familie, was christened & conuerted by Fabianus & Origene, who by letters exhorted him and Seuera his wife to be baptised,Anno. 240. being the first of all the Emperours that brought in Christianity into the emperiall seat.Philippus [...] first Christian Emperour. Howsoeuer Pomponius Letus reporteth of him to be a dissembling prince, this is certayne, that for his Christianitye, he with his sonne was slayne of Decius one of his Captaynes. Sabellicus Bergomensis Lib 8. sheweth this hatred of Decius agaynst Philippus to be conceaued, for that the Emperour Philip both the Father and the sonne had committed their treasures vnto Fabianus then Bishop of Rome.

The seuenth Persecution.Decius Emperour.

THus Philippus beyng slayne,Anno. 250. after him Decius inuaded the crowne about the yeare of our Lord, 250, by whom [Page] was mooued a terrible persecution against the Christians, which Orosius noteth to be the vij. persecution.The seuenth persecution. The cause and occasion of this persecution. Fabianus Byshop of Rome. The first occasion of this hatred and persecution of this tyrant conceaued agaynst the Christians, was chiefly, as is before touched, because of the treasures of the Emperour which were committed to Fabian the bishop.

This Fabian first being a maryed man, as Platina writeth, was made Bishop of Rome after Anterius aboue mē tioned by the miraculous appointment of God, which Eusebius doth thus describe in this sixt booke:Euseb. Lib. 6. When the brethren (sayth he) were together in the Congregation, about the electiō of their Bishop, and had purposed among them selues vpon the nominatiō of some noble and worthy personage of Rome,The miraculous election of Fabianus. it chaūced that Fabianus amōg other was there presēt, who of late before was newly come out of the countrey to inhabite in the Citie. This Fabian, as is sayd, thinking nothyng lesse then of any such matter sodenly cō meth a Doue fleing from aboue, and sitteth vpon his head. Whereupon all ye Congregation beyng moued, wyth one minde and one uoyce, dyd chose hym for their Bishop. In the which function he remayned the space of xiij. yeares, as Eusebius writeth. Damasus, Marianus, and Sabellicus say. xiiij. Yeares vnto ye tyme of Decius. Who, whether for that Philippus had committed to him his treasures,Fabianus Martyr. or whether for the hatred he bare to Philippus, in the beginning of his raigne caused him to be put to death. Sendyng out moreouer his Proclamation into al quarters that al which professed the name of Christ, should be slayne.

The ordinaunces of Fabianus pretensed. Oyle and creame. Accusing of Byshops. Appealing to the sea Apostolicall. Marrying not within the fift degree.To this Fabian be ascribed certaine ordinaunces, as of consecrating new oyle once euery yeare, and burnyng the olde, of accusations against Byshops, of appealing to the sea Apostolicke, of not marying within the fift degree, of communicating thrise a yeare, of offering euery Sonday, with such other things moe in his. iij. Epistles decretall, the which Epistles, as by diuers other euidences may be supposed to be vntruely named vpon hym, gyuing no signification of any matter agreing to that tyme: so do I finde the most part of the iij. Epistle, worde for word standing in the Epistle of Sixtus ye 3. which folowed almost 200. yeares after him, beside the vnseemely doctrine also in the ende of the sayd Epistles contayned, where he contrary to the tenour of the Gospell, applyeth remission of sinnes (onely due to the bloud of Christ) vnto the offerings of bread and wyne by men and women euery Sonday in the Church.False doctrine detected.

To this Fabianus wrote Origine De orthodoxia suae fidei, that is, of the rightnes of his fayth. Whereby is to be vnderstode,Origene. that he continued to the tyme of Decius, some say also to the tyme of Gallus. Of this Origene partly mention is touched before, declaring how bolde and feruente he was in the dayes of Seuerus, in assisting, comforting, exhorting and killing the Martyrs that were imprisoned & suffered for the name of Christ, with such daunger of his owne life, that had not bene the singular protectiō of God, he had bene stoned to death many tymes of the Heathen multitude. Such great concourse of men and women was daily to his house to be catechised & instructed in the christian fayth by him, that souldiours were hyred of purpose to defend the place where he taught them. Agayn, such search sometymes was set for him, that vnneth any shiftyng of place or countrey could couer him. In those laborious trauailes and affayres of the Church, in teaching, writing, confuting, exhorting, and expounding, he continued about the space of 52. yeares, vnto the tyme of Decius and Gallus. Diuers and great persecutions he sustayned,Ex Euseb. lib. 6. Cap. 39. The persecutions of Origene. but specially vnder Decius, as testifieth Eusebius in his sixt booke, declaring, that for the doctrine of Christ he sustained bands and torments in his body, rackings with barres of iron, dungeons, besides terrible threates of death and burning. All this he suffred in the persecution of Decius, as Eusebius recordeth of him, and maketh no relatiō of any further matter. But Suidas and Nicephorus following the same, sayth further concerning him,Ex Suida & Nicepho. Lib. 5. Cap. 32. that the sayd Origene, after diuers and sundry other torments, which he manfully and constantly suffred for Christ, at length was brought to an altar where a foule filthy Ethiope was appointed to be, and there this option or choyse was offred vnto him, whether he would sacrifice to the idole, or to haue his body polluted with that foule and ouglie Ethiope. Then Origene (sayth he) who with a Philosophicall mynd,The fall of Origene. euer kept his chastitie vndefiled, much abhorring y• filthy villany to be done to his body, condescended to their request. Wherupon, the iudge puttyng incense in his hand, caused him to set it to the fire vpō the altar. For the which impietie, he afterward was excommunicated of the Church.Origene excommunicated. Epiphanius writeth that he beyng vrged to sacrifice to Idols, and takyng the boughes in his hand, wherwith the Heathen were woont to honour their Gods, called vpon the Christians to cary them in the honour of Christ. The which fact the church of Alexandria misliking, remooued him from their communion. Wherupon Origene driuen away with shame and sorow out of Alexandria, went into Iewry, where beyng in Hierusalem among the congregation, and there requested of the Priestes and Ministers (he being also a Priest) to make some exhortation in the church, refused a great while so to do. At length by importunate petition being cōstrained therunto, rose vp, and turning the booke, as though he would haue expounded some place of the Scripture, only read the verse of the 49. Psalme: but God sayd to the sinner, why doest thou preach my iustifications, & why doest thou take my testament in thy mouth, &c. Which verie beyng read,The repentaunce of Origene. he shut the booke, and sate downe weepyng and wayling, the whole congregation also weeping & lamentyng with him, Suid. Niceph. More what became of Origene it is not found in history, but onely that Suidas addeth, he dyed and was buried at Tyrus. Eusebius affirmeth, that he departed vnder the Emperour Gallus, about the yeare of our Lord 255. and the 70. yeare of his age, in great miserie (as appeareth) and pouertie.

In this Origene diuers blemishes of doctrine be noted wherupon Hierome some tymes doth inueigh against him.Blemishes noted in Origene. Albeit in some places agayne he doth extoll and commend him for his excellent learning, as in his Apologie agaynst Ruff. and in his Epistle to Pammachus and Ocean, Origene commended for his learning. where he prayseth Origene, although not for the perfection of his faith and doctrine, nor for an apostle, yet for an excellent interpreter, for his wit, and for a Philosopher. And yet in his Prologue vpō the Homelies of Origene vpon Ezechiel, he calleth him an other maister of the churches,Ex. Socrat. Lib. 6. cap. 13. after the Apostles. And in an other Preface vpon his questions vpon Genesis, he wisheth to himself the knowledge of the scriptures, which Origene had, also with the enuy of his name. Athanasius moreouer calleth him singular, and laborious, and vseth also his testimonies against the Arrians. Socrates, Lib. 6. cap. 13.Heraclas Byshop of Alexandria.

After Origene, the congrue order of history requireth. next to speak of Heraclas his Usher, a man singularly commēded for his knowledge, not only in Philosophy, but also in all such faculties as for a christiā diuine doth appertain. This great towardnes of wit and learning when Origene perceiued in him, he appointed him aboue all other, to bee his Usher or vnderteacher, to helpe in his schoole or Uniuersitie of Alexandria, in the raigne of Antoninus Caracalla, sonne of Seuerus. And after in the x. yeare of Alexander, Origene departing vnto Cesarea, he succeeded in his roome to gouerne the schoole in Alexandria. Further also, in the time of Gordianus, after the decease of Demetrius, bishop of Alexandria, this Heraclas succeeded to be Bishop of the said Citie. Eusebius. Lib. 6. cap. 29.Euseb. Lib. 6. cap. 29. In the which functiō he ministred the terme of xvj. yeares, Eusebius, Lib. 6. cap. 35. Of this Heraclas writeth also Origene himselfe, that he, although beyng Priest, yet ceased not to read ouer and peruse ye bookes of the Gentils, to the intent he might the better out of their owne bookes confute their errour. &c.

After Heraclas succeeded Dionysius Alexandrinus, in the bishoprike of Alexandria, like as he succeded him in ye schole before.Heraclas called Pope yet no Byshop of Rome. Which Dionysius also writeth of the same Heraclas vnto Philemon a Priest of Rome, thus saying: Hunc ego canonem & typum a beato Heracla Papa nostro accepi, &c. that is, This Canon and type I receaued of blessed Heraclas our Pope, &c. This Heraclas was no Martyr which dyed 3. yeares before Decius, An. 250. about the yeare of our Lord, 250. After whom succeeded next in the same seat of Alexandria, Dionysius Alexandrinus, Ex Nicepho. Lib 5. cap. 29. who also suffered much vnder the tiranny of Decius, as hereafter shalbe shewed (Christ willing) when we come to the tyme of Valerian.

Nicephorus in his fift booke, and other which write of this persecutiō vnder Decius, declare the horriblenes therof to be so great and so innumerable Martyrs to suffer in the same, that he sayth it is as easie to number the sandes of the sea, as to recite the perticular names of them, whō this persecution did deuour. In the which persecutiō the chiefest doers and tormenters vnder the Emperour, appeare in the history of Vincentius to be these: Optimus the vnder Consull,Persecutors. Secundianus, Verianus, and Marcellianus, &c. Although therfore it be hard here to inferre all and singular persons in order that dyed in this persecution: yet such as remayne most notable in stories I will briefly touche, by the grace of him for whose cause they suffred.

In the former tractation of the fift persecution,Alexander. Byshop of Ierusalem. Martyr. mentiō was made before of Alexander bishop of Hierusalem, and of his troubles suffred vnder Seuerus, and how afterward by the miracle of God he was appointed bishop of Hierusalem, where he continued a very aged man, aboue the terme of 40, yeares gouernour of that Church, til the tune [Page] of the first yeare of Decius. At what tyme he being brought from Hierusalem to Cesarea into the iudgement place, after a constant and euident confession of his fayth made before the Iudge, was committed vnto prison, and there finished his lyre,Ex Euseb. Lib. 6. cap. 41. as testifieth Dionysius Alexandrinus in the six [...] booke of Eusebius. After whome succeeded in that seate Mezabanes the xxxvj. Bishop of that Citie, after Iames the Apostle.

Mention was made also before of Asclepiades Bishop of Antioch, who succeeded after Serapion, and in the persecution of Seuerus did likewise perseuer a constant confessor,Asclepiades Byshop of Antioche Martyr. Ex specu. Vincent. Lib. 11. ca. 52. A place of Vincentius reproued. and as Vincentius testifieth in his xj. booke suffered Martyrdome at last vnder this Decius. But this computation of Vincentius can in no wise agree with the truth of tyme, for as much as by probable writers, as Zonaras, Nicephorus and other, the sayd Asclepiades after Serapion, entred the bishops seate of Antioch, an. 214. and sate vij. yeares before the tyme of Gordianus. After whom succeeded Philetus, an. 221. gouerning the function xij. yeares. And after him Zebinus followed, an. 232. and so after him Babylas, which Babylas if he dyed in this persecution of Decius, then could not Asclepiades also suffer in the same tyme, who dyed so long before him, as is declared.

Of this Babylas bishop of Antioche, Eusebus and Zonaras record, that vnder Decius he dyed in prison, as did Alexander bishop of Hierusalem aboue rehearsed.

We read in a certaine treatise of Chrysostome, intituled Contra Gentiles, Babylas Byshop of Antioche Martyr. Ex Chrisost. Lib. contra Gentiles. The story of Babylas. a notable and a long history of one Babylas a martyr, who about these times was put to death for resistyng a certaine Emperour, not suffring him to enter into the temple of the Christians, after a cruell murder cōmitted, the story of which murder is this: There was a certaine Emperour, who vpon conclusiō of peace made with a certain nation, had receiued for hostage or suretie of peace the sonne of the king beyng of yong and tender age, with conditions vpon the same, that neither he should be molested of them, nor that they should euer be vexed of him. Upon this the kings sonne was deliuered not without great care and feare of the father vnto the Emperour, whom the cruell Emperor, contrary to promise, caused in short tyme, without all iust cause to be slayne. This fact so horrible beyng committed, the tyrant with all hast would enter into the temple of the christians:The body of Babylas stoppeth the oracles of Idols. Where Babylas beyng bishop or minister withstoode him that he should not into ye place approch. The Emperour therewith not a litle incensed, in great rage commaunded him forthwith to be laid in prison with as many irons as he could beare, & from thēce shortly after to be brought forth to death and execution. Babylas going constantly and boldly to his Martyrdome, desired after his death to be buried with his irons and bands, & so he was. The story proceedeth moreouer, and saith, that in continuaunce of tyme in the raigne of Constantinus, Gallus then made the ouersear of the East partes, caused his body to be translated into the suburbes of Antioch called Daphnes, where was a temple of Apollo, famous with diuelish Oracles & answers, geuen by that Idole, or by the deuill rather in that place. In the which temple after ye bringing of the body of Babylas, the idole ceased to geue any more Oracles, saying, that for the body of Babylas, he could geue no moe answers, but complaining that that place was woont to bee consecrated vnto him, but now it was full of dead mens bodies. And thus the Oracles there ceased for that tyme, till the comming of Iulianus: who inquiring out the cause why the Oracles ceased, caused the bones of the holy Martyr to be remooued agayne from thence by the christians, whom he then called Galileans. They commyng in a great multitude both men, maydens, and children, to the tombe of Babylas, transported his bones according to the commaundement of the emperour, singing by the way as they went, the verse of the Psalme in wordes as followeth: Confounded be all that worship Images and all that glory in Idoles, &c. which comming to the Emperours [...]ares, set him in great rage against the Christians, stirring vp persecution against them. Albeit Zonaras declareth the cause something otherwise: saying, that so soone as the body of him and other Martyrs were remooued away, incontinēt the temple of the Idole with the Image, in the night was consumed with fire.Ex Zonara T [...]m. 3. For the which cause (sayth Zonaras) Iulian stirred vp with anger, persecuted the Christians, as shall be shewed (Christ willyng) in his order and place hereafter.

And thus much of Babylas, which whether it was the same Babylas Bishop then of Antioche, or an other of the same name, it appeareth not by Chrysostome: which neither maketh mention of the Emperours name, nor of the place where this Babylas was bishop. Agayne the stopping out of the Emperour out of the Church importeth as much as that Emperour to have bene a Christian. For otherwise if he had come in as an Heathen and as a persecutor,Euseb. Lib. 6. cap. 39. it was not then the maner of christian bishops violently to withstand the Emperours or to stop them out. Ouer & beside the testimony of Eusebius, Zonaras doth witnesse contrary in his vj. booke, that this Babylas which was then Bishop of Antioch after Zebinus, was not put to death by the tormentors, but died in prison. Wherfore it is not vnpossible, but this Babylas, Nicepho. Lib. 5. cap. 25. Bab. Byshop of Nicomedia Martyr. Vincent. lib. 11. cap. 52. XL. Virgines Martyrs. Peter, of Phrigia Martyr. Andraeas, Paulus, Nichomachus, Dionysia Virgine Martyrs. Martyrs of Babilon, Germanus, Theophilus, Caesarius, Vitalis, Polychronius, Nestor. and this Emperour which Chrysostome speaketh off may be an other Babylas, then that which suffered vnder Decius. Nicephorus in his v. booke maketh mention of an other Babylas beside this that suffered vnder Decius, which was bishop of Nicomedia.

In the forenamed Citie of Antioche, Vincentius, Lib. 11. speaketh of 40. virgines Martyrs, which suffered in this persecution of Decius.

In the country of Phrigia, and in the toune of Lampsar, the same Vincentius also speaketh of one Peter, which there was apprehended, and suffered bitter tormentes for Christes name, vnder Optimus the Proconsul. And in Troada likewise of other Martyrs that there suffered, whose names were Andrew, Paule, Nicomachus, and Dionisia a virgin. Lib. 11 cap. 46.

Also in Babylon (sayth he) diuers christian Confessours were found of Decius, which were led away into Spayne, there to be executed, Lib. eodem, cap. 43.

In the countrey of Cappadocea at the Citie of Cesarea, in like maner of the sayde author is testified, of Germanus, Theophilus, Cesarius, and Vitalis, to suffer Martyrdom for Christ, eodē cap 52. And in ye same Booke mētion also is made of Polychronius Byshop of Babylon, cap. 89. And in Pamphilia of Nestor there Bishop, yt dyed Martyr, cap. 52.

At Perside in the Toune of Cardala, Olympiades and Maximus. Olympiades, Maximus, noble men. Anatolia Virgine, Audax, Martyrs. Ex Euseb. lib. 6. cap. 40.41.42. In Tyrus also Anatolia Uirgin, and Audax gaue theyr lyues likewyse to death, for the testimonie of Christes name.

Eusebius moreouer in his sixt booke, reciteth out of the Epistles of Dionysius Alexandrinus, diuers that suffred diuersly at Alexandria, the which places of Dionysius, as they be cited in Eusebius, I thought here good for the auncientnes of the author, to insert and notifie in his own wordes, and in our language, as he wrote them to Fabius bishop of Antioch, as followeth.

This persecution (saith he) began not with the proclamation set forth by the Emperor,The Epistle of Dionysius Byshop of Alexandria to Fabius. A commotion of the people of Alexandria agaynst the christians. but began a whole yeare before, by the occasion and meanes of a wicked person, a Southsayer, and a follower of wicked Artes: who comming to our Citie here, stirred vp the multitude of ye Heathen agaynst vs, and incited them to maintaine their own olde superstition and gentilitie of their countrey, whereby they beyng set a gog, and obtayning full power to prosecute their wicked purpose so thought & no lesse declared, all their pietie & religiō to consist only in the idolatrous worship of deuils, and in our destruction. And first flying vpon a certaine priest of ours named Metra, apprehended him & brought him forth,Metra, Martyr. to make him speake after theyr wicked blasphemy, which whē he would not do, they layd vpon him with slaues and clubs, and with sharp reedes pricked his face and eyes, and afterward bringing him out into the suburbes, there they stoned him to death. Then they tooke a faithfull woman called Quinta, and brought her to the temple of their Idols,Quinta a faithfull woeman and Martyr. to compell her to worship with them, which whē she refused to do, and abhorred their Idols, they bound her fecte, and drew her through ye whole streete of the citie, vpon the hard stones, & so dashyng her against milstones, & scourging her with whippes brought her to the same place of the suburbes, as they did the other before, where she likewise ended her lyfe. This done, in a great outrage, & with a multitude running together, they brust into houses of the religious & godly christians, spoiling, sacking, and carying away all that they could finde of any price. The rest of things, such as were of lesse value & of wood, they brought into the open market, & set them on fire.Patience and ioy in affliction. The constancy of the Martyrs of Alexandria. Apollonia a blessed virgine and Martyr. In the meane time the brethren voyded aside, & withdrew themselues, taking patiently and no lesse ioyfully the spoyling of their goods, then did they of whome S. Paule doth testifie. Neither do I know any of them all (one only excepted) apprehended of them, which reuoltyng from his profession, denied the Lord yet to this present day.

Among the rest that were taken, there was a certayne virgin wel striken in yeres, named Apollonia, whome they brought forth, & dashing out all her teeth out of her iawes, made a great fire before the citie, threatning to cast her into the same, vnlesse she would blaspheme with them and deny Christ. Whereat she staying a litle with herselfe, as one that would take a pause, sodenly leaped into the midst of the fire, and there was burned.

[Page]There was one also Serapion, whom they tooke in his owne house, and after they had assayled him with sundrye kyndes of torments,Serapion Martyr. and had broken almost all the iointes of his body, they cast him downe from an vpper lost, & so did he complete his Martirdom. Thus was there no way neither priuie nor publike, nor corner nor alley left for vs, neither by day nor by night to escape, al the people making an outcry against vs, that vnlesse we vttred words of blasphemy, we should be drawn to the fire & burned. And this outragious tumult endured a certaine space, but at length as the Lord would,The last punishment of God tu [...]ning the cruelty of aduersaries vpō them selues. the miserable wretches fell at dissentiō among themselues, which turned the crueltie they exercised against vs, vpon their own heads. And so had we a litle breathyng tyme for a season, while the fury of the Heathen people by this occasion aswaged.

Shortly then after this, word was brought vnto vs of the state of the Empire, which before was somthing fauorable to vs, to be altered and changed agaynst vs, putting vs in great feare. And consequently vpon the same folowed the Edict of the Emperor so terrible & cruell, that according to the forewarning of the lord, the elect if it had bene pos [...]ib [...]e, might haue bene therby subuerted. Upon that Edict such feare came ouer vs al, that many there were especially of the richer sort, of whō some for feare came rūning, some were led by the occasion of time, some were drawne by their neighbours beyng cited by name, to those vnpure and idolatrous sacrifices. Other some came trembling & shaking, as men not which should do sacrifice, but which should be sacrificed themselues, the multitude laughyng them to scorne. Some agayne came boldly to the aultars, declaring themselues neuer to haue bene of that professiō, of whom it is said, that hardly they shalbe saued. Of the residue, some followed one part, some an other, some ran away, some were taken. Of whome certaine continued to bands & torments constant. Other agayne after long imprisonment, before they should come before the Iudge, renounced their faith. Some also after they suffred tormēts, yet after reuolted. But other being as strong as blessed, & valiant pillers of the Lord, fortified with constancie agreing to their fayth, were made faithfull Martyrs of ye kingdome of God.

Iulianus Martyr.Of whom the first was Iulianus, a man diseased with the gout, and not able to go, being caried of two men, of whō the one quickly denied, the other Cronion surnamed Eunus, with the foresayd Iulianus, the old man, confessing the Lord with a perfect fayth, were layd vpon Camels, and there scourged, at length cast into the fire, with great constancie were so consumed.

A certayne souldiour Martyr.As these aforesaid were going to their Martyrdome, there was a certaine souldiour, who in their defence tooke part agaynst them that rayled vpon them. For the which cause the people crying out agaynst hym, he also was apprehended, and beyng constant in his professiō, was forthwith beheaded.

Macar a blessed Martyr.Likewise one Macar, a man borne in Lybia, beyng admonished and exhorted of the Iudge to deny his fayth, and not agreyng to his persuasions was burned alyue.

Epimachus. Alexander, with foure woemen Martyrs. Ammonarion Virgine martyr.After these suffred Epimachus, and one Alexander, who beyng long deteined in prison and in bandes, after innumerable paynes & torments with razers & scourges, were also cast into the burning fire with foure other women with them, which all there ended their Martyrdome.

Also Ammonarion an holy virgine, whō the cruel iudge had long and bitterly tormented, for that she promising the Iudge before, that for no punishment she would yelde to his request, and constantly performyng the same, suffred likewise Martyrdome, with two other women, of whom there was an aged Matrone,Mercuria, Dyonisia, Martyrs. named Mercuria, the other was called Dionysia, beyng a mother of many fayre childrē, whom yet notwithstanding she loued not aboue the Lord. These after they could nothe ouercome by no tormēts of ye cruell iudge, but he rather ashamed and confounded to be ouercome of sely women, at length they beyng past feeling of all torments, were slayne with the sword, first Ammonarion like a valiant Captaine suffryng before them.

Heron, Ater, Isidorus, Dioscorus, Martyrs. Heron, Ater, and Isidorus Egyptians, and with them Dioscorus also a child of xv. yeres, were crowned with ye same crowne of Martyrdom. And first the iudge began with the child, thinking him more easie to be wonne, with wordes to entise him, then with torments to constrain him, but he persisted immouable, geuing neither place to persuasions nor punishments. The rest after he had greuously tormē ted being constant in their profession, he committed to the fire. At Dioscorus, the iudge greatly meruailing for his wise answers & graue constancie dismissed him, sparing (as he said) his age to a longer respite: which Dioscorus is yet also with vs at this present, wayting for a longer triall.

Nemesion beyng also an Egyptian,Nemesion, Martyr. The [...]e [...] the olde tyme amongst the [...] burned. first was accused for a companion of thieues, but beyng purged thereof before the Centurion, was then accused of Christianitie, and for that cause being in bands, was brought to the President, who most vnrighteously tormenting and scourging hym double to al other thieues and felons, at length among the thieues burned him to death, making him a blessed martir.

There were standing before the tribunall seate certaine of the warriors or knights,Ammon, Zenon, Ptolomeus, Ingenuus, Theophilus, Martyr c [...] fessours. A notable example [...] Christian courage in confessing Christ. whose names were Ammon, Zenon, Ptolomeus, Ingenuus, and with them a certayne aged man called Theophilus, who standing by, at what tyme a certaine christian man was before the iudge examined, and there seyng him for feare redy to incline and fall away, did burst almost for sorow within themselues, making signes to him with their hands, and all iestures of their body, to be constant. This beyng noted of all the standers by, they were redy to lay hold vpon them, but they preuenting the matter, preased vp of their owne accord before to the bench of the iudge, professing themselues to be Christians. In so much, that both the President with the benchers were all astonied, the christians which were iudged, more emboldned to suffer, and the Iudges therby terrified. This done, they departed away from the place, glad and reioycing for the testimony that they had geuen of their fayth. Many other besides were in other cities and tounes rent and torne asunder by the Heathen, among whom, one I wil speake off for cause worthy of memory.

Ischirion one that was in seruice with a certaine noble man,Ischyrion, Martyr. was commaunded of his maister to make sacrifice, who for not obeying, was therefore rebuked: After persisting in the same, was greuously threatned with sharp and manacing wordes. At last his maister when he coulde not preuaile against him, taking a stake or pike in his handes, ran him through into the body and slue him.

What should I speake of the multitude of them which wandering in desertes and mountaines, were consumed with hunger, thirst, cold, sicknes, thieues, or wilde beasts, of whose blessed victorie they which be aliue, are yet witnesses. In the number of whom, one I will speake off, among diuers other,Cheremon, Martyr, Cheremon, a Byshop had a wife. named Cheremon Bishop of the Citie called Nilus, an aged man, he with his wife flying to the mountain of Arabia, neuer returned again, nor euer could be seene after. And though they were sought for diligently by their brethren, yet neither they nor their bodies were found. Many other there were which flying to these moū tains of Arabia, were taken of the barbarous Arabians: of whom some with much mony could scarse be ransomed, some were neuer heard off yet to this present day. Thus much out of the Epistle of Dionysius alledged in Euseb. Lib. 6 cap. 41 42. &c. Euseb. lib. 6. cap. 40.41.42. The Epistle of Dionysius Alexād. to Germanus. This Germanus was a Byshop in that tyme, whiche charged Dionysius for hys flyeng persecution, agaynst whō he purgeth hymselfe. God willed Dionysius to flee in persecution.

Moreouer, the foresaid Dionysius in an other place writyng to Germanus, of his owne daungers and of other, sustained in this persecution, & before this persecution of Decius, thus inferreth as followeth: I, sayth he, behold before the sight of God, I lye not: and he knoweth, I lie not, how that I hauing no regard of myne owne life, and notwithout the motion of God, did flye and auoyde the daunger of this persecution. Yea and also before that this persecution of Decius did rage against vs: Sabinus the same houre sent a Farmer to seeke me, at what tyme I remaining at home waited iij. dayes for his comming. But he searching narowly for me by all wayes, fields, flouds, & corners, where he thought I might best haue hid my self, or to haue passed by, was stroken with such a blindnesse, that he could not find myne house, thinking with himself nothing lesse, then that I would abide at home in such so dangerous persecution. Thus these iij. days beyng past, vpon the fourth day, the Lord God so willing and commanding me to flie, and also maruelously opening to me the way, I with myErgo Byshops then had wiues and Children. children and many other brethren went out together. And this not to come of my selfe, but to be the worke of Gods prouidence, the sequel of those things declared, wherein afterward I was not vnprofitable peraduenture to some, &c.

Againe in another place shortly after the foresayd Dionysius proceedyng in the narration of himselfe, thus inferreth: Then I comming to Hierusalem with them which were with me, was brought by souldiours vnto Taposixis, where as Timotheus (by the prouidence of God) neyther was present, nor yet takē. Who then returning home foūd his house desert, and officers watching about the same, & vs within taken, &c. And agayne shortly after it foloweth: And to see (sayth he) the admirable disposing of God his workes. As Timotheus was thus flying with much hast & great feare,The prouidence of God in preseruing hys. a certain man, as happened, a dweller neere by met him by the way, & asked, whether he went so hastely: to whome Timotheus aunswering declared all the matter simply as it was. Which done, the man proceedeth on hys [Page] iourney, whether he was purposed to go, which was to a mariage,The story of the deliueraunce of Dionysius and hys fellowes. the maner of which mariages then was to sit vp all the night long feasting and drinking. Thus as he was come, sitting with them at the feast, he telleth his companions what was done, & what he heard by the way. This was no sooner told, but all they forthwith vpon a head, as stroken with a sodain fury rushing out together, made toward vs as fast as they could, with such crying & noyse, as might seeme very terrible. At the first hearing wherof, the souldiours that had vs in keping, being afraid, ran away, by reason wherof we were left alone, & found as we were lying vpon fourmes & benches. I then, (the Lord knoweth) thinking with my selfe that they had bene thieues, which came to spoyle and rob, being in my couch, lay still in my shirt onely as I was, the rest of my garments lying by me, I offred to them. They then willed me in all hast to rise and get away, wherby I then perceauing the cause of their commyng,Dionysius. Gaius. Faustus, Petrus. Paulus deliuered frō the Centurion and the souldiours. Ex Euseb. lib. 6. ca. 40. Lib. 7. cap. 11. Ex Niceph. Lib. 5. cap. 27. Christophorus Martyr. The fable of great S. Christopher. cryed vnto them desiring that they would suffer vs so to do: And if they would do any benefit for me for so much as I could not escape the hands of thē which would pursue me and cary me away, I prayed them that they would preuent them, and cut off my head before. And as I was crying thus vnto them, casting my selfe groueling vpon the pauement as my companions can testifie, who were pertakers of all these thinges, they brust forth violently, takyng me by the handes and feete, and caried me out of the doores, and led me away. There followed me Gaius, Faustus, Petrus, Paulus, (who were witnesses of all the same) which brought me also out of the Citie, and so setting me vpon a bare Asse, conueyed me away. Thus much writeth Dionysius of himselfe, the example of whose Epistle is cited in the Ecclesiasticall story of Eusebius, Lib. 6. cap. 40. also Lib. 7. cap. 11.

Nicephorus in his fift booke, cap. 27. maketh mention of one named Christophorus, which also suffered in this persecution of Decius. Of which Christophorus, whether the fable riseth of that mighty Giant set vp in Churches, wadyng through the Seas, with Christ on his shoulder, and a tree in his hand for a walking staffe, &c. it is vncertayne. Georg. Wicelius alledgeth out of Ruggerus Fulden (and mentioneth of one Christophorus, borne of the nation of the Cananites, which suffered vnder Decius, beyng, as he sayth of xii. cubites hye. But the rest of the history paynted in Churches, the sayd Wicelius he derideth as fables of Centaurus, or other Poeticall fictions.

Meniatus, Agatha. Martyrs. Ex Bergomens. Lib. 8. E [...] Martyrologio Adonis. Bergomensis in hys viii. booke maketh relation of diuers martyred vnder Decius, as Meniatus which suffered at Florence, of Agatha an holy virgine of Sicile, who is sayd to suffer diuers and bitter tormentes vnder Quintinianus the Proconsul, with prisonment, with beatinges, with famine, with racking, roled also vpon sharpe shelles and hot coles, hauing moreouer her brestes cut from her body, as Bergomensis, and the Martyrologe of Ado recorde. In the whiche Authors as I denye not, but part of the story may be true, so agayne concernyng the myracles of the aged man appearing to her, and of the yong man clothed in a silken vesture, with an hundreth yong mē after him, and of the marble table with the inscription, Mentem sanctam, &c. I doubt.

Martyrs wandring in mountaynes.Hard it is to recite all that suffred in this persecution, whē as whole multitudes went into wildernes & mountains, wandring without succour or comfort, some starued with hunger and cold, some with sicknes consumed, some deuoured of beastes, some with barbarous theeues taken and caried away. Vincentius in his xj. booke speakyng of Asclepiades, Fourty Virgines Martyrs. Tryphon Martyr. writeth also of xl. virgins and Martyrs, which by sundry kindes of torments were put to death about the same tyme, in the persecution of this tirant.

Likewise in the said Vincentius, mentiō is made of Tryphon, a man of great holines, and constant in his suffryng, who beyng brought to the Citie of Nice, before the President Aquilus, for his constant confession of Christes name was afflicted with diuers and grieuous torments, and at length with the sword put to death.

Maximianus. Malchus, Martinianus. Dyonisius. Ioannes. Serapion. Constantinus. 7. Martyrs.At what tyme Decius had erected a temple in the midst of the Citie of Ephesus, compelling all that were in the Citie there, to sacrifice to the Idoles, seuen Christians were found, whose names were Maximianus, Malchus, Martianus, Dionysius, Ioannes, Serapion, and Constantinus, who refusing the Idolatrous worship, were accused for the same vnto the Emperour to be Christians. Which when they constantly professed, and did not deny, notwithstanding, because they were souldiours, retayning to the Emperours seruice, respite was geuen them for a certaine space to deliberate with themselues, til the returne agayne of the Emperour, which then was goyng to warre. In the meane space, the Emperour being departed, they taking counsail together, went and hidde themselues in secret caues of the Mount Caelius. The Emperour returnyng agayne, after great inquisitiō made for them, hearing where they were, caused the mouth of the place where they were, to be closed vp with heapes of stones, that they not able to get out, should be famished within. And thus were those good men martired.The fable of the awaking of these seuen martyrs. Ex Vincent. Nicepho. Erfordiens. The story (if it be true) goeth further that they betwene feare and sorrow fell a sleepe, in which sleepe they continued the space of certaine ages after, till the tyme of Theodosius the Emperour, before they did awake, as reporteth Vincentius, Nicephorus, Lib. 5. ca. 27. and partly also Henr. Erfordiens [...] ▪ But of their awakyng, that I referre to them that lift beleue it. Certain it is, that at the last day they shall awake in deede without any fable.

Hieronymus in the lyfe of Paulus the Hermite,A souldiour martyr. Ex Hierony. in vita Paul [...] Eremita. A notable example of a chast souldiour byting of hys toung, and spitting it in the face of an harlot. reciteth a story of a certaine souldiour, whom the Pretor could not otherwise with torments remooue frō his Christianitie, he deuised an other way, which was this: he comaunded the souldiour to be layd vpon a soft bed in a pleasant garden among the flourishing Lillies and red Roses, which done, all other beyng remoued away, & himself there left alone, a beautifull harlot came to him, who embracing him, & with al other intisements of an harlot, laboured to prouoke him to her naughtines. But the godly souldiour fearyng God more, then obeying flesh, bitte of his tong with hys owne teeth, and spit it in the face of the harlot, as she was kissing him, and so got he the victorie, by the constant grace of the Lord assisting him.A like example of chastitie betweene two Christians. Ex Ambr. lib. 2. de virgin.

An other like example of singular chastitie is written of the virgin Theodora, and an other souldiour, by Ambrose Lib. 2. De virginibus. At Antioche, this Theodora refusing to do sacrifice to the Idols, was condemned by the Iudge to ye stewes, which notwtstanding by the singular prouidence of god was wel deliuered. For as there was a great company of wanton yong men ready at the doore to prease into the house where she was, one of the brethren, named Didimus (as Ado sayth) mooued with fayth and motiō of God, putting on a souldioures habite, made himselfe one of the first that came in, who rounding her in the eare, tolde her the cause and purpose of his commyng, beyng a christiā as she was: his counsaile was that she should put on yt souldiors habite, and so slip away. And he puttyng on her garmentes would there remaine to abide their force. And so did, whereby the virgine escaped vnknowen. Didimus left vnto the rage and wondring of the people beyng a man in stead of a woman, was presented vnto the President, vnto whom without delay he vttered all the whole matter as it was done, professing him so as he was, to be a christiā, and therupon was condemned to suffer. Theodora vnderstanding thereof, and thinking to excuse him by accusing her selfe, offred her selfe as the partie guiltie, vnto the Iudge, clayming and requiring the condemnation to light vpon her, the other as innocent to be discharged. But the cruell Iudge (crueller then Dionysius, which spared Damon & Pithias) neither considering the vertue of the persons,Theodora, Didimus, Martyrs. nor the innoncency of the cause, vniustly and inhumanely proceded in execution against thē both, who first hauing their heads cut off, after were cast in the fire, Ambros. Ado. Although what tyme, or in what persecution these did suffer, in the authors of this narration it doth not appeare.

Agathon a man of armes in the Citie of Alexandria, for rebuking certaine lewd persons,Agathon, Martyr. scornefully deridyng the dead bodies of the Christians, was cried out off and rayled on of the people. Afterward accused to the iudge, was condemned to loose his head. Erfordiensis

The sayd Erfordiensis also maketh mention of Paulus, and Andraeas, Paulus, Andreas, Martyrs. whome the Proconsul of Troada gaue to the people beyng scourged, and after drawne out of the Citie, they were troden to death with the feete of the people. Hen. de Erford.

Among other that suffered vnder this wicked Decius, Iustinus, Nicostratus, Portius Martyrs. Bergomensis also maketh mention of one Iustinus a Priest of Rome, and of an other Nicostratus a Deacon. To these Vincentius also addeth Portius a Priest of Rome, whom he reporteth to be the conuerter of Phillip the Emperor afore mentioned.

Of Abdon and Sennas we read also in the foresayd Bergomensis and Vincentius, Abdon, Sēnas. Martyrs. two noble men, who because they had buried the christians, whom Decius had brought from Babylon to Corduba, and there put them to death, were therfore accused to Decius, & brought to Rome, where they beyng commaunded to sacrifice to dead Idols, would not obey, and for the same were geuen to the wilde beastes to be deuoured: but when the wild beastes more gentle then the men would not touch them, they were at length with the sword beheaded. Bergom. Vincent. Lib. 11. cap. 4 Albeit to me it seemeth not vnpossible nor vnlike, this Abdon and [Page] Sennas, to be the same, whome in other storyes we finde, and before haue mentioned to be Ammon and Zenon.

Secundianus. Ver [...]anus. Marcellianus. Martyrs.One Secundianus was accused to Valerian a Captayne of Decius, to be a Christian, which professiō when he stoutly did maynetayne, was commaunded to prison. By the way as the souldiours were leading him to the gaile, Verianus and Marcellianus seing the matter, cried to the souldiours, asking them whether they drew the innocent. At the which worde, when they also confessed them selues to be Christians, they were likewise apprehended, and brought to a Citie named Centumcellas [...] where being willed to sacrifice, they did spit vpon the Idols, and so after sentence and iudgement geuen, first they were beaten with wasters or trunshons, after that were hanged and tormented vpō the gibbet,Ex Vincent. lib. 11. cap. 51. hauing fire set to their sides. Vincentius addeth moreouer that the tormentors some of them fallē sodainly dead, other some being taken wt wicked spirites, the Martyrs wt sword at length were beheaded. Vinc. Lib. 11 cap. 31.

To prosecute in length of history, the liues and sufferings of all them, which in this terrible persecution, were Martyred, it were to long, & almost infinite: briefly therefore to rehearse the names of such as we finde alledged out of a certaine briefe treatise of Bede intituled De temporibus, Ex libro. Bedae, de Temporibus, citante. Henrico de Erfordia. A briefe Cataloge of diuers which suffered vnder Decius ex Beda. cited by Henricus De Erford, it shalbe at this time sufficient. Under Decius suffered Hyppolitus and Concordia, Hiereneus and Abnudus, Victoria a virgine, being noble personages of Antioche Bellias Byshoppe of the Citie of Apollonia, Leacus, Tyrsus, and Gallinetus, Nazanzo, Tryphon in the Citie of Egypt called [...]anais. Phileas Bishop, Philocomus with many other in Perside. Philcronius byshop of Babylon, Thesiphon Byshop of Pamphilia. Nestor Byshop in Corduba. Parmenius Priest with diuers moe. In the Prouince called Colonia, Circensis, Marianus and Iacobus. In Africa, Nemesianus, Felix, Rogatianus priest. [...]elicissimus. At Rome Iouinus, Basileus, also Ruffin [...], and Secunda Uirgines, Tertullianus, Valerianus, Nemesius, Sempronianus, and Olympius. In Spayne Teragone, at Verona Zeno Byshop. At Caesarea, Marinus, and Archemius. In the towne of Miliane Priuatus Byshop, Theodorus surnamed Gregorius Byshop of Pontus. Haec Beda.

Vincentius in his xj. booke, maketh also mention, citing Ex Hugone, Children Martyrs. Ex vincent lib. 11. cap. 52. of certaine children suffering Martyrdome vnder the same persecution, in a Citie of Tuscia called Aretium: whose names I finde not, except they be [...]rgentius & Laurentius mentioned in Equilinus, Lib. 5. cap. 80.

Nowe that I haue recorded of them sufficiently, which vnder this tempest of Decius, Such as reuolted and fell in this persecution. constantly gaue their liues to Martyrdome for the testimonie of Christ: it remaineth, that a fewe wordes also be spoken of such that for feare or frailtie in this persecution did shrinke backe, & slide from the truth of their confession. In the number of whome first commeth in the remembrāce of Serapion an aged olde man. Of whom writeth Dionysius Alexandrinus, vnto Fabius, declaring: that this Serapion was an olde man,Serapion. which liued amongest them a sincere and vpright life of long time, but at length fell. This Serapion oft and many times desired to be receaued againe, but no man listened to him, for hee had sacrificed before.Ex Euseb. Lib. 6. cap. 44. After this not long after he fell into sickenesse where he remained three dayes dombe, and benummed of all his sēses. The fourth day following, beginning a litle to recouer, he called to him his sisters sonne, & saide: how long, how lōg (my sonne) do ye hold me here? Make hast I pray you, that I were absolued. Call hether some of the ministers to me, and so saying no more, held his peace, as dombe & speachles. The boy ranne, it was then night, vnto the minister, who at the same time being sicke, could not come with the messenger, but sayde: for somuch as he willed herretofore (as he sayde) that such as lay a dying, if they couet to be receaued & reconciled, and especially if they required it earnestly, should be admitted, wherby with the better hope & confidence they may depart hence: therefore he gaue to the boy a litle of the Note here the Sacrament to be called the Eucharist, and not the body of Christ. The holy Eucharist in time of great neede and distresse committed to a boy. The repentance and reconciliation of Serapion. The goodnes of God shewed to Serapion. Ex Henr. de Erford. Eucharist, willing him to crumble it into the cup, & so to drop it into the mouth of the olde man. With this the boy returned, bringing wt him the holy Eucharist. As he was now nere at hād, before he had entred in, Serapiō the old mā, speaking againe, cōmest thou (sayd he) my sonne? The Priest, quoth the messenger, is sicke & can not come, but do, as he willeth you, & let me go. And the boy immixed the Eucharist, & dropt it in softly into the mouth of the old mā. Who after he had tasted a litle, immediatly gaue vp the Ghost. &c. Haec Dionys. ex Eus.

In the Citie of Troade, as the Proconsul was grieuously tormenting one Nicomachus, he cried out, that he was no Christian, and so was let downe againe. And when after he had sacrificed, he was taken eftsoones with a wicked spirite, and so throwen downe vpon the ground, where he byting of his toung with his teeth, so departed. Henr. de Erfordia.

Dionysius in his Epistles also writyng to Fabius, and lamentyng the great terrour of this persecution declareth,A terrible example of denying, shewed vppon Nichomachus. Dionysius ad Fabium, Cyprianus Serm. de lapsis. how that many woorthy and notable Christians, for feare and horror of the great tiranny therof, did shew themselues feeble and weake men. Of whome some for dread, some of their owne accord, other after great torments suffered, yet after reuolted from the constancy of their profession. Also S. Cyprian in his treatise De lapsis, reciteth with great sorrow, and testifieth, how that a great number at the first threatnyng of the aduersary, neither beyng cōpelled nor thrown downe with any violence of the enemy, but of their volū tary weakenes fell downe themselues. Neither (sayth he) tarying while the iudge should put incense in their hands, but before any stroke stroken in the fielde,The weaknes of christians denying their fayth. turned their backes, & played the cowards, not only commyng to their sacrifices, but preuētyng the same, and pretending to come without compulsion, bringing moreouer theyr infantes & children eyther put into their hands, or taking them with them of their owne accord, and exhortyng moreouer other to do the lyke after their example.

Of this weaknesse and falling, the said author sheweth two causes,Examples of God hys punishment after denial. The sacrament called bread of S. Cyprian. De lapsis. either loue of their goodes and patrimonie, or feare of torments. And addeth moreouer examples of the punishmentes of them which so reuolted: affirmyng that many of them were taken and vexed with wicked sprites. And of one man among other which after his voluntary deniall, sodainly was stroken dombe. Agayn, an other after his abiuration as he should communicate with other, in stead of bread receiued ashes in his hād. Itē of a certayn mayden, who beyng taken & vexed with a sprite, did teare her owne toung with her teeth, and tormented with paine in her bellie and inward partes so deceased.

Among other of this sort, S. Cyprian, Lib. 2 cap. 8. maketh also mention of one Euaristus a Bishop in Aphrica, who leauing his charge, and making a shipwracke of his faith, went wandering about in other countreys, forsakyng his owne flocke. In like maner he maketh also mention of Nicostratus a Deacon, who forsakyng his Deaconship, and takyng the goods of the Church with him, fled away into other countreys, &c. Albeit Bergomensis geueth that this Nicostratus the Deacon afterward dyed a Martyr. Thus then although some did relent, yet a very great nūber saith he, there was, whom neither feare could remoue, nor pain could ouerthrow to cause them to betray their confession, but that they stoode like glorious Martyrs vnto the ende, Cyprian.

The same Cyprianus also in an other booke De mortalitate, reciteth a notable story of one of his owne Colleges and fellow Priest:Cyprianus Lib. de mortalitate. A notable voyce of God to a Priest of Carthage. who beyng oppressed with weaknesse, and greatly afrayd with death drawyng at hand, desired leaue to depart, and to be discharged. As he was thus entreating, and almost now dying, there appeared by him a yong man, of an honorable and of reuerend maiestie, of a tall stature, and comely behauior, so bright & cleare to behold, that scarce mans carnall eyes was able to beare the beholding of him, but that he was able so to do, which was now redy to depart this world. To whom this yong man speaking with a certaine indignation of mynd and voyce, thus said: Pati timetis, exire non vultis, quid faciam vobis? To suffer ye dare not, to goe out ye will not, what would ye me to do vnto you?

Upon the occasion of these and such other,The occasion and rising vp of Nouatus heresie. which were a great number, that fell and did renounce, as is aforesaid, in this persecution of Decius, rose vp first the quarell & heresie of Nouatus, who in these dayes made a great disturbance in the church, holding this opinion, that they which once renounced the faith, and for feare of torments had offred incense to the idols, although they repented therefore, yet could not afterward be reconciled, nor admitted to the Church of Christ. This Nouatus beyng first Priest vnder Cyprian at Carthage, afterward by stirring vp discord and factions, began to disturbe the Bishopricke of Cyprian, to appoint there a Deacon called Felicissimus, agaynst the bishops mynd or knowledge, also to allure and separate certayne of the brethren from the Bishop, all which Cyprian, Lib. 2. Epist. 8. doth well declare. After this the sayd Nouatus goyng to Rome, kept there the like stirre with Cornelius (as the same Cornelius in Eusebius, Cornelij Epist. ad Fabium, ex Euse lib. 6. cap. 43. Lib. 6. cap. 43. doth testifie) settyng himselfe vp as Bishop of Rome against Cornelius, which was the lawfull Bishop of Rome before. The which to bring to passe, he vsed this practise: first he had allured to him to be his adherents, thre or foure of good men and holy confessours, which had suffered before great tormentes for their confession, whose names were Maximus, Vrbanus, Sydonius, and Celerinus. After this he entised three simple bishops about the coastes of Italy to repayre [Page] to Rome, vnder pretence to make an end of certain cōtrouersies then in hand. This done, he caused the same, whether by making them dronke, or by other craftye counsell, to lay theyr handes vpon him, and to make him Bishop, & so did. Wherefore the one of those three Byshops hardly was receiued to the communion, by the great intercession of his people: the other two by discipline of ye church, were displaced from their Byshoprickes, & other possessed with their roomes.The meaning of Cyprian opened, writing of one Bishop onely to gouerne in a Catholicke church falsely wrasted of the Papistes for the Papacy. Ex Euseb. Lib. 6. cap. 43. Thus then were there two Byshops together in one church of Rome, Nouatus and Cornelius, which was vnsemely, & contrary to the discipline of the Church. And hereupon riseth the true cause and meaning of S. Cyprian, writing in his Epistles so much of one Byshop, and of the vnity to be kept in Ecclesiasticall regimēt, as appeareth, Lib. 4. Epist. 2. De simplicit. praelat. item. Lib. 3. Epist. 11. &c. And in like sort writeth also Cornelius himselfe of one Byshop, saying: Ita (que) Vindex ille Euangelij ignorauit vnum esse debere Episcopū in Catholica Ecclesia. &c. That is, He knew not that there ought to be one Byshoppe in a Catholicke Church. &c. This by the way, not out of the way I trust, I haue touched briefly, to detect or refute the cauiling wrastling of the Papistes, which falsely apply these places of Cyprian and Cornelius to mainetayne the Popes supreme maistershippe alone, ouer the whole vniuersall Church of Christ in all places. Whē their meaning is otherwise, how that euery one Catholicke Church or dioces ought to haue one Byshop ouer it, not that the whole world ought to be subiect to the dominion of him onely that is Byshop of Rome. Now to the story againe. Nouatus beyng thus Bishop tooke not a little vpon him, goyng about by all meanes to defeat Cornelius, and to allure the people from him. Insomuch that (as in the foresayd book of Eusebius appeareth) whē Nouatus came to the distributing of the offrings, and should geue euery man his part, he cōpelled the simple persōs euery man to sweare, before they should receiue of the benediction, & of the collectes or oblations, holding both their handes in his, & holding them so long, speaking these wordes vnto them, (Sweare to me by the body and bloud of our Lord Iesu Christ, that thou wilt not leaue me and goe to Cornelius,) till that they swearing vnto him, instead of Amē (to be sayd at ye receauing of theNote here the Sacrament of the body to be called bread. Euseb. lib. 6. Cap. 43. Nicepho. lib. 6. ca. 3. The latine translatiō of Eusebius corrupted by Christosersō Lib. 6. ca. 43. Maximus, Vrbanus, Sidonius, Celerinus, confessors. Ex Cypr. Lib. 3. Epist. 3. Moses, Martyr. A Synode at Rome. bread, should aunswere, I will not returne to Cornelius, &c. Where note by the way, that the Latine booke of Christofersons tan [...]lation, in this place, craftely leaueth out the name of bread. This story being written in Eusebius, also contained in Nicephorus, although not in the same order of wordes, yet in effe [...]t drawne out of him, doth declare in playne wordes in both the Authors (who so will marke the same) that the sacrament of the bodye of Christ, is termed with the playne name of bread, after the consecration.

It followeth more in the story, that Maximus, Vrbanus, Sydonius, and Celerinus before mentioned, perceiuing at length the crafty dissimulation and arrogancy, of Nouatus, left him, and with great repentance returned agayne to the Church, & were reconciled to Cornelius, as they thēselues writing to Cyprian, and Cyprian likewise writing to them an Epistle gratulatory doth declare. Lib. 3. Epist. 3. & Cornelius also in his Epistle to Fabꝰ witnesseth the same. In thi [...] Epistle the sayd Cornelius moreouer writeth of one Moses a worthy Martyr, which once being a follower also of Nouatus, after perceiuing his wickednesse forsooke him, and did excommunicate him. Of him Cyprian also maketh mention, & calleth him a blessed confessour. Lib. 2. Epi. 4. Damasus in his pontificall sayth, that he was apprehended with Maximus and Nicostratus aboue mentioned, & was put with them in prison, where he ended his life. And thus much of Nouatus (agaynst whom, as Eusebius testifieth) a Synode was holdē at Rome of lx. sondry Byshops in the tyme of Cornelius, and vnder the reigne of Decius an. 255. whereby it may be supposed that the heat of the persecutiō at that tyme was somewhat calmed.An. 255.

After Fabianus (or as Zonaras calleth him Flauianus) next succeeded into the bishoprick of Rome Cornelius, Cornelius Byshop of Rome, and Martyr. whō Cyprian noteth to be a worthy Byshop, and for his great vertue & maydenlye continency much commēdable, chosen to that roome, not so much of his owne consent, as of ye full greement both of the Clergy men,Byshops were chosen then not without the voice of the people. and also of the people. Hierome addeth also that he was a man of great eloquēce, wherby it may appeare those two Epistles decretal, which go in his name not to be his, both for the rudenes of the barbarous and grose stile, and also for the matter therin conteined, nothing tasting of that tyme, nor of that age nor doings then of the Church. Wherof in the first he writeth to all ministers & brethren of the Church,A censure of the decretall Epistles of Cornelius. concerning the lifting vp of the bodyes & bones of Peter & Paule, De cathecumbis, and transposed to Vaticanum, at the instance of a certayne deuoute woman named Lucina, hauing no great argumēt or cause to write therof vnto the churches, but onely that he in that letter doth desire thē to pray vnto the Lord, that through the intercession of those Apostolicall Sayntes; their sinnes might be forgeuen them. &c. In the second Epistle writing to Ruffus a Byshop of the East Church, he decreeth and ordaineth that no oth ought to be required or exacted of any head or chiefe Byshop, for any cause, or by any power. Also that no cause of Priestes or Ministers ought to be handled in any straunge or forreine Court, without his precinct, except onely in the Court of Rome by appellation; wherby who seeth not the trayn of our latter Byshops, going about craftely to aduaunce the dignity of the Court of Rome, vnder and by the prtenced title of Cornelius, and of such auncient Byshops. If Cornelius did write any Epistles to any in deede in those so turbulent times of persecution; no doubt but some signification thereof he would haue touched in the sayd his letters, either in ministring consolation to his brethrē, or in requiring consolation and prayers of others. Neither is there any doubt, but he would haue geuē some touch also of the matter of Nouatus, with whom he had so much to do, as in deed he did: for so we finde it recorded both in Eusebius, and in Hierome that he wrote vnto Fabius Byshop of Antioche, of the decreementes of the counsell of Rome, and an other letter of the maner of the Counsell: the third also of the cause of Nouatus, and agayne of the repentaunce of such as fell, wherof there is no word touched at all in these foresayd Epistles decretall.The constancie of Cornelius in hys tryall.

What trouble this Cornelius had with Nouatus, sufficiently is before signified. In this persecution of Decius, he demeaned himselfe very constantly and faythfully, whiche sustayned great conflictes with the aduersaries, as S. Cyprian geueth winesse,Cyprian. Lib. 1. Epist. 1. Lib. 1. Epist. 1. Hierome testifieth that he remayned Byshop after the death of Decius, to the tyme of Gallus, and so appeareth also by S. Cyprian, which hath these wordes: Et tyrannum armis & bello postmodum victum, prior sacerdotio suo vicit. But Damasus and Sabellicus, his folowers, affirm that he was both exiled & also martired vnder the tyrannous reigne of Decius. Of whom Sabellicus writeth this story, taken out (as it seemeth) of Damasus, and sayth:Cornelius accused for writing letters to Cyprian. that Cornelius by the commaūdement of Decius, was banished a towne called Centumcellas, bordering in Hetruria, from whence he sent letters to Cyprian Byshop of Carthage, and Cyprian agayne to him. This comming to the eares of Decius the Emperour, he sendeth for Cornelius, asking him: how he durst be so bolde to shew suche stubbernes, that he neither caring for the Gods, nor fearing the displeasure of his Princes, durst, agaynst the cōmon wealth, geue and receiue letters from other. To whom Cornelius answering agayne, thus purged himselfe, declaring to the Emperour, that letters in deede he had written and receiued agayne concerning the prayses & honoring of Christ, & of saluation of soules,Plumbatis cadi. but nothing as touching any matter of the common wealth. And it foloweth in the storye: Then Decius moued with anger commaunded him to be beaten with plumbattes (which is sayth Sabellicus a kinde of scourging) and so to be brought to the temple of Mars: either there to do sacrifice, or to suffer the extremitye. But he rather willing to dye, then to committe such iniquity, prepared himselfe to Martyredome, beyng sure that he should dye.Cornelius▪ Martyred. And so commending the charge of the Churche vnto Stephanus his Archdeacon, was brought to the way of Appius, where he ended his life in faythfull Martyrdome. Eusebius in one place sayth, that he sat ij. yeares, in an other place sayth, that he sat three yeares, and so doth Marianus Scotu., following also the diuersity of the sayd Eusebius. Damasus geueth him onely two yeares.

In this foresayde persecution of Decius, it seemeth by some writers also that Cyprian was banished, but I suppose rather his banishment to be referred to the reigne of Gallus next Emperour after Decius, whereof more shall be sayd, (Christ willing) in this place hereafter. In the mean time the sayd Cyprian in his second booke, Epist. 5. &. 6. maketh mention of two that suffered either in the time of this Decius, Aurelius, Martyr. or much about the same time. Of whom one was Aurelius a worthy and valiant yong man, who was twise in tormentes for his confession, which he neuer denied, but manfully and boldely withstood the aduersary, till he was banished, and also after. And therefore was commended of Cyprian to certayne brethren, to haue him for their lectorer, as in the forenamed Epistle of Cyprian appeareth. The other was named Mappalicus, Mappalicus, Martyr. who the day before he suffered, declaring to the Proconsul, in the midst of his tormentes, & saying: Videbis cras agonem: that is, to morrow you shall see the running for a wager. &c. was brought forth according as he forespake, to Martyrdome, and there with no lesse constancie then patience did suffer.

[Page] The death and destruction of Decius.And thus much of the tyrannie of this wicked Decius agaynst God his Saintes, now to touch also the power of God his vengeance and punishment against him, like as we see commonly a tempest that is vehement, not long to continue: so it happened with this tyrannical tormenter, who raigning but two yeares as sayth Eusebius, or three at most,Orosius. Lib. 7. Cap. 14. as writeth Orosius among the middle of the Barbarians with whom he did warre, was there slayne with his sonne, like as he had slayn Philippus, and his sonne his predecessours before, so was he with his sonne slayne by the righteous iudgement of God himselfe.The iust reuenge of God agaynst persecutours. Euseb. Lib. 7. cap. 1. Platin. Pomponius affirmeth that he warrying agaynst the Gotthians, and beyng by them ouercome, sest he should fall into their handes, ranne into a whurlepyt, where he was drouned, and his body neuer found after.

The iust punishment of God vpon the Heathen multitude, for persecuting his people.Neither did the iust hand of God plague the Emperor onely, but also reuenged as well the heathen Gentils and persecutors of hys word, throughout all prouinces & dominions of the Roman Monarchie, amongst whom the lord immediatly after the death of Decius, sent such a plage and pestilence, lastyng for the space of x. yeares together, that horrible it is to heare, and almost incredible to beleue. Of this plague or pestilence, testifieth Dionysius to Hierax a bishop in Egypt,The plague and hand of God. Euseb. Lib. 7. cap. 21.22. Where he declareth the mortalitie of this plague to bee so great in Alexandria, where he was bishop, that there was no house in ye whole Citie free.The brotherly loue and piety among the christians, shewed in the time of plague. And although the greatnes of the plague touched also the Christians somwhat, yet it scourged the heathen Idolaters much more: beside that the order of their behauiour in the one, and in the other was much diuers. For, as the foresayd Dionysius doth recorde, the Christians through brotherly loue and pietie, did not refuse one to visit and comfort an other, and to minister to him, what need required. Notwithstanding it was to them great danger: for diuers there were, who in closing vp their eyes, in washyng their bodies, & interryng them in the ground, were next themselues which folowed them to their graues. Yet all this stayed not them frō doyng their duetie, and shewyng mercy one to another. Where as the Gentils contrarily, beyng extremely visited by the hand of God, felt the plague, but considered not the striker, neyther yet considered they their neighbour, but euery man shifting for himselfe, neither cared one for an other: but such as were infected, some they would cast out of the doores halfe dead, to be deuoured of dogges and wilde beasts, some they let dye within theyr houses without all succour, some they suffred to lye vnburied, for that no mā durst come neare him. And yet notwithstandyng,A terrible pestilence raygning through all the Romaine Monarchy. for all their voyding and shiftyng, the pestilence followed them whether soeuer they went, & miserably consumed them. In so much, that Dionysius bishop ye same tyme of Alexandria, thus reporteth of his owne City: that such a great mortalitie was then among them, that the sayd City of Alexandria had not in number of all together, both old and yong, as it was woont to contayn before of the old men onely from the age of 60. to 70. such as were found in tyme past commonly almost in that Citie. Pomponius Laetus, and other Latine writers also makyng mention of the sayd pestilitie, declare how the beginnyng therof first came (as they thinke) out of Ethiope, and from the hote countreys, and so inuading and wastyng first the South partes, from thence spread into the East, & so further running and increasing into all other quarters of the world, especially, wheresoeuer the Edicts of the Emperor went agaynst the Christians, it followed after, and consumed the most part of the inhabitauntes, whereby manye places became desolate and voyde of all concourse, and so continued the terme of x. yeares together.

This pestiferous mortalitie (by the occasion whereof Cyprian tooke the ground to write hys booke De mortalitate) began as is sayd, immediately after the death of Decius the persecutor,Cyprianus Lib. de mortalitate. Gallus and Volusianus Emperours. in the beginning of the raigne of Vibias Gallus, and Volusianus hys sonne: who succeeded through treason, next vnto Decius, about the yeare of our Lord. 255. and continued their raygne but two yeares.

This Gallus although the first beginning of the raygne was some thing quiet,Anno. 255. yet shortly after following the steps of Decius, by whō rather he should haue taken better heed, set forth Edictes in like maner, for ye persecution of Christians, albeit in this Edict we finde no number of Martyrs to haue suffered, but only all this persecution to rest onely in the exilement of bishops or guides of the flock. Of other suffrings or executions we do not read: for the terrible pestilence following immediatly, kept the barbarous heathē otherwise occupied. Unto this tyme of Gallus, rather then to the tyme of Decius, The first banishment of Cyprian. I referre the banishment of Cyprian, who was then bishop of Carthage. Of the which banishment, he himselfe testifieth in diuers of his epistles, declaryng the cause therof to rise vpon a commotion or sedition among the people, out of the which he withdrew himselfe, lest the sedition should grow greater. Notw [...]thstāding the sayd Cyprian, though beyng absent, yet had no lesse care of his flocke and of the whole church, then if he had bene present with them. And therfore neuer ceased in his Epistles continually to exhort and call vpon them to be constant in their profession,The Byshops and Priestes condemned to metals. Nemesianus. Felix. Lucius. Byshops condemned for the name of Christ. and pacient in theyr afflictions. Amongst diuers other, whom he doth comfort in his banishmēt, although he was in that case to be comforted himselfe, writing to certayne that were condemned to minyng for metals, whose names were Nemesianus, Felix, Lucius, with other bishops, Priests and Deacons, declareth vnto them, how it is no shame but a glory not to be feared, but to be reioyced at, to suffer banishment or other paynes for Christ. And confirming them in the same, or rather commending them, signifieth, how worthily they do shew themselues to be as valiant captaines of vertue, prouoking both by the confessions of their mouth, and by the suffring of their body, the hartes of the brethren to Christian Martyrdome, whose example was and is, a great confirmation to many, both maydes and children to follow the like. As for punishment and sufferyng, it is (sayth he) a thing not execrable to a Christian. For a Christian mans brest, whose hope doth wholy consist in the That is, i [...] the passion of hym that dyed on the tree. tree, dreadeth neyther batte nor club, woundes and skarres of the body be ornaments to a Christian man, such as bring no shame nor dishonestie to the partie, but rather preferreth and freeth him with the Lord. And although in the mines where the mettals be digged there be no beds for Christian mens bodies to take their rest, yet they haue their rest in Christ. And though their wearie bones lye vpon the cold ground, yet it is no payne to lye with Christ. Their feete haue bene fettered with bandes and chaynes, but happily he is bound of man, whome the Lord Christ doth loose: S. syprian exhorteth and confirmeth the Christian Martyrs. Cypr. lib. 3. Epist. vlt. happily doth he lye tyed in the stockes, whose feete therby are made swifter to runne to heauen. Neither can any man tye a Christian so fast, but he runneth so much the faster for his garland of life. They haue no garmentes to saue them from colde, but he that putteth on Christ, is sufficiently coated. Doth bread lacke to their hungry bodies? But man liueth not onely by bread, but by euery worde proceedyng from the mouth of God. Your deformitie (sayth he) shall be turned to honour, your mourning to ioy, your payne to pleasure, and felicitie infinite. And if this doe grieue you, that ye cannot now employ your sacrifices and oblations after your wonted maner: yet your sacrifice daily ceaseth not, which is a contrite and humble hart, as when you offer vp daily your bodies a liuely and a glorious sacrifice vnto the Lorde, which is the sacrifice that pleaseth God. And though your trauaile be great, The Christian mans sacrifice. yet is the rewarde gre [...]ter, which is most certaine to follow. For God beholding and looking downe vpon them that confesse his name, in their willyng mynd approoueth them, in their striuyng helpeth them, in their victory crowneth them, rewarding that in vs, which he hath performed, and crowning that which he hath in vs perfected. With these and such like comfortable wordes he doth animate his brethren, admonishing them, that they are now in a ioyfull iourney, hasting apace to the mansions of the Martyrs, there to enioy after this darknes a stable light, and brightnes greater then all their passions, according to the Apostles saying: These sufferings of this present tyme be nothing like comparable to the brightnesse of the glory that shall be reuealed in vs, &c.

And after the like wordes of sweete comfort and consolation writing to Seagrius, Cypr. lib. 4. Epist. 1. Seagrius. Rogatianus. Martyrs. and Rogatianus, which were in prison and bondes for the testimony of truth, doth encourage them to continue stedfast and patient in the way, wherein they haue begun to runne, for that they haue the Lord with them their helper and defender, who promiseth to bee with vs to the worldes ende: and therfore willeth them to set before their eyes in their death immortalitie, in their payne euerlasting glory, of the which it is written: Precious in the sight of the Lord is the death of his Saintes. Item, although before men they suffred torments, yet their hope is full of immortalitie, and beyng vexed in small things, they shall be well requited in great matters. For the Lord hath tried them as gold in the fire. Sapien. 3. And writeth moreouer, admonishing them, that it is so appoynted from the beginnyng of the world, that righteousnes here should suffer in secular conflicts, for so iust Abell was slayne in the beginnyng of the world, and after him all iust and good men, the Prophets also and the Apostles sent of the Lord himselfe, vnto whome all, the Lorde first gaue an example in himselfe, teachyng that there is no comming to his kingdome, but by that way which he entred himselfe, saying by these wordes: he that loueth his lyfe in this worlde, shall loose it, &c. And agayne, feare ye not them, that slay the body, but haue no power to slay the soule. And S. Paule likewise admonishing all them, whosoeuer couete to be pertakers of the promises of the Lord, to follow the Lord sayth: if we suffer together with him, we shall raigne toge [...]her, &c.

Furthermore, as the same Cyprian doth encourage here the holy Martyrs, which were in captiuitie: to persist▪ so likewyse[Page] [...][Page]writing to the Priestes and Deacons, which were free, exhorteth them to be seruiceable and obsequious with al care and loue, to cherish and embrase thē that were in bondes. Cypria. Lib. 3. Ep. 6. wherby may appeare the feruent zeale & care of this good-Byshop, toward the Church of Christ,Cyprian. Lib. 3. Epist. 6. although beyng now in exile, in the time of this Emperour Gallus.

In the same time and vnder the said Gallus reignyng with his sonne Volusianus was also Lucius bishop of Rome sent to banyshment who next succeeded after Cornelius, in that byshopricke, about the yeare of our Lorde 256. Albeit in this banishment he did not long continue,Lucius Byshop of Rome banished. but returned againe home to his Church: as by the Epistle of, S. Cyprian, Lib 3. Epist. 1. maye appeare. As to all other Bishops of Rome in those primitiue daies certaine decretall Epystles with seuerall ordinaunces be ascribed,An. 256. bearing theyr names and titles, as hath bene afore declared: so also hath Lucius one Epistle, fathered vpon him, in the which Epistle he writing to the brethren of Fraunce and of Spayne, appointeth such an order and forme of the church, as seemeth not to agree with the time then present:The Epistle decretall of Lucius Bishop. The ordinaunces of Lucius. For so hee declareth in that Epistle that a Byshop in al places, whether soeuer he goeth, should haue two Priestes with three deacons waiting vpō him, to be witnesses of al his waies and doings. Which ordinaunce although I deny not, but it may be and is conuenient, yet I se not how that time of Lucius could serue then, for a Bishop to cary such a pompe of Priestes & Deacons about him, or to study for any such matter: for so much as Bishops commonly in those daies were seldome free to go abroad, went they neuer so secrete: but either were in houses close and secret, or in prison, or els in banishment.The pōpous stile of the Church of Rome. Moreouer in the said Epistle how pō pously he writeth to the Church of Rome: This holy and Apostolycall Church of Rome (sayth he) the mother of all Churches of Christ, which by the grace of God omnipotent, hath neuer bene proued to swerue out of the pathe of Apostolicall tradition, neyther hath euer fallen, or bene depraued with heretical innouations: but euen as in the first beginning it receaued the rule of the Apostolicall faith by his first instructers, the Princes of the Apostles, so it continueth euer immaculate and vndefiled vnto the end.

Unto this Lucius also is referred in the decrees of Gratian this constitution,Dist. 81. Ministri. Ministers restrayned from their own wiues. Eusebius and Damasius vary in time. Lucius Byshop of Rome, martyr. Stephanus Byshop of Rome, martyr. that no minister whatsoeuer, after his ordination, should at any time reenter to the chamber of his owne wife, in paine of loosing his Ministery in the Church, &c. Eusebius in his vij. booke, making mention of the death of Lucius, and not of his Martyrdome, saith that he sate but eight moneths. But Damasus in his Martyrologe holdeth that hee sat thre yeares, & was beheaded the second yeare of Valerian and Galienus Emperours. And so doth also Marianus Scotus, and Nauclerus, with other that folow Damasus, affirme the same.

After him came Stephanus next Bishop of Rome following Lucius: whome Damasus, Platina, and Sabellicus, affirme to haue sit vij. yeares fine monethes, & to die a martir. Contrary Eusebius and Volateranus holding with hym, giue him but two yeares, which part commeth most neare to the truth, I leaue to the readers iudgement, of his two Epistles decretall, and of his ordinaunces out of the same collected, I nede not much to tary, for two respects, eyther for that concerning these decretal Epistles suspiciously intituled to the names of the fathers of the primitiue church,The censure of the decretall Epistles and ordinaunces of Stephanus. sufficiently hath bene said before: or els because both the phrase barbarous and incongrue and also the matter it self therin contained is such, that although no testimony came against it, yet it easely refelleth it selfe. As wherein the second Epistle he decreeth, that no Byshop being expulsed out of hys seate or depriued of his goodes, ought to be accused of anye, or is bound to aunswere for himselfe, before that by the lawe regularly he be restored agayne fully to his former state, and that the Primates and the Synode render to him agayne all such possessions and fruites, as were taken frō him before his accusation, as is agreeing both to the lawes Canon & also seculare. First here I would desire ye Reader a little to stay,No Byshop ought to be accused, after he be expulsed, before he be restored agayne. & this to consider to himself, who be these here ment, which either vsed or might despoile these bishops of their goods, & expulse thē frō their seates for such wrōgfull causes, but only Kings & Emperours, which at this time were not yet Christened nor vsed any such proceedinges against these Bishops, in such sort as either Primates or Synodes coulde restore them again to their places and possessiōs. Againe what priuate goodes or possessions had Byshops then to be taken from them, when as Churches yet neither were indued wyth patrimonies nor possessions. And if any treasures were cōmitted to the church, it pertained not properly to ye Byshop, but went in general to the subuention of the poore in the Church, as in the Epistle of Cornelius to Fabius maye appeare, alleaged in Eusebius, Lib. 6. cap. 43. where he speaking of his Church, & declaring how there ought to bee but one Byshoppe in the same, [...]nterreth mention of xlvj. Priestes, vij. Deacons, with vij. Subdeacons, xlij. Acoluthes, of widowes and poore afflicted persons to the [...]ber of a 1500,The number of the poore found at Rome by the Church goodes. and aboue, founde and nourished in the same Church, by the mercifull benignitie and prouidence of god Eusebius. Lib. 6. cap. 43. It followeth more in the ende of the said Canon. which thing is forbidden both by the lawes Ecclesiastical, & also seculer, &c. Now what lawes seculer were in the time of Stephen, for bishops not to be charged wt any accusation before they were restored againe to their state, let any Reader marking well the state or the Heathen lawes that then were, iudge, and in iudgeing, I doubte not but this matter alone, though there were no other, will be ynough to descry the vntruth hereof.

Moreouer, by diuers other probable notes and arguments in the saide seconde Epistle of Stephanus, it maye be easely espied,Primates Metropolitanes, Archbishops. this Epistle to be famed and [...]authored, especiall by the fift Canon of the saide Epistle, where hee so solemnely entreateth of the difference betweene Primats, Metropolitanes, and Archbyshops, which distinction of degres and titles, sauoring more o [...] ambition, then of persecution, giueth me verily to suppose this Epistle not to be written by this Stephen, but by [...]ine other man, either of that name or of some other time when the Churche began to be setled in more prosperitie, and orders therein to bee taken, for euery man to know his [...]eg [...]e and limits of his authoritie according as t [...] specified by the vj and vij. Canon, of Nicene Councell [...]ceeing of the same matter.

The like [...] of the seuenth Canon of the said Epistle, where he writeth and appointeth all causes iudiciarie to be decided & determined within the precinct of their owne proper Prouince, and not to passe ouer the boundes theron,I awfull to appeale to Rome. vnlesse (saith he) the appea [...]e be made to the Apostolical sea of Rome: which san [...]reth in my nose, rather of a [...]acke of Popery then of the veine of Christianity, especially in these times, during this terrible persecution among ye Byshops of Christ. And thus much of the second decretall Epistle of Stephanus: although of the first Epistle also written to Hilarius, some thing may be said,Vestiments and holy vessels seruing for the aultare. as where he speaketh in the said Epistle of holy [...]timentes, and holy vessels, and other ornaments of the aulter, seruing to diuine worship, and therfore not to be touched nor handled of any mā, sauing of Priests alone. Concerning all which implements, my opinion is this, that I thinke the Church of Rome not to haue beene in so good state thē, that either Stephanus or Sixtus before him beyng occupied about other more earnest maters, and scarce able to hide their owne heades, had any minde or cogitation to studie vpon such vnnecessary inuentions, seruing in publike Churches. Neither doe I see howe the Heathen in those daies would haue suffered these ornaments to be vnconsumed, which would not suffer the Bishops themselues to liue amongst them. Notwithstanding Isidorus and Polydorus iudge the contrary. Betweene this Stephen and Cyprian Byshop of Carthage was a great contention, about rebaptising of heretickes, whereof more hereafter (Christ willing) shall be saide.

Besides these Byshops aboue specified, diuers other there were also sent into banishmēt vnder the forenamed Emperours Gallus & Volusianus, as appeareth by Dionysius writing to Hermammon on this wise: that Gallus not seeyng the euill of Decius, nor foreseeing the occasion of his seductiō and ruine,Byshops banished in the time of Gallus. stumbled himselfe also at the same stone, lying open before his eyes. For at ye first beginning when his Empire went prosperously foreward, and all thinges went luckely with him, afterward he draue out holy men, which praied for his peace and safegarde, and so with them reiected also the praiers which they made for him. &c. Eusebius. Lib. 7. cap. 1. Otherwise of any bloudshed or any Martirs that in the time of this Emperour were put to death, we doe not read.

After the raigne of which Emperour Gallus and of his sonne Volusianus being expired who reigned but ij. yeares,Gallus and Volusianus: Emperours slayne. Emelianus Emperour three monethes. Valerianus and Gallienus hys sonne Emperour. Persecution ceased for a tym [...]. The good beginning of Valerian. Emelianus which slewe them both by ciuill sedition, succeeded in their place▪ who reigned but three monethes, & was also slayne. Next to whom Valerianus, & his sonne Gallienus were aduaunced to the Empire.

About the chaunging of these Emperours, the persecution which first began at Decius, & afterwarde slacked in the time of Gallus, was now extinguished for a time, partly for the great plague raigning in all places, partly by ye change of the Emperors, although it was not very long. For Valerianus in the first entraunce of the Empire for the space of iij. or foure yeres, was right courteous and gentle to the people of God, & well accepted to the Senate. Neither was there any of all the Emperors before him, no not [Page] of the which openly professed Christ, that shewed himselfe so louing and familiar toward the Christians as he did:Ex Dionysio citante Euseb. Lib. 7. cap. 10. & Nicepho. Lib. 6. cap. 10. in so much that (as Dionysius, writing to Herman doth testifie) all hys whole courte was replenished wt holy Saintes & seruantes of Christ, and godly persons, so that his house might seeme to be made a Church of God. But by the malice of Sathan, through wicked counsell these quiet dayes endured not very long. For in processe of tyme this Valerianus beyng charmed or incensed by a certayne Egiptian, a chiefe ruler of the Heathen Synagoge of the Egiptians,Wicked counsell What euill it doth. a mayster of the Charmers or inchaunters, who in deede was troubled, for that he could not do his Magicall feates for the Christians, was so farre infatuated and bewitched, that through the detestable prouocations of that deuilishe Egyptian, he was wholly turned vnto abhominable Idols, and to execrable impietie, in sacrificing young infāts and quartering bodies, and deuiding the entrals of childrē new borne, and so proceeding in his fury, moued the eight persecution, agaynst the Christians, whom the wicked Egyptian coulde not abide, as being the hinderers and destroyars of hys Magicall enchauntinges, about the yeare of our Lord. 259.

The eight Persecution.

IN the which persecution the chiefe administers and executours were Emilianus President of Egipt,The eight persecution. Paternus and Galerius Maximus, Proconsuls in Aphrica, Bergomensis also maketh mention of Paternus. Anno. 259. Uicegerent of Rome, and of Perennius. Vincentius speaketh also of Nicerius, and Claudius Presidentes. &c.

What was the chiefe originall cause of this persecution, partly is signified before,The chiefe executours of this persecution. The speciall causes of this persecution. where mention was made of the wicked Egiptian. But as this was the outward and politicall cause, so S Cyprian sheweth other causes more speciall, and Ecclesiasticall, in his iiii. booke. Epist. 4. whose wordes be these: but we (sayth he) must vnderstand and confesse, that thys turbulent oppression & calamitie, which hath wasted for the most part all our whole company, and doth dayly consume,Cypria. Lib. 4. Epist. 4. The sinnes of the Christians cause of persecution. riseth chiefly of our owne wickednes & sinnes: while we walke not in the way of the Lord, nor obserue his preceptes left vnto vs for our institution. The Lord obserued the will of his father in all poynts: but we obserue not the will of the Lord, hauing all our minde and study set vpon lucre & possessions, geuen to pryde, full of emulation and dissention, voyde of simplicitie and faythfull dealing, renouncing thys world in word onely, but nothing in deede, euery man pleasing himselfe, and displeasing all other. And therefore are we thus scourged, and worthely. For what stripes and scourges doe wee not deserue, when the confessors themselues (such as haue byd the tryall of their confession) and such as ought to be an example to the rest of well doyng, doe keepe no discipline? And therfore because some such there be, proudly puft vp with this swelling and vnmannerly bragging of their confession, these tormentes come: such as doe not easely send vs to the crowne, except by the mercy of God, some being takē away by quicknes of death, do preuēt the tediousnes of punishimēt. These things do we suffer for our sinnes and desertes, as by the Lordes censure we haue bene forewarned, saying: If they shall forsake my lawe, and will not walke in my iudgementes: If they shall prophane my institutions, and will not obserue my preceptes, I will visite their iniquities with the rod, and their transgressions with scourges. These rods and scourges (sayth he) we feele, which neyther please God in our good deedes, nor repent in our euill deedes. Wherefore the sayd Cyprian, adding this exhortation withall, exhorted them to pray and intreate from the bottome of their hart and whole minde, the mercy of God which promiseth, saying: but yet my mercy I will not scatter from them. &c. Let vs aske, and wee shall obtayne, and though (sayth Cyprian) it be with tariance, yet for so much as we haue greeuously offended, let vs continue knocking, for to him that knocketh, it shalbe opened, if our prayers, sighinges, and weepinges knocke still at the dore with continuance, and if our prayers be ioyned together with brotherly agreement &c.

Moreouer, what vices were then principally raygning among the Christians, Discord and deuision among the brethren. hee further specifieth in the sayd Epistle: which chiefly were deuision and dissention among the brethren. For when it was spoken to them in a vision, by these wordes Petite & impetrabitis, that is: Pray, and ye shall obtayne, afterward it was required of the congregation there present, to direct their prayers, for certayne persons assigned to them by name: but they could not agree and cōdescend altogether of the names and persons of them which they should pray for, but were dissonant in their consent and petition: whiche thing (sayth Cyprian) did greatly displease hym, that spake vnto them: Pray, and ye shal obtayne, for that there was no vniforme equalitie of voyce and hart nor one simple and ioynt concorde among the brethren, whereof it is written the Psalme. 67. God which maketh to dwell in the house together men of one accord. Psal. 67. &c. And so by the occasion hereof, he writeth vnto them in the foresayd Epistle, and moueth them to prayer and mutuall agreement. For (sayth he) if it be promised in the Gospell, to be graunted whatsoeuer any two consenting together shall aske, what shall then the whole Churche do agreeing together? or what if this vnanimitie were among the whole fraternitie, which vnanimitie (sayeth Cyprian) if it had bene then among the brethren, non venissent fraetribus haec mala, si in vnum fraternitas fuisset animata, that is: these euiles had not happened to the brethren, if the brethren had ioyned together in brotherly vnanimitie. A vision foreshewing persecutiō to come. Cyprian. Lib. 4. Epist. 4. &c.

After the causes thus declared of this, or other persecutions, the sayd, S. Cyprian moreouer in the forenamed Epistle (worthy to be read of al men) describeth likewise a certayne vision, wherin was shewed vnto them by the Lord, before the persecutiō came, what should happen. The vision was this: There was a certayne aged father sitting, at whose right hand set a young man very sad and pensiue: as one with an indignation sorrowfull, holding hys hand vpon hys brest, hys countenaunce heauy and vnchearefull. On the left hand sate an other person, hauing in hys hand a net, whiche he threatned to lay to catch the people that stode about. And as he was marueiling that saw the sight thereof, it was sayd vnto him: The young man whō thou seest sit on the tight hand, is sad and sory, that hys preceptes be not obserued. But he on the left hand daunceth and is merry, for that occasion is geuen him to haue power of the aged Father geuen him to afflict men. And this vision was seene long before this tempest of persecution happened, Our sinnes geue Sathā power agaynst vs. Wherein is declared the same that before is sayd, the sinnes of the people to be the cause, why Sathan in this persecution and all other, hath had and hath still such power with hys net of destruction, to rage agaynst the bloud of Christen men, and all because (sayth Cyprian) we forslacke our praying, or be not so vigilant therein as wee shoulde: wherefore the Lord because he loueth vs, correcteth vs, correcteth vs, to amend vs, amendeth vs to saue vs. &c. Cyprian.

Furthermore,An other reuelation shewed to S. Cyprian. the same Cyprian, and in the same Epistle, wrtting of his own reuelation or message sent to him, thus sayth: And to hys least seruaunt both sinfull and vnworthy (meaning by himselfe) God of his tender goodnes hath vouched safe to direct this word. Tell him sayth he that hee be quiet and of good comfort, for peace will come. Albeit a litle stay there is for a while, for that some remain yet to be proued and tryed.Spare dyet and sober drinke conuenient in Christian bishops. &c. And sheweth also in ye same place of an other reuelation of his, wherein he was admonished to be spare in hys feeding, and sober in hys drinke, least hys minde geuen to heauenly meditation might be caryed away with worldly allurements, or oppressed with to much surfet of meates and drinkes, should be lesse apt or able to prayer and spirituall exercise.

Finally in the latter end of the foresayd Epistle, mention also followeth of other reuelations or shewinges,The peace of the Church to come, foreshewed by the Lord. wherein the Lord (sayth Cyprian) doth vouchsafe in many of hys seruantes to foreshew to come the restauring of hys Church, the stable quiet of our health and safegard, after rayne fayre weather, after darcknes light, after stormy tempest, peaceable calme, the fatherly helpe of his loue, the wont & old glory of hys diuine maiesty whereby both the blasphemy of the persecutors shall be repressed, and the repentance of such as haue fallen be reformed, and the strong and stable confidence of them that stand, shall reioyce and glory. Thus much hath S. Cyprian, writing of these thinges to the Clergy. Lib. 4. Epist. 4.

As touching now the crymes and accusations in this persecution layd to the charge of the Christians,Crimes and causes fa [...]ely layd to the Christians. thys was the principall, first because they refused to doe worship to their Idols and to the Emperours: then for that they professed the name of Christ. Besides all the calamities and euils that happened in the world, as warres, famine, and pestilence,The Apology of Cyprian for the Christians. Cypria. contra Demetriaenum. Cypria. de idolorum vanitate. were onely imputed to the Christians. Agaynst all which quarreling accusations Cyprian doth eloquently defend the Christians in his booke Contra Demetrianum: Like as Tertulian had done before, writing Contra Scapulam page. 55. And first touching the obiection for not worshipping Idoles, he cleareth the Christians both in his booke Contra Demeir. & also De vanitate idol. prouing those Idols to be no true Gods, but Images of certayne dead kinges, which neyther could saue themselues from death, nor such as worship them. The true God to be but one, and that by the testimony of Sosthenes, Plato, and Trismegistus, the which God the Christians doe truely worship. And as concerning that the Christians were thought to be causes of publique calamities, because they worshipped not the Gentiles Idoles, he purgeth the Christians thereof, prouing that if there be any defect in increase of thinges, it is not to be ascribed to them, but rather to the decrease of nature, languishing now toward her age and latter end. Agayne for that it hath bene so foresayd and prophecied, that toward the end of the worlde should come warres, famine, and pestilence. Moreouer if there be anye[Page]cause therof more proper then other, it is most like to be imputed to their vaine Idolatry, and to the contempt of the true God. Also that such euils be increased by the wickednes of the people, so that to speake in his owne words famem maiorem facia [...] rapacites quam siccitas, i. famine cometh more by auarice of men, then by drought of the aire, but especially the cause therof to procede of the cruell shedding of the innocent bloud of the Christians &c.

Thus with many other mo probations doth Cyprian defend the Christians, against the barbarous exclamatiōs of the heathē Gentiles. Of which Cyprian forsomuch as he suffered in the time of his persecution, I mynde (Christ wylling) to recapitulate here in ample discourse, the ful summe, first of his life and bringing vp, then of his death, & Martyrdome, as the worthines of that man deserueth to be remembred. Of this Cyprian therfore, otherwise named Statius, thus writeth Nicephorus, Nazianzenns, Iacobus de Voragine, The countrey and education of Cyprian. Henricus de Erfordia, Volateranus. Hieronymus, and other, that he being an Aphrican, and borne in Carthage, first was an Idolater and Gentill, altogether giuen to the study and practise of the Magicall Artes, of whose parentage and education in letters from his youth, no mention is made but yt he was a worthy Rethorician in Aphrica. Of whose conuersion and baptisme he himselfe in his first booke & second Epistle, writeth a florishing and eloquent Hystory.The conuersion of Cyprian. Which his conuersion vnto the christian fayth as Hieronimus affirmeth in his commentary vpon Ionas, was through the grace of God and the meanes of Cecilius a Priest, whose name after he bare, and through the occasion of hearing the history of the Prophet Ionas. The same Hierome moreouer testifieth how he immediatly vpon his conuersion distributed among the poore al his substaunce and after that being ordained a Priest,Cyprian made first Priest, then Byshop of Carthage. was not long after constituted bishop of the congregation of Carthage. But whether he succeded Agrippinus of whom he often maketh mention, which also was the first author of rebaptization, or some other bishop of Carthage, it remaineth vncertain. But this is most true, he himselfe shined in his office and dignitie with such good giftes, and vertues, that as Nazianzenus writeth, he had the gouernment of the whole, east Church, and church of Spain, and was called the Bishop of the Christian men.

The vertues of Cyprians lyfe described.And to the further setting foorth (to the praise of God) of his godly vertues wherwith he was indued appearing as well in his owne workes, to them that list to peruse the same, as also described by other worthy writers, he was curteous and gentle, louing and ful of patience, and therwithall sharpe & seuere in his office,The care of Cyprian toward the afflicted brethren. according as the cause required, as appeareth in his first booke and third epistle. Furthermore he was most louing and kinde towarde his brethren, and tooke much payne in helping and relieuyng the Martyrs, as appeareth by his letters to the Elders, and Deacons of his Bishopricke, that with all study and indeuour they should gently entertaine and shewe pleasure vnto the Martirs in his absence, as partly is touched before.

The third Epistle of his first booke doth declare of what stomacke and godly courage he was, in executyng his office, and handling his matters. Neither was he void of prudence & circumspection, but was adorned with marueilous modestie,The modesty of Cyprian in conferring with hys fellow brethren. wherby he attempted nothing vpon his owne head and iudgement, but with the consent of his fellow byshops and other inferiour Ministers, & that chiefly (amōg others) doth the 10. Epistle of his third booke witnes. He was of a marueilous liberal disposition towards the poore brethren of other countries: for so often as he had cause of absence he committed the care of those poore men to his fellow officers, and wrote vnto them, that of their own proper goods, they would helpe their banished brethren, to that which was necessary for them, as witnesseth the 24. Epistle of his thirde booke.Visions cō cerning the troubles and peace of the church, recited and expounded by Cyprian before pag. 67. He reciteth among other gifts wherewith he was indued, as touching the visions and heauenly admonitions of the persecutions that should follow, and of other matters touching the gouernment of ye Church in his first booke & third Epistle, and fourth booke and fourth Epistle, where he reciteth and expoundeth the forme or maner of a certaine vision, which we haue before sufficiently expressed.

He had moreouer great skill in the foreknowledge of things that should chaunce, as may be gathered in the vj. Epistle of his fourth booke. Also Augustine doth attribute vnto him many worthy vertues, which wryteth much in setting foorth his giftes of humilitie, in his seconde booke of Baptisme, the fourth chapter, against the Donatistes, and in his vij. booke and xj. chap. of his long sufferaunce and patience. Also of his curtesie and meekenes by which vertues he concealed nothing that he vnderstoode,Cyprian meeke and pacient. but vttered the same meekely and patiently. Also that he kept the Ecclesiasticall peace & concorde with those that were of an other opinion then he was of: lastly, that he neither circumuented nor did preiudice any man, but followed y• thing which seemed good in his iudgement, it is manifest in S. Augustine his fift booke, De Baptismo contra Donatistas. Neyther is this to be passed with silence, that Hierome writeth that he was very diligent in reading, especially the works of Tertullian, For he saieth that he saw a certaine olde man whose name was Paulus, Cyprian a great reader of Tertullian. which tolde him he saw the notarye of blessed Cyprian, being then an olde man when he him selfe was but a springal in the Citie of Rome, and told him that it was Cyprians wont neuer to let one daye passe wythout some reading of Tertullian, and that he was accustomed oftentimes to say vnto him: giue me any master, meanyng thereby Tertullian.

Now a few wordes touching his exile, and Martyrdome. Of his Epistles which he wrote backe to his congregation, leading his life in exile, mention is made aboue wherin he sheweth the vertue beseeming a faithfull pastor in that he tooke no lesse care, as wel of his owne church, as of other Bishops being absent, then he did beyng presente. Wherin also he himselfe doth signifie yt voluntarily he absented himselfe, least he should doe more hurt then good to the congregation, by reason of his presence, as is likewyse declared before. Thus from the desolate places of his banishment, wherein he was oftentimes sought for, he writeth vnto his brethren, as in his third booke and x. Epistle is manifest, which thing semeth to be done in the raigne of Decius or Gallus. But after that he returned againe but of exile,The second banishment of Cyprian. in the raigne of this Valorianus, he was also after that the second tyme banished of Paternus the Proconsull of Aphrica, into the Citie of Thurbin, as the oration of Augustine touching Cyprian sheweth, or els as Pontius the Deacon saith,The apprehension of Cyprian. into a Citie named Fur [...]bilitana, or Curabilitana. But when Paternus the Proconsull was dead, Galienus Maximus succeded in the rowme and office of Paternus, who fynding Cyprian in a garden, caused him to be apprehended by his Sergeauntes, and to be brought before the Idoles, to offer sacrifice, which when he woulde not doe, then the Proconsul breaking forth in these words sayd: Long hast thou liued in a sacrilegious mind, and hast gathered togither men of wicked conspiracie, and hast shewed thy selfe an enimie to the Gods of the Romanes, and to their holye lawes: neither could the sacrete Emperours Valerianus & Galienus reuoke thee to the secte of their ceremonies. At length the wicked tyraunt condemnyng him to haue hys head cut of,The martirdome of Cyprian. he patiently and willingly submitted his necke to the stroke of the sword (as Hieronimus affirmeth.) And so this blessed Martyr ended this present life in the Lorde, Xistus then being Byshop of Rome,Anno. 259. as Eusebius noteth, in the yeare of our Lorde. 259. Sabellicus saith that he was Martired in the raigne of Gallus and Volusianus, Lucius, being bishop of Rome, but that seemeth not like.

Now remayneth to speake something likewise of hys workes and bookes left behind him,The books of Cyprian. although al peraduē ture doe not remaine, that he wrote: wherof some are missing, some againe which in the liuery of his name & title, are not his, but such as be certainly his by the style & sense may soone be discerned: such is the eloquence of his phrase, & grauity of his sentence, vigour of wit, power in perswasion, so much differing from many other, as he can lightlye be imitated but of fewe. Of the which his bookes with vs extant, as the florishing eloquence is worthely cōmended, proceeding out of the schoole of Rhetoricians, so is the authoritie therof no lesse reputation, not onely among vs of this age of the Church, but also among the Auncient fathers. Whereof S. Austen speaking of his commendation sayth,The iudgement of Austen vpon the bookes of▪ Cyprian. August. contra Cresconium. Lib. 12. cap. 32. Ego inquit, literas Cypriani non vt canonicas habeo, sed eas ex canonisis considero: & quod in eis deuinarum Scripturarum autoritati congruit cum laude eius accipio: quod autem non congruit, cum pace eius respuo. &c. By which words it may appeare that Austen, although he did not repute y• bookes and writings of Cyprian, to be equiualent with the holy Scripture, yet notwithstanding next after the scriptures he had the same in great admiration.

Vincentius, and Laziardus Celestinus, recyting the names of dyuers bookes, bearyng the tytle of Cyprian (moe perchaunce then be truly his) do collect out of them a certaine extract of his most pithy sentences, al which here to repeat were to tedious. To giue a tast of the speciall, I thought it not impertinent. As where he speaking of the treasures of a rich man, exhorteth saying:

Ne dormiat in thesauris tuis, Sentences of Cyprian collected. Ex Vincent. Lib. 12 ca. 63. quod pauperi prodesse potest [...] i.

Let it not sleepe in thy treasures, that may profite the poore.

Duo nunquam veterascunt in homine, cor semper nouas cogitationes machinando: lingua, cordis vanas conceptiones proferendo.[Page]i.

Two things neuer waxe old in man, the hart euer in imagining new cogitations, the toung euer in vttering the vaine conceptions of the hart.

Quod aliquando de necessitate amittendum est, sponte prodiuina remuneratione distribuendum est .i.

That which a man must needes forgo of necessitie, wisedome it is a man to distribute so, that God may euerlastingly reward him.

Disciplina est morum praesentium ordinata correctio, & malorum praeteritorum regularis obseruatio. i.

Discipline is an ordinate amendment of maners present, and a regular obseruation of euils past.

Integritas ibi nulla esse potest, vbi qui improbos damnent, desunt: & soli qui damnentur, occurrunt.

There can be no integrity, wheras they which should condemne the wicked are euer wanting: and they only which are to be condemned, are euer present.

Auari ad hoc tantum possident, quae habent, vt ne alteri possidere liceat.

A couetous man onely possesseth his goodes for this, because an other should not possesse them.

Sericum & purpurum indutae, Christum induere non possunt.

Wemen that aduaunce themselues in putting on silks and purple, cannot lightly put on Christ.

Foeminae crines suos inficiunt malo praesagio: Capillos enim sibi flammeos auspicari non metuunt.

They which colour their lockes with red and yealow, beginne betime to prognosticate, of that colour theyr heades shall be in hell.

Qui se pingunt in hoc seculo, aliter quam creauit Deus metuant ne cum resurrectionis venerit dies, artifex creaturam suam non recognoscat.

They which loue to paynt themselues in this world otherwise then God hath created thē: let them feare, least when the day commeth of resurrection, the creator will not know them.

Qui pauperi eleemosinam dat, Deo suauitatis odorem sacrificat.

He that gyueth an almes to the poore, sacrificeth to God an odour of swete smell.

Contemnenda est omnis iniuria praesentium molorum, fiducia futurorum bonorum.

All iniurie of euils presēt to be neglected, for the good hope of good thinges to come.

Nihil prodest verbis proferre virtutem, & factis destruere.

To set out vertue in wordes, and to destroy the same in factes, is nothing worth.

Quo plures domi sint tibi liberi, hoc plus tibi non recondendum sed erogandum est, quia multorum iam delicta redimenda sunt multorum purgandae conscientiae.

The mo children and greater houshoulde thou hast at home the more cause thou hast not to horde vp, but to disperse abroode, for that many sinnes are to be redeemed many consciences are to be purged.

The place of scripture expounded. Eleemasina ab omni peccato & morte liberat. Yob. 4. Ex Cypri. Lib. 4. Epist. 2.¶Moreouer, least the Papists here should take an occasion by this text, grounded vpon the text of Tobi, cap. 4. Almose (saith he) deliuereth from al sinne and death: to build vp the workes of satisfactiō, the said Cyprian. Lib. 4. Epist, 2. more plainely expoundeth both himselfe, and that place of Scripture, writing in these wordes: Quia scriptum est, Eleemosina ab omni peccato, & morte liberat. Yob. 4. non vtique ab ea morte, quam semel Christi sanguis extinxit, & a qua nos salutaris Baptismi & tedemptoris nostri gratia liberauit, sed ab illa quae per delicta postmodum serpit. &c. That is: Almose doth deliuer from all sinne and from death. Yob. 4. not from that (saith Cyprian) which the bloude of Christ hath once extincted, and from which the wholsome grace of our Baptisme, and of our redeemer hath deliuered vs, but frō that death which afterward creepeth in by sinne. &c. Cyprian. Lib. 4. Epist. 2. by which words it is apparant, that Cyprian meaneth this deliueraunce (which commeth by almose gyuing) from death and sinne, not to be expounded nor to be taken for death euerlasting, from which only the bloude of Christ doth saue vs, but for temporall or transitory punishment, which is wont to be inflicted in this body of sin. For so it is nothing repugnaunt, but that temporall vertues may haue their temporall rewards in this life, & likwise sinnes committed may haue temporal punishments both of vs and in our families, our eternal saluation standing euermore firme in Christ yet notwithstanding.

The foresaide Vincentius moreouer speaking of an other booke of Cyprian (although the said booke be not numbred in the Catalogue of his workes) maketh mention of xij. abuses, or absurdities in the life of man, which in order be these:

1. Sapiens sine operibus. A wise man without good workes.

2. Senex sine religione. An old man without religion.

3. Adolescens sine obedientia.

Twelue 2. buses in the lyfe of man, noted out of Cyprian▪

A young man without obedience.

4. Diues sine eleemosina. A rich man without almose.

5. Foemina sine pudicitia. A woman shameles,

6. Dominus sine virtute. A guide without vertue.

7. Christianus contentiosus. A Christian man contentious.

8. Pauper superbus. A poore man proude.

9. Rex iniquus. A king vnrighteous.

10. Episcopus negligens. A byshop negligent.

11. Plebs sine disciplina. People without discipline.

12. Populus sine lege. Subiectes without law.

As I haue hetherto set forth the commendation of Cyprian this blessed Martyr:The learning of Cyprian. [...]oyned with hys blemishes. so must we nowe take heede againe, yt we do not here incurre the old & common daunger, whiche the Papystes are commonlye accustomed to runne into, whose fault is alwayes almost to be immoderate and excessiue in their procedings, making to much almost of euery thing.The faulte of Papistes to make to much of euery thing. So in speaking of the holye Sacraments, they make more of them then doth ye nature of Sacraments require, not vsing them, but abusing thē, not referring or applying them, but adoring them, not taking thē in their kind for thinges godly as they are, but taking thē for God himselfe, turning religion into superstition, & ye creature to the creator, yt things signifying to the things them selues signified, &c. To the Church likewise and ceremonies of the church, to generall Councels, to the blessed virgin Mary mother of Christ, to the bishop of Rome, and to all other in like case, not contented to attribute that which is sufficient, they exceede moreouer the bounds of iudgement and veritie, iudging so of the Church, & general coūcels, as though they could neuer, or did neuer erre in any iote. That the blessed mother of Christ amongest al women was blessed, and a virgine ful of grace, the Scripture & truth doth giue, but to say that she was borne without al original sinne, or to make of her an aduocate, or mother of mercy, there they run further then truth wil beare. The ceremonies were first ordained to serue but onely for order sake, vnto the which they haue attributed so much at length, that they haue set in them a great part of our Religion yea & also saluation. And what thing is there els almost, wherein the Papistes haue not exceeded?

Wherfore to auoyd this common error of the papists,How farre the aucthoritie of the doctors ought to extend. we must beware in cōmending the Doctors & writers of the Church, & so commend them, that truth and consideratiō, go with our cōmendation. For though this cannot be denied, but that holy Cyprian, and other blessed Martyrs were holy men, yet notwithstanding they were men that is such as might haue, & had their falles & faultes, men I say, & not aungels, nor gods, saued by God, not sauiours of men, nor patrons of grace: and though they were also men of excellent learning, & worthy Doctors, yet wt theyr learning they had their errors also annexed. And though their bookes be (as they ought to be of great authority, yet ought they not to be equall with the Scriptures. And albeit the saide well in most things, yet it is not therefore inough that what they said it must stande for a truth.The blemishes and errours of doctors noted, That preeminence of authority onely belongeth to the worde of God, and not to the pen of man. For of men and Doctors, be they neuer so famous, there is none that is voyde of his reprehension.Origene In Origene (although in his time the admiratiō of his learning was singuler) yet how many things be there, which the Church nowe holdeth not? but examining him by Scriptures, where he sayd well, they admit him, where otherwise they leaue him.Policarpus. In Polycarpus the church hath corrected and altered that which he did holde in celebrating the Easter day after the Iewes. Neither cā holy and blessed Ignatius be defended in al his sayings:Ignatius. as where he maketh the fasting vpon ye Sonday or the Sabboth day as great an offence, as to kil Christ him selfe, Ignat Epist. ad Phillip. contrary to this saying of Saint Paule. Let no man iudge you in meate & drinke. Also where the said Ignatius speaketh De virginitate, and of other thinges mo.Irenaeus. Irenaeus did hold that man was not made perfect in the beginning. He seemeth also to defend free will in man, in those thinges also that be spirituall. He saye [...] that Christ suffered after he was fifty yeares old, abusing this place of the Gospell:Tertuli [...] nus. Quinquaginta annos nondum habes. &c. Tertulianus (whom S. Cyprian neuer laide out of his handes almost) is noted to be a Chiliaste: also to haue bene of Mōtanus sect. The same did hold also wt Iustine, Cyprian, & other, that the Aungels fel first for the concupiscence of women, Lib. de habitu mulierum. He defendeth fre wil of man after ye corruption of nature, inclining also to the errour of them, which defend the possibilitie of keeping God his law. Cō cerning Mariage. Vnum matrimonium (inquit) nouimus, sicut vnum Deum. i. We know (sayth he) one Mariage, as [Page] we know one God condemning the second maryage. Lib, de Monogam. Diuers other things of like absurditie in him be noted. Iustinus also seemeth to haue inclined vnto the errour of the Chiliastes, Iustinus. of the fall of certaine Aungels by wemen, offree will or man, of possibilitie of keeping the lawe and such other. Neither was this our Cyprian, the great schooler of Tertulian, vtterly exempt from the blot of them, who contrary to the doctrine of the Church,Cyprian. did hold with rebaptising of such, as were before Baptised of heretikes, Whereof speaketh S. Austen, myslyking the same errour of Cyprian, in these words contained in his 2. booke, Contra Cresconium. Cypriani, inquit, laudem ego consequi non valeo eius multis literis mea scripta non comparo, eius ingenium diligo eius ore delector, eius charitatem miror, eius Martyrium veneror. Non accipio quod de baptisandis haereticis & schismaticis sensit. Contention betweene Cyprian and Stephanus Byshop of Rome. &c. Uppon the whiche matter there was a great contention betwene the sayd Cyprian, and Stephen Bishop of Rome, as partly afore is note [...]. Of Austen himselfe likewise, of Ambrose, Hierome, Chrisostome, the same maye be said, that none of them also clearely passed away, but their peculiar faultes and errours went with them, whereof it were to long, and out of our purpose at this present to entreate. And thus much concerning the story of Cyprian the holy learned Martyr of Christ.

Cyprians diuers of that name.Albeit here is to be noted by the way, touching the life and story of Cyprian that this Cyprian was not he, whome the narration of Nazianzen speaketh of (as is aboue mentioned) who from Arte Magicke was conuerted to bee a Christian, which Cyprian was a Citizen of Antioche, and afterward Bishop of the same Citie, and was Martyred vnder Diocletian. Where as this Cyprian was Byshop of Carthage, and died vnder Valerianus, as is sayd, &c. By the decrees of Gratiā. Dist. x. Quoniam. it appeareth moreouer that there was also a third Cyprian in the time of Iulianus the Emperour Apostata,Dist. 10. Quoniam. long after both these aforenamed. For so giueth the title prefixed before the saide Distinct. Cyprianus Iuliano Imperatori: the distinction beginning. Quoniam idem mediator Dei & hominum homo Christus Iesus, he actibus proprijs, & dignitatibus distinctis officia potestatis vtriusque discernit, &c. Upon the which distinctiō the glose commeth in with these words saying:Glosa Ibid. A blinde gl [...]le chalenging both the swordes to the Popes hand. yt the popedome, and the seate Imperial, haue both one beginning of one that is, Christ: who was both Bishoppe, and king of Kings. And that the said dignities be distincted, albeit the Pope notwithstanding hath both the swords in his hand and may exercise them both some time. And therefore although they be distincted, yet in exercise the one standeth lineally vnder the other, so that the imperiall dignitie is subiect vnder the Papall dignitie, as the inferiour is subiect vnder the superiour: that as there is one ruler ouer the whole which is God: so in the Church is one Monarche, that is, the Pope, to whom the Lord hath committed the power and lawfull right both of the heauenly and terrene dominion. Haec Glosa.

A distinction of Gracian disproued.Thus much I thought here to note by the waye because this distinction is fathered vpon Cyprian, which is false, for this Cyprian was not in the time of Iulian, not by 200. yeares, and so likewise by the other Cyprian, which died Martyr vnder Diocletian. Of anye Cyprian besides these two, we read not. Neither is it credible, that if there were any such Cyprian, he would euer haue written of any such matter, of the difference and mutuall nede of Christiā Emperours and Christen Popes. When as that Emperour being an Apostata, neither regarded Christ, nor cared for any Pope.

Xistus the second Byshop of Rome Martyr. Sixe Deacons with Xistus Martyrs.About this tyme, and vnder the same Emperour Valerianus suffered also Xistus, or Sixtus, the seconde of that name, Byshop of Rome, who being accused of his aduersaries, to be a Christiā, was brought with his vj. deacons to the place of execution, where he with Nemesius & other hys Deacons were beheaded and suffered Martyrdome. Laurence in the same time being also Deacon folowed after complayning to Xistus, as one being greued, that he might not also suffer with him, but to be secluded as the sonne frō the father. To whom the Bishop aunswering againe, declared that within thre daies he should folow after. In the meane time, hee willed him to go home, and to distribute his treasures, if he had any vnto ye poore. The iudge belike hearing mentiō to be made of treasures to be giuen to the poore, and thinking that Laurence had great store of treasure in his custody, cōmaunded him to bring the same vnto him, according as the discourse of his storye here vnder written, more fully may appeare. Which history, because it is set foorth more at large in Prudentius, Ambrose, and other writers, and containeth in it mo things in it worthy to be noted of the Reader, we haue therfore with the more dilygence here inserted the more ample description of ye same, to the further admiration of his patience, and God his glory shewed in him.

Now then as order requireth,The story and Martyrdome of Laurence Ex Ambros. lib. 1 offic. cap. 41. Ex Prudentio. Lib. Peristeph. let vs enter the story of that most constaunt and couragious Martir of Christ S. Laurence, whose words and works deserue to be as freshe and greene in Christian harts, as is the florishing Laurel tree, This thirsty hart longing after the water of lyfe, desirous to passe vnto it, through the straight doore of bitter death, when on a time he saw his vigilaunt Shephearde, Xistus led as an harmles lambe, of harmefull tyrauntes to his death, cried out with open mouth and hart inuincible, saying,The wordes of Laurence to Xistus. O deare father, whether goest thou, without the company of thy deare sonne? Whether hastenest thou, O reuerend Priest, without thy Deacon? Neuer wast thou wont to offer sacrifice without thy minister. What cryme is there in me that offendeth thy fatherhod? Hast thou proued me vnnaturall? Now try swete father, whether thou hast chosen a faithfull minister or not. Deniest thou vnto him the fellowship of thy bloud, to whom thou hast committed the destribution of the Lordes bloud? See that thy iudgement be not misliked, whilest thy fortitude is liked & lauded. The abasing of the scholer, is the disgracing of the Maister. What? haue we not learned that worthy Maisters, haue obtained most worthy same, by ye worthy actes of their Disciples and Scholers? Finally Abraham sacryficed his onely begotten Isaac. Stoned Stephen prepared the way to preaching Pe [...]er, euen so father declare thy manifold vertues by me thy sonne. Offer thou him that proferreth him selfe. Graunt that the body of thy scholer may be sacrificed, whose mind with good letters thou hast beautefied. These wordes with teares S. Laurence vttered, not becau [...]e his master should suffer, but for that he might not be suffered to tast of deaths cup, which he thirsted a [...]ter.

Then Xistus to his sonne shaped this aunswere:The answere of Xistus to Laurence. I forsake thee not, O my sonne, I giue thee to wit, that a sharper conflict remaineth for thee. A feeble and weak old man am I, and therefore run the rase of a lighter & easier death. But lusty and young thou art, and more lustely, yea more gloriously shalt thou triumph ouer this tiraunt. Thy time approcheth, cease to wepe & lament, three daies after thou shalt follow me. Decent is it, that this space of time come betwene the Priest & the Leuite. It may not beseeme thee O sweete Pupill, to triumphe vnder thy master, least it be said he wanted an helper. Why crauest thou to be pertaker with me in my passion? I bequeath vnto thee the whole inheritaunce. Why requirest thou to enioy my presence: let weake scholers go before, and the strōger come after, that those without maister may get the victory, which haue no neede by maister to be gouerned. So Helias left behynde him his beloued Heliseus. I yeelde vp into thy handes the succession of my vertues. Such was their contention, not vnmeete for so godly a priest, so zelous a minister, striuing with themselues, who shoulde first suffer for the name of Christ Iesu.

In tragical histories we haue it mentioned, yt through ioy & admiration people claped their handes, whē Pylades named himselfe Orestes, Orestes, as truth it was, affirmed himselfe to bee Orestes. Pylades wishing to die for Orestes, Orestes, not suffering Pylades to loose his life for his sake: But neither of them might escape death, for both these louers were gilty of bloud the one committing the facte the other consenting. But this our Laurence the Martyr most constant, was by no meanes enforced to make this profer, sauing onely by his ardent zeale, and feruent spirite, who thirsting after the cup of Maytirdome, had it shortly after filled to the hard brymme.

Now let vs draw neare to the fire of Martyred Laurence, Some say that this tyraunt was Decius the Emperour, but that cannot be, except Galienus or some other iudge now was called by the name of Decius. that our colde hartes may be warmed thereby. The mercylesse tyraunt, vnderstanding this vertuous Leuite, not onely to be a minister of the Sacramentes, but a distributer also of the Church riches (whereof mention is made before in the wordes of Xistus) promised to himselfe a double pray, by the appresion of one silly soule. First with the rake of Auarice to scrape to himselfe the treasu [...]e of poore Christians, then with the firy forke of tyranny so to tosse and turmoyle them, that they should waxe weary of their Christian profession: With furious face, and cruell countenaunce, the greedy wolfe demaunded where this Deacon Laurence had bestowed the substaunce of the Church. Who crauing three dayes respite, promised to declare where the treasure might he had. In the meane time he caused a good number of poore Christians to be congregated. So when ye day of his aunswere was come, the persecutor straightly charged him to stād to hys promise. Then valiant Laurēce stretching out his armes ouer the poore sayde: These are the precious treasure of the church:The true treasure of Christ hys Church. These are the treasure in deede, in whom the faith of Christ raigneth, in whome Iesus Christ hath his mansion place. What more precious [Page] Iuels can Christ haue, thē those in whō he hath promised to dwel? For so it is written, I was hungry, & ye gaue me to eate: I was thirsty, and ye gaue me to drinke: I was harborles, and ye lodged me. And againe: Looke what ye haue done to the least of these, the same haue ye done to me. What greater riches can christ our maister posses, then the poore people, in whō he loueth to be sene? Oh, what toung is able to expresse the fury and madnes of the tirants hart? Now he stāped, he stared, he rāped, he fared as one out of his wit: his eies like fier glowed, his mouth like a bore fomed, his teeth like an helhoūd grinded. Now not a reasonable man, but a roaryng lion he might be called. Kindle the fire (he cried) of wood make no spare. Hath this vyllaine deluded the Emperour? away with him, away with him. Whip him with scourges, iercke him with rods: buffet him with fistes, braine him with clubs, iesteth the traitour with the Emperour? Pinche him with fyrie tonges gyrde him with burning plates, bring out the strongest chaines, and the fireforkes, and the grated bedde of yron. On the firewith it, bind the rebell hande and foote, & when the bed is fire hot, on with him: rost him, broyle him, tosse him, turne him: On paine of our highe displeasure do euery man his office, O ye tormentors.

The worde was no soner spoken, but all was done. After many cruell handlings,Laurence tormented on the [...]iery gridi [...]on. this meeke lambe was layd I will not say on his firye bed of yron, but on his soft bed of downe. So mightily God wrought with his Martyr Laurence, so miraculously God tempered his element the fire, not a bed of consuming paine, but a pallet of nourishing rest was it vnto Laurence. Not Laurence, but the Emperour might seeme to be tormented: the one broiling in the fleshe, the other burning in the hart. When this tryumphant Martir had beene pressed downe with firepikes for a great space, in the mightie spirite of God he spake to the vanquished tyraunt:

The singular patience of Laurence in his paynes. This side is now rosted inough, turne vp O tyraunt great, Assay, whether rosted or raw, thou thinkest the better meate.

O rare and vnaccustomed patience. O faith inuincible, that not onely not burnest, but by meanes vnspeakable doest recreate, refresh, stablish, & strengthen those that are burned, afflicted and troubled. And why so mightilye comfortest thou the persecuted? Because through thee they beleeue in gods promises infallible. By thee this glorious Martir ouercommeth his torments, vanquisheth this tyraunt, confoundeth his enimies,The Martyrdome and end of blessed Laurence. confirmeth the Christiās slepeth in peace, raigneth in glory. The God of might and mercy graunt vs grace, by the life of Laurence to learne in Christ to liue, and by his death to learne for Christ to dye. Amen.

Such is the wisdome and prouidence of God, that the bloud of his deare Saints (like good seede) neuer falleth in vaine to the grounde,A Romayne souldiour conuerted by Laurence, and Martyred. but it bringeth some increase: so it pleased the Lord to worke at the Martirdome of this holy Laurence, that by the constant confession of this worthy & valiaunt Deacon, a certaine souldiour of Rome beyng therwith compuncted, and conuerted to ye same faith, desired forthwith to be Baptised of him: for the which he being called for of the iudge, was scourged, and afterwarde beheaded. Henr. de Erford.

Under the same Valerianus suffered also Dionysius byshop of Alexandria much affliction and banishment,Dionysius Byshop of Alexandria with hys fellowes banished. Maximus, Faustus, Cheremon, a certayne Romayne banished. with certaine other brethren, Of the which he writeth himselfe, & is alledged in the Ecclesiasticall story of Euseb. Lib. 7. cap. 11. the wordes whereof tend to this effect: Dionysius wyth three of his Deacons, to wit, Maximus, Faustus, and Cheremon, also with a certaine brother of Rome, came to Emilianus then President, who there declared vnto them in circumstance of words how he had signified vnto them ye clemencie of his Lords and Emperours: who had graunted them pardon of life, so that they would returne to them, & worship the Gods and keepers (as he called them) of their Emperie, asking them what aunswere they would gyue him there vnto: trusting as he saide that they woulde not shew themselues ingrateful to the clemency of them which so gently did exhort them. To this Dionysius aunsweryng, said:The examination of Dionysius before the President. Al men worship not al Gods, but diuers men diuers gods, so as euery one hath in himselfe a mind or phantasie to worship. But we worship not many nor diuers Gods, but onely that one God, who is the creator of all things, & hath committed to our Lords Valerianus and Galienus the gouernmēt of their Empery, making to him our prayers [...]cessauntly for their prosperous health and continuance. Then the President sayde: And what hurt is it, but that you may both worship your God, what God soeuer he be, and these our Gods also? For you are cōmaunded worship such Gods, as al men know to be gods. Dionysius answered we worship none other, but as we haue sayd▪ Emilianus the President said: I see you are ingratfull men, and consider not ye benignitie of the Emperous,The constant confession of Dionysius and hys Deacons. wherfore you shal remaine no longer in this City, but shal be sent out to the parts of Libya, vnto a towne called Cephro. For that place by the commaundement of the Emperour I haue chosen for you. Neither shal it be lawful for you, to cōuent your assemblies, or to resort, as ye are wont to your burial places. And if any of you shal be found out of your places wherunto you are apointed, at your peril be it. And think not contrary, but ye shal be watched well inough. Depart therfore to the place as is cōmaunded you. and it foloweth more in the said Dionysius speaking of himselfe:Dionysius banished to Cephro. And as for me (sayth he) although I was sicke, yet hee vrged mee so straightly to depart, that he would not giue me one dayes respite. And how (saith he writing to Germanus) coulde I congregate or not congregate any assemblies? And after a few lines it followeth. And yet neyther am I altogether absent from the corporall societie of the Lordes flocke, but I haue collected them togither, which were in the Citye, being absent, as though I had bene present, absent in body yet present in spirit.Infidels cō uerted by Dionysius in hys banishment. Ex Dionysio contra Germanū. Eus. lib. 7. And in the same Cephro, a great congregation remayned with mee, as well of those brethren which followed me out of the City, as also of them which were remayning there out of Egypt. And there the Lorde opened to me the doore of his word, although at the first entraunce I was persecuted and stoned among them, yet afterward a great number of them fel from their Idoles and were cōuerted vnto the Lord. And so by vs the word was preached to them which before were infidels: which ministery after that we had accomplished there, the lord remoued vs to an other place. For Aemilianus translated vs frō thence to more sharpe and straighter places of Libya, commaunding vs to meete altogether at a city Mareota, thinking there to separate vs seuerallye into sundrye villages, or thinking rather to take and preuent vs by the way. After we were come thether, it was assigned to me (saith Dionysius) to go to Colluthion, which place I neuer hearde of before: which was the more griefe to me, yet some solace it was to me, that the brethren told me, it was neare to a Citie named Paraetonium. For as my being at Cephrō got me the acquaintaunce of manye brethren of Egypt, so my hope was that the vicinitie of that place where I shoulde be, to the Citie, might procure the familiaritie and concourse of certaine louing brethren, which would resort and assemble with vs,Ex Dionysio ad Domitium & Didimum. Eus. ibidem. and so it came to passe, &c.

Moreouer the said Dionysius in his Epistle ad Domi [...]ium & Dydymū, making mention of them whiche were afflicted in this persecution of Valerian, recordeth in these wordes saying: it were superflous (saith he) here to recite the names peculiarly of all our brethren slaine in this persecution, which both were manye and to me vnknowne.Martyrs of all sortes and ages. But this is certaine that there were men, wemen, younge men, maydens, olde wiues, souldiers, simple innocentes, and of all sortes and ages of men. Of whome some with [...]courginges and fire, some with sworde obtained victorye, and got the crowne. Some continued a great time, and yet haue bene reserued. In the whiche number am I reserued hetherto to some other oportune tyme knowen vnto the Lord, which sayth: In the time accepted I haue he [...]rde thee, and in the daye of saluation I haue helped thee, &c. Nowe as concerning my selfe in what state I am, if thou desire to know first howe I and Caius, and Faustus Petrus, and Paulus, being apprehended by the Centurion, were taken away by certayne of the towne of Mareote, I haue declared to you before. Now I and Caius, and Petrus alone are left here included, in a west place of Libya, distant the space of thre daies iou [...]ney from Paraetonium. &c. And in processe farther he addeth: In the Citie (saith he) were certaine priuily which visite the brethren: of Priestes Maximus, Dioscorus, Demetrius, and Lucius. For they which were more notable in the world, Faustinus and Aquilla, do wander abroade in Egipt. Of the Deacons besides them whō sicknes hath consumed, Faustus, Eusebius, & Cheremon, are yet alyue.Commendation of Eusebius the Deacon. Eusebius hath God raised and stirred vp to minister to the confessours lying in bandes, and to burye the bodies of the blessed Martirs, not without great perill. Neither doth the President cease yet to this day, cruellye murderyng such as be brought afore him, some tearynge with torments, some imprisoning and keeping in custody commaunding that no man should come to them,Eusebius the Deacon made Byshop of Laodicia. Maximus Byshop of Alexandria inquyring also who resorted vnto them. Yet notwithstanding God with chearefulnes and dailye resorte of the brethren doth comfort the afficted. Haec Dionysius.

Concerning these deacons aboue recited, here is to be noted, that Eusebius afterward was made Bishop of Laodicia in Syria. Maximus the Priest aforesaide, had the mynistration of the Church of Alexandria after Dionysius▪ Faustus [Page] long after continued in great age,Faustus long presented, at last a marityr. The end & death of Dionysius. vnto the latter persecution, where he being a very old man at length was beheaded, and died Martyr.

As touching Dionysius him selfe, thus the stories report, that he suruiuing all these troubles and persecutiōs, by the prouidence of God, continued after the death of Valerian, vnto the xij. yeare of the raigne of Galienus, whiche was about the yeare of our Lord. 268. and so departed in peace in great age, after that he had gouerned the Church of Alexandria the space of xvij. yeares, & before that, had taught the schole of the sayd Citie of Alexandria, the terme of xvj. yeares. After whom succeeded Maximus, as is aboue specified. And thus much touching the full storie of Dionysius Alexandrinus, and of other also Martyrs and Confessours of Alexandria.

In Caesaria Palestine, suffered also the same time, Priscus, Malchus, Priscus, Malchus, Alexander, A woeman Martyrs. and Alexander, the which three dwelling in the countrey, and good men, seing the valiaunt courage of the Christians, so boldly to venter, & constantly to stand, and patiently to suffer in this persecutiō, as men being greued with them selues, began to repent & accuse their so great sluggishnes, and cowardly negligence, to see other so zealous & valiant, & themselues so colde & faint harted, in laboring for the crowne of Christian martyrdome: first consulting and agreing within themselues, came to Cesarea, & there stepping to the Iudge, declared thēselues what they were, & obtained the end they came for, being giuen to the wilde beasts. After which like maner also and in the same Citye of Cesarea, a certaine woman whose name Eusebius expresseth not, who had beene before of the secte of Marcion was brought before the President, and likewise obtayned the same Martyrdome.Euseb. lib. 7. cap. 12. Euseb. Lib. 7. cap. 12.

Neither was the citie of Carthage all this while free from the stroke of this persecution,Three hundreth Martyrs in Carthage. Ex specul. Vincent. lib. 11. cap. 83. if credit should be giuē to the speculatiue glasse of Vincentius, who cyting out of Hugo, recordeth of 300. Martyrs, of which 300. Martyrs the history saith thus, that the President setting before the cooles and incense to doe sacryfice, by a lyme kilne, which was there neere at hand, offred vnto them this condition, either to set incense to the coales, for sacrifice to Iupiter, or els to go into the fornace of lyme: wherupon they altogether with a generall motion sodenly rushed into the kilne, and ther with the dusty smoke of the lime were smothered Vincent. Erford.

Maxima, Donatilla, Secunda, virgines martirs.In Aphrica also in the City of Tuburba, the sayd Vincē tius out of the Martyrologe inferreth mention of thre constaunt virgins Maxima, Donatilla, and Secunda, who in the persecution of this Valerian and Galienus, first had giuen for their drinke vinager and gaule, then with scourges were tried, after that vpon the gibbet were tormented, & rubbed with lime: then were scorched vpon ye fiery gridirō, at last were cast to the wilde beastes, who being not touched of them, finally with the sword were beheaded, Vincent. Erfor.

Pontius, Martyr.In Symela a City in Italy, vnder the Alpes, one Pontius beyng there apprehended, by the commaundement of Claudius the President, was hanged first vppon the racke, then was cast to the wilde beastes,Ex Vincet. Lib. 12. cap. 77. Ex. Bergomen. lib. 8. Erford. lib. 6. Cap. 17. of whom he being nothing hurt, was after cōmitted to the fire. And finally neither touched therwith, (if the storye of Vincentius be true) was headed by ye ryuers side, & his body throwne into the floude, where immediatlye the same houre, the foresayde Claudius with his assistant Anabius, were taken with wicked spirits, by whom they were so miserablye vexed, that they byt of their tongues, and died.

Zenon, Martyr. Zenon also Byshop of Verona, is saide also in the same persecution to sustayne Martyrdome.

Bergomensis reproued.Moreouer in the same Citie of Alexandria aforesayde, Bergomensis in his 8. booke, writing of the story of Valerianus Emperour, maketh mention of Philippus, bishoppe of the said sea of Alexandria, who (as he saith) was vnder the sayd Valerian beheaded. But that is not to be founde in any approued story, nor stādeth with the truth of time that any such Philip then was bishop of Alexandria, or any other except onely Dionysius. After whom next succeeded Maximus, who remained xviij. yeares, and after him Theonas, &c. So that by the auncient recordes of olde writees it appeareth not that Philippus or any other of that name was Bishop of Alexandria, during this time signified by Bergomensis.

Although in some other later writers, as Equilinus Antoninus, and Bergomensis ▪ I finde a certaine historye of one Philippus, President of Alexandria about the same tyme of Valerian and Galienus, elected by the Emperour and Senate of Rome, to gouerne those quarters, where he was at length conuerted to the christian faith, and after made Priest or Bishop,Ex Antoni. part. 1. ca. 6. as they saye, of Alexandria, but that not to be so, the testimony of auntient writers doth refell. The history of this Philippus, witnessed in our later Chronicles is this: Philippus, being promoted to the Presidentship of Alexandria came downe with his wife Claudia, The story of Philippus and Eugenia. and his two sonnes, Auitus, and Sergius, and with his daughter named Eugenia, of the which Eugenia a long history full of straunge and prodigious miracles is written of Antoninus & other, wherof many things I will cut of, and brieflye touche the effect of the storye, leauing to the iudgement of the reader the credit of mine authors, as he shall see cause.

Thys Eugenia daughter of Philippus, being of singular beautie, and diligently brought vp by her parentes in ye studie of science and learnyng, was by occasion of hearyng Christians,Eugenia, Prothus, Hiacynthus, conuerted. reduced and brought vp to Christianitye, with two other Eunuches her Schoolefellowes called Prothus and Hiacynthus: wyth whome shee takyng counsaile, vpon occasion, whether to auoyde the daunger of persecucion, or refusing to marry wyth a Pagane, vnknowne to her parents and fryendes dyd flee awaye, and because the more boldlye shee might resort to heare the readynges of Helenus then an aged Byshoppe and of others, chaunged her selfe into mans apparell, and named her selfe Eugenius, Eugenia leauing her parentes, chaungeth her selfe into mans apparell. vnder the whiche name she was at length admitted vnto a certayne Monastery, or a societie of christians in the suburbes of Alexandria although I hardly beleeue that any Monasterye of Christians was then in the suburbes of Alexandria permitted, where also at the last for the excellencye of learnyng and vertue, shee was made head of the place. Here by the waye I omit the myracles of the foresayde Helenus) Byshoppe as the story saith of Hierapolis (howe he caried burning coales in his lap,Helenus Bishop of Hie [...]polis. & how he aduētured himself to goe in the burning fyre, to resell wicked Zereas a Pagane, remaining in the same vnburned. Here also I omit the careful search of her parents for her, and of the answere of the Pythonisse againe vnto them, that she was taken vp to the heauen among ye Goddesses. I omit moreouer the miracles done by ye sayde Eugenia, in healyng the diseases and sicknesses or such as came to her, &c. The story proceedeth thus: Among other which were by this Eugenius cured & restored, there was a certaine Matrone of Alexandria named Melancia, who after she had vsed the helpe and acquaintaun [...] of Eugenius supposing her to be a man,Eugenia accused of Melancia. fell into an inordi [...]ate loue, sekyng by al meanes how to accomplish the lust of her concupiscence. In so much that in her daily visiting of her, at length she began secretly to breake her mind, and to entise her to her ludenes. Eugenius contrary exhorted her to vertue & honesty, shewing her the miseries of this life, and the peryll of that folly. Melancia seeing that by no meanes shee would be allured, nor by force drawen to her desire, & fearyng moreouer that she in detecting of her would bringe her to shame, beginneth first to make an outcry of Eugenius, declaring howe yt she went about corruptly to defloure her, & so presented her accusation before Philippus ye President, as well against Eugenius, as also against the rest of that company. This matter being heard, and the woman well knowen, the crime began to seeme suspitious, and so much the more, because it was obiected against the Chrystians. By reason whereof Eugenius with her felow Chrystians was now not only in great hatred, but also in daū ger of present death and destruction. Then Eugenius purging herselfe & her honesty, although with sufficient probation, yet notwithstanding perceiuing that it coulde take no place, what so euer she said, and seeing no time now to dissemble any longer, for the daunger as well of her owne selfe, as specially of her brethren which troubled her more: desired of the Iudge place and time to make manifest to him the truth, and so shewed her selfe what she was, and how she was his daughter, the other to be Prothus & Hiacinthus the two Eunuches, her schoolefelowes, vtteryng moreouer to him and to her brethrē the cause of her departing from them. At the narration whereof Philippus her father,Eugenia knowne of her parentes. and her two brethren comming to the knowledge of her conceaued no litle ioy, in receauing their Eugenia againe whom they thought had bene lost. No lesse gladnes was among the people, to see ye euidence of the matter so plainely to try out the truth of the one,False accusation conuicted. & the falsenes of the other. Wherat ye malignant accuser was to double shame cōfounded, first for her dishonesty falsly cloked, secondly for the vntruth of her accusation openly detected. Bergomensis addeth moreouer, yt the said accuser was stricken presently with lightning. Thus Eugenia trying her honestly to her parents & friends, not onely was receaued of them againe, but also by the grace of the Lord working with her in the space of time did win thē to Christ. Wherby Philippus the father of her by nature,Philippus by hys daughter conuerted vnto Christ. now by grace was begottē of his own daughter to a more perfect life, & whō once he thought to haue bene lost, not only he foūd againe, but also wt her found his own soule, & his own life, which before he [Page] had lost indeede.Philippus Martyr. This Phillippus (sayth the storye) was made afterwarde Bishop of Alexandria, and there suffered Martyrdome. Concerning whose Martyrdome I denye not but it may be true, but that he was byshop of Alexandria, that cannot be admitted, as is before sufficiently prooued, out of Eusebius and other auncient historicians.

Lykewyse it is sayd, that Eugenia after the Martyrdome of her father, returning to Rome with Prothus, and Hiacinthus, by occasion of conuertyng Basilla (who shoulde haue bene maried to a Pagane husband,Basilla, Eugenia, Martyrs. and was then beheaded) to the Christian faith, was assayled wyth sundrye kinds of death, first being tied to a great stone & cast into Tyber, where she was caried vp from drowning, thē put in the hoate bathes, which were extincted, and she preserued: afterward by famishment in prison, where they saye she was fed at the hande of our Sauior, all which Legendary miracles I leaue to the Reader to iudge of them, as shal seeme good vnto him. At last the story sayeth, she was with the sword beheaded, Antonin. Bergom. Ado.

Corrections in the story aboue touched. Euseb. lib. 7. Cap. 5. Helena Byshop of Tarsus.And because in this prent history mention was made of Helenus whom Antoninus with his fellowes noteth to be the byshop of Hierapolis, here is to be vnderstoode & obserued by the way, yt as Philippus in the foresaide history is falsly saide to be byshop of Alexandria, so lykewise vntrue it is that Helenus was bishop of Hierapolis. For by Eusebius it appeareth, Lib. 7. cap. 5. alleadging the words of Dionysius that he was bishop of Tarus in Cilicia, and had there ouersight of that Church from the tyme of our Lorde, 254. to the yeare. 274.

The vj. yeare of Valerianus and Galienus we read in the story of Herfordiensis, Anno. 262. cited out of Isuardus, of Victor and Victorinus, who lying in prison the space of three yeares with Claudianus and Bossa his wife,Victor, Victorinus, Claudianus, Bossa, Martyrs. Fructuosus Byshop of Tarracona in Spayne, with hys 2. Deacons Augurius, Eulogius, Martyrs. Ex Pruden. Peristeph. are sayde to haue sustayne [...] great tormentes, and Martyrdome, for the testimony and name of Christ. Ex. luardo.

Aurelius Prudentius in his booke intituled Peristephanon, inferreth mention of Fructuosus Byshop of Tarracona in Spaine, who with his two Deacons Augurius and Eulogius, suffered also Martyrdome being burned after syxe daies imprisonment, vnder ye foresaid Emperours in this persecution. The cause of their punishment was for the profession of Christs name. Their Iudge and condemner was Emilianus: Their imprisonment indured sixe dayes. The kinde of death ministred vnto them was fire, wherin they being altogether cast with their armes bound behind them, their bandes (as Prudentius writeth) were dissolued, their hands vntouched with the fire, and their bodies remayning whole. The charge of this Iudge vnto the Byshop was this, that he would worship the Gods, whome the Emperour Galienus worshipped. To whom Fructuosus the byshop aunswering: nay, (sayde he) I worship no dombe God of stockes and blockes, whom Galienus doth worship, but I worship the Lord and maister of Galienus, the Father and creator of all times, and his onely Sonne, sent downe to vs of whose flock I am here the Pastor and shepeherd. At this worde Emilianus aunswering agayne, Nay, (saith he) say not thou art, but say thou wast. And forthwith commaunded them to be committed to the fyre,Fructuosus and hys Deacons strengthned in the fire. where (as is sayd) their bandes and manicles being loosed, by the fire, they lifted vp their hands to heauen, praysyng the liuing God, to the great admiration of them that stode by, praying also that the element which seemed to fle from them, might worke his full force vpon them, & spedely dispatche them,The fauour of God toward hys martirs openly declared. which was after their request obtained. In the meane space as they were in the fire, there was a certayne Souldier in the house of Emilianus, who did see the heauens aboue to open, and these foresayd Martyrs to enter in the same, which souldiour likewise shewed the sight the same time vnto the daughter of Emilianus, the president who beholding the same sight with the souldiour, was a present witnesse of the blessednesse of them, whom her cruell father had condemned.

As thys godly Byshop was preparyng to his death (sayth Prudentius) the brethren approching to him, brought him drinke, desiring him with much weeping to receaue & drinke with them, but that he refused to do, requiring thē moreouer to refrayne their teares. With like readines the brethen also were diligent about him to pluck of his shoes & hose, as he was addressing himselfe to the fire. But neyther would he suffer any seruaunts helpe in that,The modesty of Fructuosus. wherein he was no lesse willing as able to helpe himself. And thus this blessed and fruitefull byshop Fructuosus with his twoo Deacons Augurius and Eulogius, beyng brought to the fire, witnessed the constant confession of the name of christ, with the shedding of their bloude. Aurel. Prudentius. Ado. Equilinus.

And thus farre continued wicked Valerian, in his tyranny against the Saintes of Christ. But as all the Tyrauntes before, and oppressors of the Christians had theyr deserued reward at the iust hand of God,The no [...]ble pla [...] of God a [...]gaynst Valerian the pe [...] tor. which rendreth to euery man according to his workes: so this cruel Valerian, after he had reigned with his sonne Galienus, ye terme of vj. or vij. yeares, and about two yeares had afflicted the Church of Christ, felt the iust stroke of his hande, whose indignation before he had prouoked, whereof we haue to witnes Eutropius, Pollio, Sabellicus, Volateranus: For making hys expedition agaynst the Persians, whether by the fraude and treason of some about him, or whether by his owne rashnes, it is doubtfull: But this is certayne, that he fell into the handes of hys enemies, being about the age of lxx. yeares, where he led hys wret [...]hed age in a more wretched captiuitie.Gods iust punish [...] to be no [...]. In so much that Sapores the king of the Persians vsed him (and well worthy) not for his ryding foole, but for hys riding blocke. For whensouer the king should light vpon hys horse openly in the sight of the people, Valerian Emperour quondam, was brought forth in steede of a blocke, for the king to tread vpon hys backe, in goyng to hys horsebacke. And so continued this blockishe butcherly Emperour with shame and sport inough vnto his finall end, as witnesseth Laetus and Aurelius Victor.

And albeit Eusebius in a certaine Sermon to the Congregation,Ex Euseb. in Sermi [...] ad Conu [...]tum. Sanctoru [...] Valerian the pers [...]ting Emperour, extoriate of the Persians. declareth a more cruell handling of him, affirming that he was slaine, writing in these wordes: Sed & tu Valeriane, quoniam eandem homicidiorum saeuitiam erga subditos Dei exercuisti, iustum Dei iudicium declarasti, dum captiuus ac vinctus vna cum ipsa purpura ac reliquo imparatorio ornatu abductus, ac tandem a Sapore Persarum Rege excoriari iussus, sale (que) conditus, perpetuum infaelicitatis tuae trophaeum erexisti. &c. That is and thou Valerian, for so much as thou hast exercised the same crudelitie in murdering the subiects of God, therfore hast proued vnto vs the rightuous iudgement of God, in that thy selfe hast bene bound in chaynes, and caryed away for a captiue slaue, with thy gorgeous purple, and thy imperiall attire, and at length also beyng commaunded of Sapores king of the Persians to be slayne and poudred with sault, hast set vp vnto al men a perpetuall monument of thine owne wretchednes. &c. Euseb.

The like seueritie of God his terrible iudgement is also to be noted in Claudius, The punishment [...] Cod vpon Claudius president [...] the Empe [...]rour. Galienus plagued [...] hys persec [...] tion. his Presidēt, and minister of his persecutions. Of which Claudius, Henricus de Erfordia thus writeth, that he was possessed and vexed of the deuill, in such sort, that he byting of his owne tongue in many small peeces, so ended hys life. Erford.

Neither did Galienus the sonne of Valerian, after the captiuitie of hys father, vtterly escape the righteous hand of God. For beside the miserable captiuitie of hys father whom he could not rescue, such portentes straunge, & out of the course of nature, such Earthquakes did happen, also such tumultes, commotions, and rebellions did followe, that Trebellio doth recken vp to the number of 30. together which in sundry places all at one time tooke vpon them to be tyrantes and Emperours ouer ye Monarchie of Rome, by the meanes whereof he was not able to succour hys father, though he would. Notwithstanding the sayd Galienus beyng (as is thought) terrified by the exāple of his father,Peace gra [...] ted to the Church. Euseb. lib. [...]. Cap. 13. did remoue: at least did moderate the persecutiō stirred vp by the Edictes of Valerian hys father, directing forth hys imperiall Proclamation, the tenor whereof proceedeth after this effect, as is to be sene in Euseb. Lib 7. ca. 13. Emperour and ‘Caesar, Publius Licinius, Galienus, Pius Fortunatus, Augustus, vnto Dionysius, to Pinna, and to Demetrian and to all other the like Bishops. The bountifull benignitie of my gift, I haue willed and commaunded to be proclaymed through the whole worlde, to the intent that such whiche are deteined in banishment for discipline sake, may safely returne home agayne, from whence they came. And for the same cause I haue here sent to you the example of my rescript for you to peruse & to enioy, so that no man so hardy to vexe or molest you. And thys whiche you may now lawfully enioy, hath bene long since by me graunted. And therefore for your more warrant in the same, I haue committed the examplar hereof to the custody of Aurelianus Cyrenius my chiefe Steward, where you may [...]et the copy to see at your pleasure.’

This mandate aboue prefixed did Galienus sent to Dionysius Alexandrinus, An other graunt of Galienus vnto the Christen Byshops. and to other Byshops as is premised. An other rescript also the sayd Emperour sent to other Christian Byshops, permitting to them full libertie to receaue agayne their wonted places, where they were wont to associate together, called of them Caemiteria▪

By this it may appeare that some peace was then graū ted vnder this Galienus, An. 263. to the Church of Christ: albeit not so,Marinus Martyr. Ex Euseb. lib. 7. ca. 15. but ye some there were which suffered. Among whome was one Marinus mentioned in Eusebius. Lib. 7. This Marinus being a warriour and a noble man in Cesarea, stoode [Page] for the dignitie of a certaine order, whiche by all order of course, was next to fall vpon him by right, had not the enuious ambitiō of him yt should follow next after hym, supplanted him both of office & life. For he accused him to be a Christian, and therefore sayd that he was not to be admytted vnto their offices, which was against their Religion. Wherupon Achaius then being iudge examined him of his faith, who finding him to be a christian indede, & constantly to stand to his profession, gaue him .iij. houres to deliberate & aduise wyth himselfe. There was the same time in Cesarea a Byshop named Theotechnus, Th [...]otechnus Byshop of Cesarea. otherwise called Theodistus, who perceiuing him to stand in doubtfull delyberation and perplexitie in himselfe, tooke him by the hand & brought him into the house or Church of the Christians, laying before him a sworde (which he had vnder his cloke for the same purpose) and a booke of the new Testament & so willed him to take his free choyse which of them both he would preferre.Marinus animated by the Byshop to dye. The souldior immediately without delay ran to the booke of the Gospell, taking that before the sword. And thus he being animated by the bishop, presented himselfe boldly before the iudge,Euseb. ibid. by whose sentence he was beheaded, and died a Martyr. Euseb. ibid.

Asyrius a rich Senatour and cō fessour.Whose body he beyng dead, one Asyrius a noble Senatour of Rome, and a man very wealthy among the chief of that order, (who the same tyme was there present at hys Martyrdome) toke vp and bare vpō his owne shoulders, wrapping it in a rich & sumptuous weede, & so honourably committed it to the burial.Euse. lib. 7. Cap. 16. The worke of Satan disapoynted by the prayer of Asirius. Euseb, Lib. 7. cap 16.

Of which Asyrius the sayde author writeth, moreouer this storye, howe that in the foresayde Citie of Cesarea, the Gentiles vsed ther, of an aūcient custome to offer vp a certaine sacrifice by a fountaine side, the which sacrifice by the working of the deuill, was wont sodainly to vanish out of their eies, to the great admiraciō of the inhabiters by. Asyrius seing this and pittying the miserable errour of the simple people, lifting vp his eies to Heauen, made his praier to almightie God in the name of christ. yt the people might not be seduced of the deuil any lōger: by ye vertue of whose praier the sacrifice was seene to swimme in the water of the fountaine, & so the straunge wonder of that sight was taken away, and no such matter coulde be their wrought any more.Euseb. lib. 7. Cap. 17. A miracle noted in Euseb. lib. 7. cap. 18. Euseb. Lib, 7. cap. 17.

And because mention is made here of Cesarea, there foloweth in ye next chapter of ye same author, a strange miracle if it be true, which he there reporteth, howe yt out of the same City was the woman, which in ye gospel came to our Sauiour, and was healed of her bloudy issue. Her house being in the Citye of Cesarea, before the doore thereof was set vp a certayne pyller of stone, & vpon the piller, an Image was made of brasse, of a woman mekely knelyng on her knes, and holding vp her hands, as one that had some sute. Against the which there was an other Image also of a man proportioned of the same mettall, cūningly engrauen, in a short semely vestur [...], & stretching forth his hand to the woman.A miraculous operation of an herbe touching the hemme of Christes picture to heale diseases. At the foote of which piller grew vp a certaine herbe of a straunge kind, but of a more straunge opiration, which growing vp to the hemme of his vesture, & once touching the same, is saide to haue such vertue, that it was able to cure all maner of deseases. This picture of the man, (they say) represented the image of Christ. The history is written in Eusebius, as is said, the credite whereof I referre to the Reader, whether he will thinke it true or false. If he thinke it false, yet I haue shewed him myne author: if he thinke it true, then must hee thinke with all that this miraculous operation of the herbe, proceded neither by the vertue of the picture, nor by the praier of the other being both dombe pictures, and engrauen no doubt at that time by the hand of Infidels, but to be wrought by some secret permission of God his wisedome, either to reduce the Infidels at that time to the belief of the storye,No vertue to be ascribed to pictures. or to admonish the Christians to consider with them selues what strength and health was to be looked for onelye of Christ, and no other aduocate, seing the dumbe picture engrauen in Brasse, gaue his efficacie to a poore herbe to cure so many diseases. This picture saith Eusebius remained also to his time which was vnder Constantinus the great.

Dionysius Byshop of Rome.As touching the line and order of the Romaine Byshops hetherto intermitted, after the martirdome of Xistus aboue specified, the gouernement of that church was conmitted next,An. 266. to one Dionysius, about the yeare of our Lord, 266. who continued in the same the space of ix, yeares, as Eusebius saith,Felix Byshop of Rome and Martyr. Eutichianus Byshop of Rome and Martyr. Gaius Byshop of Rome and Martyr. as Damasus recordeth but onely vj. yeares, and two moneths. Of his decretall Epistles because sufficient hath bene sayd before concerning that matter, I omit to speake. After whom succeded Felix, in the first yeare of Probus the Emperour, about ye yeare of our Lord, 280. who gouerned that church v. yeares, and died as Pla [...]ina saith, a martyr. After him followed Eutychianus, and then Gaius, both martyrs, as the histories of some do recorde.

About the time of these byshops, lyued Theodorus byshop of Neocesarea, who is otherwise called Gregorius Mognus, whome also Nicephorus for his myracles, calleth [...].

Thus Galienus the foresayd Emperour raygned as is declared, with his father Valerian, vij, yeares, after whose captiuitie he ruled the Monarchie, alone about ix. yeares, with some peace and quietnes graunted to the Church.

The daies of this Galien [...]s being expired,Claudius Emperour. followed Claudius a quiet Emperour,Anno. 272. as most stories do record. Although Vincentius affirmeth that he was a mouer of persecution against the Christiās, & maketh mention of 262. Martyrs, which in his time did suffer, but because no such record remaineth to be found in Eusebius, who woulde not haue omitted some memoriall thereof if it had bene true, therefore I referre the same to the free iudgement of the Reader to finde such credite as it maye.Quintillianus Emperour. This Claudius raigned but two yeares, after whome came Quintilianus, his brother next Emperor, & a quiet Prince, who cōtinued but onely xvij. daies, and had to his successor Aurelianus, vnder whome Orosius in his seuenth booke, doth number the ix. persecution against the Christians.

The ix. Persecution.

HEtherto from the captiuitie of Ualerian the Church of Christ was in some quietnes till the death of Quintilianus,The ninth persecution. Aurelianus Emperour. as hath beene declared: After whom Aurelianus the next successor possessed the crowne, who in the first beginning of his raigne (after the common maner of al princes) shewed himselfe a Prince moderate and discrete, much worthy of commendation, if his good beginning had continued in a constant course agreeing to the same. Of nature he was seuere & rigorous in correcting,A prouerbe. A good Phisition but he geueth to bitter medicines. Abstinence the best phisicke. dissolute in manners, in so much that it was said of him in a vulgare prouerbe, that he was a good phisition, sauyng that he gaue to bitter medicines. This Emperour being sicke, neuer sent for Phisition, but cured himselfe with abstinence. And as his beginning was not vnfruitefull to the common wealth: so neither was he any great disturber of the christians: whom he did not onely tolerate in their religiō but also in their counsell,The councell of Antioche. The good beginning of Aurelian. The Emperour altered by wicked counsell. beyng the same tyme assembled at Antioche, semed not to be against them. Notwithstanding in continuance of time through sinister motion and instigation of certaine about him (as commonly such are neuer absent in al places from the eares of princes (hys nature somewhat inclinable to seueritie, was altered to a playne tyranny, which tiranny first he shewed beginnyng with the death of his owne sisters sonne, as wytnesseth Eutropius. After that he proceeded either to mooue, or at least to purpose persecution against the Christians.A notable example of Gods hand stopping persecution. Albeit that wicked purpose of the Emperour, the mercifull working of God his hand did soone ouerthrow. For as the edict or proclamation should haue beene denounced for the persecuting of the christians, and the emperour now ready to subscribe the edict with his hande, the mighty stroke of the hand of the lord sodainly from aboue did stop his purpose, binding,Ex. Euseb. lib. 7. cap. 30. No power agaynst the people of God, except God geue leaue. as a man might say, the Emperours hands behinde him: declaryng (as Eusebius saieth) to all men, how there is no power to worke any violence against the seruauntes of God, vnlesse his permission do suffer them, and gyue them leaue. Euseb. Lib. 7. cap. 30. Eutropius and Uopiscus affirme, that as the said Aurelianus was purposing to rayse persecutiō against vs, he was sodainly terrified with lightning, and so stopped from his wicked tyranny. Not long after about the fifte or sixt yeare of hys rayne,The death of Aurelianus. he was slaine betwene Bizance and Hieraclea, an. 278. Thus Aurelianus rather intended thē moued persecution.Anno. 276. Neither is there any more then this founde cōcerning this persecution in auncient histories and records of the Church. Wherfore I maruell the more, that Vincentius collecting out of the Martyreloges, hath comprehended such a great Cataloge of so manye martirs, whiche in Fraunce and in Italye (sayeth he) suffered death and torments vnder this Emperour Aurelianus. Wherunto Orosius also seemeth to agree, in numbring this to be the ninth persecution vnder the sayd Aurelian.

Next after Aurelianus the succession of the impery fell to Publius Annius Tacitus, Ex Eutropio. Tacitus Emperour. Florianus Emperour. who raigned but vj. monethes, Him succeded his brother Florianus, who raigned but lx. dayes. And after him followed Marcus Aurelius, surnamed Probus. Of whome more hereafter (God willing) shal appeare.

In the meane time, within the compasse of these Emperours [...]lleth in a story recorded, of Eusebius, and not vnworthy [Page] here to be noted, whereby to vnderstand the faithfull diligence of good Ministers, what good it may doe in a common wealth.

Mention is made before of Eusebius the Deacon of Dyonisius, whom God stirred vp to vnite and comfort the saintes that were in prison and bandes, and to burye the bodies of the blessed Martyrs departed, not without great perill of his owne life, and after was made bishop (as is sayde) of Laodicea. But before he came to Laodicea to be bishop there, it chaunced, the sayde Eusebius remaining as yet at Alexandria, the citie to be besieged of the Romaines, Pyruchius being there captaine. In the which siege halfe of the citie did hold with the Romaines, the other half withstoode them.Eusebius Deacon of Alexandria. Anatholius rector of the Vniuersitie of Alexandria. In that part which went with the Romaine captaine was Eusebius, being also in great fauour with the captaine for his worthy fidelitie and seruice shewed. With the other halfe that resisted the Romains, was Anatholius, gouernour or moderator then of the schole of Alexandria, who also was bishop after the sayde Eusebius of Laodicea. This Anatholius perceiuing the citizens to be in miserable distresse of famine and destruction by reason of penury and lacke of sustenance, sendeth to Eusebius beeng then with the Romaines, and certifieth him of the lamentable penurie and perill of the citie, instructing him moreouer, what to do in the matter. Eusebius vnderstanding the case, repaireth to the captaine, desiring of him so much fauoure, that so many as would flee out of the citie from their enemies, might be licenced to escape and freely to passe, which was to him eftsoones graunted. As Eusebius was thus labouring with the capitaine,The piety of Anatholius and Eusebius. to their countrey. on the other side Anatholius for his part laboured with the Citizens, moouing them to assemble togither, and perswading them to geue themselues ouer, in yeelding to the force and might of the Romaines. But when the Citizens could not abide the hearing therof: yet (sayde Anatholius) this I trust you will be con [...]ented, if I shal coūsaile you, in this miserable lacke of things to auoide out of your citie, all such superfluities and vnnecessary impedimentes vnto you, as olde women, yong children, aged men, with such other as be feeble and impotent, & not to suffer them here to perish with famine, whose presence can do no stead to you if they dy, & lesse if they liue, for spending the victuals which otherwise might serue thē that be more able to defend the Citie. The Senate hearing this sentence, & vnderstanding moreouer the graunt of the captaine, promising them their safetie, were well cōsenting therevnto. Then Anatholius, hauing a speciall care to them that belonged to the Church of Christ, calleth them together, with the rest of the multitude, and perswading them what they should do, and what had bene obteined for thē, caused them to void the citie, and not onlie them, but also a great number of other mo, who perswaded by him, vnder that pre [...]ence, changing themselues in womens apparell, or faming some impotencie, so escapeh out of the citie. At whose comming out Eusebius on the other side was readie to receiue them, and refreshed their hungrye and pined bodies, whereby not onelye they, but the whole Citye of Alexandria was preserued from destruction.Euseb. Lib. 7. Cap. 32. The Prelates of Rome are cleane contrary to these good Prelates. Eusebius. lib. 7. cap. 32.

By this little historie of Eusebius and Anatholius, described in the vij. booke of Eusebius. cap. 32. and briefly here set foorth to thee (gentle Reader) thou mayest partly vnderstande the practise of the Prelates what it was in those daies in the church, which was then onlie imploied in sauing of life, and succouring the common weales wherein they liued, as by these two godly persons Eusebius and Anatholius may wel appeare. Unto the which practise if we compare the practise of our latter prelates of the church of Rome, I suppose no little difference will appeare.

The next Emperour to Florianus (as is said) was Marcus Aurelius Probus, Marcus Aurelius Probus Emperour. Peace in the Church. a Prince both wise and vertuous, and no lesse valiant in martial affaires, as fortunate in the successe of the same. During his time we reade of no persecution greatly stiring in the church, but much quietnes, as well in matters of religion, as also in the common wealth In so much that after his great and manye victories, such peace ensued,The saying of Marcus Aurelius. that his saying was, there needed no more souldiers, seing there were no moe enimies to the cōmon wealth to fight against. It was his saying also, that hys souldiers nede not to spend corne and victuale, except they laboured to serue the common wealth.Souldiours brought vp in idlenes can abide no labour. And for the same cause he caused his souldiers to be set a worke about certayne mountaynes in Syrinia & in Messia to be planted with vines, and not so much as in winter suffered them to be at rest, therfore by them at length he was slayne, after he had reigned the space of vj. yeres, and 4. moneths, an. 284 Eutrop. Marcus Aurelius slayne.

Carus with his two sonnes Carinus and Numerianus, succeeded next after Probus in the Empire,An. 284. the raygne of which Emperors, continued in all, but iij. yeares. Of the which three first Carus, Carus with hys two sonnes Carinus and Numerianus Emperour. Carus Emperour slayn with lightning. warring agaynst the Persians, was slayne with lightning. Of Numerianus his sonne, beyng with his father in his warres against the Persians, we finde much commendation in Eutropius, Vopiscus, and other writers, which testified to him to be a valiaunt warriour, an eloquent orator, as appeared by his declamatiōs and writinges sent to the Senate. Thirdly, to be an excellent Poet. This Numerianus sorrowing & lamentyng for the death of hys father, through immoderate weeping fell into a great sorenes of his eyes, by reason whereof he keping close, was slaine not long after of his father in lawe, named Aper who traiterously aspiring to the Empire, dissnnuled his death, with a false excuse to the people, asking for him, saying, for the payne of his eyes he kept in from the wind and weather, til at length by the stinch of his body being caried about, his death was vttered.

In the life of this Emperor Carus aforesaide,Correction of a certaine place of Eutropius, ex editione Frobeniana. written by Eutropius in the later edition set forth by Frobenius, I finde (whiche in other editions of Eutropius doth not appeare) that Numerianus the sonne of this Carus was he that slewe Babylas the holye Martyr, whose history before wee haue comprehended. But that seemeth not to be like both by the narration of Chrysostome, and also for that Vrspergensis declaryng the same hystorie and in the same wordes,Cirillus resisteth the Emperour. as it is in Eutropius, saith that it was Cyrillus, whome Numerianus killed, the story whereof is this: what time Carus the Emperour in his iourney going toward the Persians, remayned at Antioche.Cyrillus Byshop of Antioche, Martyr. Numerianus his sonne would enter into the church of the christians, to view and behold their misteries. But Cyrillus their bishop would in no wise suffer him to enter into the church, saying that it was not lawfull for him to see the misteries of God,Ex Chroni. Vrspergen. who was polluted with sacrifices of Idoles. Numerianus full of indignation at the hearing of these words, not suffering that repulse at the hands of Cyrillus, in his fury did slay the godlye Martyr. And therefore iustly (as it seemed) was he himselfe slayne afterward by the hands of Aper.

Thus Carus with his sonne Numerianus being slaine in the East partes, as is declared, Carinus the other sonne raigned alone in Italye, where he ouercame Sabinus striuyng for the Empire, and raigned there with much wyckednes, till they returning home of the army againe from the Persians,Carinus Emperour sleyne. Adultery punished. who then set vp Dioclesian to be Emperor, by whome the foresayde Carinus for the wickednes of hys life, being forsaken of his host, was ouercome, & at length slayne with the hande of the Tribune, whose wyfe before he had defloured. Thus Carus with his two sonnes, Numerianus and Carinus ended their liues, whose raigne continued not aboue three yeares.

All this meane space we reade of no great persecution stirring in the Church of Christ,An. 289. but was in meane quiete state and tranquilitie,The peace of the Churche from Valerian to the tenth persecution, lasted 44. yeares. Euseb. lib. [...]. cap. 1. vnto the xix. yeare of the raigne of Dioclesian, So that in counting the time from the latter ende of Ualerian, vnto this foresaid yeare of Dioclesian, the peace of the church which God gaue to his people, semeth to continue aboue 44. yeares. During the which tyme of peace and tranquilitie, the church of the Lord did mightely increase and florish, so that the more bodies it lost by persecution, the more honor and reuerence it wan daily among the Gentiles in al quarters, both Grekes and barbarous, in so much that (as Eusebius in his vij. booke describeth) amongst the Emperours themselues, diuers there were which not onely bare singular good will and fauor to them of our profession, but also did commit vnto them offices & regiments ouer countries and nations, so well were they affected to our doctrine, that they priuileged the same with liberty and indemnitie. What needeth to speake of them which not only liued vnder the Emperors in libertie but also were familiar in the court with the Princes themselues,Dorotheus, Gorgonius, Christians of great reputation in the Emperours court. entertained with great honour and speciall fauour beyond the other seruitures of the court, as was Dorotheus with his wife, children and whole family, highly accepted & aduaunced in the palace of the Emperour: Also Gorgonius in like maner with diuers other mo, who for theyr doctrine & learning which they professed, were with theyr Princes in great estimation. In like reuerence also were the bishops of cities and Diocesse,The peceable state of the Church described. with the Presidentes and rulers where they liued: who not onely suffered thē to liue in peace, but also had them in great price and regarde, so long as they kept themselues vpright, and continued in God his fauour. Who is able to number at that time the mighty and innumerable multitudes and congregations assembling together in euery citie, and the notable cōcurses of such as dayly [...]locked to the common Oratoures to pray▪ For the which cause they beyng not able to be conteined [Page] in their old houses, had large and great churches, new builded from the foundation, for them to frequent togither. In such increasement (saith Eusebius) by processe of tyme did the church of christ grow and shout vp daily more and more, profiting and spreading through all quarters, which neith [...]r enuie of men coulde infringe, nor any deuill could inchaunte, neither the craftie policie of mans wit coulde supplant, so long as the protection of God his Heauenlye arme went with his people, keeping them in good order, according to the rule of christian life.

Corruption through much peace and prosperitie crept into the Church.But as commonly the nature of al men being of it selfe vnruly and vntowarde, alwaies secketh & desireth prosperity, and yet can neuer wel vse prosperitie, alwaies would haue peace, and yet hauing peace, alwaies abuseth ye same: so here likewise it happened with these mē, which through this so great libertie & prosperitie of life began to degenerate & languishe vnto idlenes & delycacy, & one to worke spite and cōtumely against an other, striuing and contending among thēselues for euery occasiō, with railing wordes after most despitefull maner:Hatred and disdayne among the Churche men. bishops against bishops, and people against people, mouing hatred and seditiō one against an other, besides also cursed hipocrisie and simulation with all extremity encreasing more and more, by reason wherof the iudgemēt of god after his wonted maner, (whilist yet the congregatiō began to multiply) began by a litle and litle to visite our men with persecution, fallyng first vpon our brethrē which were abroad in warfare, but whē yt toucht ye other nothing or very litle, neither did they seeke to appease gods wrath, & call for his mercy, but wickedly thinking with ourselues, that god neither regarded nor would visit our transgressions, we heaped our iniquities daily more and more one vpon an other, & they which semed to be our pastors refusing the rule of piety, were inflamed with mutual contentions on against an other. and thus whilest they were giuen onely to the studye of contentions, threatnings, emulations, mutual hatred, & dyscord, euery man seeking his owne ambition,Christians persecuting one an other. and persecuting one another after the maner of tirany: Then, then, I say, the Lord according to the voice of Ieremy tooke awaye the beauty of the daughter of Sion. & the glory of Israell, fell downe from heauen, neither did he remember the footstoole of his feete in the day of his wrath. And the Lorde ouerturned all ye comely ornaments of Israell, & destroyed all her gorgeous buildings, and according to the saying of the Psalme, subuerted and extinguished the Testament of his seruaunt, and prophaned his sanctuary in destruction of his churches, and in laying wast the buildinges thereof so that all passingers spoiling the multitude of the people, they were made an obloquie to al the dwellers about. For he hath exalted the strength of his enimies,The wrath of God toward hys people. and turned away the helpe of his sword from her, nor ayded her in the battayle, but ceased from the purging of her and her seate. He stroke downe to the ground and deminished her daies and ouer all this poured vppon her confusion. All these things were fulfilled vpon vs, when we saw the temples rased from the top to the ground, and the sacred scriptures to be burnt in the open market place, and the Pastours of the church to hide themselues, some here, some there, some other taken prisoners with great shame, were mocked of their enimies, whē also according to the saying of the prophet in an other place: Contempt was poured out vpon the Princes, and they caused to goe out of the waye, and not to keepe the straite pathe.

The x. Persecution.

BY reason whereof (the wrath of God being kindled against his church) ensued the tenth and last persecucion against the christians,The tenth persecution. so horrible and greeuous, that maketh the pen almost to tremble to writ vpon it, so tedious that neuer was any persecution before or since comparable to it for the time it continued, lasting the space of tenne yeares together. This persecution although it passed thorow the handes of diuers tyrantes and workers moe then one or two, yet principally it beareth the name of Dioclesiā who was Emperour as is aboue noted,Dioclesian Emperour. next after Carus & Numerianus. Thys Dioclesian euer hauyng an ambitious minde, aspired greatly to be Emperour. To whom Druas his Concubine sayd,Eup. vopis. that first he should kill a wilde Boore before he should be Emperour. Hee taking effect at these wordes, vsed much with handes to kill wylde Boores: but seeing no successe to come thereof, vsed this prouerbe: Ego Apros occido, alius pulpamento fruitur, that is, I kill the Boores, but other doe eate the fleshe. At length the sayde Dioclesian beyng nominate to be Emperour,Aper slayne which slew Numerianus. and seeyng Aper (who had killed Numerianus the Emperour) standing thereby sware, to the souldiers that Numerianus, was wrongfully killed, and forthwith runing vpon Aper with his sworde,Anno. 290. slew him. Vopisc. After this he being stablished in the Empire, and seeing on euery side diuers and sundrie cōmotions rising vp against him, which he was not well able himselfe to sustaine, in the first beginning of his raign he chuseth for his Colleage Maximianus surnamed Herculius, Maximianus, Herculius fellow Emperour with Dioclesian. Father of Maxentius. Which two Emperours, because of diuers warres that rose in manye prouinces, choose to thē two other noble men, Galerius, & Constantinus, whome they called Caesars. Of whome Galerius was sent into the East partes against the Persians.Galerius, Constantius, Caesars vner Dioclesian and Maximinian. Constantinus was sent ouer to Britannie to this our country of England, to recouer the tribute. Where he toke to wife Helena the daughter of king Coil, which was a maiden excelling in beautye, and no lesse famously brought vp in the study of learning of whome was borne Constantinus the great.Helena daughter of Coil▪ marryed to Constantius.

All this while hitherto no persecution was yet stirred of these 4. princes against the church of Christ, but quietlye and moderatly they gouerned the common wealth, wherfore accordingly God prospered their doings and affaires, and gaue them great victories, Dioclesian in Egipt, Maximinian in Aphricke and in Fraunce, Galerius in Persia, Constantinus in England and in Fraunce also. By reason of which victories Dioclesian and Maximian pu [...]te vppe in pride, ordeyned a solemne triumph at Rome, after which triumph Dioclesian gaue commaundement that he woulde be worshipped as God, saying, that he was brother to the Sunne and Moone,Pryde in Dioclesian. and adourning his shooes with golde and precious stones commaunded the people to kysse hys feete.

And not long after by the iudgement of God, for certaine enormities vsed in the church,Cruelty followeth pride. aboue touched, began the great and greuous persecution of the Christians, moued by the ragious cruelty of Dioclesian, Anno. 308. which was about the nyneteenth yeare of his rayne, who in the Moneth of Marche when the feast of Easter was nye at hande,Persecution agaynst the ch [...] stians. commaunded all the churches of the Christians to bee spoyled and cast to the earth, and the bookes of holy scripture to be burned.

Thus most violent edictes and proclamations were set foorth,Christian temples destroyed. Euseb. Lib. 8. cap. 2. for the ouerthrowing as is saide, of the Christians temples throughout all the Romane Empire. Neyther did there want in the officers any cruell execution of the same proclamations. For their temples were defaced euen when they celebrated the feast of Easter. Euseb. lib. 8. cap. 2. And this was the first edicte giuen out by Dioclesian, Bookes of the scriptures burned. the next proclamation that came forth, was for the burning of the bookes of the holy scripture, which thyng was done in the open market place as before: then next vnto that were edictes giuen forth for the displacing of such as were Magistrats,Christian Magistrates displased. and that with a great ignominie, & al other whatsoeuer bare anye office. Imprisoning suche as were of the common sorte, if they would not abiure Christianitie, and subscribe to the heathen religion.Christian subiectes imprisoned. Euseb. lib. 8. c. 3. Nicepho. lib. 7. cap. 4. Zonoras. tom. 2. Byshops and Elders constrayned with tormentes to sacrifice. Euseb. lib. 8. cap 3. & Nicephorus lib. 7. cap 4. Zonoras also in his seconde tome. And these were the beginning of the Christians euils.

It was not long after but that new edictes were sent forth, nothing for their cruelty inferiour to the first: for the casting of the elders and bishops into prisō, and then constraining them with sundry kindes of punishments to offer vnto their Idoles. By reason whereof ensued a great persecutiō amongst the gouernors of the church, amongst whom many stood manfully, passing through many exceeding bitter torments, neyther were ouercome therwyth, being tormented and examined diuers of them diuerslye, some scourged, all their bodies ouer with whips & scourges, some with racks, rasinges of ye flesh intolerable were cruciated: some one way, some another way put to death. Some againe violently were drawen to the vnpure sacrifice, and as though they had sacrificed, when indeede they did not, were let go. Other some neither comming at al to their aultars, nor touching anye peece of their sacrifices, yet were borne in hand of thē that stoode by, that they had sacrificed, & so suffering that false infamation of their enymies, quietly went away. Other as dead men were caried and cast away, being but halfe dead. Some they cast down vpon the pauement, and trailing them a great space by the legs, made the people beleue that they had sacrificed. Furthermore other there were which stoutly withstood them, affirming with a loud voice that they had done no such sacrifice. Of whom some saide they were Christians, & gloried in the profession of that name: some cryed saying, that neither they had, nor would euer be pertakers of that idolatry. And those being buffeted on the face & mouth wyth the handes of the soldiers, were made to hold their peace, and so thrust out with violence. And if the Saintes did seeme neuer so little to doe▪ what the enimies would haue [Page] them, they were made much of. Albeit all this purpose of the aduersary, did nothing preuayle against the holye and constaunt seruaunts of Christ. Notwithstanding, of the weake sort innumerable there were, which for feare & infirmity fell and gaue ouer, euen at the first brunt.

At the first comming downe of these edictes into Nicomedia, there chanced a dede to be done,The noble courage and constancie of a Christian Martyr. much worthy of memory, of a Christien, being a noble man borne, whiche moued by the zeale of God, after the proclamation made at Nicomedia was set vp, by and by ranne and tooke downe the same, and openly tare and rent it in peeces, not fearing the presence of the two Emperours, then being in the citie. For which acte he was put to a most bitter death,Euseb Lib. 8. Cap. 3.4. whiche death he with great faith & constancie endured euen to the last gaspe, Euseb. lib. 8. lib. 3. & 5.

After this the furious rage of the malignaunt Emperours, being let loose against the saintes of Christ proceeded more & more, making hauock of gods people through out all quarters of the worlde.Persecution first beginning in the Emperours Campe. First Dioclesian which had purposed with himselfe to subuert the whole christian religion, executed his tyranny in the east) and Maximianus in the west, But wily Dioclesian began very subtilye, for hee put the matter first in practise in his owne campe, among whom the marshall of the field, as Euseb. lib. 8. cap. 4. affirmeth, put the Christian Souldiers to this choise,Euseb. Lib. 8. cap. 4. whether they would obey the Emperors commaundement in that maner of sacrifice he cōmaunded, and so both to keepe their offices, and leade their bands, or els to lay away from thē their armor and weapons.A notable religion and fayth in souldiours. Whereunto the Christen men couragiously aunswered, that they were not only ready to lay away their armour & weapons, but also to suffer death if it should with tiranny be enforced vnto them, rather thē they would obey the wicked decrees and comaundements of the Emperour.

There might a man haue seene very manye whiche were desirous to liue a simple and poore life: and whiche regarded no estimation and honour in comparison of true pietie & godlines. And this was no more but a subtile and wily flattery in the beginning, to offer them to be at theyr owne liberty, whether they would willingly abiure their profession or not, as also this was an other, that in the beginning of the persecution, there were but a few tormented with punishment, but afterwarde by little and little hee began more manifestlye to braste out into persecution: It can hardly be expressed with wordes what number of Martirs,Euseb. Lib. 8. cap. 7. and what bloud was shedde through all cities and regions for the name of Christ Eusebius, in his 8 booke & chap. 7. saith that he himselfe knew the worthy Martirs that were in Palestina.Martyrs of Tyre in Phoenicia. But in Tire of Phenicia he declareth in the same a marueilous martyrdome made, where certayne christians being geuen to most cruell wild beasts were preserued without hurt of them, to the great admiration of the beholders and those Lions, Beares, and Lybardes (kept hungry for that purpose) had no desire to deuoure them, which notwithstanding most vehementlye raged against those by whome they were brought into the stage, and stoode as they thought without daunger of thē, such were first deuoured. But the Christian Martyrs because they could not be hurt of the beasts being slayne with the sworde, were afterwarde throwen into the sea. At that time was martyred the Bishop of Sydon. But Syluanus the Byshop of Gazensis with 39. other were slayne in the mettall mynes of Phenitia.Pamphilius Byshop of Cesarea martyr. Euseb. lib. 8. cap. 12. Pamphilus the elder of Cesarea being the glory of that congregation, died a most worthy Martyr, whose both life and most commendable martyrdome, Eusebius oftentimes declareth in his 8. booke and 13. chapter, in so much that he hath written the same in a booke by it selfe. In Syria all the chiefe teachers of the congregation were first committed to prison, as a most heauye & cruell spectacle to behold,Martyrs of Syria. Euseb. lib. 8. cap. 6. Tirannion Martyr. Zenobius a Phisition Martyr. as also the bishops, Elders, and Deacons, which all were esteemed as menquellers, and perpetratours of most wicked facts. Eusebius. Lib. 8. cap. 6, After that we read of an other, whose name was Tirannion which was made meate for the fishes of the sea, and of Zenobius which was a verye good Phisition, which also was slaine with brickebates in the same place. Eusebius. lib. 8. cap. 13.

Furthermore he maketh mention in the same place of others which were not tormented to death, but euery day terrified and feared without ceasing: Of some others that were brought to the sacrifices and commaunded to doe sacrifice, which woulde rather thrust their right hande into the fire, then to touch the prophane or wicked sacrifice, also of some others that before they were apprehended, would cast downe themselues from steepe places, left that beyng taken they should commit any thing against their professiō. Also of two virgines very faire and proper, with their mother also which had studiously brought them vp,Two Virgines with their mother martyrs. Two other maydens sisters martyrs. Syluanus Byshop of Emissa martyr. Martyrs of Mesopotamia. Euseb. lib. 8. cap. 12. Martyrs of Capodocia. Martyrs of Tarsus▪ Tharatus, Probus, Andronicus martyrs. Martyrs of Pontus. Martyrs of Nichomedia. Persecution in Nichomedia exceding. Peter a most valiant and constāt martyr. euen from their infancy in all godlines, beyng long sought for and at the last founde, and straightly kept by their kepers, whilest they made their excuse to do that which nature required, threw thēselues downe headlong into a riuer, also of other two yong maidēs being sisters, & of a worshipfull stock, moued with many goodly vertues, which were cast of the persecutors into the sea: and these things were done at Antioche as Eusebius in his 8. booke, and 13. chap. affirmeth. But Syluanus the Bishop of Emissa ye notable martyr together with certaine others were throwen to the wilde beastes. Euseb. lib. 8. cap. 13.

Diuers and sondry torments were the christians in Mesopotamia molested with, where they were hāged vp by the feete, & their heads downewards, & with the smok of a small fire strangled. And also in Capadocia, where the Martirs had their legs broken. Euseb. lib. 8. cap. 12.

Henricus de Erfordia maketh mention of the Martyrs of Tharsus in Cilicia as Tharatus, Probus, and Andronicus: But yet the Martirs in the region of Pontus suffered far more passing and sharper tormentes, wherof I wil hereafter make mention. Eusebius ibidem. So outragious was the beginning of the persecution whiche the Emperour made in Nicomedia in Bithinia. as afore is saide, that he refrained not from the slaughter of the children of Emperours, neither yet from slaughter of the most chiefest princes of his court, who a litle before he made as much of, as if they had ben his owne childrē: Such an other was Peter, which among diuers and sundry tormentes: (among whō he being naked was lefted vp, his whole body being beaten with whips and torne, that a man might see ye bare bones, and after they had mingled vineger & salt togither they poured it vpon the most tender parts of his body, & lastly rosted at a soft fire, as a man would rost flesh to eate as a victorious Martir ended his life. Dorotheus and Gorgonius being in great authoritie and office vnder the Emperour, after diuers torments were strangled with a halter,Dorotheus, Gorgonius, Martyrs. which both being of the priuie chamber, to him, when they saw & beheld the greuous punishment of Peter their houshold cōpanion: wherfore (said they O Emperour) do you punish in Peter that opinion which is in all vs? Why is that accounted in him an offence, that all we confes? we are of that faith religion & iudgement yt he is of. Therfore he commaunded them to be brought forth, & almost with like paynes to be tormented as Peter was,Anthimus Byshop of Nicomedia with a great multitude of martyrs headed. Lucianus the elder of Antioche martyr. Serena wife of Dioclesian Emperour Martyr. Niceph. lib. 7. cap. 14. Eulampius, Eulampia, Agape, Irene, Chionia, Anastacia. Martyrs. & afterwardes hanged. Euseb. Rufini Lib 8. cap. 6. After whom Anthimus the Byshop of Nicomedia after he had made a notable confession, & bringing with him a great company of Martyrs, was beheaded. These men being thus dispatched ye Emprour vainly thought yt he might cause ye rest to do whateuer him listed. To this ende came Lucianus the Elder of the congregation of Antioche, and was martired after hee had made his Apologie before the Emperour. Eusebius. Lib. 8. Cap. 13.

Hermanus also that monster, caused Serena the wife of Dioclesian the Emperour, to be martyred for the Christian Religion: so much did the rage of persecutiō vtterly forget all naturall affectes. Other Martyrs of Nichomedia doth Nicephorus in hys vii. booke and xiiii. chapter recite, as Eulampius and Eulampia, Agapen, Irenea, Chionia, and Anastacia, vnder Illyricus, chiefe officer, were bound hand & foote to a post and brent. Vincentius. Lib. 12 cap. 66. And also Euseb. Lib. 8. cap. 6. mentioneth such an other like matter full of horror and grief. There assembltd together in their temple many Christian men to celebrate the memory of the Natiuitie of Christ, of euery age and sorte some: There Maximianus thinking to haue bene geuen a very fit occasion to execute hys tyranny vpō the poore Christians, sent thether such as should burne the temple, the doores being shut and closed rounde about. Thether came they with fire, but first they commaunded the cryer with a loud voyce to cry, yt who soeuer would haue life, should come out of the temple, & do sacrifice vpō the next altar they came vnto of Iupiter, and vnles they would do this, they shoulde all be brent with the temple. Then one stepping vp in the temple, answered in the name of all ye rest with great courage & boldnes of minde, that they were all Christians, & beleued that Christ was their onely God & king,Twenty thousand Martyrs burnt together in one Church. Martyrs of Arabia. Euseb. lib. 8. cap. 12. and that they woulde doe sacrifice to him, with his father and holy Ghost, & that they were now all readye to offer vnto him. Wyth these words the fire was kindled and compassed about the temple, and there were brent of men, women, and children certeine thousands. There were also in Arabia, very manye martyrs slayne with axes, as Eusebius. Lib. 8. cap. 12. There was in Phrigia a citie, vnto which the Emperour sent his Edictes that they should doe sacrifice to the gods, and worship Idoles, all which Citizens the Maior himselfe, [Page] the Questor, and chiefe Captaine confessed that they were all Christians. The Citie vpon this was besieged & set on fire,Martyrs in a certayne Ci [...]tie of Phrigia brent with the whole Cittie. Euseb. lib. 8. ca. 11.6. Martyrs of Melitina in Armenia. Eustratius of a persecutor made a Martyr. Ex Nicephoro lib. 7. cap. 14. and all the people, Euseb. Lib. 8. cap. 11. In Melitina a region of Armenia, the bishops and Elders were cast in prison. Eusebius eodem cap. 6. In Arabrace a region neare adioyning to Armenia Eustratius was Martyred, as Nicephorus declareth, Lib 7 cap. 14. This Eustratius was y• countrey man borne, and very skilfull in the Greeke tong, executyng by the Emperours commaundement, the shiriffes office at Licia in the East, which also did execution there vpon the Christians, and was a Scribe of great estimatiō called Ordinis Ducalis. This man beholding the meruailous constancie of the Martyrs, thirsted with the desire of Martyrdome, for that he had priuily learned the Christian religion. Therfore he not abiding for other accusers, detected himself, and worthely professed that he was a christian, openly execrating the madnesse and vanitie of the wicked Ethnikes. He therefore being caried away, was tyed vp, beyng first most bitterly beaten. After that he was parched with fire, beyng put vnto his bowels, and thē basted with salt and vinagre, and lastly, so scotched & bemangled with the shardes of sharpe and cutting shels, that his whole body semed to be all one continual wound, howbeit, by gods great goodnes afterward, it was restored to the first integritie. After this he was caried away to Sebastia, where, wt his companion Orest he was burned.Niceph. lib. 7. c. 14. Orestes Martyr. Eugenius, Auxentius, Mardarius, Peleus, Nilus, Byshops and Martyrs in Egipt. Petrus Byshop of Alexandria. Faustus, Didius, Ammonius, Phileas, Hesichius, Pachiminus, Theodorus, Byshops and martirs. The Christian souldiours, and Martyrs of Thebes. The Christian souldiours and Byshops in Antino. Asela, Philemon, Apollonius, Martyrs. 79. Martirs. The persecution in Europe. Euphemia, Persecution in Fraunce. At that tyme also suffred Eugenius, Auxentius, Mardarius, Nicepho. Lib. 7. cap. 14. And in no lesse wise raged this persecution throughout al Egypt: where Eusebius in his 8. booke, and 13. chapter maketh mention of Peleus and Nilus Martyrs and byshops in Egypt. But at Alexandria especially were declared most notable conflictes of Christian and true constant Martyrs that suffred: which Phileas the Bishop of Thumitane describeth as after (God willing) shalbe declared. In this persecution of Alexandria, the principall that then suffred was Peter the bishop of Alexandria, with the Elders of ye same most worthy Martyrs, as Faustus, Didius, and Ammonius, also Phileas, Hesichius, Pachiminus, and Theodorus, which all were bishops of the congregations within Egypt, and besides them, many other both famous and singular mē. The whole legion of Christian souldiours which lay at Thebes in Egypt, vnder the christian captaine Mauritius, when they would not obey the Emperours commaundement touching the worshippyng of Images, were tythed to death once, and then againe. And at last through the exhortation of Mauritius, dyed altogether like constant Martyrs. Vincentius in speculo, Lib 13. cap. 2. Likewise at Antino diuers Christian souldiours, notwithstanding they were seriously dissuaded, suffred death together, amongst whome were Ascla, Philemon, and Apollonius, ibidem, cap. 50. and also in ye other partes of Aphrica and Mauritania, was great persecution, as Euseb. Lib. 8. cap. 6. Also in Sammium, of whiche place Chronicon maketh mention, and Scilia, where were 79. Martyrs slayne, for the profession of Christ, as writeth Henricus de Erfordia.

Now let vs come vnto Europe, Nicephorus in his vij. booke and xiiij. chap. sayth, that at Nicopolis in Thracia the Martyrs were in most miserable and pitifull wise handled, where Lysia had the execution thereof. In Chalcedon suffred Euphemia, vnder Priscus the Proconsul. Vincentius, Lib. 12. cap. 77.

Henricus de Erfordia sayth that at Rome, Iohannes and Crispus, beyng priests, had the execution of Martyrs. And at Boemia Agricola, and Vitalis, Vincentius. Lib. 12. cap. 49. And at Aquileia the Emperour commaunded euery man to kill the Christians. Vincentius, Lib. eodem cap. 58. and amongest those Martyrs he maketh mention of Felices, and Fortunatus. Reginus also writeth that in other places of Italy the persecution became great, as at Florentia, Pergamus, Neaples Campania, Beneuentus, at Venusa in Apulia, and in Thussia, and Henricus de Erfordia, saith, also at Verona. In France doubtlesse Rectionarus appoynted to that office,Victor martyr. Lucianus Martyr. The persecucion in Spayne. Eulalia, Adula, Vincentius, Sabina, Christina, Lencadia, Martyrs. played the cruell helhound, of whose great cruelty agaynst ye Christiās many histories are full. At Mediolanus suffered Victor. And at Massilia, Maximianus set forth his decree, that either they should all do sacrifice to the Gods of the Gentils, or els be all slayne with diuers kindes of torments. Therfore many Martyrs there dyed for the glory of Christ. Antonius & Vincent. lib. 12. cap. 2. In Beluacus suffred Lucian.

Vincentius and Reginus write of many places in Spain, where was great persecution, as at Emerita, where suffred Eulalia, of whom more foloweth hereafter, & Adula, where also suffred Vincentius, Sabina and Christina. At Toletum suffred Lencadia the virgin, at Cesarea Augusta, where were put to death, 18. beside a great number of other Martirs, which suffred vnder Decianus the gouernour, which afflicted with persecution all the coast of Spayne, as sayth Vincentius, lib. 13. cap. 123.124.128.130.134▪ The foresayd Rictionarus made such persecution at Treuers neare the riuer of Mosella, 18. Martyrs in Spayne. Rictionaru. notable [...] The [...] the [...] made riuers▪ that the bloud of christian men that were slayne, ran like small brookes, and couloured great and mayne riuers. Neyther yet did this suffise him, but from thence sent certaine horsemen with his letters, commaunding them to ride into euery place, and charge all such as had taken and apprehē ded any Christians, that they should immediatly put them to death. Vincent. Lib. 13. cap. 136.

Also Henricus de Erfordia, Agrippina, Augusta, Martyrs. The persecution in Brittany or England. Beda de ratione temporum. and Reginus make mention of great persecution to bee at Colonia where Agrippina and Augusta were martyred, as also in the Prouince of Rhetia.

Beda also sayth, that this persecution reached euen vnto the Britains in his booke De ratione temporum. And the Chronicle of Martinus, and the Nosegay or tyme do declare that all the Christians in Britanny were vtterly destroyed. Furthermore, that the kindes of death & punishment were so great and horrible,Dioclesianus did but dally in the beginning of the persecution. Sundry sortes of tormentes deuised agaynst the Christians. as no mans tong is able to expresse. In the beginning, when the Emperour by his subtletie and wilines, rather dallied then shewed his rigor, he threatned them with bands and imprisonment: but with in a while when he began to worke the matter in good earnest, he deuised innumerable sortes of torments & punishments, as whippings and scourgings, rackings, horrible scrapings, sword, fire, and ship boates, wherin a great nū ber beyng put, were sunke & drowned in the bottom of the sea. Euseb. Lib 8. cap 6. & 7. Also hanging them vpon crosses, binding them to the bodies of dead trees with their heads donneward,Euseb. lib 8. cap. 6.7.8. hanging them by the middles vpon gallowses, til they dyed for hunger, throwyng them aliue to such kind of wilde beastes as would deuour them, as Lyons, Beares,The woemen of Thebaide, Martyrs. Libardes, and wild Buls. Euseb. Lib. 8. cap. 8. Pricking and thrusting them in with bodkins and talants of beastes till they were almost dead, liftyng them vp a high with their heads douneward, euen as in Thebaide, they did vnto the women beyng naked and vnclothed, one of theyr feete tyed and lifted a high, & so hanging doune with theyr bodies, which thing to see was very pitifull, with other deuised sortes of punishments most tragicall, or rather tirannicall, and pitiful to describe: as first, the bindyng of thē to trees, and to the boughes therof. The pulling & tearing asunder of their members and iointes,Euseb. lib. 8. cap. 8. beyng tyed to the boughes and armes of trees. Euseb. Lib 8. cap. 9. The mangling of them with axes, the choking them with smoke by small and soft fires,The persecution in Antioche. the dismembring of their hands, eares, and feete, with other ioyntes, as the holy Martyrs of Alexandria, suffred, the scorching and broyling of them wt coales, not vnto death, but euery day renued. With such kynde of torments the Martyrs at Antioche were afflicted.Persecution in Pontus. But in Pontus other horrible punishmentes and fearefull to bee heard, did the Martyrs of Christ suffer, of which, some had their fingers endes vnder the nayles thrust in with sharpe bodkins, some all to be sprinckled with boyling lead, hauing their most necessary members cut from them, some other suffryng most filthy, intollerable, and indurable tormentes and payne in theyr bowels and priuy members. Eusebius eodem, Persecution in Alexandria. cap. 12.

To conclude, how great the outrage of the persecution which raigned in Alexandria, was, and with how many & sundry kindes of new deuised punishments the Martyrs were afflicted:The contentes of the Epistle of Phileas sent to hys congregation. Phileas, the byshop of the Thumitanes, a man singularly well learned, hath described in his epistle to the Thumitanes, the copy wherof Eusebius hath in his 8. booke & x. chapter, out of the which we meane here briefly to recite somewhat. ‘Because (sayth he) euery man might torment the holy Martyrs as they listed themselues, Euseb. lib. 8. cap 10. some beat them with cudgels, some with rods, some with whippes, some with thongs, and some with cordes, and this example of beating was in sundry wise executed, and with much crueltie. For some of them hauyng their handes bound behynde their backes, were lifted vp vpon tymber logs, and with certaine instruments their members & ioints were stretched forth, whereon their whole bodies hanging, were subiect to the will of the tormentors, who were commaunded to afflict them with all maner of torments, and not on their sides onely (like as homicides were) but vpon their bellies, thighes, and legges, they scratched them with the talents and clawes of wylde beasts. Some other were seene to hang by one hand vpon the engine, wherby they might feele the more grieuous pullyng out of the rest of their ioyntes and members. Some other were suche sort bound vnto pillers with their faces turned to the wall, hauing no stay vnder their feete, and were violently wayed downe with the payse of their bodies, that by reason of their straight binding, they beyng drawn out, might be more greuously tormēted. And this suffered they not onely during the tyme of their examination, and while the Shiriffe had to do with them, but also the whole day long. And whilest the Iudge went thus from one to another, he by his authoritie appointed certaine officers to attende vpon[Page]those he left, and not to be let downe vntill either through the intollerablenes of the payne, or by the extremitie of cold, they being neare the point of death, should be let downe: and so were they haled vpon the ground. And further they were commaunded that they should shew not so much as one sparke of mercy or compassion vpon vs, but so extremely and furiously did deale with vs, as though our soules and bodies should haue died together. Straunge kindes of tormentes. And therfore yet an other torment our aduersaries deuised to augmēt our former plagues. After that they had most lamentably beaten them, they deuised moreouer a new kinde of racke, wherein they lying vpright, were stretched by both the feete aboue the fourth stop or hole with sharpe shels or shares strowed vnder them, after a strange kind of engine to vs here vnknowen. Other some were cast downe vpon the pauement where they were oppressed so thicke, and so grieuously with tormentes, that it is not almost to be thought what afflictions they suffred.’

‘Thus they lying in paines and torments, some died therwith, not a little shaming and confounding their enemies by their singular pacience. Some halfe dead and halfe aliue, were thrust into prison, where shortly after by paynes and woundes of their bodies they ended their bitter life. Some again beyng cured of their woundes by their indurance in prison, were more confirmed, who beyng put to the choise whether they would come to their cursed sacrifice, and enioy their wicked libertie, or els sustaine the sentence of death, Euseb. Lib. 8. cap. 10. Ex Sabellico. Lib. 7. cap. 9. did willingly and without delay abide the extremitie, remembring with themselues what is written in the Scriptures: He that sacrificeth (sayth he) to straunge Gods, shall be exterminate, &c. Item, thou shalt not haue any strange Gods beside me, &c.’Thus much wrote Phileas to the Congregation where he was Bishop, before he receyued the sentence of death,An holy martyr of Nicomedia tormented. beyng yet in bandes, and in the same exhorteth his brethren constantly to persist after his death, in the truth of Christ professed. Euseb Lib 8. cap. 10.

Sabellicus in his vij. Ennead. and viij. booke, sayth that that christened man, which tore and pulled down the wicked Edict of the Emperour in Nicomedia, beyng stript and beaten yt the bones appeared, and after washed in salt and vineger, was then slaine with this cruell kind of torment. But Platina writeth that Dorotheus and Gorgonius exhorteth him to dye so constantly.

But as all their torments were for their horriblenesse, meruailous and notable, and therewithall so studiously, deuised, & no lesse greuous and sharpe: so notwithstāding therwith were these Martyrs neither dismayd, nor ouercome, but rather thereby confirmed and strengthened, so merily and ioyfully sustained they what so euer was put vnto them.Eusebius a beholder and a witnes of their suffering. The swordes blunt, and the hangmen weryed with slaughter. Eusebius sayth that he himselfe beheld and sawe the huge and great persecution that was done in Thebaide, in so much that the very swordes of the hangmen and persecutors beyng blunt with the great and often slaughter, they themselues for wearines sate downe to rest them, and other were fayne to take their places. And yet all this notwithstanding the murthered christians, shewed their meruailous readines▪ willingnes, and diuine fortitude, which they were indued with, with stout courage, ioy, and smiling, receiuing the sentence of death pronounced vpon thē, and song euen vnto the last gaspe,The marueilous constancie of the martyrs of God in persecution and at the tyme of death. Hymnes and Psalmes to God. So did also the Martyrs of Alexandria, as witnesseth Phileas aboue mentioned. The holy martyrs (saith he) keping Christ in their myndes, beyng led with the loue of better rewards, sustained not onely at one tyme, whatsoeuer labour and deuised punishments they had to lay vpon them: but now also the second tyme haue done the same, and haue borne all the manaces of the cruell souldiors, not onely in wordes, wherwith they threatned them, but also whatsoeuer in deede and worke they could deuise to their destruction, and that with most manly stomackes, excluding all feare, with the perfection of their inspeakable loue towards Christ, whose great strength and fortitude cānot by wordes bee expressed. And Sulpitius sayth in the second booke of his sacred history, that then the Christians with more greedie desire preased and sought for Martyrdome,Martyrdome more desired in the olde tyme, then Bishopprickes be now. Christians that denyed in this persecution. then now they desire bishoprikes.

Although some there were also, as I haue sayd, that with feare and threatnings, and by their owne infirmitie, were ouercome and went backe. Eusebius, Lib. 8. cap. 3. Amongst whom Socrates nameth Miletius, Lib. 1. cap. 6. and Athanasius in his second Apologie, nameth the bishop of Licus a Citie in little Egypt, whom Peter the Bishop of Alexandria, excōmunicated,Miletius reuolteth from the fayth, and is excommunicated. Marcellinus the bishop reuolteth and cōmeth agayne to the [...] and is m [...]tyred. A hundre [...] martyrs [...] one day. Euseb. li [...] [...] cap. 9. Seuenteen thousand Martyrs a one mo [...] Three hundred slayne at one tyre in Alexandria. Gereon Martyr. Mauritius with 6666 Martyrs. Victor [...] 360. martyrs slayne. The history of Mauri [...]us captaine of the Theban souldiours. for that in this persecution he sacrificed to the Gentiles Gods. Of the fall of Marcellinus the Byshop of Rome, I will speake afterwardes. For he beyng perswaded by others, and specially of the Emperour Dioclesian himselfe, did sacrifice, whereupon he was excō municated, but afterwardes he repēting the same, was agayne receaued into the congregation, and made Martyr as Platina and the compiler of the booke of the general coū cels, affirme. The number of the Martyrs increased daily, sometymes tenne, sometymes twenty were slaine at once, some whiles 30. and oftentymes 60. and otherwhiles a C. in one day, men, women, and children by diuers kindes of death. Eusebius, Lib 8. cap. 9 also Damasus, Beda, Orosius, Honorius and others do witnes, that there were slayne in this persecution by the names of Martyrs, within the space of 30. days, 17. thousand persons, beside an other great number and multitude that were condemned to the mettall mines and quaries with like crueltie.

At Alexandria with Peter the Bishop, of whom I haue made mention before, were slayne with axes 300. & aboue, as Sabellicus declareth. Gereon was beheaded at Colonia Agrippina, with 300. of his fellowes, as saith Henricus de Erfordia. Mauritius the Captaine of Christian religion, with his fellowes 6666. Victor in the citie of Troy now called Xanthus, with his fellowes 360. were slayne, as sayth Otto Phrinsigensis, Lib. 2. cap 45. Reginus reciteth the names of many other Martyrs, to the number of 120.

And for as much as mention here hath bene made of Mauritius and Victor, the perticular description of the same history I thought here to insert, taken out of Ado & other story writers, as insueth.

Mauritius came out of Syria into Fraunce and Italy, beyng Captaine of the bande of the Theban souldiours, to the number of 6660. beyng sent for of Maximianus, to goe agaynst the rebellious Bangandes, but rather as it should seeme by the treason of the [...]irant, which thought he might better in these quarters vse his tiranny vpon the Christians, then in the East part. These Thebans with Mauritius the Captaine, after that they had entred into Rome, who were there of Marcellus the blessed bishop, confirmed in the fayth, promising by othe that they would rather be slayne of their enemies, then forsake that faith which they had receaued, who followed the Emperours hoste through the Alpes euen into Fraunce. At that tyme the Caesarians were incamped not farre from the towne called Ottodor, where Maximianus offred sacrifice to his deuils, and called all the souldiours both of the East and West to the same, straightly charging them by the aultars of his Gods, that they would fight against those rebels the Bangandes, and persecute the christian enemies of the Emperors Gods: which his commaundement was shewed to the Thebanes hoste, which were also incamped about the riuer of Rode, and in a place that was named Agawne, but to Ottodor they wold in no wise come, for that euery man did certainly appointe and perswade with themselues rather in that place to dye, then either to sacrifice to the gods, or beare armour against the Christians. Which thing in deede very stoutly and valiantly they affirmed,Euery tenth man in the legion slayne. vpon their othe befor taken to Maximianus when he sent for them. Wherwith the tyrant beyng wrathfull and all mooued, commaunded euery tenth man of that whole band to be put to the sworde, whereto striuingly and with great reioysing they committed theyr neckes. To which notable thing and great force of fayth, Mauritius himselfe was a great incourager, who by & by wt a most graue Oration exhorted & animated his souldiours both to fortitude & cōstancie.The oration of the souldiours to the Emperour. Which beyng again called of ye Emperor, answered in this wise saying: ‘We are O Emperour your souldiours, but yet also to speake freely, the seruants of god. We owe to thee seruice of war, to him innocēcie: of thee we receaue for our trauell, wages: of hym the beginning of lyfe. But in this we may in no wayes obey thee O Emperour, to deny God our author and Lord, and not onely ours, but your Lord likewise, will ye, nill ye. If we be not so extreemely enforced that we offend him, doubtles as we haue hitherto before, we will yet obey you, but otherwise we will rather obey hym then you. We offer here our handes agaynst any other enemies: but to defile our handes with the bloud of innocentes, that we may not doe. These right hands of ours haue skill to fight agaynst the wicked and true enemies: but to spoyle and murder the godly and Citizens, they haue no skill at all. We haue in remembraunce how we tooke armour in hand for the defence of the Citizens, and not agaynst them. We fought alwayes for iustice sake, pietie, and for the health of innocentes. These haue bene alwayes the rewardes of our perils and trauell We haue fought in the quarrell of fayth, whiche in no wife we can keepe to you, if we doe not shewe the same to our God. We first sware vpon the Sacramentes of our God, then afterward to the king: and doe you thinke the second will aduaile vs▪ if we breake the first▪ By vs you would plague the Christians, to doe which feate we are onely commaunded by you. We are here ready to confesse God the author of all thinges, and beleue in hys sonne Iesus Christ our Lord. We see before our eyes our fellowes and partakers of our labours and trauailes, to be put to the sword, and we sprinkled with their bloud, of which our most blessed companions and brethrē, their end and death we haue not bewayled nor mourned, but rather haue bene glad, and haue reioyced[Page]thereat, for that they haue bene counted worthy to suffer for the Lord their God. The extreeme necessitie of death cannot moue vs agaynst your maiesty, neyther yet any despiratiō, O Emperour, which is wont in ventrous affayres to do much, shal [...] vs agaynst you. Behold here we cast downe our weapons, and resist not, for that we had rather to be killed, then kill, and guiltles to dye, then gilty to liue. What soeuer more ye will commaūd appoynt and inioyne vs, we are here ready to suffer, yea both fire sword, and whatsoeuer other tormentes. We confesse our selues to be Christians, we cannot persecute Christians, nor will do sacrifice to your deuilish Idols.’

With which their aunswer the kyng beyng altogether incensed and mooued,Mauritius and hys company Martyred. commaunded the second tyme the tenth man of them that were left to be in like case murdered. That crueltie also beyng accomplished, at length whē the christian souldiours would in no wise condescend vnto his mynde, he set vpon them with his whole host, both footemen and also horsemen, and charged them to kil them all. Who with all force set vpon them, they making no resistance, but throwyng downe their armour, yelded theyr lyues to the persecutors, and offered to them theyr naked bodies.

The constant boldnes of Victor in refusing to eat with the cruell persecutors, for the whiche he was also slayne. Victor Martyr. Victor at the same tyme was not of that bande, nor yet then any souldiour, but one beyng an old souldior, and dismissed for his age. At which tyme he comming sodainly vpon them as they were haketting and making mery with the spoyles of the holy Martyrs, was bidden to sit downe with them: and first asking the cause of that their so great reioysing, and vnderstanding the truth therof, detested the guestes, and refused to eate with them. And then being demaunded of them whether happily he were a Christian or no, openly confessed and denied not, but that he was [...] christian, and euer would be. And therupon they rushing vpō him, killed him, and made him partner of the like Martyrdome and honour.

The number of the Christians increased for all this persecutiō. Beda in his history writeth, that this persecution beyng vnder Dioclesian, endured vnto the seuenth yere of Constantinus, and Euseb Lib 8. cap. 6 sayth, that is lasted vntill the x. yeare of Constantinus. It was not yet one yeare from the day in which Dioclesian & Maximianus ioyning themselues together, began their persecution, when that they sawe the number of the Christians rather to encrease then to diminish, notwithstanding all the cruelty that euer they coulde shew; and now were out of all hope for the vtter rootyng out of them▪ Dioclesian and Maximinian were tyred with persecution, and gaue vp their kingdome. which thing was the cause of their first enterprise, and had now euen their fill of bloud, and lothed as it were, the shedding thereof, they ceased at the last of theyr owne accord to put any mo christians to death: But yet of a great multitude they did thrust out their right eyes, and maymed their left legs at the hamme with a searing iron, condemning them to the mines of mettals, not so much for the vse of their labour, as for the desire of afflicting them. And this was the clemencie and release of the crueltie of those Princes, which sayd that it was not meete that the cities should be defiled with the bloud of citizens, and to make the Emperours highnesse to bee destained with the name of cruelty, but to shew his princely beneficence and liberalitie to all men.Euse. lib. 8. cap. 10. Eusebius, Lib. 8. cap 10.

When Dioclesianus and Maximianus had raigned together Emperours twenty yeares and one (Nicephorus saith xxij. yeares) at length Dioclesian put himselfe from his imperiall dignitie at Nicomedia, and liued at Salona, Maximinianus at Mediolanum, and led both of thē a priuate life in the 309. yeare after Christ. This strange and meruailous alteration gaue occasion, and so came to passe, that within short space after,An. 309. there were in the Romaine commō welth many Emperours at one tyme.

The names of the tyrantes. Dioclesian, Maximinian Emperors deposed. Gale Maximinus. Constantius Emperours. Maximinus Seuerus, Constantinus, CaesarsIn the beginning of this persecution, you heard how Dioclesian beyng made Emperour, tooke to him Maximinian. Also how these two gouerning as Emperours together, chose other two Caesars vnder them, to wit, Galerius Maximinus & Constantius the father of Constantine the [...]. Thus then Dioclesian raigning with Maximinian, in the 19. yeare of his raigne, began his furious persecution against the christians, whose raigne after the same continued not long. For so it pleased God to put such a snaffle in the tyrants mouth, that within two yeares after, he caused both him and Maximinian (for what cause he knoweth) to geue ouer his Imperial function▪ and so to remayne not as emperours any more, but as priuate persones: So that t [...]ey beyng now displaced and dispossessed, the Imperial dominion remayned wt Constantius & Galerius Maximinus, which two deuided the whole Monarchie betwene them: so that Maximinus should gouerne the East countreys, & Constantius the west partes. But Constantius as a modest Prince, onely contented with the Imperial title, refused Italy and Aphrike, contenting himselfe only with Fraunce, Spaine, and Britaine. Wherefore Galerius Maximinus chose to hym his two sonnes Maximinus and Seuerus. Likewise Constantius tooke Constantinus his sonne, Caesar vnder him. In the meane tyme,Maxentius, Emperour. Licinius Caesar. while Maximinus with his two Caesars were in Asia, the Romaine souldiours set vp for their emperour Maxentius the sonne of Maximinian, who had before deposed himselfe. Against whom Maximinus the Emperour of the East, sent his sonne Seuerus, which Seuerus was slayne in the same voyage of Maxentius. In whose place then Maximinus tooke Licinius. And these were the Emperours and Caesars, which succeeding after Dioclesian, and Maximinian, prosecuted the rest of that persecution, which Dioclesian and Maximinian before begun,Anno. 318. duryng neare the space of seuen or viij. yeares, which was to the yeare of our Lorde, 318. Saue onely that Constantius with his sonne Constantinus, The commendation of Constantius. was no great doer therin, but rather a maintainer and a supporter of the Christians. Which Constantius surnamed Chlorus for his palenesse, was the sonne of Eutropius, a mā of great nobilitie of the Romaine union, as Loetus affirmeth. He came of the lyne of Aeneas and Claudia, the daughter of Claudius Augustus. This man had not the desire of great and mightie dominion, and therefore parted he the Empire with Galerius, and would rule but in France, Britaine, and Spayne, refusing the other kingdomes for the troublesome and difficult gouernment of the same. Otherwise he was a Prince, as Eutropius maketh description of him, very excellent, ciuill, meeke, gentle, liberall, and desirous to do good vnto those that had any priuate authoritie vnder him.O happy Constantius. And as Cyrus once sayd, that he ga [...]e treasure inough, when he made his friendes rich: euen so it is sayd that Constantius would often tymes say, that it were better that his subiects had treasure, thē he to haue it in his treasure house. Also he was by nature suffised with a little, In so much, that he vsed to eate and drinke in earthen vessels (which thing was counted in Agathotles the Sicilian, a great commendation) and if at any tyme cause required to garnish his table, he would send for plate and other furniture to his frendes.Euseb. lib. 8. Cap, 13. Constantius gratious to the Christians. To these vertues he added yet a more worthy ornament, that is, deuotion, loue, and affection towards the word of God, as Euseb. Lib. 8. cap. 13. affirmeth, after which vertues ensued great peace and tranquillitie in all his Prouinces: By which worde he being guided, neither leuied any warres contrary to pietie and christian religion, neither he aided anye other that did the same: neither destroyed he the churches, but commaunded that the christians should be preserued and defended, and kept them safe from all contumelions iniuries. And when that in the other iurisdictions of the Empire,Zozomenus. lib. cap. 6. the congregatiōs were molested with persecution, as Sozomenus declareth, Lib. 1. cap. 6. he only gaue licence vnto the Christians to liue after their accustomed maner. This wonderfull acte of his followyng, besides other, doth shew that he was a sincere worshipper of the christian religion.

Those which bare the chiefe offices among the Ethnikes, draue out of the emperors count all the godly Christians: wherupon this ensued, that the Emperors themselues at the last, were destitute of helpe, when suche were driuen away,Constantius proueth who were true Christians in hys Court, and who were not. which dwelling in their courtes, and liuyng a godly lyfe, poure [...] out their prayers vnto God for ye prosperous estate and health both of the Empire & Emperor. Constantius therefore thinkyng at a certayne tyme to try what sincere and good Christians he had yet in hys courte, called together all hys officers and seruaunts in the same, fayning himselfe to chitse out such as would do sacrifice to deuils, and that those only should dwell there & keep their offices, and that those which would refuse to doe the same, should be thrust out & banished the court. At this appointment, all the [...] deuided thēselues into [...] ▪ Ex Euseb. de vita Constan. Lib. 1. Ex Zozomeno. lib. cap. 6. False Christians discerned from true. The Emperor marked which were the constantest & godliest from the rest▪ And when [...] sayd that they would willingly do sacrifi [...]e, other serue openly and boldly denied to do the same: Then the Emperor [...] rebuked those which were so redy to doe [...], & iudged them as false traitors vnto God accountyng their vnworthy to bee in his court, which were such traitors to God, and forthwith commaunded that they only should be banished the same. But greatly he commended them, which refused to doe sacrifice and confessed God, affirmyng that they onely were worthy to be aboue [...] prince, forthwith [...] thē that thenceforth they should be the [...] counsellors and defēders both of his person & kingdom, saying thus much more that they onely were worthy to be in office, whome he might make account of as his assured friends, and that he ment to haue them in more estimation,Euseb. lib de vita Constan. then the substāce he had in his treasurie. Eusebius maketh mention hereof in his first booke of the life of Constantius, and also Sozomenus in his 1. booke and [...]. chap.

[Page]With this Constantius was ioyned (as hath bene aforesayd) Galerius Maximinus, Maximinus an enemy to the Christians. a man as Eutropius affirmeth, very ciuill and a passing good souldior: Furthermore, a fauourer of wise and learned men, of a quiet disposition, not rigorous, but in his dronkennesse, wherof he would soone after repent him, as Victor writeth. whether he meaneth Maximinus the father, or Maximinus his sonne, it is vncertayne. But Eusebius farre otherwise describeth the conditions of him in his viij. booke, and first chapter. For he sayth he was of a tyrannicall disposition: The feareinllest man that might be, and curious in all magicall superstition, in so much that without the diuinatiōs and aunsweres of diuels he durst do nothing at al, & therefore he gaue great offices and dignityes to enchaunters. Furthermore that he was an exactor and extortioner of the Citizens, liberall to those that were flatterers, geuen to surfeting and riote, a great drinker of wine, and in his furious drounkennesse most like a mad man, a Ribaud, an adulterer, which came to no City but he rauished virgins & defiled mens wiues.The wickednes of Maximinus described. To conclude he was so great an idolater, that he built vp Temples in euery City, and repayred those that were fallen in great decay: and he chose out the most worthiest of his politicall Magistrates to be the idols priestes, and deuised that they should execute that their office with great authority and dignity, and also with warlike pompe. But to Christian piety and religion he was most incensiue, and in the East Churches exercised cruel persecution, and vsed as executioners of the same, Pencetius, Quintianus, and Theotechnus beside others.

Notwithstanding he was at length reuoked from his cruelty by the iust iudgemēt and punishment of God.A terrible plague sent by God to Maximinus. For he was sodenly vexed with a fatall disease most filthy and desperate, which disease to describe was very straunge, taking the first beginning in his flesh outwardly, frō thence it proceeded more and more to the inward parts of his bodye. For in the priuy members of his body ther happened vnto him a suddayne putrificatiō, and after in the bottome of the same a botchy corrupt bile, with a Fistula, cōsuming & eating vp his entrals, out of the which came swarming forth an innumerable multitude of lice, with such a pestiferous stinche that no man coulde abide him, and so muche more, for that all the grosenesse of his body by aboundance of meat before he fell sick, was turned also into a fat: which fat now putrified, and stincking was so vgsome and horrible, that none that came to him coulde abide the sight thereof. By reason whereof, the Phisitions which had him in cure,Maximinus killeth hys phisitions. some of thē notable to abide the intollerable stinch were commaunded to be slayne. Other some because they could not heale him being so swollen and past hope of cure were also cruelly put to death. At length being put in remembraunce that his disease was sent of God, he began to forethinke the wickednesse that he had done agaynst the sayntes of God, and so comming agayne to himselfe, first confesseth vnto god all his offences, then calling them vnto him which were about him, forthwith commaunded all men, to cease from the persecutions of the Christians. Requiring moreouer that they should set vp his Imperiall proclamatiōs, for the restoring and reedyfiyng of their tē ples, and that they would obtayne this of the Christians, in their assembles (which without all feare and doubt they might be bolde to make) that they would deuoutly pray to theyr God for the Emperour. Then forthwith was the persecution stayed, and the Imperiall proclamations in euery City were set vp, contayning the retraction or countermaund of those thinges which agaynst the Christians were before decreed, the copy whereof ensueth.

Maximinus countermaund in the behalfe of the Christians.Amongst other thinges which for the benefite and cō modity of the common weale we established, we cōmaunded to reforme all thinges according to the auncient lawes and publicke discipline of the Romaines, and also to vse this pollicy, that the Christians which had forsaken the religion of those forefathers should be brought agayne to the right way. For such phātasticall singularity was amongst them, that those thinges which their elders had receiued and allowed, they re [...]ected and disallowed, deuising euery man such lawes as they thought good, and obserued the same, assembling in diuers places great multitudes of people.

Therefore when our foresaid decree was proclaymed, many there were that felt the penalty therof, and many being troubled therefore suffered many kindes of death. And because we see yet that there be many which perseuere in the same, which neither geue due worship vnto the Celestiall Gods neither receiue the God of the Christians, we hauing respect to our accustomed benignitie, wherewith we are wont to shew fauour vnto all men, thinke good in this cause also to extend our clemencye, that the Christians may be agayne tollerated, and appoynt them places where againe they may meet together, so that they doe nothing contrary to publick order and discipline By an other Epistle we meane to prescribe vnto the iudges, what shal be conuenient for them to do. Wherefore according as this our bountifull clemencie deserueth, let them make intercession to God for our health, common weale, and for themselus, that in all places the state of of the common weale may be preserued, and that they themselues may be able safely to liue within their bondes. Euseb. lib [...] cap. vlt. Euseb. lib. 8. cap. vltimo.

But one of his inferior officers whose name was also Maximinus, was not well pleased when this countermaūd was Published throughout all Asia, and the Prouinces where he had to do. Yet he being qualified by this example that it was not conuenient for him to repugn the pleasure of those Princes which had the chiefe authority as Constantius and Maximinus, set forth of himselfe no edict touching the same: but commaunded his officers in the presence of others, that they should somewhat stay from the persecution of the Christians: of which commaundement of the inferiour Maximinus, Sabinus in the fauour of the christians publisheth the decree. each of them gaue intelligence vnto their fellowes by their letters. But Sabinus which then amongst them all, had the chiefest office and dignitie: to the substitutes of euery countrey, wrote by his letters the Emperours pleasure in this wise.

The maiestie of our most gracious and Soueraigne Lordes the Emperours, hath lately decreed with speciall diligence and deuotiō, to induce all men to an vniforme life, so that they which seemed to dissent from the Romaine custome by a straunge maner of liuing, shoulde exhibite to the immortall Gods their due and proper worshipp, but the wilfull and obstinate minde of diuers so much, and so cōtinually resisted the same, that by no lawfull meanes they might be reuoked from their purpose, neither made afraid by any terror or punishment. Because therefore it so came to passe, that by this meanes many put themselues in perill and ieoperdy: The maiestie of our soueraigne Lordes the Emperours according to their noble pietie, considering that it was far from the meaning of their princely maiesties that suche thinges should be, whereby so many men and muche people should be, destroyd, gaue me in charge that with diligence I shoulde write vnto you, that if any of the Christians from henceforth fortune to be taken in the exercise of their religion, that in no wise you molest the same, neither for that cause you doe iudge any man worthy of punishment: for that in all this time it hath euidentlye appeared that by no meanes they might be allured from such wilfulnesse. It is therefore requisite that your wisdome write vnto the Questors, Captaynes, and Constables of euery City and village, that they may know it not to be lawfull for them, or any of them, Euseb. lib. 9. Cap. 1. to do contrary to the prescript of this commaundement, neither that they presume to attempt the same. Euseb. lib. 9. cap. 1.

The gouernours therefore of euery prouince, supposing this to be the determinate pleasure (and not fayned) of the Emperour,Persecution ceaseth for a time. did first aduertise thereof, the rusticall & Pagan multitude: After that they released and set at libertye all suche prisoners as were condempned to the mettall mines, & to perpetuall imprisonmēt for their fayth, thinking therby (where in deed they were deceiued) that the doing thereof would well please the Emperor. This therfore seemed to them as vnlooked for, and as light to trauellers in a darcke night.The infidels acknowledge the God of the Christians. They gather themselues together in euery City, they call their Synodes and counsels, & much maruell at the sodden chaunge and alteration. The Infidels themselues extoll the onely and true God of the christians. The Christians receiue agayne all their former libertie, and such as fell away before in the tyme of persecution, repent themselues and after penaunce done, they returned agayne to the congregation. Nowe the Christians reioyced in euery Citty, praying God with hymnes and Psalmes.One alteration vpon an other. Eusebius ibidem. This was a maruailous sodaine alteration of the Church, from a most vnhappy state into a better, but scarce suffered Maximinus the Tyraunt the same vj. monethes vnuiolated to continue. For whatsoeeuer seemed to make for the subuersion of the same peace (yet scarcely hatched) that did he onely meditate. And first of all he tooke from the Christians all libertie and leaue for them to assemble and congregate in churchyardes vnder a certayne coulour. After that he sent certayne Miscreants vnto the Athenians, to sollicite them agaynst the Christians, and to prouoke them to aske of him as a recompence and great reward, that he would not suffer any Christian to inhabite in their countrey: and amongest them was one Theotechnus, a most wicked miscreant, an inchaunter, and a most deadly enemy agaynst the Christians. He first made the way whereby the Christians were put out of credite, and accused to the Emperour, to which fraud also he erected a certayne Idoll of Iupiter to be worshipped of the inchaunters and coniurers,The deuelish practise of Theotechnus. and mingled the same worship with ceremonies, full of deceiueable witchcra [...]t. Lastly, he caused the same Idoll to geue this sound out of hys [Page] mouth. That is: Iupiter commaundeth the christians to be banished out of the Citie and suburbes of the same, as enemies vnto him. And the same sentence did the rest of the gouernors of the prouinces publish against the Christians, and thus at length persecution began to kindle against them. Maximinus appoynted and instituted high priestes and bishops in euery citie to offer sacrifice vnto Idoles, & inueigled all those that were in great offices vnder him, that they should not onely cease to pleasure them & to do for them, but also that they should with new deuised accusatiōs agaynst thē, at their pleasure,The vayne practises of the Heathē agaynst Christ and his religion. put as many to death as by any meanes they might. They also did counterfet certaine practises of Pilate against our sauiour Christ full of blasphemie, and sent the same into all the Empire of Maximinus by their letters, commaunding that the same shoulde be published and set vp in euery citie and suburbes of the same, and that they should be deliuered to ye scholemaisters, to cause their scholers to learne by roate the same.

A deuised accusation agaynst the Christians by harlots.After that one named Praefectus castrorum, whome the Romaines do call captaine, allured certaine light womē, partly by feare, and partly by punishment, dwelling at Damascus in Phenicia, and taken out of the court wherein they were accused, that they shoulde openly say in wryting that they were once Christians, and that they knewe what wicked & lasciuious actes the Christians were wont to execute amongst themselues vpon the sondaies, & what other things they thought good to make more of their own head, to the slander of the Christians. The capitaine sheweth vnto the emperour theer words, as though it had bene so in deede, and the Emperour by and by commanded the same to be published throughout euery city.Maximi. recountermaund grauē in brasse. Furthermore, they did hange vp in the midst of euery Citie (which was neuer done before) the Emperours edicts against ye Christians, grauen in tables of brasse. And the children in the scholes with great noise and clapping of handes did euery day resound, the contumelious blasphemies of Pilate vnto Iesus,Euseb. Lib. 9. Cap. 3. & what other things so euer were deuised of the magistrates, after most despitefull maner. Euseb. lib. 8, cap. 3.4.5.6.7. And this is the copie of the edict, which Maximinus caused to be fastened to pillers fraught, with all arrogant and insolent hate against God and Christ.The copy of the recountermaund made agaynst the Christians.

The weake and imbecil rebellion of mans minde (all obscuritie and blindnesse of ignorance set aparte, which hetherto hath wrapped the mindes of impious and miserable men, in the pernitious darkenesse of ignoraunce) is now at the length able to discerne, that the same is gouerned, as also corroborated by the prouidence of the immortall gods the louers of vertue: which thing, how acceptable it is to vs, howe pleasant and gratefull, and howe much proofe the same hath declared of your wel disposed willing minds, is incredible to be tolde: Although this was not vnknown before with what diligence and deuotion yee serued the immortall Gods, whose wonderfull and constant faith is not knowen by bare and naked wordes, but by your worthy & notable deeds. Wherefore worthely is your Citie called the habitation and seate of the immortall Gods, and by many examples it appeareth that the same flourisheth, and prospereth by the presence of the celestiall Gods. For beholde, your Citie not regarding your priuate businesses, nor esteeming that which shoulde haue bene for the speciall commoditie thereof, when it perceaued that cursed vanitie to begin againe to creepe, and as a fire negligently quenched, when the dead brandes thereof began to kindle and make a great flame: by and by without delay ye hauing recourse vnto our pietie, as vnto the Metropolitan of all diuine worship and Religion, Wicked blasphemy. craued remedie and helpe, which wholesome minde for your pieties sake, it is most manifest that the gods haue indued you with. Therefore hee, euen that most mightie Iupiter I say, which preserueth your most famous Citie: to that intent he might deliuer and make free your countrey Gods, your wiues and children, your housholde Gods and houses, from all detestable corruption, hath inspired you with this wholesome and willing minde, shewing & declaring howe worthy, notable, and healthfull a thing it is to worship & to sacrifice to the immortall Gods. The workes of the liuing God falsly imputed to dead stockes and Idoles. For who is so void of reason & vnderstanding, that knoweth not that this thing happeneth vnto vs by the carefull studie of the goodnes of our gods, that the grounde denieth not to geue her timely increase, nor maketh frustrate the husband mans hope, nor that wicked warre dare shew her face vpon the earth, nor that the corruption of the aire is nowe cause of pestilence, neither that the sea swelleth with immoderate windes, Horrible blasphemy. neither that sodaine stormes are cause of hurtfull tempestes. To conclude, that the ground which is as the nurce and mother of all things, is not swallowed vp of her deepe chappes and gapings, by terrible earthquake, neither that the hils made leuell with the earth, are not with gaping cliftes deuoured, all which euils and greater then these, before this time to haue happened euery mā knoweth. And all these mischiefes came vpō vs for the pernitious errours sake of the extreeme follie of those wicked men the Christanis, when filthinesse it selfe (as I may call it) so occupied their mindes, and ouerranne the worlde. Let them beholde the fieldes nowe all about full of corne, The lyke argument of wether & corne, & plenty, made the vnfaithfull Iewes, and also make now our faythlesse Papistes. and ouerflowen as it were with eares of corne. Let them vewe the pleasant medowes clothed with flowers, and moistned with showers from heauen, and also the pleasant and temperate weather. Therefore let all men reioyce, that by your pietie, sacrifices, & worshipping, the maiestie of the most stearne God of battell Mars is appeased, & that therfore we enioy pleasant & firme peace. And how many so euer haue left that blind errour and straying of the Christians vnfainedly, and be of a better minde, let them specially reioyce, as men deliuered out of a sodaine great tempest, and from a greeuous disease, and haue afterward obtained a delectable and pleasant life. For doubtlesse, if they had remained in that execrable vanitie, farre of had they bene chased from your Citie & suburbs of the same (according to your desire) that your Citie by that meanes, according to your commēdable diligence, clensed from all impuritie and impietie, may offer sacrifices according to the meaning of the same, with due reuerence of the immortall Gods. And that you may perceiue in how good part your supplication (yea vnasked and desired) we are most willing and ready to further your honest endeuours, and graunt vnto you for your deuotion, whatsoeuer you aske of our magnificence. And that thys thing may be accomplished, forthwith aske and haue. And thys thing with all speede, indeuour you to obtaine, which shall bee a perpetuall testimony of pietie exhibited of your Citie to the immortall Gods, and shalbe a president to your children and posteritie, and withall you shall obtaine of vs for this your willing desire of reformation, Euseb. lib. 9. cap. 7. Persecution renued a fresh. condygne and worthy rewardes. Eusebius. Lib 9. cap. 7.

Thus came it to passe that at the length persecutiō was as great as euer it was, and the magistrates of euery prouince were very disdainefull against the Christians which cōdemned some to death, and some to exile. Among whom they condemned three christians at Emisa,Syluanus Byshop. Lucianus Elder, Petrus Byshop, Quirinus Byshop. Marcellus Byshop. Tymotheus Elder. Martyrs. The persecution of Maximinus the yonger. Euseb. lib. 9. cap. 7. Niceph. lib. 7. cap. 44. Ex facisculo temporum. in Phenicia, wt whom Siluanus the bishop a very old man, being 40. yeres in the ecclesiasticall function, was condemned to death. At Nicomedia, Lucianus the elder of Antioche, brought thether, after he had exhibited to the emperour his Apologie concerning the doctrin of the Christians, was cast in pryson, and after put to death. In Amasea a City of Capadocia, Bringes the lieftenaunt of Maximinus, had at that time, the executing of that persecution. At Alexandria, Petrus a most worthy byshop was beheaded with whome manye other Egiptian byshops also died. Euseb. Lib. 9. cap. 7. Nicepho. Lib. 7. cap. 44. Quirinus the Byshop Scescanius hauing a hanmyll tyed about hys necke, was throwne headlong from the bridge, into the flood, and there a long while fleeted aboue the water, and when hee opened his mouth to speake to the lookers on that they shoulde not be dismaied with that his punishmēt, was with much a do drowned. Chron. Euseb. At Rome dyed Marcellus the bishop as sayeth Platina, also Timotheus the elder, with many other bishops & Priests were martyred. To cōclud many in sundry places euery where were martyred, whose name ye booke intituled Fasciculus temporum declareth, as Victorianus, Symphorianus, Castorius, with his wife, Castulus, Cesarius, Mennas, Nobilis, Dorotheus, Gorgonius, Petrus, and other innumerable martirs,Cosmas, Damianus, Dorothea, with other martyrs. 270. Martyrs. Erasmus, Bonifacius, Iuliana, Cosmas, Damianus, Basilinus with seuen others, Dorothea, Theophilus, Theodosia, Vitalis, Agricola, Acha, Philemon, Hireneus, Ianuarius, Festus, Desiderius, Gregorius, Spoletanus, Agapes, Chionia, Hirenea. Theodora, and 270. other Martyrs, Florianus, Primus and Felicianus, Vitus and Modestus, Crescentia, Albinus, Rogatianus, Donatianus, Pancratius, Catharina, Margareta, Lucia, the virgin, and Antheus the king with many thousād martirs mo. Simplicius, Faustinus, Beatrix, Panthaleon, Georgius, Iustus, Leocandia, Anthonia, and other mo to an infinite number,Gemenianus with 79. Martyrs. suffered martirdome in this persecution, whose names God hath written in the booke of life. Also Felix Victor, with his parents Lucia the widow, Gemenianus, with 79 others, Sabinus, Anastasia, Chrisogonus, Felix, and Audactus, Adrianus, Nathalia, Eugenia, Agnes, also when she was but 13. yeare old was martyred▪ Euseb. in his 8. booke and 15. chap. rehearseth these kinds of torments and punishmēts,Seuerall kindes of tormentes. Euseb. lib. 8. cap. 15. that is to say, Fire, wilde beastes, the sword, crucifyinges, the bottome of the sea, the cutting and burning of mēbers, the thrusting out of eyes, dismembring of the whole body, hūger, imprisonment, & whatsoeuer other cruelty ye Magistrates coulde deuise. All which notwithstanding the godly ones, rather then that they woulde doe sacrifice as they were bid, māfully endured. Neither were the womē any thing at al behind thē. For they beyng intised to the filthy vse of their bodies, rather suffered banishmēt, or willingly killed themselues. Neither yet could the Christians liue safely in the wildernes, but were fetched euē frō thēce to death and tormentes, in so much that this was a more greeuous persecution vnder Maximianus, the tyraunt, then [Page] was the former cruell persecution, vnder Maximianus the Prince.Euseb. Lib. 9. cap. 6.10. The worke of God agaynst the foresayd edict. Euseb. Lib. 9. cap. 6. &. 10.

And forasmuch as yee haue hearde the cruell Edict of Maximinus proclaymed against the Christians, grauen in brasse, which he thought perpetually should endure to the abolishing of Christ & his Religion: Now marke againe the great handy worke of God, which immediatly fel vpon the same,The proud and blasphemous proclamation of the Emperour proued false and contrary. checking the proud presumption of the tyrant, prouing al to be false and contrary, that in the brasen Proclamation was contained. For where the foresaide Edict boasted so much of the prosperitie and plentie of all things in the time of this persecution of the Christians, sodenly befell such vnseasonable drought with famine and pestilēce among the people, besides also the warres with the Armenians, that all was founde vntrue that hee had bragged so much of before. By reason of which famine and pestilence ye people were greatly consumed, in so much that one measure of wheat was sold for two thousand and fiue hundred peeces of money of Athens coyne, by reason whereof innumerable died in the Cities, but many more in the countrey and villages, so that most part of the husbād men and countreymen died vp with the famine and pestilence. Diuers there were which bringing out their best treasure,Ex Euseb. lib. 9. cap. 8. were glad to geue it for any kinde of sustenāce, were it neuer so litle. Other selling away their possessions, fel by reason thereof to extreme pouertie and beggary. Certaine eating grasse, and feeding on other vnholsome herbes, were faine to relieue them selues with such foode as did hurt and poyson their dodies. Also a number of women in the Cities, being brought to extreeme miserie and penurie, were constrained to depart the Citie, and fal to begging through the coūtrey.A terrible hunger among the heathen persecutors described. Some other were weake and faint (as Images without breath) wandring vp and downe, & not able to stand for feblenesse, fel downe in the middle of ye streetes, and holding vp their handes most pitifull, cried for some scrappes or fragments of bread to be geuen them, & being at the last gaspe, ready to geue vp the Ghost, and not able to vtter any other words, yet cried out that they were hū gry. Of the richer sort diuers there were, who being weary with the number of beggers and askers, after they had bestowed largely vpon them, became hard harted, fearing least they should fall into the same miserie themselues, as they which begged. By reason wherof the market place, streetes, lanes, and alleis lay full of dead & naked bodies, being cast out and vnburied, to the pitifull & grieuous beholding of them that saw them. Wherefore many were eaten of dogges, for which cause they that liued fell to the killing of dogges, least they running mad, shoulde fall vpon them, and kill them.

Pestilence among the persecutors.In like maner the pestilence scattering through all houses and ages of men, did no lesse consume them, especially those which through plēty of vitail escaped famine. Wherfore the rich Princes Presidentes and other innumerable of the Magistrates, being the more apt to receiue the infection, by reason of their plēty, were quickly dispatched, and turned vp their heeles. Thus the miserable multitude being consumed with famine and with pestilence, all places was full of mourning, neither was there any thing else seene, but wailing and weeping in euery corner. So that death, what for famine and pestilence in short time brake vp and consumed whole housholdes, two or three dead bodies being borne out together from one house to one funerall,

These were the rewards of the vaine bragges of Maximinus and his Edicts, which he did publish in all townes and Cities against vs, whē it was euident to al men, how diligent and charitable the Christians were to them all in this their miserable extremitie. For they onely in all this time of distresse, shewing compassion vpō them, trauelled euery day, some in curing the sicke, & some in burying the dead, which otherwise of their owne sort were forsaken. Other some of the Christians calling and gathering the multitude together,The charity of the Christians to the enemyes. Let your light so shine among men, that they may see your good works and glorifie your father which is in heauen. which were in ieopardie of famine, distributed bread to them, whereby they ministred occasion to all men to glorifie the God of the Christians, and to confesse them to be the true worshippers of God, as appeard by their workes. By the meanes and reason hereof, the great God and defender of the Christians, who before had shewed his anger and indignation against al men, for their wrongfull afflicting of vs, opened againe vnto vs the comfortable light of his prouidence, so that by meanes thereof peace fell vnto vs, as light to them that sit in darknesse, to the great admiration of all men, which easely perceiue God himselfe to be a perpetuall director of our doings, who many times chasteneth his people with calamities for a time to exercise them, but after sufficient correction, againe sheweth himselfe mercifull and fauourable to them which with trust call vpon him.

By the narration of these things heeretofore premised, taken out of the storie of Eusebius, like as it is manifest to see, so is it wonderfull to marke and note, how those counsailes and rages of the Gentiles, atchieued against Christ and his Christians, when they seemed most [...]ure against them, were most against them selues. And whereby they thought most to confoūd the Church & Religion of Christ, the same turned most to their owne confusion,The wisedome and pollicy of man ouerthrowne in hys owne turne. Qui comprehendit sapientes in astutia. and to the profite and praise of the Christians, (God of his marueilous wisedome so ordering & disposing the end of things.) For where the brasen Edict of the Emperour promised temperate weather, God sent drought, where it promised plentie, God immediatly sent vpon them famine and penurie: where it promised health, God stroke them euen vpon the same, with grieuous pestilence, and with other moe calamities, in such sort, that the most reliefe they had, was chiefly by the Christians, to the great praise both of them, and to the honour of our God.

Thus most plainely and euidently was then verified the true promise of Christ to his Church,The promise of Christ verified. Mat. 6. the gates of hell shall not preuaile agaynst the Churche builded vpon the fayth of Christ. affirming and assuring vs, that the gates of hell shall not preuaile against his Church builded vpō his faith: as sufficiently may appeare by these x. persecutiōs aboue specified and described. Wherein as no man can deny, but that Sathan & his malignaunt world haue assayed the vttermost of their power and might to ouerthrow the Church of Iesus: so must all men needes graunt, that read these stories, that when Sathan and the gates of hell haue done their worst, yet haue they not preuailed against this mount of Sion, nor euer shall. For els what was here to be thought, where so many Emperours and tyraunts together, Dioclesian, Maximinian, Galerius, Maximinus, Seuerus, Maxentius, Licinius with their Captaines and officers, were let loose, like so many Lyons, vpon a scattered and vnarmed flocke of sheepe, intending nothing els, but the vtter subuersion of all Christianitie, and especially also when lawes were set vp in brasse against the Christians, as a thing perpetually to stand: what was here to be looked for, but a finall desolation of the name and Religion of Christians? But what folowed, partly ye haue heard, partly more is to be marked, as in the storie foloweth.

I shewed before how Maxentius the sonne of Maximinian, was set vp at Rome by the Pretorian souldiours to be Emperour. Whereunto the Senate, although they were not consenting, yet for feare they were not resisting. Maximinian his father, who had before depriued him selfe with Dioclesian, hearing of this, tooke heart againe to him, to resume his dignitie, and so laboured to perswade Dioclesian also to do the same: but when he could not moue him therunto, he repaireth to Rome, thinking to wrast the Empire out of his sonnes hand: but when the souldiours woulde not suffer that, of a craftie purpose he flieth to Constantinus in Fraunce, vnder pretense to complaine of Maxentius his sonne, but in very deede to kill Constantinus. Notwithstā ding that conspiracie being detected by Fausta the daughter of Maximinian, whom Constantinus had maryed, so was Constantinus through the grace of God preserued,The death and end of Maximinian. & Maximinian retired backe. In ye which his flight by the way hee was apprehended, and so put to death. And this is the end of Maximinian.

Now let vs returne to Maxentius againe,The wickednes of Maxentius described. who all this while raigned at Rome, with tiranny and wickednes intollerable, much like to an other Pharao or Nero. For hee slewe the most part of his noble men, and tooke from them their goodes. And sometime in his rage he would destroy great multitudes of the people of Rome by his souldiors, as Eusebius declareth,Euseb. lib. 8. Cap. 14. lib. 8. cap. 14. Also hee left no mischieuous nor lasciuious acte vnattempted, but was the vtter enemie of all womanly chastity, which vsed to send the honest wiues whome he had adulterated with shame and dishonestie vnto their husbandes (being worthy Senators) after that he had rauished them. He abs [...]ained from no adulterous acte, but was inflamed with the inquencheable lust of deflouring of women.A shameful act of incontinency. Letus declareth that he being at a time farre in loue with a noble & chaste gentlewoman of Rome, sent vnto her such courtiers of his, as were mete for that purpose, whome also he had in greater estimation then any others, and with such was wont to cōsult about matters for the common weale. These first fell vpon her husbande and murdred him within his owne house, then when they coulde by no meanes neither with feare of the tyrant,A Christian matron slayeth her selfe to auoyd the lust of Maxentius. nor with threatning of death pull her away from him: At length she being a Christian desired leaue of them to go into her chamber, and after her prayers shee woulde accomplish that which they requested. And when she had gotten into her chamber, vnder this pretence, she killed her [Page] selfe. But the Courtiers when they sawe that the woman taryed so long, they being displeased therwith, brake open the doores, and found her there lying dead. Then returned they and declared this matter to the Emperor, who was so far past shame, that in steade of repentance, hee was the more set on fire in attempting the like.

He was also much addict to the arte Magicall, which to execute,A monster in the likelihoode of an Emperour. hee was more fitte then the Imperiall dignitie. Also sometime he would rippe women when they were in laboure, and would search the place where the infant lay, being borne a little before. Often he woulde inuocate Diuels in a secrete maner, and by the answeres of them hee sought to breake the warres, which he knew Constantinus and Licinius prepared against him. And to the ende hee might the rather perpetrate hys mischieuous and wicked attemptes, which in his vngracious minde he had conceiued, according to his purpose,A liuely paterne of an hipocrite in the beginning of his raigne he fained himself to be a fauourer of the Christians. In which thing doing, thinking to make the people of Rome hys friendes, hee commaunded that they shoulde cease from persecuting of the Christians, and hee himselfe in the meane season abstained from no contumelious vexation of them, till that he began at last to shewe hymselfe an open persecutour of them: at which time as Zonaras wryteth hee most cruelly raged against all the Christians thereabouts, vexing them wt all maner of iniuries. Which thing he in no lesse wise did, then Maximinus, as Euse. in his 8. booke and 15. chap. seemeth to affirme.Euseb. Lib. 8. cap. 15. And Platina declareth in the life of Marcellus the Bishop, that hee banished a certaine noble woman of Rome, because shee gaue her goodes to the Church.

Thus by the grieuous tyranny and vnspeakable wickednesse of thys Maxentius, The Romaines send to Constantine for succour. the Citizens and Senatours of Rome, being much grieued and oppressed, sent theyr complaintes wyth letters vnto Constantinus, wyth much sute and most hearty petitions, desiring hym to helpe and release their Countrey and Citie of Rome: who hearyng and vnderstanding theyr miserable and pitifull state, and grieued therewyth not a little, first sendeth by letters to Maxentius, desiring and exhorting him to refrayne his corrupt doinges, and great crueltie. But when no letters nor exhortations woulde preuaile, at length pitying the wofull case of the Romaines, gathered together hys power and armie in Britayne and Fraunce, wherewyth to represse the violent rage of that tyraunt. Thus Constantinus sufficiently appoynted with strength of men, but especially wyth strength of God, entred hys iourny comming towarde Italie, whyche was about the last yeare of the persecution.An. 318. Anno 318. Maxentius vnderstanding of the comming of Constantine, and trusting more to his diuelish Arte of Magike, then to the good will of hys subiectes, whych hee little deserued, durst not shewe himselfe out of the Citie, nor encounter wyth him in the open fielde, but wyth priuie garrisons laide in waite for him by the waye, in sundry straightes as he should come. With whom Constantine had diuers skirmishes, and by the power of the Lorde did euer vanquishe them and put them to flight.Maxentius feared for hys magicke and sorcery. Notwythstanding Constantinus yet was in no great comfort, but in great care and dread in hys minde (approching nowe neare vnto Rome) for the Magicall charmes and sorceries of Maxentius, wherewith hee had vanquished before Seuerus sent by Galerius against hym,A miracle of a crosse appearing to Constantine in heauen. In hoc Vince. Euse. lib. 2. Niceph. lib. 7. cap. 29. Eutropo. lib. 11. Sozom. li. 1. cap. 3. Socrat. lib. 1. cap. 2. Vrspurgens. Chronic. Paul. Diacon. lib. 11. This vision reported and testified by constantine himselfe to be true. as hath bene declared, which made also Constantinus the more afrayde. Wherefore being in great doubt and perplexity in himself, and reuoluing many thinges in his minde, what helpe he might haue against the operatiōs of hys charming, which vsed to cut women great with childe, to take hys diuelishe charmes by the entrals of the infants, with such other like feates of deuilishnes which he practised: These thinges (I say) Constantinus doubting and reuoluing in his minde, in his iourney drawing toward the Citie, and casting vp his eyes many times to heauen, in the South part, about the going downe of the sunne, sawe a great brightnesse in heauen, appearing in the similitude of a crosse, wyth certaine starres of equall bignesse, geuing this inscription like Latine letters, IN HOC VINCE, that is: In thys ouercome. Euseb. De vita Constant lib. 2. Nicep. lib. 7. cap. 29. Eutrop. lib. 11. Sozom. lib 1. cap 3. Socrat lib. 1. cap. 2. Vrspurgens. Chronic. Paul. Diacon. lib. 11. Thys miraculous vision to be true, for the more credite, Eusebius Pamphilus in hys first booke De vita Constantini doeth witnesse moreouer, that hee had hearde the sayde Constantinus himselfe oftentimes reporte, and also to sweare this to be true and certaine, which hee did see with his owne eyes in heauen, and also his souldiours about him. At the sight wherof, when he was greatly astonied, and consulting with his men vpon the meaning thereof, behold in the night season in his slepe Christ appeared to him with the signe of the same crosse, which he had seene before, bidding him to make the figuration therof, and to carie it in hys warres before him, and so shoulde he haue the victorie.

¶Wherin is to be noted (good Reader) that this signe of the Crosse,An admonition concerning the material crosse not to be wo [...] shipped, but to be a meanes to bring Constantine to the faith of him whiche was crucified. and these letters added withall: In hoc vince, was geuen to him of God, not to induce any superstitious worship or opynion of the Crosse, as though the crosse it self, had any such power or strength in it, to obtaine victorie: but onely to beare the meaning of an other thing, that is, to be an admonition to him, to seeke and aspire to the knowledge and faith of him, which was crucified vppon the crosse for the saluation of him, and of all the world, and so to set forth the glory of his name, as afterwarde it came to passe. This by the way, now to the matter.

The next day following after this nights vision,Constantinus with hys army approcheth toward Rome. Constantinus caused a crosse after the same figuratiō to be made of golde and precious stone, and to be borne before him in steade of his standard: and so with much hope of victory & great confidence, as one armed from heauen spedeth himselfe towarde his enemie. Against whom Maxentius being constrained perforce to issue out of the Citie, sendeth al his power to ioyne with him in the fielde beyonde the riuer of Tybur, where Maxentius craftely breaking down▪ ye bridge called Pons Miluius, caused an other deceitfull bridge to be made of boates and whirries, being ioyned together, and couered ouer with boordes and planckes in maner of a bridge, thinking therwith to take Constantine as in a trap. But here it came to passe which in the 7. Psalme is writtē. He digged a pit, Psal. 7. Maxentius taken in hys owne trap. and fell therein himselfe. Let his working returne vpon his owne head, and his vnrighteousnesse vppon hys owne pate, which heere in this Maxentius was rightly verified. For after the two hostes did meete, hee being not able to sustaine the force of Constantine fighting vnder the crosse of Christ against hym,Maxentius beaten in the field. Maxentius drowned by hys owne bridge. Pharao a figure of Maxentius the last persecutor in Rome. was put to such a flight, and driuen to suche an exigent, that in retyring backe, for hast thinking to get the Citie, vppon the same bridge which he did lay for Constantine, was ouerturned by the fall of hys horse into the bottome of the floude, and there with the waight of his armour, he with a great part of his beatē men were drowned. Representing vnto vs the like example of Pharao & his host drowned in the red sea. Who not vnaptly seemeth to beare a Propheticall figuration of this Maxentius. For as the children of Israel were in long thraldome and persecution in Egypt vnder tyrantes there, til the drowning of this Pharao theyr last persecutour: so was this Maxentius and Maximinus and Licinius the last persecutours in the Romane Monarchie of the Christians, whome thys Constantinus fighting vnder the crosse of Christ, did vanquishe and set the Christians at liberty,Pharao and Maxentius compared. who before had bene persecuted nowe 300. yeares in Rome, as hath bene hetherto in this historie declared.

Wherefore as the Israelites with their Moses at the drowning of their Pharao, Exod. 15. The figure of the old testament verefied in the new. song gloriously vnto the Lorde, who myraculously had cast downe the horse and horsemen into the sea: So no lesse reioycing and exceeding gladnesse was heere, to see the gloryous hande of the Lorde Christe fighting with his people, and vanquishing hys enemyes and persecutours.

In histories we read of many victories and great conquests gotten:The glorious and victorious host of Christ. yet we neuer read, nor euer shal of any victory so wholsom, so commodious, so opportune to mākind as this was, which made an ende of so much bloudshed, & obtained so much libertye & life to the posterity of so many generations. For albeit that some persecutiō was yet stirring in the East countreys by Maximinus and Licinius, as shall be declared: Yet in Rome and in all the West partes, no martyr died after this heauēly victory gotten. And also in the East partes the said Constantinus with the said crosse borne before him, consequently vpon the same so vanquished the tyrants,Persecution in the West ceaseth for a M. yeares till the time of Wyckl [...]ffe. and so established the peace of the church, that for the space of a iust M. yeares after that, we reade of no set persecution against the Christians, vnto the time of Iohn Wickliffe, when the bishops of Rome began with fire to persecute the true members of Christ, as in further processe of thys historie (Christ graunting) shall appeare. So happie, so glorious (as I sayde) was this victorie of Constantine, surnamed the great. For the ioy & gladnes wherof, the Citizens who had sent for him before, with exceding triumph brought him into the citie of Rome, where he wt the crosse was most honourably receiued and celebrated the space of vij. dayes together, hauing moreouer in the market place, his image set vp, holding in his right hande the signe of the crosse, wt this inscription: Hoc salutari signo, veraci fortitudinis indicio, ciuitatem nostram iugo tyranni ereptam liberaui. That is, with this wholesome signe, the true [Page] token of fortitude, I haue rescued and deliuered our Citie from the yoke of the tyrant.Euseb. Lib. 9. Cap. 9. Euseb lib. 9. cap 9.

By this heauenly victorie of Constantinus, and by the death of Maxentius no little tranquillity came to the church of Christ. Although notwithstāding in the East churches the storme of this tenth persecutiō was not yet altogether quieted, but that some taile thereof in those partes remained for the space of ij. or iij. yeare.Note well these thousand yeares and then read the xx. chap. of the Apoc. Satanas was bound vp for a thousand yeares. &c. But of this we minde to speake (Christ willing) hereafter. In the meane season, to returne againe to the West partes here in Europe, where Constantinus then had most to doe, great tranquillitie followed, and long cōtinued in the church without any open slaughter, for a thousande yeares together (to the time of Iohn Wickliffe and Waldenses, as is before touched) by the meanes of the godly beginning of good Constantinus, who with his fellow Licinius, being now stablished in their dominion, eftsones set foorth their generall proclamation or edict, not cōstraining therein any man to any religion, but geuing liberty to all men, both for the Christians to persist in their profession without any danger, and for other men freely to adioyne wyth them, whosoeuer pleased. Which thing was very wel taken, and highly allowed of the Romaines, and al wise men. The copie of the Edict or constitution here ensueth.

The copie of the Imperial constitution of Constantinus and Licinius, for the establishing of the free worshipping of God, after the Christian religion.

NOt long agone we weying with our selues, that the libertie and freedome of religion ought not in any case to be prohibited,The copy of the imperiall constitution of Constantinus and Licinius. Euseb. Lib. 10. cap. 5. but that free leaue ought to be geuen to euery man to doe therein according to his wil and minde, we haue giuen commandement to all men to qualifie matters of religion as they themselues thought good, and that also the Christians shoulde keepe the opinions and faith of their religion. But because that many & sundry opinions by the same our first licence spring and increase through such libertie graunted, we thought good manifestly to adde thereunto, and make plaine such things, wherby perchance some of them in time to come, may from such their obseruaunce be let or hindered. When therfore by prosperous successe, I Constantinus Augustus, and I Licinius Augustus came to Mediolanum, and there sate in councell vpon such thinges as serued for the vtilitie and profit of the common weale, these things amongst others, we thought woulde be beneficiall to all men, yea and before all other things we purposed to establish those things, wherin the true reuerence and worship of God is comprehended, that is, to geue vnto the Christians free choise to followe what religion they thinke good, and whereby the same sinceritie and celestiall grace which is in euery place receaued, may also be embraced and accepted of all our louing subiects. According therefore vnto this our pleasure vpon good aduisement and sounde iudgement, we haue decreed, that no man so hardy, be denied to chuse and followe the Christian obseruance or religion: But that this libertie be geuen to euery man, that he may apply his minde to what religion he thinketh meete himselfe, whereby God may performe vpon vs all his accustomed care and goodnesse. To the intent therefore you might knowe that this is our pleasure, wee thought it necessary this to wryte vnto you, whereby all such errours and opinions being remooued, which in our former letters (being sent vnto you in the behalfe of the Christians) are conteyned, and which seeme very vndiscreete and contrary to our clemēcy, may be made frustrate & adnihilate. Now therfore firmly and freely we will and commaunde, that euery man haue a free libertie to obserue the Christian religion, and that without any griefe or molestation hee may be suffered to doe the same. These things haue we thought good to signifie vnto you by as plaine wordes as we may, that we haue geuen to the Christians free and absolute power to keepe and vse their religion. And for as much as this libertie is absolutely geuen of vs vnto them, to vse and exercise their former obseruance, if any be so disposed, it is manifest that the same helpeth much to establishe the publike tranquillitle of our time, euery man to haue licence and libertie to vse and chuse what kinde of worshipping he list himself. And this is done of vs onely for the intent, that we woulde haue no man to be enforced to one religion more then an other. And this thing also amongst others we haue prouided for the Christians, that they may haue againe the possessiō of such places, in which heretofore they haue bene accustomed to make their assemblies, so that if any haue bought or purchased the same either of vs, or of any other: the same places without either mony or other recompence, forthwith and without delay we will to be restored againe vnto the sayd Christians. And if any man haue obtained the same by gift from vs, and shall require any recompence to be made to them in that behalf: Then let the Christians repaire vnto the President (being the iudge appoynted for that place) that consideration may be had of those mē by our benignitie: al which things we will and commaunde, that you see to be geuen and restored freely, and with diligence vnto the societie of the Christians, all delay set apart. And because the Christians themselues are vnderstoode to haue had not onely those places wherein they were accustomed to resort together, but certaine other peculiar places also, not being priuate to any one man, but belonging to the right of their congregation and societie: you shall see also al those to be restored vnto the Christians, that is to say, to euery fellowship and company of them, according to the decree, whereof we haue made mention, all delay set apart. Prouided that the order we haue taken in the meane time be obserued, that if any (taking no recompence) shall restore the same lands and possessions, they shall not mistrust but be sure to be saued harmelesse by vs. In all these things it shall be your part to employ your diligence in the behalfe of the foresayde companie of the Christians, whereby this our commaundement may speedely be accomplished, and also in this case by our clemencie the common and publike peace may be preserued. For vndoubtedly by this meanes, as before we haue sayde, the good will and fauour of God towardes vs (whereof in many cases we haue had good experience) shall alwayes continue with vs. And to the intent that this our constitution may be notified to all men, it shall be requisite that the copie of these our letters be set vp in all places, that men may reade and knowe the same, least any should be ignorant thereof.

By these hystories I doubt not (good reader) but thou doest right well cōsider and behold with thy selfe the marueilous working of God his mighty power:The consideration of Gods work in defending hys Christians. to see so many Emperours at one time conspired and confederate together against the Lord and his Christ annoynted, whose names before we haue recited, as Dioclesian, Maximinian, Galerius, Maxentius, Maximinus, Seuerus, Licinius, who hauing the subiection of the whole world vnder their dominion, did bende and extende their whole might and deuises, to extirpate the name of Christ, and of all Christians. Wherein if the power of man could haue preuailed,The kinges of the earth haue risen, and Princes together agaynst the Lord, and agaynst hys Christ. Psal. 2. No counsell standeth agaynst God. what coulde they not doe? or what coulde they doe more then they did? If policie or deuises could haue serued, what policie was there lacking? If torments or paines of death could haue helped, what cruelty of torment by man could be inuented, which was not attempted? If lawes, edictes, proclamations, wrytten not onely in tables, but ingrauen in brasse, could haue stande, all this was practised against the weake Christians. And yet notwithstanding, to see howe no counsaile can stand against the Lorde, note heere how all these be gone, and yet Christ and his Church doth stande. Fyrst, of the taking away of Maximinian you haue heard, also of the death of Seuerus, of the drowning moreouer of Maxentius, The destruction of the cruell Emperours. inough hath bene sayde. What a terrible plague was vpon Galerius, consuming his priuie members with Lice, hath bene also described. Howe Dioclesian the quondam being at Salona, hearing of the proceedings of Constantinus, Dioclesian dyeth for sorrow. and this his Edict, either for sorrow died, or as some say did poyson himselfe. Onely Maximinus now in the East partes remained aliue, who bare a deadly hatred against the Christians, and no lesse expressed the same wyth mortall persecution, to whome Constantine and Licinius caused this constitution of theirs to be deliuered: at the sight whereof, although hee was somewhat appaled, and defeated of his purpose: yet forasmuch as he saw himselfe too weake to resist the authoritie of Constantinus and Licinius the superiour Princes:The effect of the decree which Maximinus made against hys wil or suriecountermaund for feare of C. and L. in the behalfe of the Christians. Hee dissembled his counterfet pietie, as though hee himselfe had tendered the quiet of the Christians: directing downe a certaine decree in the behalfe of the Christians, wherein hee pretendeth to wryte to Sabinus afore mentioned, first repeating vnto him the former decree of Dioclesian and Maximinian in few wordes, with the commandement therein contained touching the persecution against the Christians. After that hee reciteth the Decree which he himselfe made against them, when he came first to the imperiall dignitie in the East part ioyned wyth Constantius. Then the Countermaund of an other Decree of his agayne, for the rescuing of the Christians, wyth such fayned and pretensed causes, as is in the same to be seene. After that declareth howe he comming to Nicomedia, at the sute and supplication of the Citizens (which he also fained, as may appeare before) he applying to their sute, reuoked that his former Edict, and graunted them that no Christian should dwell within their Citie or territories. Upon which Sabinus also had geuen foorth his letters, rehearsing withall the generall recountermaunde sent forth by him, for the persecution againe of the Christians. Last of all nowe hee sendeth downe againe an other Surrecountermaund,The surrecountermaunde of Maximi. dissembled. with the causes therein conteyned, touching the safetie of the Christians, and tranquillitie of them: Commaunding Sabinus to publish the same. Which edict of his is at large set foorth of Eusebius, lib. 9. cap. 9. But this Surrecountermaunde hee then dissimuled, as he had [Page] done in the other before. Howbeit shortly after, he making warres, and fighting a battaile with Licinius, wherein hee lost the victory,Ex Euseb. Lib. 9. ca. 9. comming home againe, tooke great indignation against the Priestes and Prophetes of his Gods, whom before that time he had great regard vnto, and honored: vpon whose answers he trusting, & depending vpon their enchantments, began hys warre against Licinius. But after that he perceaued himselfe to be deceaued by thē,The vnfayned repentaunce and finall decree of Maximinus for the christians. as by wicked enchaunters and deceauers, and such as had betrayed hys safety and person, he kylled and put them to death. And hee shortly after, oppressed with a certaine disease, glorified the God of the Christians, and made a most absolute law for the safety and preseruation of them, wyth fraunchise and liberty: the copy wherof ensueth.

Imperator Caesar, Gaius, Valerius, Maximinus, Germanicus, Pius, Fortunatus, Augustus. It is necessary that we alwaies carefully prouide and see vnto, the benefite and commoditie of such as be our subiects, & to exhibit such things vnto them, wherby they may best obtaine the same. But we suppose that there are none of you so ignorant, but knowe and vnderstand what things make best for the profite & commoditie of the common weale, & best please euery mans disposition. But it is meete and conuenient that euery man haue recourse to that which they haue sene done before their eyes, and that all sortes of men consider the same, & beare it in their mindes. When therfore, and that before this time it came vnto our knowledge: vpon the occasion that Dioclesianus, and Maximinianus, our progenitours of famous memorie, commaunded the assemblies and meetings of the Christians to be cut of, there were many of them spoyled and robbed of our Officials: which thing we also perceiue is now put in practise against our subiects, that they in like case may be spoyled of their goods and substance, which thing chiefly to preuent, is our onely indeuour. By our letters sent to the gouernours of euery prouince the yere past, we ordeined that if any man were disposed to leane vnto the Christian religion, that he might without any iniury done vnto him, accomplish his desire, neither to be of any man either let or molested: and that he might without any feare or suspition, do whatsoeuer he therein thought good. But now also we vnderstand that there be certaine iudges which haue neglected▪ our commandemēt, and haue put our subiects in doubt, whether that hath ben our pleasure or not, which thing they did, that such men might be the better aduised, how they entred into such religion: wherein they followed their owne phantasie. To the entent therfore that after this, all suspition, doubt, and feare may be taken away: we haue thought good to publish this our edict, whereby it may be made manifest to euery man, that it shalbe lawfull for all such as will follow that religion, by the benefit of this our graunt and letters patents, to vse what religion they like best. And also hereby we graunt vnto them licence to build them Oratories or Temples.

A large graunt of Maximinus to the Christians.

And furthermore, that this our graunt may more amply extende vnto them, we vouchsafe to appoynt and ordaine, that whatsoeuer landes and substance, before belonging and appertaining to the Christians, and by the commandement of our predecessors were transposed to our reuenew and exchequer, or els be in the possession of any Citie, by meanes of the franchises of the same, or els otherwise sold or geuen to any man: all and euery parcell thereof we commaund shall be restored vnto the proper vse of the Christians againe, whereby they may all haue in this matter more experience, of our godly deuotion and prouidence. Euseb. lib. 9. cap. 10.

Euseb. lib. 9. cap. 10. Maximinus thus being conquered of Licinius, and also plagued wyth an incurable disease in the guts, sent by the hande of God,An. 319. was compelled by torments and aduersitie to cōfesse the true God, whom before he regarded not, and to write thys Edicte in the fauour of those Christians, whom before he did persecute.God maketh his enemies to cō fesse him. Thus the Lord doth make many times hys enemyes, be they neuer so sterne & stout, at length to stoupe, & mauger their harts, to confesse him, as this Maximinus here did, who not long after, by the vehemencie of his disease ended his life.The end and death of Maximinus. Whereby, no mo tyrauntes nowe were left aliue, to trouble the Church, but onely Licinius. Of which Licinius, and of hys persecutions stirred vp in the East partes, against the Saints of God, now remaineth in order of story to prosecute.

This Licinius being a Dane borne, and made first Caesar by Galerius, The persecution of the church vnder Licinius. as is aboue specified, was afterward ioyned with Constantinus in gouernement of the Empyre, and in setting foorth the Edicts, which before we haue described: although it seemeth, all this to be done of him wt a dissembling minde. For so is he in all hystories described, to be a man passing all other in desire of vnsatiable riches, geuen to lechery, hasty, stubburne, and furious. To learning hee was such an enemie, that he named the same a poyson and a common pestilence,An enemy to learning. Euseb. Lib. 8. cap. 13. and especially the knowledge of the lawes. Hee thought no vice worse became a Prince, then learning, because hee him selfe was vnlearned. Eutropius, Letus, Ignatius. Euseb. Lib. 8. cap. 13.

There was betweene him and Constantinus in the beginning great familiaritie: and such agreement, that Constantinus gaue vnto him his sister Constantia in Matrimonie, as Aurelius Victor wryteth. Neither woulde any man haue thought him to haue bene of any other Religion then Constantinus was of, hee seemed in all thinges so well to agree with him. Wherupon he made a decree with Constantinus in the behalfe of the Christians, as we haue shewed. Eusebius, Euseb. Lib. 9. Cap. 9. Licinius an Apostata. Lib. 9. cap. 9. And such was Licinius in the beginning. But after arming him selfe with tyrannie, began to cōspire against the person of Constantinus, of whom he had receaued so great benefites, neither fauorable to the law of nature, nor mindful of his othes, his bloud, nor promises. But when hee considered that in his conspiracies he nothing preuailed,The fountayne of Apostacie. for that he saw Cōstantinus was preserued and safely defended of God: And partly being puffed vp wt the victory against Maximinus, he began vehemētly to hate him, and not onely to reiect the Christian religion, but also deadly to hate the same. Hee saide he would become an enemy vnto the Christiās, for that in their assemblies and meetinges they prayed not for him, but for Constantinus. Therefore, first by litle and litle and that secretely, he went about to wrong and hurt the christians,Knightes of the order d [...]pilued for not doyng sacrifice. Euseb. Lib. 10. Cap. 8. & banished them his Court, which neuer were by any meanes preiudiciall to his kingdom. Then he commāded that all those should be depriued which were knights of the honourable order, vnlesse they would do sacrifice to deuils. Euseb. lib. 10. cap. 8. The same persecution afterwardes stretched he from his court, into all his prouinces, which with most wicked and deuised lawes hee set forth. First, that for no cause the Byshops shoulde in any matter communicate together: neither that any man should come at the Churches next vnto them, or to call any assemblies, and consult for the necessary matters and vtilitie of the Church.

After, that the men & women together should not come in companies to pray, nor that the women should come in those places where they vsed to preach and read the worde of God, neither that they should be after that instructed any more of the Byshops, but should chuse out such women amongest them as shoulde instruct them.A straight charge agaynst the relieuing of the imprisoned Christians. The thirde most cruell and wickedst of all was, that none should helpe and succour those that were cast in prison, nor shoulde bestowe any almes or charitie vpon them, though they shoulde die for hunger: and they which shewed any compassion vpon those that were condemned to death, should be as greatly punished,Euseb. Lib. 1. de vita Constā tini. as they to whome they shewed the same shoulde be. Eusebius libro primo de vita Constantini. These were the most horrible cōstitutions of Licinius, which went beyond and passed the boundes of nature.

After this he vsed violence against the Byshops, but yet not openly,Secret persecution for feare of Constantinus. for feare of Constantinus, but priuely and by conspiracie: by which meanes hee slewe those that were the worthiest men amongest the Doctours and Prelates. And about Amasea and other Cities of Pontus, he razed the Churches euen to the ground. Other some he shut vp, that no man should come after their accustomed maner to pray and worship God: and therefore as we sayde before, his conscience accusing him, all this hee did, for that he suspected they prayed for Constantinus, and not at all for him. And from this place in the East parties vnto the Libians, which bordered vpon the Egyptians, the christians durst not assemble and come together for the displeasure of Licinius, Zozomenus. Lib. 1. Cap. 2. which hee had conceaued against them. Zozomenus. Lib. 1. cap. 2.

Furthermore, the flattering officers that were vnder him, thinking by this meanes to please him, slewe & made out of the way many byshops, and without any cause put them to death, as though they had bene homicides & hainous offenders: and such rigorousnes vsed they towards some of them, that they cut their bodyes into gobbets and small peeces in maner of a Boucher, and after that threwe them into the Sea to feede the fishes.Euseb. lib. 10. Cap. 8. The violent wronges of Licinius. Euseb. Lib. 10. cap. 8. What shall we speake of the exiles & confiscations of good and vertuous men? For he tooke by violence euery mans substaunce, and cared not by what meanes he came by the same: But threatned them with death, vnlesse they would forgoe the same. Hee banished those which had committed none euill at all. He commanded that both gentlemen and men of honour, should be made out of the way, neither yet herewith content, but gaue their daughters that were vnmaried, to varlets and wicked ones to be defloured. And Licinius himselfe (although that by reason of his yeres, his body was spent) yet shamefully did hee vitiate many women, mens wiues & maids.Euseb. lib. 1. de vita Const. The Christians flee into the wildernes. Euseb Lib. 1. de vita Constantini. Which cruel outrage of him caused many godly mē of their owne accorde to forsake their houses: and it was also seene that the woodes, fieldes, desert places and mountaines, [Page] were faine to be the habitations, and resting places of the poore and miserable Christians.Hote persecution renued. Theodorus. An other Theodorus Byshop of Tyrus. A man of Perga. Nicholaus Byshop of Mirorus. Gregorius Byshop of Armenia. Paulus Byshop of Neocaesaria, with 40. other martyrs. XL good men and their wiues martyrs. Amones with xl wiues of xl. men martyrs. The wicked purpose of Licinius had he not bene preuented by God and slayne by Constantinus. Licinius ouercome in battaile by Constantinus. Eusebius. Lib. 10. cap, 14. Of those worthy men and famous Martyrs, which in this persecution founde the way to heauen, Nicephorus. Lib. 7. cap. 10. first speaketh of Theodorus, who first being hanged vpon the crosse, had nawles thrust into his arme pits, and after that his head striken of. Also of another Theodorus being the Byshop of Tyre, the thirde was a man of Perga. Basilius also the Byshop of Amasenus, Nicolaus, the Byshop of Mirorus, Gregorius, of Armenia the great: After that, Paule of Neocaesaria, which by the impious commandemēt of Licinius had both his hands cut of with a searing yron. Besides these were in the Citie of Sebastia, xl. worthy men, & Christian souldiours in the vehemēt cold time of winter, soused and drowned in a horse pond, whē Locias as yet, of whom we spake before, and Agricolaus executing the Shrieues office vnder Licinius in the East parts, were aliue: and were in great estimation, for inuenting of new and strange torments against the Christians. The wiues of those 40. good men, were caried to Heraclea a Citie in Thracia, and there with a certaine Deacon whose name was Amones, were (after innumerable torments by them most constauntly indured) slaine with the sworde. These thinges wryteth Nicephorus. Also Zozomenus in his ninth booke & 2. Chapter maketh mention of the same Martyrs. And Basilius in a certaine Oration seemeth to intreate of their history, sauing that in the circumstances he somwhat varieth. And surely Licinius was determined, for that the first face of this persecution fel out according to his desire, to haue ouerrunne all the Christians: to which thing neither counsell, nor good will, nor yet oportunitie, perchance wanted: vnlesse God had brought Constantinus into those parties, where he gouerned: where, in the warres which hee himselfe began (knowing right well that Constantinus had intelligence of his conspiracy & treason) ioyning battaile with him, was most cowardly ouercome.

Diuers battailes betweene them were fought, the first fought in Hungarie, where Licinius was ouerthrowen: Then he fled into Macedonia, & repairing his army, was againe discomfited. Finally, being vāquished, both by sea and lande: he lastly, at Nicomedia, yelded himselfe to Constantine: and was cōmaunded to liue a priuate life in Thessalia, where at length he was slaine by the souldiours.

Thus haue ye heard, the ende and conclusion of all the vij. tyrants,The end and death of the tyrauntes whiche were the authors of this x. persecution. which were the authors and workers of this x. and last persecutiō, against the true people of God. The chiefe Captaine, and incentour of which persecution was first Dioclesian, who died at Salena, as some say, by his owne poyson. An. 319. The next was Maximinian, who as is sayde, was hanged of Constantine at Masilia, about the yeare of our Lorde. 310. Then died Galerius, plagued with an horrible disease sent of God. Seuerus was slaine by Maximinian, father of Maxentius the wicked tyraunt was ouercome and vanquished of Constantine. an. 318. Maximinus the vi. tyraunt taried not long after, who being ouercome by Licinius, died, about the yere of our Lord. 320. Lastly, how this Licinius was ouercome by Constantine and slaine. An. 324. is before declared. Only Constantius, the father of Constantine being a good and a godly Emperour, died in the third yeare of the persecution. An. 310. and was buried at Yorke. After whom succeeded after his godly father, Constantinus, as a seconde Moses sent and set vp of God to deliuer his people out of this so miserable captiuitie, into libertie most ioyfull.

A briefe story of the most notable Martirs, that suffered in this x. persecution.Now remaineth after the end of these persecutors thus described, to gather vp the names & stories of certain particular Martyrs, which nowe are to be set forth worthy of speciall memory: for their singular constancie & fortitude, shewed in their sufferings & cruell torments. The names of all which that suffered in this foresaid tenth persecution, being in number infinite, in vertue most excellēt, it is impossible heere to comprehend: but the most notable, and in most approued authors expressed, we thought heere to insert, for the more edification of other Christiās, which may and ought to looke vpon their examples, first beginning with Albanus, the first Martyr that euer in England suffered death for the name of Christ.

At what time Dioclesian & Maximinian the Pagan Emperours had directed out their letters with all seueritye, for the persecuting of the Christians:Albanus, Martyr. Alban being then an infidell, receiued into his house a certaine Clerke, fleeing from the persecutours hands, whom when Alban beheld, continually both day & night to perseuer in watching and in prayer: sodenly by the great mercy of God, he began to imitate the example of his faith & vertuous life:Fruite of hospitalitie to be noted. whereupon by litle and litle he being instructed by his holesom exhortation, and leauing the blindnesse of his Idolatrie, became at length a perfect Christian.Albanus first conuerted▪ and by what occasion. And when the forenamed Clerke had lodged with him a certaine time, it was enformed the wicked Prince, that this good man & Confessour of Christ (not yet condemned to death) was harbored in Albans house, or very neare vnto him. Whereupon immediately he gaue in charge to the souldiours, to make more diligent inquisition of the matter. Who as soone as they came to the house of Alban the Martyr, hee by and by putting on the apparell wherewith his guest and maister was apparelled (that is,Albanus offereth himselfe to death for an other. a garment at that time vsed, named Caracalla) offered him selfe in the steade of the other to the souldiours: who binding him, brought him forthwith to the iudge. It fortuned that at that instant when blessed Alban was brought unto the Iudge, they founde the same Iudge at the aulters offering sacrifice vnto Deuils, who as soone as hee sawe Alban, was straight waies in a great rage, for that hee woulde presume of his owne voluntary will, to offer him selfe to perill, and geue him selfe a prisoner to the souldiours, for safegarde of his guest whome he harbored: and commaunded him to be brought before the Images of the deuils whome he worshipped,The words of the Iudge to Albane. saying: For that thou haddest rather hide & conuey away a rebell, then to deliuer him to the officers, and that (as a contemner of our Gods) he should not suffer punishment and merite of his blasphemye: looke what punishment he shoulde haue had, thou for him shalt suffer the same: if I perceiue thee any whit to reuolt from our maner of worshipping. But blessed Alban, who of his owne accorde had bewrayed to the persecutors that hee was a Christian, feared not at all the manaces of the Prince, but being armed with spirituall armour, openly pronounced that hee woulde not obey his commandement. Then sayd the Iudge: of what stocke or kindred art thou come?The con [...] cy and zeale of Albane. Alban answered, what is that to you, of what stocke soeuer I am come of, if you desire to heare the veritie of my Religion, I do ye to wit that I am a Christian, and apply my selfe altogether to that calling. Then sayd the Iudge, I would knowe thy name, and see thou tell me the same without delay. Then sayde hee, my parentes named me Alban, and I worship and honour the true and liuing God, which hath created all the worlde. Then sayd the Iudge fraught with fury, if thou wilt enioy the felicitie of this present life,The confession of Albane. doe sacrifice (and that out of hande) to these mighty Gods. Alban replieth: these sacrifices which ye offer vnto deuils, cā neither helpe them that offer the same, neither yet can they accomplish the desires and prayers of their suppliāts: But rather shal they, what soeuer they be, that offer sacrifice to these Idoles, receaue for their meede euerlasting paines of hell fire. The Iudge, when he heard these words, was passing angry, and commaunded the tormentors to whip this holy Confessour of God,The suffering and martyrdome of Alban. indeuoring to ouercome the constancy of his hart wt stripes, which had preuailed nothing with wordes. And when he was cruelly beaten, yet suffered he the same paciently, nay rather ioyfully, for the Lordes sake. Then when the Iudge saw that he would not with torments be ouercomen, nor be reduced from the worship of Christian Religion, he commaunded him to be beheaded.

The rest that foloweth of this story in the narration of Bede, Superfluous miracles in this story written by Bede omitted. as of drying vp the Riuer, as Alban went to the place of his execution: then of making a welspring in the top of the hill, and of the falling out of the eyes of him that did behead him (with such other prodigious miracles mētioned in his story) because they seeme more legēdlike, then truthlike: againe, because I see no great profit, nor necessitie in the relation thereof, I leaue them to the free iudgement of the Reader, to thinke of them, as cause shall moue him.

The like estimation I haue of the long story,The legend of S Alban disproued. wherein is written at large a fabulous discourse of all the doings & miracles of S. Alban, taken out of the Librarie of S. Albans, compiled (as there is saide) by a certaine Pagan, who (as he sayth) afterwarde went to Rome, there to be Baptised. But because in the beginning or Prologue of the Booke, the sayde writer maketh mention of the ruinous walles of the towne of Verolamium, containing the storye of Albanus, and of his bitter punishments: which walles were then falling downe for age, at the wryting of the sayde booke, as he saith: Therby it seemeth this story to be written a great while after the martyrdome of Alban either by a Britaine, or by an English mā. If he were a Britaine, how then did the Latin translation take it out of the English tounge, as in the Prologue hee him selfe doeth testifie. If hee were an Englishmā, how then did he go vp to Rome for baptisme, being a Pagan, when he myght haue bene baptised amōg the Christian Britaines more neare at home.

But among al other euidences and declarations sufficient to disproue this Legendary story of S. Alban, nothing maketh more against it, then the very storie it selfe: as [Page] where he bringeth in the head of the holy martyr, to speake vnto the people after it was smitten of from the body. Also where he bringeth in the Angels going vp, & comming downe in a piller of fire, & singing al the night long. Item in the riuer which he sayth, S Alban made drie, such as were drowned in the same before in the bottome, were founde aliue. With other such like Monkish miracles and grosse fables,S. Alban the first martyr in this realme of England. wherewith these Abbey Monkes were wont in time past to deceaue the Church of God, and to beguile the whole world for their owne aduātage. Notwithstanding this I write not to any derogatiō of the blessed and faithful martyr of God, who was the first that I did euer finde in this Realme, to suffer Martyrdome for the testimonie of Christ. And worthy no doubt of condigne commendation, especially of vs here in this land: whose Christian faith in the Lorde, and charitie toward his neighbour: I pray God all we may followe. As also I wishe moreouer that the stories both of him, and of al other Christian Martyrs might haue bene deliuered to vs simply as they were, wt out the admixture of all these Abbey like additiōs of Monkish miracles,The stories of the Saintes corrupted with lyes. wherwith they were wont to paint out the glory of such saintes to the moste, by whose offerings they were accustomed to receaue most aduauntage.

As touching the name of the Clearke mētioned in this story,Amphibalus, Martyr. Flores Historiarum. The martyrdome of Amphibalus. whome Alban receaued into his house, I finde in the Englishe stories to be Amphibalus, although the latine authors name him not, who ye same time flying into Wales was also set from thence againe to the same towne of Uerolamium, otherwise called Uerlancaster, where hee was martyred, hauing his bellie opened, and made to runne about a stake, while all his bowels were drawen out, then thrust in with swordes and daggers: and at last was stoned to death, as the foresaid legend declareth.

Moreouer the same time with Alban, suffered also ij. citizens of the foresaide Citie of Uerlancaster, whose names were Aaron and Iulius: Aaron, Iulius, Martyrs. beside other, whereof a great number the same time no doubt, did suffer, although our Chronicles of their names doe make no rehearsall.

The time of the Martyrdom of this blessed Alban and the other, seemeth to be about the second or thirde yeare of this tenth persecution, vnder the tyrāny of Dioclesian, and Maximinianus Herculius, bearing then the rule in England, about the yeare of our Lorde 301. before the comming of Constantius to his gouernement.Persecution in thys realme of Britaine. Where, by the way is to be noted, that this realme of Britaine being so christened before, yet neuer was touched with any other of the nine persecutions, before this tenth persecution of Dioclesian & Maximinian. In which persecution our stories and Polichronicon doe recorde, that all Christianitie almost in the whole Ilelande was destroyed, the Churches subuerted, all bookes of the Scripture burned, many of the faithfull both men & women were slaine. Among whome the first and chiefe ringleader (as hath bene sayde) was Albanus. And thus much touching the martyrs of Britaine. Nowe from Englande to returne againe vnto other countries, where this persecution did more vehemētly rage: we will adde hereunto (the Lorde willing) the stories of other, although not of all that suffered in this persecution (which were impossible) but of certaine most principal, whose singular constancie in their strong torments are chiefly renowmed in latter histories: beginning first with Romanus the notable and admirable souldiour and true seruaunt of Christ, whose historie set forth in Prudentius, doth thus proceede: so lamentably by him described, that it will be harde for any man almost with dry cheekes to heare it.

The lamentable story of Romanus Martyr.Pitiles Galerius with his graunde captaine Asclepiades violently inuaded the citie of Antioche, entending by force of armes to driue all Christians to renounce vtterly their pure religion. The Christians as god would, were at that time cōgregated together, to whom Romanus hastely ran, declaring that the Wolues were at hande, which woulde deuour the christian flocke, but feare not (sayde he) neither let this imminēt perill disturbe you, my brethren: brought was it to passe, by the great grace of God working in Romanus, that olde men and matrones,The exhortation of Romanus to the christians. fathers and mothers, young men and maidens were all of one will and minde, most ready to shed their bloud in defence of their Christian profession. Word was brought to ye captaine that the band of armed souldiors was not able to wrest the staffe of faith, out of the hand of the armed congregation: and all by reason that one Romanus so mightely did encourage them, that they sticke not to offer their naked throtes, wishing gloriously to die for the name of their Christ. Seeke out that rebell (quod the captaine) and bring him to me that he may aunswer for the whole sect. Apprehended he was, & bound as a sheepe appoynted to the slaughter house, was presented to the Emperor: who wt wrathfull countenance beholding him, sayde: What? Art thou the author of this sedition? art thou the cause why so many shall loose their liues? By the gods I sweare thou shalt smart for it, and first in thy flesh shalt thou suffer the paines,The Christian boldnes of Romanus. whereunto thou hast encouraged the hearts of thy felowes. Romanus answered: Thy sentence O Emperour I ioyfully embrace, I refuse not to be sacrificed for my brethren, and that by as cruell meanes as thou mayest inuent: and whereas thy soldiors were repelled from the christian cōgregation, that so happened, because it lay not in Idolaters and worshippers of Deuils to enter into the holy house of God, and to pollute the place of true prayer. Then Asclepiades wholy enflamed with this stoute answere, commaunded him to be trussed vp, and his bowels drawne out. The executioners themselues more pitiful in hart then the captaine, said: not so sir, this man is of noble parentage: vnlawful is it to put a noble man to so vnnoble a death: scourge him then with whips (quod the captaine) with knaps o [...] lead at the ends. In stede of teares,The noble patience of Romanus in his suffering. sighs & grones, Romanus song psalmes al the time of his whipping, requiring them not to fauour him for nobilities sake, not the bloud of my progenitours (said he) but Christian profession maketh me noble. Then with great power of spirit he inueied against the capitain, laughing to scorne the false gods of the heathen, with the idolatrous worshipping of them, affirming the God of the Christians to be the true God that created heauen and earth, before whose iudiciall seat all nations shall appeare. but the wholsome wordes of the Martyr were as oyle to the fire of the captaines fury. The more the Martyr spake, the madder was hee, in so much that he commaunded the Martyrs sides to be launced with kniues, vntil the bones appeared white againe. Sorie am I, O captain (quod the Martyr) not for that my flesh shall be thus cut and mangled, but for thy cause am I sorowfull, who being corrupted with damnable errours, seducest others. The seconde time hee preached at large, the liuing God, and the Lorde Iesus Christ his welbeloued sonne,The preaching of Romanus to the Captaine. eternall life through faith in his bloud, expressing therewith the abhomination of idolatry, wt a vehement exhortation to worship & adore the liuing God. At these words Asclepiades commaunded the tormentors to strike Romanus on the mouth, that his teeth being striken out, his pronunciation at least wise might be impeired: The commandement was obeied, his face buffeted, his eye liddes torne with their nailes, his cheekes scorched with kniues, the skin of his bearde was plucked by little and little from the flesh, finally his seemely face was wholy defaced. The meeke Martyr sayde: I thanke thee, O Capitaine, that thou hast opened vnto me many mouthes, whereby I may preach my Lord & Sauiour Christ. Looke howe many woundes I haue, so many mouths I haue lauding and praising God. The captaine astonished wt this singular constancie, commanded them to cease from the tortures. Hee threatneth cruell fire, he reuileth the noble martyr,Antiquitie alleadged of the pagans. he blasphemeth god, saying: Thy crucified Christ, is but an yesterdaies God, the gods of the Gentiles are of most antiquitie.

Heere againe Romanus taking good occasion, made a long Oration of the eternitie of Christ, of his humane nature, of the death & satisfaction of Christ for all mankinde. Which done, he sayde: geue me a childe (O Capitaine) but seuen yeres of age, which age is free from malice and other vices, wherwith riper age is commōly infected, and thou shalt heare what he will say, his request was graunted. A pretie boy was called out of the multitude, and set before him. Tell me my babe (quoth the Martyr) whether thou thinke it reason that we worship one Christ, and in Christ one father, or els that we worship infinite gods? Unto whom the babe aunswered:The confession of a childe against Idolatry. That certainly, whatsoeuer it be, that men affirme to be God, must nedes be one: which with one, is one and the same: and in as much as this one is Christ, of necessitie Christ must be the true God, for, that there be many gods, we children cannot beleue. The capitaine hereat cleane amased, said: thou yong villaine & traitor, where and of whom learnedst thou this lesson? Of my mother (quod the childe) with whose milke I sucked in this lesson,A childe martyred for the testimonye of Christ. that I must beleue in Christ. The mother was called, and shee gladly appeared, the captaine commanded the childe to be horsed vp, and scourged. The pitiful beholders of this pitilesse acte, could not temper thēselues from teares: the ioyful and glad mother alone, stood by with dry cheekes: yea, shee rebuked her sweete babe for crauing a draught of colde water, she charged him to thirst after the cup,An example of vertuous education. that the infantes of Bethleem once dranke of, forgetting their mothers milke and pappes, shee willed him to remember little Isaac, who beholding the sworde wherewith, & the altar wheron he should be sacrificed, willingly profered his tender necke to the dent of his fathers sword. [Page] Whilest this counsel was ingening, the boucherly torture pluckt the skin from the crowne of his head,A godly mother of a godly childe. heare and all. The mother cried, suffer my childe, anone thou shalt passe to him that will adorne thy naked head, with a crowne of eternall glory. The mother counselleth, the childe is counselled: the mother encourageth, the babe is encouraged: & receiued the stripes with smiling countenaunce. The captaine perceiuing the childe inuincible, and himselfe vāquished, committeth the sillie soule, the blessed babe, the childe vncherished, to the stinking prison, commaunding the tormentes of Romanus to be renued and encreased, as chiefe author of this euill.

Thus was Romanus brought foorth againe to newe stripes and punishments, to be renued and receiued vpon his old sores, in so much the bare bones appeared, the flesh all torne away: wherein no pitie was shewed, but the raging tyrant puffing out of his blasphemous mouth, like a madde man these woordes, cried out to the tormentors, saying:

Where is quod the Captaine, where is your might?

What?

The cruell wordes of the tyrant.

are ye not able one body to spill?

Scant may it, so weake is it, stand vpright:

And yet in spite of vs, shall it liue still?

The Gripe with talent, the dog with his tooth,

Could soone ye dastardes, this corpes rent and teare,

He scorneth our gods in all that he doth,

Cut, pricke, and pounce him, no longer forbeare.

Yea, no longer could the tyrant forbeare, but nedes he must draw nearer to the sentence of death: is it painefull to thee (sayde he) to tary so long aliue? a flaming fire doubte thou not shalbe prepared for thee, by and by, wherein thou and that boy, thy fellow of rebellion shall be consumed into ashes. Romanus and the babe were led to the place of execution. As they laide handes on Romanus, hee looked backe saying: I appeale from this thy tyrannie, O iudge vniust, to the righteous throne of Christ that vpright iudge: not because I feare thy cruell torments and mercilesse handlings, but that thy iudgements may be knowne to be cruell and bloudy. Nowe when they were come to the place, the tormentor required the child of the mother, for she had taken it vp in her armes:The Christian childe beheaded for confessing of Christ. And shee onely kissing it, deliuered the babe. Farewel she said my sweete childe, and as the hangman applied his sword to the babes necke, shee sang on this maner.

All laude and praise with heart and voice,

O Lorde we yelde to thee:

Nature ouercome of religion.

To whome the death of all thy Saintes,

We know most deare to bee.

The innocentes head being cut off, the mother wrapped it vp in her garment, and laide it to her brest. On the other side a mighty fire was made, wherinto Romanus was cast: who sayde, yt he should not burne: wherewith a great storme arose (if it be true) and quenched the fire.The fire quenched with rayne that shoulde burne Romanus. Romanus speaketh after hys tongue was pluckt out. The Capitaine gaue in commandement that his toung should be cut out, out was it plucked by the harde rootes and cut of: Neuerthelesse, hee spake▪ saying: hee that speaketh Christ shall neuer want a tongue, thinke not that the voyce that vttereth Christ, hath neede of the tong to be the minister. The Capitaine at this, halfe out of his wit, bare in hande that the hangman deceiued the sight of the people by some subtile sleight and craftie conueiance. Not so (quoth the hangman) if ye suspect my dede, open his mouth and diligently search the rootes of his tongue. The Captaine at length being confounded with the fortitude and courage of the Martyr, straightly commaundeth him to be brought backe into the prison,Romanus after long tormentes strangled in prison. Prudent. in hymnis de coro [...]i [...] Martyrum. The story of Gordius a Centurian Martyr. and there to be strangled. Where his sorowfull life and paines being ended, hee nowe enioyeth quiet rest in the Lord, with perpetuall hope of his miserable body to be restored againe with his soule into a better life: where no tyrant shall haue any power: Prudentius in hymnis de coronis Martyrum.

Gordius was a citizen of Caesaria, a worthy souldiour, and Captaine of an hundreth men. Hee in the time of extreme persecution, refusing any lōger to execute his charge did chuse of his owne accord willing exile, and liued in the desert many yeares a religious and solitary life. But vpon a certaine day when a solemne feast of Mars was celebrated, in the citie of Caesarea, and much people were assembled in the Theatre to beholde the games: he left the desert, and got him vp into the chiefe place of the Theatre,Gordius of hys accord vttereth hymselfe to be a Christian. and with a loude voyce vttered this saying of the Apostle: Beholde I am foūd of them which sought me not, and to those which asked not for mee, haue I openly appeared. By which wordes he let it to be vnderstood, that of his owne accorde he came vnto those games. At this noise, the multitude litle regarding the sights, looked about to see who it was yt made such exclamation. As soone as it was knowne to be Gordius, and that the crier had commanded silence, he was brought vnto the shiri [...]e,Gordius brought to examinat [...]. which at that instant was present, and ordeined the games. Whē he was asked the question who he was, from whence, and for what occasion he came thether, he telleth the truth of euery thing as it was. I am come,The confesion of Gordius. saith he, to publish, that I set nothing by your decrees against the Christian religion: but that I professe Iesu Christ to be my hope and safety. And when I vnderstood with what crueltie ye handle other men: I tooke this as a fitte time to accomplish my desire. The Shirife with these wordes was greatly mooued, and reuengeth all his displeasure vpon poore Gordius, commaunding the executioners to be brought out with scourges, while gibbet, & whatsoeuer torments els might be deuised. Whereunto Gordius answered, saying, that it shoulde be to him an hinderance and damage if hee coulde not suffer and endure diuers torments and punishments for Christ his cause. The shirife being more offended with this his boldnesse, commaunded him to feele as many kinde of torments as there were, with all which Gordius notwithstanding, coulde not be mastered or ouercome: but lifting vp his eies vnto heauen singeth this saying out of the Psalmes. The Lorde is my helper, I will not feare the thing that man can doe to me: and also this saying, I will feare none euill, because thou Lord art with me.The bolde constancy & couragious sprite of Gordius.

After this, he against him selfe prouoketh the extremitie of the tormentours, & blameth them if they fauour him any thing at al. When the Shrife saw, that hereby he could winne but little, he goeth about by gentlenes and intising wordes, to turne the stoute and valiant minde of Gordius. He promiseth to him great and large offers if he wil denie Christ:Gordius attempted with fayre promises and good giftes. as to make him a Captaine of as many men as any other is, to geue him richesse, treasure, & what other thing so euer hee desireth. But in vaine as the Prouerbe is, pipeth the minstrell to him that hath no eares to heare, for he deriding the foolish madnesse of the Magistrate sayth, that it lieth not in him to place any in authority, which he worthy to haue a place in heauen. The Magistrate with these wordes throughly angred and vexed, prepareth him selfe to his condemnation.Gordius condemned to be brent. Whom after that he had cōdemned, he caused to be had out of the Citie to be brent. There runneth out of the Citie great multitudes by heaps to see him put to execution, some take him in their armes, & louingly kisse him, persuading him to take a better way and saue himself,The aunswere of Gordius to his frēds. A subtile kynde of disswaders. None ought to deny Christ with hys mouth, and confesse hym with hys hart. The Martyrdome of Gordius. Ex Basili. in Ser. in Gordium militem Caesariensem. Menas Martyr. Ex Symeon Metaphr. tom. 9. and that with weeping teares. To whom Gordius answered, weepe not I pray you for me, but rather for the enemies of God which alwaies make warre against the Christians: weepe I say for them which prepare for vs a fire, purchasing hell fire for themselues in the day of vengeance: And cease of further, I pray you, to molest and disquiet my setled minde. Truly (saith he) I am ready for the name of Iesus Christ, to suffer and indure a thousande deathes if neede were. Some other came vnto him which persuaded him to deny Christ with his mouth, & to keepe his conscience to himselfe. My toung (sayeth hee) which by the goodnes of God I haue, cannot be brought to denie the author and geuer of the same: for with the heart we beleeue vnto righteousnesse, and with the toung we confesse vnto saluation. Many moe such like wordes he spake: but especially vttering to them such matter, wherby he might perswade the beholders to death, and to the desire of Martyrdome. After all which, with a mery and glad countenance, neuer changing so much as his colour, hee willingly gaue himselfe to be brent. Basilius in Sermone in Gordium militem Caesariensem.

Not much vnlike to the story of Gordius is the story also of Menas an Egiptian, who being likewise a souldiour by his profession, in this persecution of Dioclesian forsooke al, & went into the desert, where a long time he gaue hym selfe to abstinence, watching, and meditation of the Scriptures. At length returning againe to ye Citie Cotys, there in the open threatre, as ye people were occupied vpon their spectacles or pastimes, he with a loude voice openly proclaimed himselfe to be a christian, and vpon the same was brought to Pyrrhus the President:The confession of Menas. of whome, he being demaunded of his faith, made thys aunswere: Conuenyent it is that I shoulde (sayth he) confesse God in whome is light and no darkenes, for so much as Paule doth teache that with hart we beleue to righteousnes, with mouth cō fession is giuen to saluation. After this the innocent Martyr was most painfully pinched and cruciate with sundrie punishments. In all which, notwithstanding he declared a constant heart, and faith inuincible, hauing these wordes [Page] in his mouth being in the middest of his torments.The words of Menas, in hys tormentes. All the world is not to be weyed with one soule saued. There is nothing in my minde that can be compared to the kingdome of heauen. Neither is al the world, if it were wayed in balance able to be conferred with the price of one soule. And sayd, who is able to separate vs from the loue of Iesus Christ our Lord: shal afflictiō or anguish? And moreouer (said he) I haue thus learned of my Lord & my king, not to feare them which kill the body and haue no power to kill ye soule, but to feare him rather, who hath power to destroy both bodye and soule in hell fire. To make the story short, after manifold tormentes borne of him, and suffered, when the last sentence of death was vpon him pronounced which was to be beheaded:The prayer of Menas at his death. Menas being then had to the place of execution said: I giue thee thanks my Lord god, which hast so excepted me to be foūd a partaker of thy precious death, & hast not giuen me to be deuoured of my fierce enimies,Menas martyred. but hast made me to remaine cōstant in thy pure faith vnto this my later end: And so this blessed souldiour fighting valiantly vnder the baner of Christ, lost his head,Symeon Metaphr. tom. 5. The story of [...]0. martirs. & wan his soule. Symeon Metaphrast. tom. 5. In the which autor there foloweth a long narration of the miracles of this holy man, which here for prolixity I doe omit,

Basilius in a certayne Sermon of 40. Martyrs rehearseth this story not vnworthye to bee noted. There came (saith he) into a certaine place (which place he maketh no mention of) the Emperours Marshall or officer, with the edict which the Emperour had set out against the Christians, that whosoeuer confessed Christ, shoulde after manye tormentes suffer death. And first they did priuily suborne certaine which should detect & acuse the Christians whom they had found out, or had layde wayte for: vpon this the sword,Tormentes brought out to terrifie the Christians. the gibbet, the wheele, & the whips were brought forth: At the terrible sight whereof, the harts of all the beholders did shake & tremble. Some for feare did flee, some did stand in doubt what to do: Certaine were so terrified at the beholding of these engines & tormenting instruments that they denied their faith. Some other began the game, and for a time did abide the conflict and agony of Martydome, but vanquished at length, by the intollerable paine of their torments,The couragious boldnes, and Christian confession of these 40. martyrs. made shipwracke of their consciences, & lost the glory of their confession. Amōg other xl. there were at that time younge gentlemen all souldiers, which after the Marshall had shewed the Emperours Edict, and required of all men the obedience of the same, freely & boldly of their owne accord confessed themselues to be Christians & declared to him their names. The Marshall somewhat amased at this their boldnes of speach, stādeth in doubte, what was best to do. Yet forthwith he goeth about to win them with faire words, aduertising them to consider their youth, neither that they shoulde chaunge a cruell and vntimely death,Martyrdome and death for Christ▪ preferred before lyfe and riches of this world. [...]or a sweete and pleasant life: After that hee promiseth them money, and honorable offices in the Emperours name. But they little esteming all these thinges breake forth into a long and bolde Oration, affirming that they did neither desire life, dignitie, nor money, but onelye the celestiall kingdome of Christ, saying further that they are ready for the loue and faith they haue in god, to indure the afflictiō of the wheele, the crosse, and the fire. The rude Marshall being herewith offended,The Martirs in a cold ponde all a winters night. deuiseth a newe kinde of punishment. He spied out in the middle of the citie a certaine great pond, which layfull, vpon the cold Northren winde, for it was in the winter time, wherein he caused them to be put all that night, but they being merry & comforting one another, receiued this their appointed punishment, and sayd, as they were putting of their clothes: we put off (said they) now not our clothes, but we put of ye old mā, corrupt with the deceipt of cōcupiscence. We giue thee thanks (O Lord) that with this our apparell we may also put of by thy grace, the sinfull man: for by meanes of the Serpent we once put him on, and by the meanes of Iesus Christ we now put him of.The Martyrs taken out of the pond were cast into the fire. A good mother caring more for the soule then for the body of her sonne. Ex Basil. in Serm. de. 40. Martiribus. Another story of 40. Martyred in a colde ponde at Sebastia. Cyrus. Ioannes. Athanisia, with her three daughters. Theoctiste, Theodota, Eudoxia, Martyrs. When they had thus said: they were brought naked into y• place where they felt moste vehement colde: in so much that all the partes of their bodies were starke & stiffe therewith. Assone as it was daye, they yet hauing breath, were brought into the fire, wherin they were consumed, and their ashes throwne into the flud. By chaunce there was on of the company more liuely, and not so neere dead as the rest, of whome ye executioners takyng pitie, saide vnto his mother standing by, that they would saue his life. But shee with her owne handes taking her sonne brought him to the pile of wood where ye residue of his fellowes (crooked for cold) did lie ready to be brent, admonished him to accomplish the blessed iourney he had taken in hand with his companions. Basil.

A lyke hystory of 40. Martyres, which were maryed men, we read of in Niceph. & Zozomenus. Lib. 9. cap. 2. which were killed likewise in a lake or pond at Sebastia, a towne of Armenia, vnder Licinius, if the story be not the same with this, Niceph. Zozom.

In this felowship and company of martyrs can not be left out and forgotte the story of Cyrus: This Cyrus was a Phisition borne in Alexandria, which fleing into Egipt, in the persecution of Dioclesianus, and Maximianus, led a solitary life in Arabia, being much spoken of for his learning and myracles, vnto whose company after a certaine tyme did Ioannes, borne in the Citie of Edessa, beyond the ryuer Euphrates, ioyne himself, leauing the souldiers life which before that time he had exercised. But whilest as yet the same persecution raged in a city in Egipt called Canope, there was cast into prison for the confession of their fayth, a certayne godly Christian woman, called Athanasia, and her three daughters,The louing [...] of one Christian toward an other. Theoctiste, Theodota, and Eudoxia: wyth whom Cyrus was well acquainted. At whose inf [...]rmities he much fearing accompanied with his brother Iohn, came and visited them for their better confirmation: at which time Lyrianus was chiefe captaine and Lieutenaunt of Egypt, of whose wickednes and crueltie, especially agaynst women and maydens: Athanasus maketh mention in hys Apologies, and in his Epistle to those that lead a solitarye life. Thys Cyrus therefore and Ioannes, being accused and apprehended of the Heathen men, as by whose perswasions, the maydens and daughters of Athanasia contumelyously,Cyrus to doe others good, lost hys life. despised the Gods and the Emperours religion, & could by no meanes be brought to doe sacrifice, were after the publication of their constaunt confession put to death by the sworde. Athanasia also and her three daughters being condemned to death. This history writeth Symeon Metaphrastes ▪ The story of Sebastian Martyr. A worthy example of a captayne to be followed. Marcus, Marcellinus, Nicostratus with Zoe hys wife. Tranquillinus with Martia hys wife. Traglinus, Claudius, Castor. Tiburtius, Castellus, Martyrs. Barlaam.

Sebastian being borne in the part of Fraunce called Gallia Narbonensis was a Christian, and was Lieutenaunte generall of the vawward of Dioclesian the Emperor, who also encouraged many martyrs of Christ by his exhortations, vnto constancy, and kept them in the faith. He being therfore accused to the Emperor, was commaunded to be apprehended, and that he should be brought into the open fielde, where of his owne souldiers he was thrust through the body with innumerable arrowes, and after that hys body was throwne into a iaques or sinke. Ambrosius maketh mention of this Sebastian the martir in his Cōmentary vpon the 118. Psalme. & Symeon Metaphrastes amongest oher Martyrs that suffered with Sebastian numbreth also these followyng: Nicostratus wyth Zoe hys wyfe, Tranquillinus wyth Martia his wyfe: Traglinus Claudius, Castor, Tiburtius, Castullus, Marcus, and Marcellinus wyth other moe.

Basilius in an other Sermon also maketh mention of one Barlaam being a noble and famous Martyr, which abode al the torments of the executioners euen to the point of death, which thing when the tormentors sawe, they brought him and laid him vpon the altar, where they dyd vse to offer sacrifices to their idoles,What desire the Heathen had by some meanes to allure the Christians to offer sacrifice. and put fire & frankensence into his right hād wherin he had yet some strēgth, thinking that the same his right hand, by the heate & force of the fire, would haue scattered the burning incense vpon the aultar and so haue sacrificed. But of that their hope, the pestiferous tormentors were disapointed: for the flame eate round about his hand, and the same indured euen as though it had bene couered with hote embers, when Barlaam, recited out of the Psalmes this saying:Agricola, with hys seruaunt Vitalis, martyrs. Ex Ambro. in▪ Serm aa Virgines. Vitalis first martyred. Blessed is the Lord my God which teacheth my handes to fight.

To this narration of Basilius touching the Martyrdome of Barlaam, we will anexe cōsequently an other story of Ambrose: Hee making a certaine exhortation to certaine virgins, in the same Oration cōmendeth the martirdomes of Agricola & Vitalis, who suffered also in the same persecution vnder Dioclesian and Maximinian (as they so affirme) at Bononie. This Vitalis was seruaunt to Agricola, who both togyther betweene themselues had made a compact to giue their liues wyth other Martyrs for the name of Christ. Wherupon Vitalis, being sent before of his maister to offer himselfe to Martirdome, fe [...]l first into the hands of persecutors, who laboured about him by all maner of meanes to cause him to deny Christ. Which when he would in no case do▪ but stoutly persisted in the confessiō of his faith, they began to exercise him with all kinds of torments: So vnmercifully that there was no whole skinne left in all his body. So Vitalis in the middest of the agonie, & paineful torments, after he had in a short praier, cōmended him selfe to God, gaue vp his life. After him the tormentours set vpon Agricola his Master, whose vertuous manners & gentle conditions, bicause they were singularly wel liked and knowen to the enimies, his suffring therfore was the longer deferred. But Agricola not abyding the long delay and driuing of, and prouoking moreouer ye [Page] aduersaries to quicker speede, at length was fastned vnto the crosse and so finished his martirdome,Agricola, desirous of martyrdome. Agricola dyed martyr vpon the Crosse. which he so long desired, Ambros in Exhortatione ad Virgines.

No lesse worthy of commemoration is the lamentable Martyrdome of Vincentius, whose historie here followeth. This Vincentius was a Spaniard, and a Leuite most godly and vertuous, who at this time suffered Martyrdom at Valence, vnder Dacianus the President, as we may gather by Prudentius in his hymne.The cruell martyrdome of Vincentius. Ex August. in Sermon. Bergomensis in his supplement reciteth these words concerning his martyrdome, out of a certaine sermon of S. Augustine: Our heart conceiued not a vaine and fruitles sight (as it were in beholding of lamentable tragedies) but a great sight & marue [...]lous, certainly, and there with singulare pleasure receiued it, when the paineful passion of Victorius Vincentius was read vnto vs. Is there any so heauye harted, that will not be mooued in the contemplation of this immooueable Martyr so manly, or rather so godly fighting against the craft and subtilty of that Serpent, against the tiranny of Dacianus, against the horrors of death, & by the mightie spirite of his God conquering all: But let vs in few wordes rehearse the degrees of his tormentes though the paynes thereof in many wordes can not be expressed. First Dacianus caused the Martir to be layde vpon the torture,The tormentes exercised vpon Vincentius. and all the ioyntes of his body to be distended and racked out, vntill they crackt againe. This being done in most extreme and cruel maner al the members of his painful and pittiful body were greuously indented with deadly woundes. Thirdly (that his dolors & griefes might be augmēted) they miserably vexed his flesh with yron combes sharpely filed. And to ye end the tormentors might vomit out al their vengeāce on the meeke & milde martyrs fleshe, the tormentors themselues also were vily scourged at the Presidentes commaundement. And lest his passion through want of paines might seeme imperfect or else to easie, they laid his body being all out of ioint, on a grate of iron, which body when they had opened with iron hookes, they seared it with firie plates, with hote burning salt sprinkling the same. Last of all into a vyle dongeon was this mighty Martir drawen, the floure whereof first was thicke spredde wyth the sharpest shels that might be gotten, his fete then being fast locked in the stockes, there was he left alone without all worldly comfort: but the Lorde his God was with him, the holye spirit of God (whose office is to comfort the godly afflicted) fulfilled his hart with ioy & gladnes. Hast thou prepared a terrible racke (O cruell tyraunt, O deuouring Lion) for the Martirs bed:The comfort of the Lord vppon hys Sainctes. the Lorde shall make that bed softe and sweete vnto him. Rackest thou his bones and ioyntes al a sunder, His bones, his ioints, his heares are al numbred. Tormentest thou his flesh with mortal wounds: the Lord shal poure abūdantly into al his sores of his oyle of gladnes. Thy scraping combes, thy sharpe fleshookes, thine whote searing yrons, thy parched salte, thy stincking prison, thy cutting shelles, thy pinching stockes shal turne to this patient Martyr to the best. Altogether shall worke contrary to thine expectation, great plenty of ioy shall hee reap into the barne of his soule, out of this mighty haruest of paines that thou hast brought him into. Yea thou shalte proue him Vincentius indede: that is, a vanquisher, a tryumpher, a conqueror subduing thy madnes, by his mekenes, thy tiranny by his pat [...]ence, thy manifold meanes of tortures, by the manifold graces of God, wherewith he is plentifully enriched.

In this cataloge or company of such holy martirs, as suffered in this foresaid tenth persecutiō, many mo and almost innumerable there be expressed in authors, beside thē whom we haue hetherto comprehended, as Philoromus, a man of noble byrth,Philoromus, Martyr. & great possessions in Alexandria, who being perswaded by his friendes to fauour himselfe, to respect his wife, to consider his children and familie did not onely reiect the counsels of them,Euseb. lib. 8. cap. 9. The confession and Martyrdome of Philoromus. Procopius Martyr. The tormentes and constancie of Procopius to death. Nicephor. lib. 7. cap. 15. Gregorius Martyr. The sundry tormentes of Georgius. but also neglected the threates and torments of the Iudge, to keepe the confessiō of Christ inuiolate vnto the death, & losing of his head. Euseb. Lib. 8. cap. 9. Niceph. Lib. 7. cap. 9. of whome Euseb. beareth witnes that he was there present himselfe.

Of like estate and dignitie was also Procopius in Palestina, who after his conuersion brake his images of siluer, and golde, and distributed the same to the poore and after al kinde of torments, of racking, of cording, of tearing hys flesh, of goring and stabbing in, of fiering, at lēgth had his head also smitten of, as witnesseth. Niceph. Lib. 7. cap. 15.

To this maye be ioyned also Georgius, a younge man of Capadocia, who stoutly inueighing against the impyous idolatry of the Emperours, was apprehended, and cast in prison, then torne wyth hooked yrons, burnt with hoate lyme, stretched with cordes, after that his hands and feete with other members of his body being cut of, at last wyth a sworde had his head cut of. Niceph. ibid.

With these aforenamed adde also Sergius, Sergius. Bacchius▪ Panthaleō ▪ Theodorus, Faustus, Gereō, with 318. fellowes. Hermogenes, Menas a man of Athens. Eugraphus, Samonas, Gurias, Abibus, Hieron, with hys fellowes. Iudes, Dom. Eualasius, Maximinus, Thiesus, Lucius, Callinicus, Apollonius, Philemon, Asilas, Leonides, Arrianus the President. Cyprianus, Byshop of Antioche. Iustina, Glicerius, Felix Priest. Fortunatus and Achilleus Deacons. Carpophorus, Abundus hys Deacon. Claudius, Syrinus, Antonius, Cucusatus, Felix Byshop. Adauctus, and Ianuarius, Fortunatus, Septimus, Martyrs. and Bacchius, Panthaleon, a phisition in Nicomedia, mentioned in Supplem. Lib. 8. Theodorus of the Citie Amasia in Hellesp. mentioned of Vincentius. Lib. 3. Faustus a martyr of Egypt, mentioned of Niceph. Lib. 8. cap. 5. Gereon with 318. fellow martirs which suffered about Colour. Petr. de nat. Lib, 9. cap. 49. Hermogenes the President of Athens, who being conuerted by the constancie of one Menas, and Eugraphus in their torments, suffered also for the like faith. Item Samonas, Gurias and Abibus, mentioned in Symeon Metaphrast. Hieron also wt certaine of his confessors, vnder Maximinus, mentioned in Metaphrastes. Iudes, and Domuas, who suffred with many other Martirs aboue mentioned, at Nicomedia, as recordeth Metaphrastes. Euelasius, Maximinus the Emperors officers, whom Fausta the virgin in her torments conuerted. Also Thyrsus, Lucius, Callinicus, Appollonius, Philemon, Asilas, Leonides, with Arrianus president of Thebaide, Cyprianus, likewise a Citizen of Antioche, who after he had continued a long time a filthy Magitian, or sorcerer, at length was conuerted, & made a Deacon then a Priest, and at last the Bishop of Antioche, Vincent lib. 12. cap. 120. of whome partly we touched somwhat before. Pag. 72. This Cyprian wt Iustina a virgin suffered amōg the martirs, Item, Glycerius at Nicomedia, Felix a minister, Fortunatus, Achilleus, Deacons in the citie of Valent. Arthemius of Rome, Cyriacus Deacon to Marcellus the bishop. Carpophorus Priest at Thuscia, with Abundus his deacō. Item, Claudius, Syrinus, Antonius, which suffered with Marcellinus the Bishop Sabell Enead. 7. Lib. 8. Cucusatus, in the citie Barcinona. Felix Byshop of Apulia, with Adauctus & Ianuarius his priests, Fortunatus & Septimus hys readers, who suffered in the Citie Venusina vnder Dioclesian. Bergom. Lib. 8.

It were to long a trauell or trouble to recite al and singular names of them particularly,The Lamē table story of Cassianus Martyr. Ex Aurel. Prudentius. lib. peristephanon. whom this persecutiō of Dioclesian did consume. The number of whom being almost infinite is not to be collected or expressed: One storye yet ramayneth, not to be forgotten of Cassianus, whose pitifull story being described of Prudentius we haue here inserted, rendring metre for metre as followeth.

1

THrough Forum, as in Italy,

I passed once to Roome:

Into a Church by chaunce came I,

And stoode fast by a toome.

2

Which church sometime a place had bene,

Where causes greate in lawe:

Were scand and tryed, and iudgement giuen,

To keepe brute men in awe.

3

Thys place Sylla Cornelius,

First built: he raysed the frame:

And called the same Forum, and thus,

That City tooke the name.

4

In prayer feruent as I stoode,

casting mine eie aside:

A picture in full piteous moode,

(Imbrude) by chaunce I spied.

5

A thousand wounded markes full bad,

All mangled, rent, and torne:

The skinne appeared as though it had,

Bene iagde and prickt with thorne.

6

A scull of pictured boyes did bande,

About that lothsome sight:

That with their sharpned gads in hand,

His members thus had dight.

7

These gads were but their pens wherewith,

Their Tables written were:

And such as scholers often sith,

Vnto the scholes doe beare.

8

Whom thou seest heere thus picturde sitte,

And firmely dost behold:

No fable is, I do thee witte,

Vnaskte a Prelate tolde

9

That walkt thereby: but doth declare,

The history of one,

Which written, would good recorde beare,

What faith was long agone.

10

A skilfull scolemaister this was,

That here sometime did teach:

The Bishop once of Brixia as,

And Christ full plaine did preach.

11

He knew well how to comprehende▪

Long talke in few lynes:

[Page]And it at length how to amende,

By order and by times.

12

His sharpe precepts, and sterne lookes,

His beardles boyes did feare:

When hate in hart (yet for their bookes)

Full deadly they did beare.

13

The childe that learnes, I doe yee weete,

Termes aye his tutor crule.

No discipline in youth seemes sweete,

Count this a common rule.

14

Behold the raging time now here,

Oppressing sore the faith:

Doth persecute gods children dere,

And all that Christ bewraith.

15

This trusly teacher of the swarme,

Profest the liuing God:

The chiefe good thing, they compt their harme,

Perhaps he shakes his rod.

16

What rebels aske the president,

Is he, Theare so loude

Vnto our youth an instrument,

They say, and low they bowde.

17

Go bring the caytiffe foorth he bids,

And make no long delay:

Let him be set the boyes amids,

They doe as he doth say.

18

Let him be giuen vnto them all,

And let them haue their will:

To doe to him what spite they shall,

So that they will him kill.

19

Euen as they list let them him fray

And him deride so long:

Till wearines prouokes their play,

No lenger to prolong.

20

Let them I say then vncontrold,

Both pricke and scotch his skinne:

To bath their hands let them be bold,

In the hote bloud of him.

21

The scholers hereat make great game,

It pleaseth them full well:

That they may kill and quench the flame,

They thought to them a hell.

22

They binde his hands behind his back [...],

And naked they him stripe:

In bodkinne wise at him they nacke,

They laugh to see him skippe.

23

The priuy hate that ech one hath,

In hart it now appeares:

They poure it foorth in gally wrath,

They wreake them of their teares.

24

Some cast great stones, some other breake,

Their tables on his face:

Lo here thy Latine and thy Greeke,

(Oh barren boyes of grace.)

25

The bloud runnes downe his cheekes and doth,

Imbrue the boxen leames:

Where notes by them were made (though loth)

And well proponed theames.

26

Some whet, some sharpe, their penseles pointes,

That serude to write with all:

Some other gage his flesh and ioyntes,

As with a pointed nall.

27

Sometimes they pricke, sometime they rent,

This worthy martirs flesh:

And thus by turnes they do torment,

This confessour a fresh.

28

Now all with on consent on him,

Their bloudy handes they lay:

To see the bloud from limme to limme,

Drop downe they make a play.

29

More painefull was the pricking pange,

Of children oft and thicke:

Then of the bigger boyes that stange,

And neere the hart did sticke.

30

For by the feeble strokes of the one,

Death was denied his will:

Of smart that made him wo begon,

He had the better skill.

31

The deeper strokes the great ones gaue,

and neerer toucht the quicke:

The welcomer he thought the same,

Whom longing death made sicke.

32

God make you strong he saith I pray,

God giue you might at will:

And what you want in yeares I say,

Let crueltie fulfill.

33

But whilest the hangman breatheth still,

and me with you do match:

That weakely worke, yet want no will,

my [...] to dispatch.

34

My griefes waxe great, what gronest thou now?

Sayd some of them againe?

In schoole, aduised well art thou?

Whom there thou pu [...]st to payne?

35

Behold we pay, and now make good,

as many thousande stripes:

As when with weeping eyes we stoode,

In daunger of thy gripes.

36

Art thou now angry at thy bande,

that alwayes cried writ [...], write,

And neuer wouldst that our right hand,

Should rest in quiet plyte▪

37

We had forgot our playing times,

Thou churle deniedst vs of:

We now but pricke and point our lines,

And thus they grinne and scof.

38

Correct good sir your viewed verse,

If ought amisse there be:

Now vse thy power and then rehearse,

that haue not marked thee.

39

Christ pittying this groaning man,

With tormments torne and tyred:

Commaundes his hart to breake euen then,

And life that was then hyered.

40

He yeeldes againe to him that gaue,

And thus he makes exchaunge:

Immortall▪ for mortall to haue,

That in such payne did [...]aunge.

41

This is saith he, that this plesure,

Thou so beholdst, Oh g [...]t:

Of Cassianus Martir pure,

Cassianus Martyr.

Doth preach I doe protest.

42

If thou Prudence haue ought in store,

In pietie to deale:

In hope of iust reward therefore,

Now shew thy louing zeale:

43

I could not but consent, I weepe,

Hys tombe I doe embrace:

Home I returne, and after sleepe,

This pittifull preface,

44

I write as a memoriall,

For euer to endure:

Of Cassianus scolemaster,

All others to allure.

45

To constancy vnder the crosse,

Of their profession:

Accompting gaine what euer losse,

For Christ they take vpon.

No lesse admirable then wonderfull was the constancy also of woemen and maidens, who in the same persecution gaue their bodyes to the tormentes & their liues for the testimony of Christ, with no lesse boldnes of spirite, thē did the men themselues aboue specified, to whome howe much more inferiour they were in bodely strēgth, so much more worthy of prayse they be, for their constant standing. Of whom some examples here we minde (Christ willing) to inferre, such as in our stories and Chronicles seem most notable, first beginning with Eulalia, whose story we haue taken out of the foresayd Prudentius as followeth.

In the West part of Spaine called Portingall, is a City great and pop [...]lous, named Emerita, wherein dwelt and was brought vp a virgine borne of noble parentage, whose name was Eulalia, Eulalia Martyr. which Emerita although for the apte situation therof, was both rich & famous, yet more adourned and famous was the renowne therof, by ye martyrdome, bloud,Ex Arel. Prudentio. lib. peristephano [...]. and sepulture of this blessed virgine Eulalia. Twelue yeares of age was shee and not much aboue, when she refused great and honourable offers in mariage, as one not skilfull, nor yet delighting in courtly daliaunce, neyther yet taking pleasure in purple and gorgeous apparell, or els in precious balmes, or costly ornamentes and iuels:The chaste and continent behauiour of Eulalia. But forsaking and despising all these and such lyke pompeous allurements, then shewed she her self most busie in preparing her iourney to her hoped inheritance, and heauenly patronage. Which Eulalia as she was modest and descrete in behauiour, sage and sober in conditions, so was she also witty and sharp in aunswering her enemies. But when the [...] rage of persecution inforced her to ioyne her self amongest Gods Children in the houshold of faith, and when the Christians were commaunded to offer incense and sacrifice to deuils or dead Gods: Then began the blessed spirite of Eulalia to kindle, and being of a pro [...]tipt & ready wit thought forthwith (as a couragious captayne) [Page] to geue a charge vpon this so great, and disordered a battayle: and so she,Eulalia geueth the onset, denying to sacrifice to deuils. silly woeman, pouring out the bowels of her innocent hart before God, more prouoketh therby the [...]orce and rage of her enemies agaynst her. But the godly care of her parentes, fearing least the willing minde of the Damsel, so ready to dye for Christes cause, might make her gilty of her owne death,Eulalia kept secret by her parentes. hid her and kept her close at their house in the countrey, being a great way out of the Citty. She yet misliking that quiet life, as also detesting, to make such delay, softly stealeth out of the doores (no man knowing therof) in the night and in great hast leauing the common waye, openeth the hedge gappes, and with werye feete (god knoweth) passed through ye thorny & bryery places, accompanied yet wt spirituall garde: & although darke & dreadfull was the silent night, yet had shee with her the Lord & guider of light. And as the children of Israel comming out of Egipt, had by the mightye power of God, a cloudy piller for their guide in ye day, & a flame of fire in the night, so had this godly virgine, traueling in this darke night, when she fleing & forsaking the place where al filthy idolatry abounded, & hastened her heauenly iourney, was not oppressed with the dreadfull darknes of the night, But yet she before the day appeared in this her speedy iourney, with her selfe considered & mused on a thousand matters, & more.Eulalia disproueth the Heathen Iudge. In the morning betime with a bould courage she goeth vnto the tribunall or iudgement seat, & in the midst of them all with a loud voice, crying out sayde: I praye you what a shame is it for you thus rashely, and without aduisement to destroy and kill mens soules, and to throwe their bodies aliue against the rocks, and cause them to deny the omnipotent god?The godly confession of Eulalia. Would you know (O you vnfortunate) who I am? behold, I am one of the Christians: an enimie to your deuilish sacrifices, I spurne your idols vnder my feete: I confesse God omnipotent with my hart and mouth. Isis, Apollo, and Uenus, what are they? Maximinus himselfe, what is he? The one a thing of naught, for that they be ye workes of mens hands, ye other but a cast away bicause he worshippeth the same worke. Therfore friuolous are they both, and both not worthy to be set by. Maximinus is a Lorde of substaunce, and yet he himselfe falleth downe before a stone, and voweth the honor of hys dignitie vnto those that are much inferior to his vassals. Why then doth he oppresse so tirannically, more worthye stomacks and courages then himselfe? He must neds be a good guid, and an vpright iudge, which fedeth vpon innocent bloud: and breathing in the bodies of godly men doth rent and teare their bowels, and that more is, hath his delight in destroying and subuerting the faith.

Go to therfore thou hangman, burne, cut and mangle thou these earthly mēbers. It is an easie matter to breake a britle substance, but the inward mind shalt not thou hurt for any thing thou canst do. The pretor thē or iudge wyth these words of hers, set in a great rage, saith, hangmā take her and pull her out by the heare of her head & torment her to the vttermost. Let her feele the power of our countrey gods, and let her know what the Imperiall gouernement of a Prince is.Eulalia allured with fayre perswasions. But yet, O thou sturdy girle, faine woulde I haue thee (if it were possible) before thou dye, to reuoke this thy wickednes. Behold what pleasures thou maiest enioy by the honorable house thou camest of. Thy fallen house and progenie followeth thee to death with lamentable teares, & the heauy nobility of thy kindred maketh dolfull lamētation for thee. What meanest thou, wilt thou kill thy self so younge a flower, & so neare these honorable mariages and great dowries that thou mayest enioy? Doth not the glistering and golden pompe of the bried bed moue thee? Doth not the reuerende pietie of thyne Auncitours pricke thee? whom is it not, but that this thy rashnes and weakenes sorroweth? behold here the furniture ready prepared for thy terrible death. Either shalt thou be beheaded with this sword, or else with these wild beastes shalt thou be pulled in peeces, or els yu being cast into the fiery flames shalbe (although lamentably bewailed of thy friends and kinsfolks) consumed to ashes. What great matter is it for thee I pray thee, to escape al this? If thou wilt but take & put with thy fingers a little salt & incense into the censers, thou shalt be deliuered from al these punishmēts. To this Eulalia made no aunswere, but being in a great furye shee spitteth in the tirauntes face, she throweth downe the Idoles, and spurneth abroad with her feete the heape of incense prepared to the censers: then without further delay, the hangmen with both their strengthes tooke her, & puld one ioynte from an other, and with the talantes of wilde beastes, scotched her sides to the hard bodes: she all this while singing and praysing God in this wise. Beholde, O Lord I will not forget thee: what a pleasure is it for them O Christ that remember thy triumphant victoryes, to attayne vnto these high dignities, and still calleth vpon that holy name,Eulalia singeth an [...] prayseth God in he tormente. al stained and embrued with her owne bloude. This sang she with a bold stomacke, neither lamentyngly nor yet wepingly, but being glad and mery, abandonyng from her mind all heauines and griefe, when as out of a warme fountain her mangled members with fresh bloud bathed her white and fayre skinne. Then proceede they to the last and final torment, which was not only the goring and wounding of her mangled body with the yron grat, & hurdle, and terrible harrowing of her flesh, but burned, on euery side with flaming torches her tormented brests,Eulalia put in the fire. The end and martyrdome of Eulalia. and sides: her heare hanging about her shoulders in two parts deuided (wherewith her shamefast chastitie and virginitie was couered) reached downe to the ground: but when the cracking flame fleeth about her face, kindled by her heare, and reacheth the crowne of her head: thē she desiring swift death, opened her mouth and swalowed the flame, and so rested shee in peace.

The sayde Prudentius and Ado, Ex Prude [...] also Equilinus adde moreouer, writinge of a white doue issuing out of her mouth at her departing, and of the fire quenched about her body, also of her body, couered miraculously wyth snow, with other things more, wherof let euery reader vse hys owne iudgement.

As ye haue heard now the Christian life and constant death of Eulalia, Agnes martyr. much worthy of praise & commendation: So no lesse commendation is worthely to be giuen to blessed Agnes, that constant Damsell and martir of God, who as she was in Rome of honorable parentes begotten, so lyeth she there as honorably intombed & buried. Whiche Agnes for her vnspotted & vndefiled virginitie, deserueth no greater praise and commendation, then for her willing death and martirdome.Straunge and vnnecessary myracles omi [...] ted. Some writers make of her a long discourse, more in my iudgement then necessary, reciting diuers & sundry straunge miracles by her done in the processe of her history, which partly for tediousnes, partly for the doubtfulnes of the author, (whome some father vpon Ambrose) and partly for the straungenes and incredibilitie therof I omit, being satisfied with that which Prudentius, brefly writeth of her,Ex pruden. lib. de C [...] ronis. as foloweth: Shee was (sayth hee) yong & not mariageable, when first she being dedicated to Christ, boldly resisted the wicked Edictes of the Emperor: least that through idolatry she might haue denied and forsaken the holy faith: but yet first proued by diuers and sundry pollicies to induce her to the same (as now with ye flattering and intising words of the Iudge, now with the threatnings of the storming executioner) stoode notwythstanding,Agnes constant in the confession of her fayth, stedfast in al couragious strength: and willingly offered her body to hard & painful torments, not refusing as she sayd, to suffer whatsoeuer it should be, yea though it were death it selfe. Then said the cruell tyraunt: if to suffer paine & torment, be so easie a matter and lightly regarded of thee & that thou accomptest thy life nothing woorth: yet ye shame of thy dedicated or vowed virginity is a thing more regarded I know, and esteemed of thee. Wherefore this is determined, that vnles thou wilt make obeisaunce to the aultar of Minerua, and aske forgiuenes of her for thy arrogancy,Agnes threatned to the brothel house. thou shalt be sent or abandoned to the cōmon stewes or brothelhouse. Agnes ye virgine, with more spirit and vehemency inneieth against both Minerua & her verginitie: the youth in sculs flocke and runne togither, and craue that they may haue Agnes their ludibrious pray:Agnes bolde vpon the helpe of Christ. thē saith Agnes, Christ is not so forgetfull of those that be hys, that he wil suffer violently to be taken frō them their golden and pure chastitie, neither wil he leaue them so destitute of helpe: he is alwaies at hande and ready to fight for such as are shamfast and chast virgines, neither suffereth he his giftes of holy integritie or chastitie to be polluted. Thou shalt sayth shee, willingly bathe thy sworde in my bloud if thou wilt, but thou shalt not defile my body with filthy lust for any thing thou canst doe. She had no sooner spoken these wordes, but he commaunded that she should be set naked at the corner of some streete, (whiche place at that time, such as were strumpets cōmonly vsed, the greater part of the multitude both sorrowing and shaming to see so shameles a sight,The incontinent eyes of a young man beholding Agnes strunken out. went their wayes, some turninge their heades, some hiding their faces. But one amongst ye rest, with vncircumcised eies, beholding the Damsell, and that in such opprobrious wise: behold a flame of fire lyke vnto a flash of lightning, falleth vpō him, striketh his eies out of his head, wherupon he for dead falling to the groūd, sprauleth in the chanel durt, whose cōpanions taking him vp, & carrying him away, bewayled him as a dead man. But the virgin for this her miraculous deliuery from the danger and shame of that place, singeth prayses vnto God and Christ.

There be (saith Prudentius) that report how that shee [Page] beyng desired to pray vnto Christ for the partie, that a litle before with fire frō heauen for hys incōtinency was stricken was restored by their prayer,The young man restored agayne to his health by the prayer of Agnes. both vnto hys perfect health & sight. But blessed Agnes after that she had climed this her first griefe and step vnto the heauēly pallace, forthwith began to clime an other: for fury ingendring now, ye mortall wrath of her bloudy enemy, wringing his handes crieth out saying, I am vndone: O yt the executioner draw out thy sword, and doe thyne office that ye Emperour hath appoynted thee. And when Agnes saw a sturdy and cruell fellow (to behold) stand behinde her, or approaching neere vnto her with a naked sword in his hand: I am now gladder sayth she, & reioyce, yt such a one as thou, being a stout, fierce, strong and sturdy souldiour art come, then one more feable, weake, & faynt should come, or els any other yong man sweetly enbalmed,Agnes desirous of martirdōe. and wearing gaye apparell that might destroy me with funerall shame. This, euen this is he I now cōfesse, yt I do loue. I wil make hast to meet him and will no longer protract my longing desire: I wil willingly receaue into my papes the length of hys sword, and into my brest will draw the force therof euē vnto the hilts: That thus I being maryed vnto Christ my spouse,The prayer of Agnes. may surmount and escape all the darckenes of this world, that reacheth euen vnto ye skyes. O eternal gouernour, vouchsafe to opē the gates of heauen once shut vp agaynst al the inhabitantes of the earth, and receaue (oh Christ) my soule that seeketh thee. Thus speaking and kneeling vpon her knees, she prayeth vnto Christ aboue in heauen, that her necke might be the redyer for the sword,Agnes beheaded. now hāging ouer the same. The executioner then with his bloudy hand, finished her hope, & at one stroke cutteth off her head, & by such short & swift death doth he preuente her of ye payne therof.

I haue oftentimes before complayned that the stories of Sayntes haue bene poudered and sawsed with diuers vntrue additions and fabulous inuentiōs of men,The history of Katherine martir. All thinges be not true and probable, that be written of Sainctes liues. who either of a superstitious deuotion, or of a subtill practise, haue so mingle mangled their stories and liues, that almost nothing remayneth in them simple and vncorrupt, as in the vsuall Portues wont to be read for dayly seruice, is manifest and euident to be seene, wherein, few Legendes there be, able to abide ye touch of history, if they were truely tried. This I write vpon the occasiō specially of good Katherine, whome now I haue in hand. In whom although I nothing doubt, but in her life was great holines, in her knowledge excellency, in her death constancy: yet that all thinges be true that be storyed of her, neyther dare I affirme, neyther am I bound so to thinke: So many strange fictions of her be fained diuersly of diuers writers, wherof some seeme incredible, some also impudent. As where Petrus de Natalibus, Petrus de Natalibus. lib. 10. writing of her conuersion declareth, how that Katherine sleeping before a certaine picture or table of the Crucifixe, Christ with his mother Mary appeared vnto her: And when Mary had offered her to Christ to be his wife, he first refused her for her blackenes. The next tyme, she beyng baptised, Mary appearing againe, offered her to mary with Christ, who then being liked, was espoused to hym and maryed, hauing a golden ring the same tyme put on her finger in her sleep. &c. Bergomensis writeth thus, that because she in ye sight of the people openly resisted the Emperour Maxentius to hys face and rebuked hym for hys crueltie,Katherine resisteth the Emperour openly to hys face. therfore she was commaunded and committed vpon the same to prison, which seemeth hetherto not much to digresse from trueth. It followeth moreouer, that the same night an angell came to her,Katherine committed to prison and comforted by an Aungell. comforting and exhorting her to be strong and constant vnto the Martyrdome, for that she was a mayd accepted in the sight of God, and that the Lord would be with her, for whose honor she did fight, and that he would geue her a mouth and wisedome, which her enemies should not withstand: with many other thinges mo, which I here omit. As this also I omit concerning ye 50. Philosophers, whom she in disputation conuicted, and conuerted vnto our religion, and dyed martyrs for ye same. Item, of the conuerting of Porphyrius kinsmā to Maxentius and Faustina the Emperours wife. At length (saith the story) after she proued the racke, and the foure sharpe cutting wheeles,The tormentes and end of Katherine. hauing at last her head cut off with the sword, so she finished her martyrdome, about the yeare of our Lord (as Antoninus affirmeth) 310 Symeon Metaphrastes, writing of her, discourseth the same more at large, to whome they may resort, which couet more therein to be satisfied.

Among the workes of Basill a certayne Oration is extant concerning Iulitta the martyr,The history of Iulitta Martyr. who came to her martyrdome (as he witnesseth) by this occasion. A certayne auaricious and greedy person, of great authoritie, and as it may appeare, the Emperour his deputy, or other like officer,Ex Basil. in Serm. (who abused the decrees and lawes of the Emperour agaynst the Christians, to hys own lucre and gayne) violently tooke from this Iulitta all her goodes, landes, cattell, and seruaunts, contrary to all equity and right. She made her pittifull cōplaint to the Iudges, a day was appointed, when the cause should be heard.Iulitta violen [...]ly spoyled of her goodes. The spoyled woman, and the spoiling extorcioner stode forth together, ye woman lamentably declareth her case, ye man frowningly beholdeth her face. When she had proued that of good right the goods were her owne & that wrongfully he had dealed with her: the wicked & bloudthirsty wretch, preferring vile worldly substaunce, before the precious substaunce of a Christen body, affirmed her action to be of no force, for that she was as an outlaw in not seruing the Emperors Gods, since her christian faith hath bene first abiured.Iulitta once abiured. His allegation was allowed as good and reasonable. Whereupon incense & fire were prepared for her to worship the Gods, which vnles she would do,Iulitta standeth to the cō fession of her fayth. neither the Emperors protectiō, nor lawes, nor iudgment, nor life, should she enioy in that cō mon weale. When this handmaid of the Lorde heard these wordes, she saide, farwell life, welcome death: farwell ryches welcome pouerty. All that I haue if it were a thousand times more,A Christian voyce of a true martyr. would I rather loose, then to speake one wicked & blasphemous word against God my creator. I yeeld thee thanks most harty, O my God, for this gift of grace, that I can contemne & despise this frayle and transitory world, esteming Christian profession aboue all treasures. Hence forth whē any question was demaunded, her aunswere was:The answere of Iulitta. I am the seruaunt of Iesus Christ. Her kindred & acquaintaunce flocking to her, aduertised her to chaunge her minde. But that vehemently she refused, with detestation of their Idolatry. Forthwith the Iudge, with the sharpe sworde of sentēce not only cutteth of al her goodes & possessions, but iudgeth her also to the fire most cruellye. The ioyfull Martyr imbraceth the sentence as a thing most sweete and delectable.Iulitta condemned to the fire. She addresseth her selfe to the flames, in countenaunce, iesture, and wordes, declaring the ioy of her hart, coupled with singular constancy. To the women beholding her, sententiouslye shee spake: Sticke not,The words and exhortations of Iulitta to woemen about her O sisters, to labour and trauell after true piety and godlines. Cease to accuse the fragilitie of feminine nature. What? are not we created of the same matter, that mē are? Yea, after Gods Image and similitude are we made, as liuely as they. Not flesh only God vsed in the creation of the woman, in signe and tokē of her infirmitie, & weaknes, but bone of bones is she, in token that shee must be strong in the true and liuing God, all false Gods forsaken. Constant in faith al infidelity renounced patient in aduersity, all worldly ease refused. Waxe wery, (my dere sisters) of your liues lead in darkenes, & be in loue with my christ, my God, my redeemer, my comforter which is the true light of the worlde. Perswade your selues, or rather the spirite of the liuing God perswade you, that there is a world to come, wherin the worshippers of idoles and deuils shal be tormented, perpetually, the seruauntes of the high god shalbe crowned eternally. With these words she embraced the fire, and swetely slept in the Lord.

There haue bene moreouer beside these aboue recited diuers godly women and faithfull Martirs,Barbara, Fausta, Euclatius, Maximinus, Iuliana, Anysia, Iustina, Tecla, Martirs. as Barbara a noble woman in Thuscia, who after miserable prisonmēt sharpe cordes, & burning flames put to her sides, was at last beheaded. Also Fausta the virgin, which suffered vnder Maximinus by whome Euelasius a ruler of the Emperours palace, and Maximinus the President were both conuerted and also suffered martirdome, as witnesseth Metaphrastes. Item Iuliana a virgine of singular beautie in Nicomedia, who after diuers agonies suffered likewise vnder, Maximinus. Item, Anysia a mayd of Thessalonica, who vnder the said Maximinus suffred. Metaphr. ibid. Iustina which suffered with Cyprianus bishop of Antioche, not to omit also Tecla although most writers doe accorde that she suffered vnder Nero. Platina in vita Caij, maketh also mentiō of Lucia, & Agatha. All which holy maides and virgins glorified the Lord Christ with their constant martirdome in this tenth & last persecution of Dioclesian.

During the time of which persecution these bishops of Rome succeded on after another▪ Caius, Marcellinus, Marcellus, Eusebius, Miltiades Byshops of Rome and martyrs. Caius who succeded next after Xistꝰ mētioned. pag. 71. Marcellinus Marcellus (of whō, Eusebius in his story maketh no mention) Eusebius, & then Miltiades: al which, died martirs in the tempest of this persecution. First Marcellinus after the Martirdome of Caius was ordeined Bishoppe, he being brought by Dioclesian, to the Idoles,Marcellinus denyeth and repenteth. Ex Lib Concilior &. Platina. first yeelded to their Idolatry & was seene to sacrifice, wherfore being excommunicated by the Christians, fell in such repentaunce, that he returned agayne to Dioclesian, where he standing to his former confession, and publikely condemning the idolatry of the heathen, recouered the crowne of martirdome: suffering with Claudius, Cyrinus, and Antoninus.

[Page] Marcellus likewise was vrged of Maxentius to renounce his bishoprick & religion,Euseb. in Chro. & to sacrifice with them to idols. which when he constantly refused, was beaten with cudgels, and so expelled the city. Then he entring into ye house of Lucina a widow, assembled there the cōgregation, which when it came to the eares of Maxentius the tiraunt, he turned the house of Lucina into a stable, and made Marcellus the keeper of the beasts, and so with the stinch thereof and miserable handling was put to death. Eusebius late byshop of Rome, as Euseb. in Chron. saith. 7. monethes: Marianus Scotus saith 8. months.Authors dissent. Ex Sabel. Enead. 7. Lib. 8. Damasus affirmeth 6. yeares, Sabellicus alledgeth certaine authors that say, that he was slayne by Maximinianus: but correcteth that himselfe, affirming that Maximinianus died before him.

Miltiades by the testimony of Platina, and other that follow him sat 3. yeares, & 7. moneths, & suffred vnder Maximinianus. But that semeth not to be true, as both Sabellicus doth rightly note,Sabel. ibid. affirming that the same cannot stand by the supputation of time: Forasmuch as the saide Galerius Maximinus raigned but 2. yeares, and died before Miltiades. Also Eusebius manifestly expresseth the example of a letter of Constantine written to this Miltiades Byshop of Rome,A place of Platina confuted. playnely conuicting that to bee false, which Platina affirmeth.

The order and proceeding described in iudgement agaynst the Bishop of Rome.In the booke collected of general councels among the decretal epistles, there is a long tractation about ye iudgement and condemnation of Marcellinus: wherof the Maysters & Patrones of popery, in these our daies, take great hold to proue the supremacy of the pope to be aboue al generall councels, and that he ought not to be subiect to the condemnation of any person or persons, for that there is written: Nemo vnquam iudicauit Pontificem, nec Praesul sacerdotem suum, An obiection of the Papistes answered vnto. quoniam prima sedes non iudicabitur a quoquā. &c. Although this sentence of Miltiades seemeth apparantly to be patched in, rather by some Heldibrandus, then by Miltiades: both for that it hangeth with little order of sense, vpon that which goeth before: & againe bicause that prima sedes here mentioned, was not yet ordained nor attributed to the sea of Rome before the councell of Nice, where the order and placing of byshops was first established. But to let this sentence passe, yet notwithstanding the circūstance & proceding of this iudgement, if it be rightly weyed, maketh very little to the purpose of these men. Neither is it true that the bishops of this councell of Sinuesse, did not condemne Marcellinus: for the wordes of the councell bee plaine. Subscripserunt igitur in eius damnationem & damnauerunt eum extra ciuitatem. That is: They subscribed therfore to his comdemnation, and condemned him to be expelled out of the citie. Moreouer by ye said councell were brought in, the 42. witnesses against Marcellinus. In the saide councell the verdit of the same witnesses was demaunded and also receiued. Furthermore, Quirinus there, one of the Byshops openly protested, that he would not depart ye councell, before the malice of the bishops were reuealed: what doth al this declare, but that the bishop of Rome was called there,The Byshop of Rome cyted vp and appeareth before the councell. and did appeare before the iudgement seat of the Councell, and there stoode subiecte to their sentence & authoritie, by the which he was expelled out of the City? As for the wordes of the councell, whereupon our Papistes stand so much. Non enim nostro, sed tuo ipsius iudicio cōdemnaberis, &c. Item: Tuo ore iudica causam tuā. &c. These words import not here the authority of the Romane bishop to be aboue the councel, neither do they declare what the councell could not do, but what they would and wished rather to be done, that is, that he should rather acknowledge his crime before God & them, with a voluntary yelding of his hart, then that the confession of such an hainous fact should be extorted from him through their condemnatiō: for that they saw to be expedient for hys soules health. Otherwise their cōdemnation should serue him to smal purpose. And so it came to passe. For he being vrged of thē to condemne himselfe,The Byshop of Rome condemned by the Councell. so did: prostrating himselfe and weeping before them. Wherupon immediatly they proceded to the sentēce against him, condemning & pronouncing him to be expelled the city. Now whether by this may be gathered, that ye Byshop of Rome ought not to be cited, accused, and condemned by any person or persons, let the indifferent Reader iudge simply.

The decretall Epistles and constitutions of these Byshops of Rome examined. The chief scope of the constitutions decretall, to magnifie the Church [...] Rome. The Epistle of Caius. A great part of the Epistle of Caius, taken out of the Epistle of Leo, to Leo the Emperour.As touching ye decretal epistles, which be intituled vnder the name of these foresaide bishops: who so well aduiseth them, and with iudgement will examine the stile, the time, the argument the hanging togither of the matter, & the constitutions in them contained (little seruing to anye purpose, and nothing seruing for those troublous dayes then present) may easely discerne them: either in no part to be theirs, or much of the same to be clouted and patched by the doings of other, which liued in other times: speciallye seing al the constitutions in them for the most part tend to the setting vp and to exalt the sea of Rome aboue al other, Bishops and churches, and to reduce all cames & appeals to the said sea of Rome. So the epistle of Caius beginnyng with the commendation of the authoritie of his sea, endeth after the same tenor, willing and cōmaunding all difficult questions in al prouinces whatsoeuer emerging, to be referred to the sea Apostolicall. Moreouer, the greatest part of the said epistle from this place. Quicunque illi sunt ita obcaecati. &c. to the ende of this periode: Quoniam sicut ait. B. Apostolus Magnum est pietatis. &c. is conteyned in the epistle of Leo, vnto Leo the Emperour: & so rightly agreeth in al poynts with the stile of Leo, that euidēt it is the same to be borrowed out of Leo, out of the epistle of Caius, or to bee patched into the epistle of Caius taken out of Leo.

Likewise the epistle of Marcellinus to get more authoritie with ye reader,The Epistle of Marcellinus. is admixed with a great part of S. Paules epistle to the ephesians, worde, for worde. And howe is it like that Marcellinus which died in the 20. yeare of Dioclesian coulde write of consubstantialitie of the diuine persons, when that controuersie and terme of Consubstantialitie, was not heard of in the Church,The epistle decretall of Marcellus. before Nicene councell, which was 23. yeares after him? But especially the two epistles of Marcellus bewray themselues, so that for the confuting therof needeth no other probation, more then onely the reading of the same. Such a glorious stile of ambition therein doth appeere, as it is easie to be vnderstoode, not to proceede either frō such an humble Martir, or to sauour any thing of the misery of such a time.24. q. 1. Regamus vn fratres. His wordes of hys first epistle written to the brethren of Antioche, and alleaged in the popes decrees by Gratianus are these:

We desire you brethren that ye doe not teach nor conceiue any other thing, but as yee haue receiued of the blessed Apostle S. Peter, and of other Apostles & fathers. For of him ye were first of all instructed. In what chapter or leafe in all the Byble doth the Lord commaund the sea of Pete [...] to be translated from Antioche to Rome. wherefore you must not forsake your owne father and followe others. For hee is the head of the whole Church to whom the Lord sayd: Thou art Peter and vpon this rocke I will build my church. &c. whose seate was first with you in Antioche: which afterward by the commaundement of the Lord was trāslated frō thence to Rome, of the which church of Rome I am this day placed (by the grace of god) to be the gouernour. Frō the which church of Rome, neither ought you to separate your selues, seeing to the same church all maner causes ecclesiasticall, being of any importance (Gods grace so disposing) are commonded to be referred: by the same to be ordered regularly, from whence they tooke their first beginning. &c. And followeth consequently vpon the same. And if your Church of Antioche, which was once the 1. wil now yeld her self vnto the sea of Rome, ther is no other Church els, The church of Rome [...]eth to the Church of Antioche to yeld vnto her. which will not subiect it selfe to our dominion: to whom all other Byshops, who so euer listeth, and as they must needes do (according to the decrees of the the Apostles and of their successors) ought to flee vnto, as to their head, and must appeale to the same, there to haue their redresse, and their protection from whence they tooke their first instruction and consecration. &c.

Whether this be like matter to proceed from the spirit of Marcellus that blessed martyr, in those so dreadfull dayes, I say no more,The second Epistle of Marcellus written to Maxentius. but onely desire thee (gētle reader) to iudge.

In hys second Epistle moreouer, the sayd Marcellus, writing to Maxentius, the bloudy tyraunt, first reprehendeth him for his crueltie, sharpely admonishing him howe & what to do: to learne and seeke the true religion of God, to mayntayne hys Churche, to honor and reuerence the Priestes of God, and specially exhorteth him to charitie, and that he would cease from persecution. &c. All this is possible,The Epistle of Marcellus to Marentius blanched. and like to be true: but now marke (good reader) what blanched stuffe here followed withall: as where hee alledging the statutes and sanctions of hys predecessors, declareth and discusseth that no byshop nor minister ought to be persecuted, or depriued of hys goodes. And if they be, then ought the to haue their possessions and places againe restored (by the law) before they were bound (by the law) to aunswere to their accusations layd in agaynst thē. And so after that, in conuenient tyme, to be called to a councell. The which councell notwithstanding, without the authoritie of the holy sea, cannot proceede regularly (albeit it remayne in hys power to assemble certayne Byshops together.) Neyther can he regularly condemne any Byshop, appealing to this hys Apostolicall sea, before the sentence diffinite do proceede from the foresayd sea. &c. And it followeth after: and therefore (sayth he) let no Byshop of what crime soeuer he be attached, come to hys accusation or be heard, but in hys owne ordinary Synode at hys conuenient time: the regular and Apostolicalll authoritie beyng ioyned withall. Moreouer in the sayd Epistle writing to Maxentius, hee decreeth that no lay men, or any suspected Byshop, ought to accuse Prelates of the Church: ‘so that if [Page]they be either laye men, or men of euill conuersation, or proued manyfest enimies, or incensed with anye hatred, their accusations against any Byshops ought not to stande. Wyth other such matters moe, concerning the disposition of iudiciall court. Which matter, if Pope Gregory the seuenth, had written to Henrye the third Emperour, or if Pope Alexander the third, had written to the Emperour Predericus the first: it might haue stand with some reason and opportunity of time.’ But nowe for Marcellus to write these decrees in such persecution of the Churche, to Maxentius the Heathen and most cruell Emperour: howe vnlyke it is to bee true, and howe it serued then to purpose, the Reader may soone discerne. And yet these be the epistles and constitutions decretal, whereby (vnder the pretensed title of the fathers) al churches of late time,The church of England gouerned by the pope [...] Canō law without sufficient ground of antiquitie. The Epistles decretall of Eusebius and Miltiades. & al ecclesiastical causes haue beene, & yet are in this realme of england to this day gouerned, directed, and disposed.

The like discussion & examination I might also make of the other epistles that followe of Eusebius and Miltiades, which al tende to the same scope, that no Prelate or bishop ought to come to his answere (or ad litem cōtestatam, as the words of their writing do terme it) before they be orderly & fully restored again to their possessiōs. Who moreouer in ye said their epistles stil harpe vpon this key of ye scripture: Tu es Petrus, & super hanc petram aedificabo ecclesiam meam, Declaring more ouer that this priuiledge of iudging al mē and to be iudge of no man, but onely to be left to ye iudgement of the Lord: was gyuen to this foresayd holy sea of Rome, from tyme of the Apostles, & chiefly lefte wt Peter the holye key keeper: so that although the election of the Apostles was equall, yet this was chieflye graunted to Saint Peter; to haue preheminenes aboue the rest. Concluding in the ende hereby.Ex Epist. Decretal. Miltiades. Quod semper maiores causae, sicut sunt episcoporum, & potiorum curae negotiorum, ad vnam beati principis Apostolorum Petri sedem confluerent: That is: that alwaies all greater causes, as be the matters of Byshoppes, and such other cares of weighty importaunce, should be brought to the sea of S. Peter, the blessed prince of the Apostles. &c. These be the wordes of Miltiades and Eusebius, whereby it may partly be smelled of him that hath any nose, what was the meaning of thē which forged these writings and letters, vpon these auntient holy martirs.

This I cannot but maruell at, in the thirde Epistle of Eusebius the bishop of Rome, that where as Marcellius his late predecessor before,A place of the third Epistle decretall of Eusebius sound vntrue. in his owne time and remembrance did fall so horribly, and was condemned for the same iustly to be expulsed the Citie by the counsell of 300. Byshops: yet notwithstanding the foresaid Eusebius in his third epistle alledging ye place of Tu es Petrus, bringeth in for a profe of the same and saith: Quia in sede Apostolica extra maculam semper est Catholica seruata religio. &c. That is, for in the Apostolicall sea, alwaies the Catholike Religion hath bene preserued without any spot or blemish.

But howsoeuer the forgers of these decretal Epistles haue forgottē themselues,Miltiades the last Byshop of Rome being in danger of persecution. most certeine it is that these holy bishops, vpon whom they were and are ascribed: liued perfect good men, and died blessed martirs. Of whom this Miltiades was the last among all the Bishoppes of Rome here in the west Church of Europe, that euer was in daū ger of persecution to be Martired, yet to this present day.

And thus haue ye heard the stories and names of such blessed Saintes, which suffered in the time of persecution, from the xix. yeare of Dioclesian, to the vij. and last yeare of Maxentius with the deathes also & plagues described vpon these tormentors,The end of these persecutions in all the West Churches. and cruel tiraunts, which were the captaines of the same persecutiō. And here commeth in (blessed be Christ) the ende of these persecutions here in these West Churches of Europe, so far as the dominion of blessed Constantinus did chiefly extend.

Yet notwithstanding in Asia al persecution as yet ceased not for the space of foure yeres, as aboue is mentioned by the meanes of wicked Licinius. The persecutiō vnder Licinius. Under whome diuers there were holy and constant martirs, that suffered greeuous torments: as Hermylus a Deacon, and Stratonicus a keeper of the prison, which both, after their punishments sustained,Hermylus, Straconicus Martyrs. Theodorus Captayne, Martyr. Milles, martyr. The kinges of Persia were commonly called by the name of Sapores. were strangled in the floud Ister. Metasth. Also Theodorus ye Captaine, who being sent for of Licinius, because he would not come, and because he brake his Gods in peeces, and gaue them to the pore, therfore was fastned to the crosse, and after being pearsed with sharpe pricks or bodkins, in the secret parts of his body, was at last beheaded. Adde to this also Milles, who first being a Souldiour, afterward was made bishop of a certaine Citie in Persia, where he seing himselfe could do no good to conuert them, after many tribulations and great afflictions among thē, cursed the Citie and departed. Which citie shortly after by Sapores king of Persia was destroied.

In the same countrey of Persia, about this time suffered vnder Sapores the king (as recordeth Symeon Metasthenes) diuers valiant & constant martirs,Persecution in Persia. Acindimus, Pegacius, Anempodistus, Epidephorus. Symeon Archbishop. Cresiphon. Byshop, Martyrs. 128. Martirs in Persia. The story of Symeon Archb. of Seleucia. Ex Sozom. lib. 2. cap. 8.9.10. as Acindymus, Pegasius, Anempodistus, Epidephorus, also Symeon Archbishop of Seleucia, with Ctesiphon an other bishop in Persia, with other ministers & religious men of that region, to ye number of 128. Of this Symeon and Ctesiphon thus writeth Zozomenus lib. 2. That the idolatrous Magitians in Persia, taking counsaile togither against ye Christians, accused Symeon & Ctesiphō, to Sapores ye king, for yt they were gratefull & accepted vnto ye Romane Emperor & bewraied to him, such things as were done in ye land of Persia. Whereupon Sapores being moued, toke great displeasure against ye christians, oppressing them with taxes & tributes vnto their vtter impouerishing, killing also their Priestes with the sword: After that calleth for Symeon the Archbyshop, who there before the king declared himselfe a worthy & a valiant captaine, of Christs church. For when Sapores had cō maūded him to be led to suffer torments, he neither shronk for any feare, nor shewed any great humble sute of submission for any pardon: wherat the king partly marueiling, partly offended, asked why he did not knele downe, as he was wont before to do. Symeon to this aūswered, for that saith he, before this time I was not brought vnto you in bondes to betray the true God,The worthy answere of Symeon vnto the king. as I am nowe, so long I refused not to accomplishe that which the order & custome of the Realme of me required: but now it is not lawful for me so to do, for now I come to stand in defence of our Religion and true doctrine. When Symeon thus had aunswered, the king persisting in his purpose, offereth vnto him ye choise, either to worship with him after his maner (promising to him many great gifts, if he would so doe) or if he would not,The constancie of Simeon. threatneth to him and to al the other christians within his land, destruction. But Symeon neither allured with his promises, nor terrified with his threatnings, cō tinued constaunt in his doctrine professed, so that neyther he could be induced to Idolatrous worship, nor yet to betray the truth of his religion. For the which cause he was committed into hands, and there commaunded to be kept to the kings pleasure further knowne.

It befel in the way as he was going to ye prison, there was sitting at the kings gate a certaine Eunuche,The fall of Vsthazare [...]. an olde Tutor or scholemaister of ye kings, named Vsthazares, who had bene once a christian, and afterward falling from hys profession, fell with the Heathen multitude to their Idolatrie. This Vsthazares sitting at the doore of the kinges pallace, and seing Symeon passing by led to the prison, rose vp and reuerenced the Bishop. Symeon againe with sharpe wordes (as the time would suffer) rebuked him & in great anger cried out against him:The fruite of Ecclesiasticall discipline and chastisment. which being once a christian, woulde so cowardly reuolt from his profession, & returne againe to the Heathenish Idolatry. At the hearing of these words the Eunuch forthwith brasting out in teares, laying away his courtly apparell, which was sumptuous & costly & putting vpon him a blacke and mourning weede, sitteth before the court gates weping and bewailing, thus saying with himselfe:The repentance of Vsthazares. wo is me, wyth what hope, wyth what face, shall I looke hereafter for my God, which haue denied my god: whē as this Symeon my familiar acquantance, thus passing by me, so much disdaineth me, that he refuseth with one gentle word to salute me?

These things being brought to the [...]ares of the King (as such tale cariers neuer lacke in Princes courtes) procured against him no litle indignation. wherupon Sapores the king sending for him, first with gentle words & courtly promises began to speake him faire, asking him what cause he had so to mourne, & whether there was any thing in his house, which was denied him, or which he had not at his owne will and asking.The aunswere of Vsthazares to the king. Whereunto Vsthazares aunswering againe saide: That there was nothing in that earthly house, which was to him lacking, or wherūto his desire stod. Yea would god (said he) O king any other grief or calamitie in al the world, whatsoeuer it were, had happened vnto me, rather thē this for ye which I do most iustly mourne and sorrow. For this sorroweth me that I am this day aliue, who should rather haue died long since, & that I see this sonne, which against my hart and mynde, for your pleasure dissēblingly I appeared to worship, for which cause doublewise I am worthy of death. First, for yt I haue denied Christ. Secondly, because I did dissemble with you. And incontinent vpon these wordes, swearing by him that made both heauen & earth, affirmed most certainly, that although he had plaied ye foole before, he would neuer be so mad againe, as in steede of the creator and maker of all thinges, to worship the creatures which he had made and created. Sapores the king being astonied at the so sodaine alteration of this man, and doubting with hym selfe, whether to be angry with those inchaunters, or with [Page] him, whether to intreat him wyth gentlenes, or wyth rygour, at length in this moode commaunded the sayde Vsthazares his old auncient seruaunt,Vsthazares the kinges tu [...]or condemned to be beheaded. and first Tutor & brynger vp of his youth, to be had away, and to be beheaded: as he was going to the place of execution, he desired of the executioners, a lyttle to staye, whyle he myght sende a message vnto the king, which was this (sent in by certayne of the kings most trusty Eunuches) desiring him that for all the old and faythfull seruyce he had done to his Father,The message of Vsthazares To the king. & to him, he would now requite him wt thys one office agayne, to cause to bee cryed openlye by a publike cryer in these wordes followyng: that Vsthazares was beheaded not for any trechery or cryme committed against the king or the Realme,The cause openly cryed, why Vsthazares was beheaded. but onelye for that hee was a Christyan, and woulde not at the Kinges pleasure denye hys God. And so accordyng to hys requeste it was performed and graunted. For thys cause dyd Vsthazares so much desire the cause of hys death to be publyshed: because that as his shrynking backe from Christ, was a great occasion to manye Christians to doe the lyke: so nowe the same hearing yt Vsthazares dyed for no other cause but only for ye religion of Christ, shoulde learne lykewyse by hys example to bee feruente and constaunt in that which they professe. And thus thys blessed Eunuch dyd consummate hys Martyrdome.The end and martirdome of Vsthazares. Of the which hys Martyrdome, Symeon hearing being in pryson was very ioyfull, and gaue god thanks. Who in the nexte daye followyng, being brought foorth before the Kyng, and constantly refusyng to condescende to the Kynges request,The martirdome of Symeon Archb. to worshyp visible creatures, was lykewyse by the commaundement of the Kyng beheaded, wyth a great number mo, whithe the same daye also did suffer, to the number as is sayd of an hundreth and more. All whiche were put to death before Symeon, The exhortatiō of Symeon the Archbishop to the martyrs at their death, when he also hymselfe should suffer. he standing by, and exhortyng them, wyth comfortable wordes: admonishing them to stande fyrme and stedfast in the Lord, Preachyng and teachyng them concernyng death, resurrection, and true pietye, and prooued by the Scryptures yt to be true which he had sayde. Declaryng moreouer that to be true lyfe in deede, so to dye: and that to be death in deede, to deny or to betray God for feare of punishment. And added further, that there was no man alyue, but needes once must dye. For so much as to all men is appoynted necessarelye, here to haue an ende. But those thyngs which after this lyfe followe hereafter, to bee eternall, which neyther shall come to all men after one sorte. But as the condition and trade of lyfe in dyuers men doth dyffer, and is not in all men like: so the tyme shall come, when all men in a moment shall render and receaue accordyng to theyr dooynges in thys present lyfe immortall rewardes: such as haue here done well, of lyfe and glory, such as haue done contrary, of perpetual punishment: As touching therefore our well doyng, here is no doubte but of all other our holy actions and vertuous deedes, there is no hyer or greater deede, then if a man here loose his lyfe, for hys Lord God. Wyth these wordes of comfortable exhortation, the holye Martyrs beyng prepared, willyngly yeelded vp their liues to death. After whom at last followed Symeon, with two other Priestes or Mynisters of his Church, Abedecalaas, Ananias, Martirs. Abedecalaas, and Ananias, which also wyth him were pertakers of the same Martyrdome. At the sufferyng of those aboue mentioned, it happened that Pusices one of the Kynges offycers, and ouerseer of hys Artificers,The story of Pusices Martyr. was there present: who seeyng Ananias beyng an aged olde Father, somwhat to shake and tremble at the syght of them that suffered: O Father (sayde he) a lyttle moment shut thyne eies, and be strong, and shortly thou shalt see the sight of God. Upon these words thus spoken, Pusices immediately was apprehended & brought to the King.The free speach and boldnes of Pusices. Who there confessing himselfe constantly to be a Chrystian, and for that he was very bould and hardy before the king in the cause of Christs faith, was extremely and most cruelly handled in the execution of his Martyrdome.The cruell martyrdome of Pusices. The daughter of Pusices Martyr. For in the vpper part of hys necke they made a hole to thrust in theyr hande, and pluckt out hys tongue out of hys mouth, and so he was put to death. At ye which time also the daughter of Pusices, a godly virgine, by the malicious accusation of the wicked, was apprehended & put to death.

The next yeare followyng, vpon the same day, when the Christians did celebrate the remembraunce of ye Lords passion,A cruell edict of Sapores agaynst the Christians. which wee call good Frydaye before Easter (as wytnesseth the sayde Zozomenus.) Sapores the king directed out a cruell and sharpe Edict throughout al his land, condemning to death all them, whosoeuer confessed themselues to be Christians.Innumerable martyrs in Persia. By reason whereof an innumeble multitude of Christians, through the wicked procuring of the malignant Magitians suffered the same tyme by the sworde, both in Citie and in Towne: some beyng sought for, some offeryng themselues willyngly, least they shoulde seeme by their sylence to deny Christ. Thus al the Christians that could be founde, without pitie were slaine and diuers also of the kinges owne court and housholde. Amonge whome was also Azades an Eunuche,Azades, a noble [...] yet Martyr. and whome the Kyng did entirely loue and fauour. Which Asades after that the King vnderstoode to be put to death, beyng greatly mooued with the sorrow thereof commaunded after that,The pro [...] of God [...] the [...]. no Christians to bee slayne, but them onely which were the Doctours and teachers of Chrystian Religion.

In the same tyme it happened that the Queene fell into a certaine disease:Trabula [...] her sister, martyrs. Trabula [...] sister of Sym [...]on. False accusa [...] on rashly beleued. Trabula and her sister sawne in s [...] der. The blinde charme of the wicked Queene. vpon the occasion whereof the cruell Iewes with the wicked Magicians, falsely and malicyously accused Trabula, the sister of Symeon, the Martyr, a godly Uirgine, with an other sister also of hers: that they had wrought pryuie charmes to hurt the Queene, for the reuenging of the death of Symeon. This accusation beyng receaued and beleeued: innocent Trabula, with the other were condemned, and with a sawe cut in sunder by the middle. Whose quarters were then hanged vpon stakes: the Queene goyng betweene them, thinking thereby to be deliuered of her sickenes. This Trabula, was a mayde of a ryght comelye beauty, and verye amiable, to whome one of the Magicians cast great loue, much desiring and labouryng by gyftes and rewardes sent into the pryson to wynne her to hys pleasure: promising that if she woulde applye to hys request shee shoulde bee deliuered and set at lybertye.Example of maydenly chastitie. in Trabula. But she vtterly refusing to consente vnto hym, or rather rebukyng him for his incontinent attempt dyd chuse rather to dye, then to betray eyther the Religion of her minde or the virginitie of her body. Zozom.

Now forsomuch as the king had cōmaunded that no Christians should be put to death,Ex ecclesiast. Hist. Zozom. lib. 2. cap. 13. Persecution agaynst the [...] shops and teachers of the church in Pe [...] sia. but onely such as were the teachers and leaders of the flocke: the Magicians and Archmagitians, left no diligence vntried, to set forward the matter. Whereby great affliction and persecutions was among the Byshops and teachers of the Church, which in all places, went to slaunghter, especially in the country of Diabenor, for that part of Persia aboue al other was most Christian.Acepsimas byshop Martyr. Iacobus Priest Martyr. Example of true Christian charitie and singuler piety in Iacobus. Where Acepsimas ye Byshop with a great number of his flocke and clergy, were apprehended and taken: vpon the apprehension of whō the Magicians to satisfie ye kings commaundement, dismissed al the rest, onely depriuing them of their liuing and goods. Onely Acepsimas the bishop they retayned, with whom one Iacobus a Minister or priest of his church was also ioined: not of any compulsion, but onely as himselfe so desired and obtained of those Magicians, yt he might folow him, & be coupled in ye same bonds to serue the aged byshop, and to relieue (so much as he might) his calamities, and heale his woundes. For he had bene sore scourged before of the Magians,Athal [...] Deacon, Azadanes Deacon, Abdiesu [...] Deacon, Martyrs. This Archimagus, and magi (as [...]onophon. sayth) was as order of religion among the Persians, which had the greatest str [...]ke in the land next to the king. The end and martirdome of Acepsimas Byshop. Athalas lost the vse of both hys armes beyng pluckt from the ioyntes of his body. after they had apprehended him, and brought him to worshippe the sunne, which thing because he would not do, they cast him into prison againe, where this Iacobus was waiting vpō him. At the same time likewise Athalis a Priest or Minister, also Azadanes and Abdiesus Deacons were imprysoned, and miserably scourged for the testimony of the Lorde Iesus. After this the Archimagus espying his time, complaineth to the king of them, hauing authoritie and commission giuen him (vnles they would worship the sunne) to punish them as he pleased. This commaundement receyued of the king, the master Magus doth declare to thē in prison. But they aunswered againe plainely, that they would neuer be either betraiers of Christ, or worshippers of the sunne. wherupon without mercy they were put to bitter torments. Where Acepsimas strongly persisting in the confession of christ, endureth to death. The other being no lesse rent & wounded with scourges, yet cōtinued meruailously aliue. And because they woulde in no case turne from their constant sentence, were turned againe into prison. Of whome Athalas in the time of his whipping was so drawne & rackt with pulling, that both his armes being loosed out of the ioynts, hanged downe from his body: which he so caried about without vse of any hande to feede himselfe,Ex Sozo. li. [...]. cap. 13. ex Nicepho. Lib. 8. cap. 17. Barbasimes, Paulus, Gaddiabes, Sabinus, Mareas, Mocius, Iohannes, Hormisdas, Papas, Iacobus. Romas, Maares, Agas, Bochres, Abdas, Abiesus, Ioannes, Abramius but as he was fed of other.

Miserable and almost innumerable were the slaughters vnder the raigne of this Sapores, of Byshops, Ministers, Deacons, religious men holy virgins, and other ecclesiasticall persons such as did then cleaue to the doctrine of Christ and suffered for the same. The names of the bishops besides the other multitude taken in that persecution, is recited in Sozom. lib. 2. and in Niceph. lib. 8 cap. 37. in this order following, Barbasymes, Paulus, Gaddiabes, Sabinus, Mareas, Mocius, Iohannes, Hormisdas, Papas, Iacobus, Romas, Maares, Agas, Bochres, Abdas, Abiesus, Ioannes, Abramius, Agdelas, Sabores, Isaac, Dausas Bicor. also with Maureanda his fellow bishop, and the rest of his Churches vnder hym, [Page] to the number of 250. persons, which were the same time apprehended of the Persians.Agdelas, Sabores, Isaac, Dausa [...], Bico [...], Maureanda. with 250. other martirs. The number of the martirs that suffered in Persia, were 16. thousand. Constantinus the Emperour writeth to the king of Persia in the behalfe of the afflicted Christians. The copy and effect of the Epistle of Constantine Sapores. &c. Briefly to cōprehend the whole multitude of them that suffered in that persecution, the maner of their apprehension, the cruelnes of their tormēts, how and where they suffered, & in what places it is not possible for any history to discharg. Neither are ye Persians them selues (as Zozomenus recordeth) able to recyte them. In summe, the multitude and number of thē whom they are able to recite by name, commeth to the summe of xvj. thousand men and women.

The rumor and noyse of this so miserable affliction of the Christians in the kingdome of Persia, comming to the eares of Constantinus the Emperour, put him in great heauines, studing and reuoluing with himselfe, howe to helpe the matter, which in deede was very hard for him to do. It so befell the same time, that certaine Embassadours were then at Rome from Sapores king of Persia, to whom Constantinus did easely graunt, and consent, satisfying all their requestes, and demaundes, thinking thereby to obtaine the more friendship at the kings handes, that at hys request, he would be good to the Christians to whome he writeth his Epistle in their behalfe, and sendeth the same by his messengers beginning thus:

Diuinam fidem seruans veritatis lucem sortior. Veritatis luce ductus diuinam fidem cognosco. Per ea igitur, quibus illa res agēdas confirmat, sanctissimam religionem cognitam redd [...], & hunc m [...] cultum doctorem cognitionis sancti dei habere confiteor. &c. Eusebius. de vita. Constantinus. lib. 4. The contentes whereof, briefly do tende to this effect. Declaring vnto him how he should stand much beholden to him, if at his request he would shew some quiet and rest to the Christians. In whose religion there was nothing which he could iustly blame. For so much as in their sacrifices they vse to kil nothing, nor to shed no bloud, but only to offer vp vnbloudy sacrifices, to make their praiers vnto God, who delighteth not in bloud shedding, but onely in the soule that loueth vertue, and followeth such doctrine and knowledge, which is agreeing to true pietie. And therefore such men as doe leade him and learne so to beleue, and to worship God, are more to bee commended. Moreouer he assureth him to finde God more mercifull to him, if hee woulde embrace the godlye pietye and truth of the Christians. And for example thereof, bringeth in the stories of Galienus and Valerianus,Of this Galienus and Valerianus read the pag. 75. who so long as they were fauorers of the Christiās did prosper and florish. But as soone as they moued any persecution agaynst them, it happened to them, as it did to all other Emperors before them, that all went backward with them, as especially might appere by Valerianus, who after he had raged so cruelly against the Christians, was eftsoones ouercome of the Persians, the reuenging hand of God falling vpon him, where hee led euer after a miserable life, in wretched captiuitie. Farther also for the more euidèce of the same, inferreth the examples of those Emperors and tyrants in his time, whom he vanquished & subdued only by his faith in Christ, for the which faith, God was hys helper, and gaue him the victory in many battailes, and tryumph ouer great tyraunts, whereby he hath also enlarged the dominiō of the Romane monarchie from the west Ocean, to the vttermost parts wel neere of al the East. To the doing and working wherof, he neither called to him the helpe of any charmer, or diuination of southsayer, nor vsed the killing of any sacrifice: but onely the following of the crosse, and prayer made to almightie God, without any other bloudy sacrifice, was the armour wherewith hee ouercame, &c. And in the end of the Epistle addeth these words What ioy (saith he) what gladnes would it be to my hart, to heare the state also of the Persians to florish, as I wish it to do, by embracing this sort of men, the Christians I meane? so that both you with them, and they with you in long prosperite may enioy much felicity together as your harts would desire, & in so doing no doubt ye shall. For so shall you haue God, which is the author and creator of all this vniuersall worlde, to be mercifull and gratious to you. These men therefore I commend vnto you vpon your kingly honour, And vpon your clemency and piety, wherewith you are indued, I commit them vnto you, desiring you to embrace & receaue them according to your humanitie and benignity, agreing and conuenient to your estate: who in so doing shal now both procure to your selfe grace through your faith, and also shall declare to me a great pleasure and benefit worthy of thanks.

This Epistle wrot Constantinus to king Sapores Such care had this godly Prince for them that beleued in Christ not onely in his owne Monarchie,The generall care of godly Constantinus for all christians in all places. Other forrayne persecutions in Persia. Andas Byshop martir. but also in all places of the world: neither is it to be doubted but this intercessiō of the Emperour did something mittigate the heate of the Persians persecution. Although thereof we reade no certaine thing in our historyes.

Of other troubles and persecutions we read of, which happened afterward in the said country of Persia, vnder Isdigerdes the king, but these followed long after about the time of the Emperour Theodosius. At which time suffered Andas their bishop, and Hormisda a great noble mans sōne, and of great reputation among the Persians:The story of Hormisda Martyr. Ex Theodor. Lib. 5. cap. 39. The faythfull constancie of Hormisda. Hormisda banished the country of Persia. Suenes Martir. whom whē the king vnderstod to be a Christian, and to deny to turne from his religion, condemned him to kepe his Elephants naked. In processe of time the king looking out, and seeing him all swarted and tanned in the sunne, commanded him to haue a shirt put on, & to be brought before him. Whome then the king asked, if he woulde denye Christ. Hormisda hearing this, tare of his shirt from his body, and cast it frō him saying: If yee thinke that I will denye my faith to Christ for a shirt, haue heere your gift againce &c. And so was vpon that expelled the country. Theodor. lib. 5.

An other there was that same time, named Suenes, which had vnder him an hundreth seruaunts. The king takyng displeasure with him, for that he would not alter from hys religion and godly truth, asked who was the worst of all his seruaunts. And him the king made ruler of all ye rest, and coupling him with his maisters wife,The constancy of Suenes. brought also Suenes vnder his subiection, thinking therby to subdue also the faith of Suenes, but it was builded vpon a sure foundation.

Of Beniamin the Deacon thus writeth the saide Theoret, The story of Beniamin Deacon and Martyr. in his fift booke, that after two yeares of his imprisonment, at the request of the Romaine Legate hee was deliuered, who afterward contrary to the kings commaundement hee preached and taught the Gospell of Christ, was most miserable excarnificate, hauing xx. sharpe prickes of reeds thrust vnder his nayles, but when he did laugh at yt, then in his priuye yarde had a sharpe reede thrust in with horrible paine. After that a certaine long stalk ragged and thorny being thrust into his body by the nether part, was forced into him with the horriblenes of the paine,Beniamin tormented. The martirdome of Beniamin. whereof the valiant and inuincible souldiour of the Lord gaue ouer his life. Theodor. ibid. And thus much concerning the martirs and persecutions among the Persians, although these persecutions belong not of this time, which came (as it is sayd) long after the daies of Constantinus, about the yeare of our Lorde. 425.

Likewise vnder Iulianus the wicked Apostata, certaine there were which constanly suffered Martyrdome by the Heathen Idolaters,The martirs vnder Iulianus Apostata. Aemilianus Domitius Martyrs. as Emilyanus, who was burned in Thracia, and Domitius, which was slayne in hys caue. Theodorus also for singing of a Psalme at the remoouing of the body of Babylas (wherof mention is made of before pag 60.) being apprehended, was so examined with exquisite torments, and so cruelly excruciate from morning almost to noone,The story of Theodorus Martyr. Ruff. Lib. 5. cap. 36. Theodor. lib. 3. cap. 11. Zozom. lib. 5. Cap. 10. A miracle to be noted. Artemius. Martyr. Eusebius, Nestabus, brethren. Nestor. Martirs. Eupsychius, with other men of Cesar [...]a martyr. Miserable crueltie agaynst the Christian virgins of Arethusia. The people made to be pluckt from their olde customes, though it be neuer so wicked. that hardly he scaped with life. Who being asked afterward of his friendes, howe he coulde abide so sharpe torments, said that at the first beginning he felt some paine but afterward there stode by him a yong man, who as he was sweating, wiped of his sweate, and refreshed him wt cold water, oft times: wherewith he was so delited, that when he was let downe from the engine, it greeued hym, more then before. Ruff. lib. 5. cap 36. Theodor. lib. 3. cap. 11. Zozom. lib. 5. cap. 10.

Artemius also the captaine of the Egiptian soldiours the same time lost his head for his religiō indede: although other causes were pretended against him. Theo. Niceph. lib. 10. cap. 11.

Adde to these moreouer, Eusebius and Nestabus twoo brethren, with Nestor also, which for their christianitie were dragged through the streetes, and murdered of the idolatrous people of Gaza. Sozo. Lib. eod. cap. 11.

But especially the crueltie of the Arethusians, a people of Syria, exceeded against the Christian virgines, whome they set out naked before the multitude to be scorned, after that being shauen, they couered them with swil and draffe woont to be giuen to their hogs, & so caused theyr bowels and flesh to be deuoured of the hungry swine. This rage & furye of the wicked Arethusians, Zozomenus supposeth to come of this, because that Constantinus before had broken them from their country maner, of setting forth and exposing their virgins, filthely to whom soeuer lusted, and destroyed the temple of Venus in Heliopolis, restrayning the people there from their filthines and vile whoredome. Sozom. Lib. 5 cap. 10.

Of the lamentable story or rather Tragedy of Marcus Arethusius, their Byshop, thus writeth the said Sozomenus, and also Theodoretus in his third booke, in these words as followe.

This Tragedye (saith hee) of Marcus Arethusius, The story of Marcus Arethusius. doth require the eloquence and worthines of Aeschilus, and Sophocles, which may, as the matter deserueth, set forth, and beautify his great afflictions. This man at the commaundement of Constantinus, pulled downe a certayn temple dedicated to Idols, and in the stead thereof built vp a church where the Christians might congregate. The Arthusians remembring the little good wil that Iulianus bare vnto him [Page] accused him as a traitour and enimie to him. At the first, according as the scripture teacheth he prepared him selfe to flee. But when he perceiued that there were certaine of his kinsmen or frynds apprehēded in his steed,The true conscience of Marcus Arthusius. returning agayne of his owne accord he offred himselfe to those that thirsted for his bloude. whome when they had gotten as men neither pytiyng his old age & worne yeares, nor abashed at his vertuous conuersation, being a man so adourned both with doctrine & maners, first strypt him naked, & pittifully beate him, then within a while after, they cast him into a foule filthy sinke, & from thence being brought, they caused boyes to thrust him in with sharpned stickes, made for the nonce to prouoke his paine the more.Great cruelty shewed. Lastly, they put him into a basket, and being annointed with hony, & broth, they hung him abroad in the heate of the sunne as meate for waspes and flies to feede vpon. And all this extremity they shewed vnto him, for that they woulde enforce him to do one of these things (yt is either to build vp-againe ye temple, which he had destroied, or else to giue so much money as should pay for the building of ye same:Couetousnes the cause of cruelty. but euen as hee purposed with him selfe to suffer & abide theyr greuous torments, so refused he to doe that they demaunded of him. At the length they taking him to be but a poore man, and not able to pay such a summe of mony, promised to forgiue him the one halfe, so that he would be contented to pay the other halfe. But he hanging in the basket woū ded pitifully with the sharpned sticks of boies & children, and all to be bitten with waspes & flyes, did not only conceale his paine & griefe, but also derided those wicked ones and called them, base, low, and terrene people, and he himselfe to be exalted and set on high. At length they demaunding of him but a small some of money, he answered thus, it is a great wickednes to confer one halfe penye in case of impietie,A notable saying. as if a man should bestow the whole. Thus they beyng not able to preuayle against him, let hym downe. And leauyng him went their waye, so that euery man might learne at his mouth the example of true pietie and faithfulnes.

Although the tractation of these foresayd stories & persecutions of Persia, aboue premised, do stray somwhat out of the order & course of time and place, as which came neither in the time of Constantine, nor be pertinent to the monarchy of Rome: yet because in this present history we are in hand with the holy martirs and Saintes of Christ, for as much as these also gaue such a faithfull testimony of the Lord Iesus with their bloud, I thought therefore not to passe them ouer with some testimony in this our Catalogue of holy Martirs. And here an end of these persecutions of the primitiue church.

¶It may peraduenture be marueiled of some, reading the history of these so terrible persecutions aboue specified, why God the almighty director of al things, would suffer his owne people and faithfull seruaunts, beleeuing in his owne and onely begotien sonne Iesus, so cruellye to bee handled, so wrongfully to be vexed, so extreemly to be tormented and put to death, & that the space of so many yeres together, as in these foresaid persecutiōs may appeare. To the which admiration I haue nothing to aunswere, but to say with the words of Hierome: Hierony. in Aba cap. 1.Non debemus super hac rerum iniquitate, perturbare videntes, &c. We ought not to be mooued with this iniquitie of things, to see the wicked to preuaile against the godly: for so much as in the beginning of the worlde we see Abell the iuste to bee killed of wicked Cain. The wicked in this world doe most florish and preuayle. And afterward Iacob being thrust out, Esau to reigne in his fathers house. In like case the Egyptians with bricke and tyle, afflicted the sonnes of Israel. Yea and the Lorde himselfe, was hee not crucified of the Iewes, Barrabas the thief being let go? Time would not suffise me, to recite, & recken vp how the godly in this world go to wracke, the wicked flourishing and preuailing. Hiero. Briefly, howsoeuer the cause hereof proceedeth, whetherfor our sins here in this life, or how else, soeuer, yet this is to vs, & may be to all men a sufficient stay,Persecution commeth by no chaunce. that we are sure these afflictions and persecutions of God his people in this worlde, not to come by any chaunce, or blinde fortune, but by the prouydent appointment, and forewarning of God. For so in the old law by the affliction of the children of Israell,Persecution of Gods people prefigured and forewarned of God. he hath prefigured these persecutions of his Christians. So by the words of Christes owne mouth in the Gospell, he did forwarne his church of these troubles to come. Again neither did he suffer these so great afflictions to fall vpon hys seruaunts, before that he had premonished them sufficientlye by speciall Reuelation in the Apocalips of Iohn his seruaūt,The Churche forewarned of Christ by speciall reuelation in the Apoc. in the which Apocalips he declared vnto his church before, not onely what troubles were comming at hande toward them, where, and by whome, they shoulde come, but also in playne number, if the wordes of the prophecye be well vnderstoode assygneth the true tyme,The beast [...] the Apoc. expounded. howe longe the sayde persecutions shoulde continue, and when they shoulde cease. For as there is no doubte, but by the beast with seauen heades, bearing the whoore of Babylon, dronken wyth the bloude of Saintes, is signified the Citie of Rome: So in my iudgement, the power of making fortie two moneths (in the thirteene of the Apocalips) is to bee expounded,42. monthe [...] in the Apoc. cap. 13. expounded. taking euery Moneth for a Sabboth of yeares, that is, reckonyng for seauen yeares a moneth: so that forty and two such Sabbots of yeares, being gathered togither make vppe the yeres iust,The beast had power to make 42. monthes. betweene the time of Christes death, to the last yeare of the persecution of Maxentius, when Constantinus fyghting vnder the banner of Christ, ouercame him, and made an ende of all persecution, wythin the Monarchye of Rome. The number of which yeares,The persecuting tyme of the primitiue Church vnder the be [...] lasted 300. yeares. The Israelites 300. yeares. by playne computation come to 294. to the which 294. yeares, if yee adde the other sixe yeares, vnder the persecution of Licinius in Asia, then it fylleth vp full the three hundreth yeares. And so long continued the persecution of Christes people, vnder the heathen tirants and Emperours of the Monarchie of Rome, accordyng to the number of the fortye two monethes which the beast had power to make, specified in the thirteenth of the Apocalips. For the better explication wherof, because the matter, being of no small importance greatly apperteineth to the publike vtilitie of the Church, & least any shoulde misdoubt me herein to follow any priuate interpretation of mine own, I thought good to cōmunicate to the Reader, that, as hath bene imparted to me, in opening these mis [...]ycall numbers in the foresayd booke of Reuelation conteyned, by occasion as followeth.

As I was in hand with these histories, and therin cō sidered the exceeding rage of these persecutions, the intolerable tormentes of the blessed Sainctes, so cruelly rackt, rent, torne, and pluckt in peeces, with all kinde of tortures paynes and punishmentes that could be deuised, more bitter then any death it selfe, I coulde not without great sorrow & passiō of minde, behold their sorrowfull afflictions, or write of their bloudy passiōs. Wherin much like it happened to me, as did to T. Liuius, who writing of the warres of Carthage, was so moued in the writing thereof: Ac si in parte aliqua laboris ac periculi ipse pariter fuisset. Further I proceeded in the story, & the hoater the persecutions grew, the more my griefe with them, & for thē encreased, not onely pitiyng their wofull case, but also almost reasoning with God, thus thinking like a foole with my selfe, why God of hys goodnesse would suffer hys children and seruaunts, so vehemently to be cruciated and afflicted. If mortal things were gouerned by heauenly prouidence (as must needs be graūted) why did ye wicked so rage & florish, & the godly so to go to wrack? If sinnes deserued punishmēt, yet neyther were they sinners alone, & why was their death aboue all other so sharpe and bitter? At least why woulde the Lord suffer the vehemency of these so horrible persecutiōs to endure so long tyme agaynst hys poore Church, shewing to thē no certayne determined end of their tribulatiōs, wherby they knowing the appoynted determinatiō of almighty God, with more consolatiō might endure out the same. As the Israelites in the captiuitie of Babilon had 70. yeares limitted vnto them. And vnder Pharao they were promised a deliueraunce out. Also vnder the Syrian tyrauntes. 62. Weekes were abriged vnto them. Onely in these persecutions, I could finde no end determined, nor limitation set for their deliuerance. Wherevpō much marueiling wt my selfe, I searched the booke of Reuelatiō, to see whether any thing there might be found. Where although I well perceaued, the beast there described to signifie the Empire of Rome, which had power to ouercome the Saintes: yet cō cerning the tyme & continuance of these persecutions vnder the beast, I found nothing to satisfie my doubt. For albeit I read there of. 42. monethes, of a tyme, tymes and halfe a tyme, of 1260. dayes, yet all this by computation cō ming but to 3. yeares & a halfe, came nothing neare the lōg continuance of these persecutiōs, which lasted. 300. yeares. Thus being vexed and turmoyled in spirite, about the reckening, of these numbers and yeares, it so happened vpon a Sonday in the morning lying in my bed, & musing about these nūbers, sodēly it was answered to my minde, as with a maiestie, thus inwardly saying within me: thou foole count these monethes by Sabbots, as the Weekes of Daniell are counted by Sabbots. The Lorde I take to witnes thus it was. Wherupon thus being admonished, I began to recken the 42. monethes by Sabbats, first of monethes, that would not serue, thē by Sabbots of yeres wherin I began to feele some probable vnderstāding. Yet not satisfied herewith, to haue the matter more sure, eftsoones repaired to certaine Merchaūts, of myne acquaintance. [Page] Of whom one is departed a true faythfull seruaunt of the Lord, the other two be yet aliue, and witnes hereof. To whom the number of these foresayd 42. monethes, being propounded and examined by Sabbots of yeares, the whole summe was found to surmount to 294. yeres, conteining the full and iust tyme of these foresayd persecutions neither more nor lesse.

Now this one claspe beyng opened, the other numbers that follow, are plaine and manifest to the intelligent reader to be vnderstood. For where mention is made of three yeares and a half: of one tyme, two times, & halfe a tyme, also of 1260. dayes, all these come to one reckoning, & signifie 42. monthes, by which monthes, as is sayd, is signified the whole tyme of these primitiue persecutiōs, as here in order may appeare.

The mysticall numbers in the Apocalyps opened.

FIrst, where mention is made, Apocal. chap. 11. that the two Prophetes shall prophesie 1260. dayes. And also that the woman fleing into the desert shall there be fed. 1260. dayes: who knoweth not, that. 1260. dayes make three yeares & a halfe: that is, monethes

MCCLX. Reuelation. 11.12.

42

Secondly, where we read, chap. 11. the bodyes of the two foresaid Prophets shal lye in the streetes of the great citie vnburied, the space of iij. days & a half, and after the said iij. dayes & a half they shall reuiue againe, &c. let the houres of these iij. dayes and a half (which be 42.) bee reckoned euery day for a Sabboth of yeares, or els euery day for a moneth, and they come to moneths

Three dayes and a halfe. Reuela. cap. 11.

42

Thirdly, where as in the same booke is expressed that the woman had ij. wings geuen her to flye vnto the desert for a tyme, tymes, and halfe a tyme, geue for one time, one yere, or one day: for ij. times ij. yeares, or ij. dayes: for halfe a tyme, halfe a yere, or half a day. And so it is manifest, that those three yeares & a halfe, mounteth to monthes

A time, tymes and halfe a time. Reuela. cap. 12.

42

Fourthly, account these 42. moneths aforesaid (which the beast had power to make. Apoc. 11.) by Sabbots of yeares, that is, vij yeares for a moneth: or euery moneth for seuen yeares, & it amounteth to the summe of yeares

Xlii. monethes or 3. yeares and a halfe. Reuel. cap. 11.

294

And so haue ye the iust yeares, dayes, times, & months of these foresaid persecutions vnder the beast, neither shorter nor longer, reckoning from the death of Iohn Baptist vnder Herode the Romain king to the ende of Maxentius, and of Licinius, ij. last great persecutors, the one in the West the other in the East, who were both vanquished by godly Constantinus. And so peace was geuen to the Church, albeit not in such ample wise, but that diuers tumultes and troubles afterward ensued, but they lasted not long: & the chief brunt, to speake of these Romain persecutions, which the holy ghost especially considered aboue all other, in this his Reuelatiō thus ended, in the time of this Constantinus. Then was the great Dragon the deuill, to witte, the fierce rage & power of his malicious persecuting, tied short for a thousand yeres after this, so that he could not preuaile in any such sort, but that the power and glory of the gospel by little and litle encreasing and spreading with great ioy and libertie, so preuailed that at length it got the vpperhand, & replenished the whole earth,Ezech. cap. 47. rightly verifiyng therein, the water of Ezechiel, which issuing out of the right side of the aulter, the farther it ran, the deeper it grew, till at length it replenished the whole Ocean Sea, & healed all the fishes therin. No otherwise the course of the Gospell proceeding of small & hard beginnings kept still his streame, the more it was stopped, the swifter it ranne: by bloud it seeded, by death it quickned: by cutting it multiplied, through violence it sprong, till at last out of thraldome and oppressiō it brast forth into perfect libertie, & florished in al prosperitie, had it so bene, that the christians wisely & moderatly could haue vsed this rest & libertie, & not abused the same, forgetting their former estate to their own pride, pomp & worldly ease, as it came afterward to passe, wherof more is to be seene & said (the Lord willing) in place & time conuenient.

And thus much touching the propheticall numbers in the Apocalips. Wherein is to be noted and magnified the eternall wisdome, and hie prouidence of almighty God, so disposing and gouerning his church, that no aduersitie or perturbation hapneth at any time vnto it, which his prouident wisedome doth not foresee before & preordaine, neither doth he preordaine or determine any thing, which he doth not most truly perform, both foreseing the beginning of such persecutions, and limiting the end therof how long to continue and when to cease.The persecuted Israelites bearing a figure of the persecuted Church of Christ. In much like sort we reade in the bookes of Genesis, how the stocke of Israell, was. 400. yeares in the lande of Egipte. During the space of which 400. yeares, after the death of Ioseph, (who beareth a playne figure of Christ) they were hardly intreated and cruelly afflicted of the Egiptians, about the space of. 300. yeares, reckning from after the death of Ioseph, to their deliuerance out of the bōdage of Egipt, semblably as these Christians, after Christes time suffered the like bondage vnder the Romane tyrauntes.

Thus much by the way I thought to insinuate, least any should [...]se, or take any offēce in himself, to see or read of the Church, so long & so many yeares to be vnder so miserable & extreme afflictions.From the first persecution of the primitiue Church to the last persecution ▪ 294. yeares. Vniuersall persecution ceaseth for a 1000. yeares in the Church. Apoc. 10. From the tyme of Lic [...]us. to Wirkliffe 1000. yeares. Sathan bound vp for a thousand yeares. The time of Sathans binding opened. Wherin neither chaunce nor fortune, nor dispositiō of man, hath had any place: but onely the forecounsaile & determination of the Lord so gouerned and desposed the same. Who not only did suffer thē to fall, and foresee those persecutions before they fell: but also appointed the times and yeares how long they should last & when to haue an ende. As by the foresaide. 42. monethes in the 13. and 11. chap. of S. Iohns Apocalips haue beene declared. Which monethes conteyning. 294. yeares, if they be rightly gathered, make the full time betweene the first yeare of the persecution of Christ vnder the Iewes & Herode, till the last yeare of persecution vnder Licinius, which was from the natiuitie of Christ, an. 324. from the fyrst persecution of Christ, an. 294. as is aforesaide. After the which yeare, according to the preordinate counsel of God, when his seueritie had bene sufficiently declared vpon his own house, it pleased him to shew mercy againe, & to bind vp Sathan the old serpent, according to the xx. chap. of the Reuelation for the space of a thousand yeares, that is, frō this time of Licinius, to the time of Iohn Wickleffe, and Iohn Husse. During all which time, albeit certaine conflicts and tumults haue bene among Christian byshops themselues in the church, yet no vniuersal murdering persecutiō was stirring, before the preaching of Iohn Wickleffe, of Husse, and such other, as in the further processe of this history (Christ willing and aiding vs) shall more appeare hereafter.

Thus hauing at large discoursed these horrible persecutions past, and heauy afflictions of Christian Martyrs, now by the grace of God, cōming out of this redde sea of bloudy persecution, leauing Pharao and his host behynde: let vs sing gloriously to the worthy name of our god, who through the bloud of the lambe, after long & tedious afflictiōs at length, hath visited his people with comfort, hath tide vp Sathan shorte, hath sent his meeke Moses (gentle Constantine I meane) by whom it hath so pleased the Lord to worke deliueraunce to his captiue people, to see his seruants at liberty, to turne their morning into ioy, to magnifie the church of his sonne, to destroy the Idoles of al the world, to graunt life and liberty (and would God also not so much riches) vnto them which before were the abiectes of all the world: and all by the meanes of godly Constantinus, the meeke and most christian Emperour of whose diuine victories against so many tyraunts and Emperours persecutors of Christes people, and lastly against Licinius, an. 324. of whose other noble actes & prowesses of whose blessed vertues and his happy birth and progeny, part we haue comprehended before, part now remaineth (Christ willing) to be declared.

This Constantine was the sonne of Constantius the Emperour,Doxologia. a good and vertuous childe, of a good and vertuous father, borne in Britaine, as saith Eutropius whose Moother was named Helena, daughter, in deede of King Coilus, although Ambrosius in his funerall Oration of the death of Theodosius, sayth was an Inhoulders daughter. He was a most bountifull and gracious Prince, hauyng a desire to nourishe learning and good artes,The good quallities of Constantinus. and did oftentimes vse to read, write, and study himselfe. He had marueilous good successe & prosperous atchieuing of al things he tooke in hand, which then was (and truely) supposed to proceede of this, for that he was so great a fauourer of the Christian fayth.The cause of all hys prosperous successe. Which faith when he had once embraced, he did euer after most deuoutly and religiously reuerence: and commaunded by especiall commission and proclamations, that euery man shoulde professe the same Religion throughout al ye Romaine Monarchy.Constantine sometime by mean [...]s of hy [...] wife was an Idolater. The worshipping of Idoles, whereunto he was addict, by the allurement of Fausta his wife: in so much that he did sacrifice vnto them: after the discomfite of Maxentius in battaile, he vtterly abiured. But Baptisme he deferred euen vnto his olde age, because hee had determined a iourneye into Persia, and thought in Iordan to haue beene baptised.Euseb. lib. 4. de vita Constant. Eusebius. lib. 4. de vita Constantini.

As touching his naturall disposition and wit, he was [Page] very eloquent, a good philosopher, & in disputation sharp and ingenious.The common saying of Constantinus. He was accustomed to say, that an Emperour ought to refuse no labor, for the vtilitie of the common weale: yea, & that to aduenture the mangling of hys body for the remedy thereof, but if otherwaies it maye bee holpen to cherish the same. This Aurelius, Victor, Pomponius, Letus, & Ignatius write of him. And Aelius Lampridus saith writing vppon the life of Heliogabalus, that Constantinus was woont to saye, that an Empire was giuen by the determinate purpose of God, that he to whom it was giuen should so imploy his diligēce, as he might be thought worthy of the same at the hands of the gyuer. Which same saiing also Augustine noteth in his 3. booke against Cresconius. August. contra. Crescon epist. 49.50. epist. 49. and 50.

He first entred into the Empire, by the mercifulnes of God minding after long waues of dolefull persecution to restore vnto his church peace and tranquilitie, an. 311. as Eusebius accompteth in his Chronicle.The raygne of Constantinus. His raigne cōtinued, as Eutropius affirmeth, 30. yeares, Letus saith 32. yeares lacking, 2. monethes. Great peace and tranquilitie enioied the Churche vnder the raigne of this good Emperour, which tooke great paine and trauell for the preseruation thereof. First, yea and that before he had subdued Licinius, he set forth many edictes for the restitution of the goods of the church,The effect of some of hys constitutions. for the reuoking of the Christians out of exile, for taking away the dissension of the Doctours out of the Church, for the setting of them free from publike charges, and such like, euen as the copies of his constitutions here vnder declare, which Eusebius in his 10. booke, and 5. chapter, repeateth in this wise.

The copy of an Epistle of Constantinus, sent to his subiectes inhabiting in the East.Euseb. Lib. 10. cap. 5.

VIctor Constantinus Maximus, Augustus, to our louing subiectes inhabiting throughout the east parts, sendeth greting.

The thing it selfe, which in the sure and most firme law of nature is conteyned, doth giue vnto all men (euen as God hath ordeyned the same) sufficient perseueraunce and vnderstanding,The law of nature made perfect, compared with the knowledge of God. both of such things as man ought to foresee, as also what things presently he ought to meditate. Neither is there any thing therein to be doubted, of such as haue their mindes directed to the scope or marke of perfect vnderstanding: so that the perfect comprehending of sound reason, and the perseuerance thereof, be compared with the knowledge of God,Lithernes the nurse of ignoraunce, and ignoraunce the enemy to wisedome. Tyranny depriueth Emperours. being the true and perfect vertue. Wherefore let no wise man be troubled, although he see diuers men of diuers dispositions. For wisdome which springeth of vertue cannot abide, or acquaint her selfe with fonde ideotes, vnles, that (on the other side) the malice of peruerse lithernes prolong her daies, and cause the same Ideocie to suruiue. Wherfore assuredly the crowne and price of vertue lieth open vnto all men, & the moste mightie God ordereth the iudgement of the same. I vndoubted as manyfestly as possible is, will endeuour my selfe to testifie and confesse vnto you al, the hope which is in me. I think verily that the Emperours which before this time haue latelye bene, euen for their tiranny had the Empire taken from them: & my father onelye exercising and vsing al meekenes and lenity in his affaires, calling vpon God the father, with great deuotion & humility, hath beene exalted to the same. And all the rest, as men wanting their wits, and in comparison as sauage beastes, rather did giue themselues to like cruelty, then vnto any lenitie & gentlenes towards their subiects: in which tyranny euery one for his time being nooseled,Bloudy tyrantes make ciuile warres. Apollo gaue answere out of a caue in the ground, that he was disquyeted by the Christians. vtterly subuerted the true and vnfallible doctrine. And so great malice was their kindled in their brestes, that when all things were in peaceable tranquilitie, they made and raysed most cruell and bloudy intestine or ciuill warres. It is credibly informed vs, that in those daies, Apollo gaue aunsweres but not by any mans mouth, but out of a certaine caue & darke place (saying) that he was much disquieted by those that were the iust men and liuers vpon the earth, so that he could or would not for them, declare a truth of such things as others demaunded: & hereby it came to passe that such false deuinations were geuen from the golden tables in Apollos temple. And this thing did his propheticall priest complayne of, when he tooke vp againe the heare of his head, that other had cōtemptuously cast down, & that the neglecting of his diuination was the cause of so many euils, amongst men. But let vs see what was the ende hereof: we now boldly & without all feare inuocate & worship the omnipotent God▪ when I was a childe I heard, that he which then was chiefe Emperour of Rome, vnhappy, yea, most vnhappy man being seduced, and brought into errour, by his souldiers, curiously inquired who were those iust men vpō the earth that Apollo ment: and one of his priests which was nere about him, made answere that they were the christiās. This answere hereupon vnto him beyng as delectable, as hony vnto the mouth, drew the sword giuen vnto him to be a reuenger vpon euill doers and malefactours against the professors of the irreprehensible sanctimony and relygion.The [...] geuen for to be [...] vpon malefacto [...] ▪ And straight way he gaue forth a commission (to bloudy homicides as I may well cal them) & gaue commaundement to all the Iudges, that they should endeuour themselues with all the cunning they had to the deuising of more greeuouser, & sharper punishments against the poore Christians. Then, then I say, a man myght haue seene, how greatly the honest professors of that religion, were molested with cruelty, and daily suffered no smal iniuries and contumelies,A great [...]mendation of the christians. and that also they suffered and sustained the same with such tēperancy as though they had had no iniuries done vnto them at all. Which temperancie and patience of theirs was the cause why the furious citizens were the more madder & raging against them. What fires, what tortures, what kinde of torments were there, but they without respecte either of age, or sexe were enforced to feele?

Then did the earth without doubt,The earth bewayled the martyr deathes. herselfe bewayle her children and the round worlde which conteineth all things, beyng sprinkled and imbrued with their bloud made dolefull lamentation for them, and the daye it selfe prouoked for to mourne, was made amased for them. But what is this to purpose. Now the very barbarous nations reioyce for their sakes which receaued and harboured them, when they were afraid and fled from vs: keping them as it were in most louing & amiable captiuity. And they saued not onely their liues, but also were a defence for their religion. And now also the Romaine nation remembreth and hath before there eies this blame and spotte, which the Christians that were of that time, worthely gaue vnto them when they by them were banished (as vnfitte members of their common wealth) amongst the barbarous people. What needeth to make further rehearsall of the mourning lamentation, which the heathen people themselues throughout all the world, made for the pittifull murther and slaughter of them? After this it came to passe that they which were authors of all these mischiefes died also,The authors of all mischiefe punished. and were cō mitted for there reward to the most filthy & horrible dungeon of hel. They being so intangled with intestine and ciuile warres, left aliue neyther name nor kinsmen of their owne: which thing vndoubtedly had not chaūsed vnles the wicked deuinatiōs of Apollos oracles had deceiued & bewitched thē.Apollo lying oracles the cause of so many martirs deathes. To thee therfore now I pray, oh most mightie God, that thou wilt vouchsafe to be mercifull, and pardon all the east parts and inhabitaunts of the same, being oppressed with present calamitie: and that by mee thy seruaunt thou wilt of thy goodnes helpe and relieue the same. And these things rashly craue I not at thy hands: oh Lord, most mighty and holiest God of all.Constant. prayer. For I being perswaded by the onely oracles haue both begone and also finished wholesome and profitable things, and further by the bearing and shewing of thine ensigne, haue ouercome a mighty and strong host, and when any necessitie of the common weale (to my charge committed) requireth thereunto, (following those signes & tokens of thy vertues) I bouldly go forth and fight against mine enimies: and for this cause haue I sacrificed my soule vnto thee, purified and clensed both with thy loue and feare. Yea truely, thy name doe I sincerely loue,Constant. Fayth confirmed by the myracles of the crosse. and thy power doe I reuerence, which by many tokens and wonders hast shewed and confirmed thereby my beleefe & faith. Therefore will I doe my endeuour, and bende my selfe thereunto, that I may redifie thy most holy house, which those wicked & vngodly Emperours haue with so great ruine laid wast, thy people do I desire to bring & stablish, in firme peace & trāquilitie, & that for the publike vtilitie of all the inhabitants of the earth. Those which yet erre & are out of the way, enioy the benefite of peace and quietnes, with, and amongst the number of the faithful sort: for I trust the restitution of the like societie, and participation may be a meanes to bring them also that erre into the perfecte way of verity. Let no man therfore be greeuous one vnto another but what euery man thinketh best that let him doe.The clem [...]cy of a good Emperour. For such as are wi [...]e ought throughly to be perswaded, that the onely meane to liue holily and as they should doe, whome the spirite of God moueth,A good iudgement. to take their delight and recreation in reading his holye will. And if others wilfully will go out of the way, cleauing to the Synagogues of false doctrine, they maye at their owne perill: as for vs we haue the most worthy house or congregation of Gods veritie, which he according to his owne goodnes & nature hath giuen vs. And this also we wish vnto the, that with like participation & common consente,One religion from the beginning of the world. they may fele wyth vs the same delectation of mind. For this our religiō is neither new nor newly inuented, but is as old as wee beleeue the creation of the worlde to be: and which God hath commaunded to be celebrated with such worship as both seemed and pleased him. But all liuing men are lye [...]s,The prayer of Constantine was fulfilled. Ech thing in their creation preach the very and true God. and are deceiued with diuers and sundrye illusions. Thou O God for Christ thy sonnes sake, suffer not this wickednes againe to take roote: thou hast set vp a cleare burning light, that thereby as manye as thou hast chosen maye come vnto thee. These thy myracles approoue the same. It is thy power that kepeth vs in innocencye and fydelitye. The Sunne and the Moone runne their appointed course: neyther yet in ranging wi [...]e, wander the starres to what place of the worlde they list themselues. [Page] The dayes, yeares, monethes, and times, keepe their appoynted turnes The earth abideth firme and vnremoueable at thy worde, and the winde at the time (by thee directed) stormeth & bloweth. The streaming waterie floudes, ebbe in time according as they flow. The raging sea abideth within her bounded limites And for that the Ocean Sea stretchech out her selfe in equall length and breadth with the whole earth: this must needes be wrought with some marueilous workmanship of thine owne hand: which thing vnlesse it were at thy will made and disposed,The earth stayd vp by the power of God. without all doubt, so great difference and partition betweene, woulde or this time haue brought vtter ruine & destructiō, both to the life of man, as to all that belōgeth to man beside. Which for that they haue such great and huge conflictes amongest themselues, as also the inuisible spirites haue: we geue thee thankes, O Lorde most mighty God of all Gods, that al mankinde hath not bene destroyed thereby. Surely,Who they be that Constant. accompteth wise in deede. euen as greatly as thy benignitie and gentlenes, is manifested by diuers & sundry benefites bestowed vpon vs: so much also is the same set foorth and declared in the discipline of thy eternall word, to those that be heauenly wise, & apply themselues to the attainement of sincere & true vertue. But if any such there be, that litle regard or haue but small respect vnto the consideration thereof▪ let them not blame or lay a fault in others that do the same.Experience a tryall of the truth. For that Phisicke whereby health is obtained, is manifestly offered vnto all men: now therefore let no man go about to subuert that, which experience it selfe doth shew (of necessitie) to be pure and good. Let vs therefore altogether vse the participation of this benefite bestowed vpon vs, that is to say, the benefite of peace and tranquillitie, setting a part all controuersie. And let no man hurt or be preiudiciall to his fellowe for that thing, wherein he thinketh him selfe to haue done wel. If by that, which any man knoweth and hath experience of, hee thinketh he may profite hys neighbour, let him doe the same, if not, let him geue ouer, and remit it til on other time. For there is a great diuersitie betwixt the willing and voluntary embracing of religion, and that whē a man is thereunto inforced and coacted. Of these things haue I made a more larger discourse, then in deede, the scope of mediocritie requireth: especially because I woulde not haue my faith (touching the veritie) to be hid.Constantinus neyther for feare dissembleth hys fayth, neyther through pollicye defaceth Gods glory. For that I heare there be some, which complaine the olde accustomed haunting of their temples, & that the power of such darkenesse is cut of and taken away: which thing surely I would take in better part, were it not that the violent rebellion of flagitious errour, were so fixed in many mens heartes, whereby they thirst after the vtter subuersion of the common weale and Empire.

Such was the goodnesse of this Emperour Constantinus, or rather such was the prouidēce of almighty God toward his Church, in stirring him vp: that all his care and study of minde was set vpon nothing els, but onely howe to benefit & enlarge the commodities of the same. Neither was it to him inough to deliuer the Church and people of God,Constantinus compared to Moses, in deliuiring the people, and agreeing them together. The letter of Constantinus to A [...]ilinus hys captayne. from outward vexation of foraine tyrants and persecutors. No les beneficial was his godly care also in quieting the inward dissentions and disturbaunce within the Church among the Christian bishops themselues, according as we read of Moses the deliuerer of ye Israelits, in agreing the brethren together, when he saw them at variance. Exod. 2. No lesse also did his vigilant study extend in erecting, restoring, & enriching the Churches of God in al Cities, and in prouiding for the ministers of the same. And therefore wryting to Anilinus his chiefe captaine, declareth his will & minde to him in letters, concerning the goodes whych did appertaine to the Churches of the Christians: that hee shoulde procure vigilantly for the same: that all suche goodes, houses, and gardens, belonging before to the right of Churches, shoulde agayne be restored in all speedie wise: and that hee therein might be certified with speede. &c.

Another letter of Constantine to A [...]ilinus.Moreouer, he writing to the saide Anilinus in an other letter, signifieth vnto him in this effect: that for so much as the contempt of God his reuerent religion, is & hath bene euer the greatest decay to the name & people of Rome, as contrary the maintaining and reuerencing the same, hath euer brought prosperitie to all common weales:The contempt of gods religion, chiefest decay of common weales. Therfore he in consideration therof, hath taken that order, & geueth to him in charge, that through ye prouince, where he hath to doe, which was in Aphrica where Cecilianus was Byshop, he should there see & prouide, that all such ministers and Clerkes, whose vocation was to serue in the Church, should be freed and exempted from all publike duties and burdens: whereby they being so priuileged, and all impediments remoued, which shoulde hinder their diuine ministration: thereby the cōmon vtilitie of the people might the better flourish,An other letter of Constantine to Miltiades Byshop of Rome. &c.

Furthermore, the sayde Constantinus in an other letter wryting to Miltiades, Byshop of Rome, and to Marcus, declareth in his letters to them, howe Cecilianus Byshop of Carthage, hath ben accused vnto him by diuers of his colleages and fellow byshops. Wherfore his will is, that the sayd Cecilianus, with x. byshops his accusers, with x. other his defendants should repaire vp to him at Rome,The feruent desire of Constantinus to peace and vnitie. where in the present assistance of the foresayde Miltiades, Rheticus, Maternus, Marinus, and of other their fellowe Colleages, the cause of Cecilianus myght be harde, and rightly examined, so that all schisme and deuision might be cut of from among them: wherein the feruent desire of Constantinus to peace and vnitie, may well appeare.

Upon the lyke cause and argument also,The letter of Constantine to Crestus Byshop of Syracusa. he wryteth to Chrestus Byshop of Syracusa, so desirous to nourish peace and concord in the church, that he offereth to him with his vnder Ministers and three seruaunts, hys free caryage to come vp to him vnto the Councel of other bishops, for the agreeing of certaine matters belonging to the Church.

Hee writeth also an other letter to the forenamed Cecilianus Byshop of Carthage.

To the prouinces likewise of Palestina & those partes about,The edicte of Constantinus to the rulers of the prouince of Palestina. hee directeth his Edict in the behalfe of the Christians: for the releasing of such as were in captiuitie: and for the restoring againe of them, which had sustained any losse in the former persecution before, & for the refreshing of such as heeretofore had bene oppressed with any ignominie, or molestation, for their confession sake: declaring in the sayd Edict, howe that his whole body, life and soule, and what soeuer is in hym, hee oweth to God, and to the seruice of him, &c.

Moreouer an other leter he wryteth to Eusebius, The letter of Constantine to Eusebius. for the edifying of newe Christian Churches, & restoring of them whych had bene wasted before by forreine enemies. And after hee had collected the Synode of Nice, for the studie of peace and vnitie of the Church,The councell of Nice. The effect of the letter of Constantine to Alexander and Arrius, ex Euseb. de vita Constan. Lib. 2. he wryteth vpon the same to Alexander and Arrius. In which hys letters hee most lamentably vttered the great griefe of his hear [...], to see and heare of theyr contention and diuision: whereby the peace and common harmonie of the Churche was broken, the Synode prouoked & resisted, the holy people of the Lorde deuided into partes and tumultes, contrary to the office of good and circumspect men, whose duetie were rather to nourish concorde and to seeke tranquillity. And though in some small poynts and light trifles they did disagree from other: yet as the example of Philosophers might teache them, who although in some part of a sentence or peece of a question, some might dissent from other: yet in the vnitie of their profession, they did all ioyne as fellowes together. In like case were it theyr duetie in such fruitles questions (or rather peeces of questiōs) to keepe them in the conceptions of their mindes, in silence vnto themselues, and not to bring them foorth into publicke Synodes, to breake therefore from the communion of the reuerent Councell. Declaring moreouer in the sayde Epistle, the first origine and occasion of thys theyr contentious dissention to ryse vpon vaine & trifling termes, vile causes, and light questions, and peeces rather of questions: about such matters as neither are to be moued, nor to be answered vnto, being mooued, more curious to be searched, and perillous to be expressed, then necessary to be inquired, magisque puerilibus ineptijs, quam sacerdotum ac cordatorum virorum prudentiae conuenientia, as he there doth terme them. Wherefore by al maner meanes he doth labour them, doth entreate them, and perswade them, not onely with reasons, but also with teares and sighing sobbes, that they would restore againe peace vnto the Church, and quietnesse to the rest of his life (which otherwise would not be sweet vnto him) and that they would returne againe to the communion of the reuerent Councell. Who in so doing should open his way and purposed iourney into the East partes, which otherwyse hearing of their discorde and dissention, would be sorye to see with his eyes, that which greeueth him nowe to heare with hys eares: with much more in the same Epistle contained, but this is the effect of the whole. Euseb. de vita Constant. Lib. 2. Thus much I thought summarely to comprehende,Constantine set forth a spectacle to all Princes to follow. whereby the diuine disposition and singular gentle nature of this meeke & religious Constantine might more notoriously appeare to all Princes: for them to learne by hys example, what zeale and care they ought to beare toward the Church of Christ, & how gently to gouerne, and how to be beneficiall to the same.

Many other Edicts & Epistles wrytten to other places and parties, be expressed at large in the seconde booke of Euseb De vita Constantini: wherein the zealous care and Princely beneficence of this noble Emperour toward the Church of Christ may appeare. Wherof in a briefe recapitulation such specialities we haue collected as here followeth, and is to be seene in Zozo. Lib. 1. Cap. 8.9.

First hee commaunded all them to be set free, who soeuer for the confession of Christ, had bene condemned to banishment, [Page] or to the mines of metall,A briefe recapitulation of such benefites as w [...]re wrought by Constantine vpon Christes Church. or to any publike or priuate labour to them inflicted. Such as were put to any infamie or open shame among the multitude, hee willed them to be discharged from all such blemish of ignominie. Souldiours whych before were depriued eyther of theyr place, or put out of theyr wages: were put to their liberty, eyther to serue againe in theyr place, or quietly to lyue at home. Whatsoeuer honour, place, or dignitie had bene taken away frō any man, should be restored to them againe. The goods and possessions of them that had suffered death for Christ, howsoeuer they were alienated, should returne to theyr heires, or next of kinne: or for lacke of them should be geuen to the Church. Hee commaunded moreouer that onely Christians shoulde beare office. The other he charged and restrayned, that neither they should sacrifice, nor exercise any more diuinations and ceremonies of the Gē tiles, nor set vp any Images, nor to keepe any feastes of the heathen Idolaters. He corrected moreouer and abolished all such vnlawfull manners and vnhonest vsages in Cities, as might be hurtfull any waies to the Church, as the custome that the Egyptians had in the flowing of Nilus, at what time the people vsed to runne together lyke brute beasts,Where wickednesse is punished there goodnes followeth. both men & women, and with all kinde of filthines and Sodomitrie to pollute their Cities, in celebrating the increase of that riuer. This abhomination Constantine extinguished, causing that wicked order called Androgynae, to be killed. By reason whereof the Riuer afterward (through the benefite of God) yelded more increase in his flowing, to the greater fertilitie of the ground, then it did before.

Among the Romanes was an olde lawe, that such as were barren hauing no fruite of children, should be amerced of halfe their goodes. Also, that such as being aboue the yeares of xxv. vnmaried, should not be nūbred in the same priuileges with them that were maried, neither should be heires to them, to whom notwithstanding they were next in kinde. These lawes because they seemed vnreasonable, to punish the defect of nature, or gift of virginitie, by mās lawe, hee abrogated and tooke away. An other order was among the Romanes, that they which made their willes being sicke, had certaine prescribed and conceiued wordes appoynted to thē to vse, which vnlesse they followed, their willes stoode in none effect. This law also Constantine repealed, permitting to euery man in making his testament to vse what wordes, or what witnesses he woulde. Likewise among the Romaines hee restrained and tooke away the cruel and bloudy spectacles & sights, where men were wont with swordes one to kill an other. Of the barbarous and filthy fashion of the Arethusians in Phoenicia, I haue mentioned before, pag. 104. where they vsed to expose and set foorth their virgines to open fornication, before they should be maried,The liberalitie of Constantine in geuing to Churches. which custome also Constantine remooued away. Where no Churches were, there he commaunded new to be made: where any were decayed, he commā ded them to be repaired: where any were to litle, he caused them to be enlarged, geuing to the same great giftes and reuenewes: not onely of such tributes and taxes comming to him from certaine sundry Cities, which hee transferred vnto the Churches, but also out of his owne treasures. When any Byshops required any Councell to be had, hee satisfied their petitions: And what in their Councels and Synodes they established, being godly & honest, hee was ready to confirme the same.

The armour of his soldiours, which were newly come from Gentilitie, he garnished with the armes of the crosse, whereby they might learne the sooner to forget their olde superstitious idolatry. Moreouer like a worthy Emperor he prescribed a certaine forme of prayer in steade of a Catechisme for euery man to haue, & to learne how to pray and to inuocate God. The which forme of prayer is recited in the fourth booke of Eusebius De vita Constantini, Euseb. lib 4. de vita Constantini. The forme of prayer appoynted of Constantine for hys souldiours. The souldiours prayer. in wordes as foloweth.

‘Te solum noulmus Deum, te regem cognoscimus, te adiutorem inuocamus, abs te victorias referimus, per te victorias inimicorum constituimus, tibi praesentium bonorum gratiam acceptam ferimus, & per te futura quoque speramus, tibi supplices sumus omnes: Imperatorem nostrum Constantinum, ac pientissimos eius filios, in longissima vita incolumes nobis ac victores custodire supplices oramus, per Christum dominum nostrum. Amen.’ In English.

We knowledge thee onely to be our God, we confesse thee onely to be our king, we inuocate and call vpon thee our onely helper, by thee we obtaine our victories, by thee we vāquish and subdue our enemies, to thee we attribute whatsoeuer present commodities we enioy, & by thee we hope for good thinges to come, vnto thee we direct all our sute & petitions: most humbly beseeching thee to conserue Constantine our Emperour, and his noble childrē in long life to cōtinue, and to geue them victory ouer all their enemies, through Christ our Lord.The sonday appoynted to be kept holy. Amen.

In hys owne palace, hee set vp an house peculiar for prayer and doctrine, vsing also to pray and sing with his people. Also in hys warres hee went not without hys tabernacle appoynted for the same. The Sonday he cōmanded to be kept holy of all men, and free from all iudiciarie causes, from markets, martes, faires, & all other manuall labors, onely husbandry excepted: especially charging that no Images or Monuments of Idolatry should be set vp.

Men of the Clergy and of the ministery in al places he endued with speciall priuileges and immunities,Liberties and priuiledges graunted to the clergy. so that if any were brought before the ciuill Magistrate, and listed to appeale to the sentence of his Bishop, it should be lawfull for him so to doe: and that the sentence of the Byshop should stande in as great force as if the Magistrate or the Emperour himselfe had pronounced it.

¶But here is to be obserued & noted by the way, that ye Clerkes & ministers thē newly creeping out of persecutiō, were in those dayes, neyther in nūber so great nor in order of life, of ye like dispositiō to these in our dayes now liuing.

No lesse care and prouision the sayd Constantinus also had to the maintenance of scholes pertayning to ye Church and to the nourishing of good artes and liberall sciences,The prouision and liberalitie of Constantine in mayntayning scholes. especially of Diuinitie: not onely with stipends and subsidies furnishing them, but also with large priuilegies and exemptiōs defending ye same, as by the wordes of his own law is to be seene: and read as followeth: Medicos, Gramaticos, & alios professores literarum & doctores legum, cum vxoribus & liberis. The priuiledge granted by Constant. to vniuersities and scholes. &c. In English: Phisitions, Gramarians, and all other prefessors of liberal artes, and Doctors of the law, with their wiues and childrē, and all other their possessions, which they haue in Citties: we commaund to be freed from all ciuill charges and functions, neyther to receaue forren straungers in prouinces, nor to be burdened with any publique administration, nor to be cited vp to ciuill iudgement, nor to be drawne out, or oppressed with any iniury. And if any man shall vexe them, he shall incurre such punishment, as the Iudge at his discretion shall awarde him. Their stipendes moreouer and solaries, we commaunde truely to be payd them, whereby they may more freely instruct other in artes and sciences. &c.

Ouer and besides this,The prouident care of Constant. to haue the scripture in Churches. Ex Euseb. lib. 4. de vitae Constant. so farre did hys godly zeale and princely care and prouision extend to the Church of Christ, that he commaunded and prouided bookes and volumes of the Scripture, diligently and playnly to be written and copied out, to remayne in bublique Churches to the vse of posteritie, Whereupon writing to Eusebius byshop of Nicomedia in a speciall letter (recorded in the 4. booke of Eusebius, De vita Constant.) he willeth him with all diligence to procure 50. volumes of parchment well bound and cō pacted: wherein he shoulde cause to be written out of the scripture in a fayre legeable hād, such things as he thought necessary and profitable for the instruction of the Church. And alloweth him for that busines two bublique Ministers. Also writeth concerning the same, to the generall of hys army, to support and further hym with such necessaries, as thereunto should appertayne.A wish of the author admonitory to Princes. &c.

¶In vewing, perusing, and writing this story, and in considering the Christian zeale of this Emperour, I wish that eyther this our Printing and plēty of books had bene in his dayes: or that this so heroycal hart toward Christes Religion, as was in this so excellent Monarche, might something appeare in inferiour Princes raigning in these our Printing dayes.The liberalitie of Constant. towardes the poore and needy. &c.

The liberal hand of this Emperor, borne to do al men good, was no lesse also open and ready towarde the needie pouertie of such, which either by losse of parents, or other occasions were not able to helpe them selues: to whom he commaunded and prouided dew subuention both of corne and raiment to be ministred out of his owne coffers, to the necessary reliefe of the poore men, women, children, orphanes, and widowes, Euseb. de vita Constant. Lib 4.

Finally,Constant. remitteth the fourth part of hys rentes and reuenewes. among al the other monuments of his singular clemencie and munificence, this is not to be pretermitted: that through all the Empire of Rome and prouinces belonging to the same, not only he diminished such taxes, reuenewes, and impostes, as publickly were comming to him, but also clearely remitted and released to the contributers, the fourth part of the same.

This present place would require somthing to be sayd of the donation of Constantine whereuppon as vpon their chiefest anchor holde,Deuotion of Constantine. the Byshops of Rome doe grounde theyr supreame dominion and right, ouer all the politicall gouernement of the West partes, & the spiritual gouernement of all the other Seas and partes of the world. Which [Page] donation to be falsly fained and forged, and not to procede from Constantine, many arguments might heere be inferred, if laisure from other matters would suffer me.Reasons and argumentes prouing the donation of Constantine to be falsefied.

1. First, for that no ancient history, nor yet Doctour maketh any mention thereof.

2. Nauclerus reporteth it to be affirmed in the hystorie of Isidorus: but in the olde copies of Isidorus no such thyng is to be founde.

3. Gracianus the compiler of the decrees, reciteth that decree, 3 not vpon any auncient authoritie, but only vnder the title of Palea.

4 4. Gelasius is sayd to geue some testimony therof, in Dist. 15. Sancta Romana, but that clause of the said distinction touching that matter, in the olde ancient bookes is not extant.

5 5 Otho Phrisingensis, who was about the time of Gracian, after hee hath declared the opinion of the fauourers of the Papacie: affirming this donation to be geuen of Constantine, to Siluester the Pope: induceth consequently, the opinion of them that fauour the Empire, affirming the contrary.

6 6. How doth thys agree, that Constantine did yeelde vp to Siluester all the politicall dominion ouer the West, when as the sayd Constantine at hys death, deuiding the Empire to his three sonnes, gaue the West part of the Empire to one, the East part to the secōd, the middle part to the third?

7 7. How is it like that Theodosius after them, being a iust and a religious Prince, would or could haue occupyed the Citie of Rome, if it had not bene his right, but had belonged to the pope, & so did many other Emperors after him?

8 8. The phrase of this decree being conferred wt the phrase and stile of Constantine, in his other Edictes and letters aboue specified doth nothing agree.

9 9. Seeing the papists themselues confesse that the decree of this donation was writtē in Greeke, how agreeth that with truth: when as both it was written not to the Gretians, but to the Romanes, and also Constantine himselfe for lacke of the Greeke toung, was faine to vse the Latine toung in the Councell of Nice?

10 10. The contents of this donation (who soeuer was the forger thereof) doeth bewray it selfe. For if it be true which there is confessed, that he was Baptised at Rome of Siluester, & the iiij. day after his baptisme this patrimonie was giuen (which was before his battaile against Maximinus or Licinius, An. 317. as Niceph. recordeth) howe then accordeth this wyth that which followeth in the donation, for him to haue iurisdiction geuen ouer the other iiij. principall seas of Antioch, Alexandria, Constantinople and Hierusalem? when as the Citie of Constantinople was not yet begun, before the death of Maximinus or Licinius, and was not finished, before the xxviij. yere of the raigne of Constantine, an. 339. or if it be true, as Hierome counteth, it was finished the xxiij. yere of his raigne, which was the yere of our Lorde 334. long after this donation by their owne accōpt.

11 11. Furthermore, where in the sayde constitution is sayd that Constantine was baptised at Rome of Siluester, & therby was purged of Leprosie: the fable thereof agreeth not with the trueth of historie: for so much as Eusebius, lib. 4. De vita Constantini, Hieronymus in Chron. Ruffin. lib. 1. cap. 11. Socrates, lib. 1. cap. 39. Theodor. lib. 1. cap. 31. Sozomenus, lib 2. cap. 34. doe altogether consent that hee was Baptised not at Rome, but at Nicomedia: and that moreouer, as by theyr testimonie doth appeare, not of Siluester but of Eusebius bishop of Nicomedia, not before his battaile against Maximinus, or Licinius, but in the xxxj. yeare of his raigne, a litle before his death.

12 12. Againe, where as Constantine in this donation appoynted him to haue the principalitie ouer the other iiij. Patriarchall Seas: that maketh Constantine contrary to himselfe. Who in the Councell of Nice afterwarde agreed with other bishops, that al the iiij. patriarchal seas should haue equall iurisdiction, euery one ouer his owne territorie and precinct.

13 13. In summe, briefly to conclude: who so desireth more aboundantly to be satisfied touching this matter, let hym read the bookes of Marsilius Patauinus, intituled: defensor pacis, An 1324. of Laurētius Valla, An. 1440. of Antoninus archbishop of Florence, who in hys hystorie, plainely denieth the tenour of thys donation to be founde in the old bookes of the decrees. Of Cusanus Cardinalis. Lib. 3. Cap. 2. wryting to the Councell of Basil, Anno 1460. Of Aeneas Syluius in Dialogo, of Hier. Paulus Cattalanus, An. 1496. of Raphael Volateranus, An. 1500. of Lutherus, An. 1537. &c. all which by many and euident probations, dispute and proue this donation taken out of a booke De gestis Syluestri, and translated (as they faine) by one Bartholomeus Picernus, out of Greke into Latine: not to proceede from Constantinus, but to be a thing vntruely pretensed, or rather a fable imagined, or els to be the deede of Pipinus or Charles, or some such other, if it were euer the deede of any.

And thus hast thou (beloued Reader) briefly collected the narration of the noble actes and heauenly vertues of thys most famous Emperour Constantine the great:Commendation of Constantine▪ the Emperour. a singulare spectacle for all Christian Princes to beholde and imitate, and worthy of perpetuall memorie in all congregations of Christian Saintes. Whose feruent zeale & pietie in generall, to all cōgregations, and to all the seruants of Christ was notable: but especially the affection and reuerence of hys heart toward them was admirable, whych had suffered any thyng for the confession of Christ, in the persecutions before, them had hee principally in price and veneration, in so much that hee embraced and kissed theyr woundes and stripes, and their eyes, being put out. And if any suche Byshops or any other Ministers brought to hym any cōplaints one against an other,Constantine kissed the woundes of them that suffered for Christ. Constantine burneth the bils of complayntes, and breaketh strife among the Byshops. (as many times they did) he would take theyr bils of complaint, and burne them before theyr faces: so studious and zealous was hys mind to haue them agree, whose discord was to hym more griefe, then it was to themselues. All the vertuous actes and memorable doings of this diuine & renowmed Emperour to comprehende or commit to hystorie: it were the matter alone of a great volume: wherfore contented with these aboue premised, because nothing of him can be sayde inough, I cease to discourse of him any further.

One thyng yet remaineth not to be omited,Note, that the oration ad conuentum sanctorum is wrongly ascribed to Eusebius, which in deede is the oration of Constantine. wherein (as by the way of a note) I thought good to admonish the learned Reader, suche as loue to be conuersant in reading of auncient authors: that in the Ecclesiasticall hystorie of Eusebius, where in the latter ende of the booke, is added a certaine Oration, Ad cōuentum Sanctorum, vnder the name of Eusebius Pamphilus, here is to be vnderstād, that the sayd Oration is wrongly intituled vpon the name of Eusebius, whych in very truth is the Oration of Constantinus hymselfe. For the probation whereof, beside the stile and matter therein contained, and tractation heroycall) liuely declaring the religious vaine of Constantine) I alledge the very testimonie of Eusebius himselfe in his fourth booke De vita Constantini, where he in expresse wordes not onely declareth that Cōstantine wrote such an Oration intituled Ad Conuentum Sanctorum, but also promiseth in the end of hys booke, to annexe the same: declaring moreouer what difficultie the interpretors had, to translate the same from the Romaine speeche, to theyr Grecian toung. Eusebius de vita Constantini. Lib. 4 pag. 211.

And here an end of these lamentable & doleful persecutions of the primitiue Church, during the space of the 300. yeres frō the passion of our Sauiour Christ, til the cōming of this Constantinus, by whom, as by the elect instrumēt of God, it hath so pleased his almighty maiesty, by his determinat purpose to giue rest after lōg trouble to his church, according to that S. Cyprian declareth before,Looke aboue pag. 68. Col. [...]. line. 52. pag. 68. to be reueled of God vnto his Church: that after darkenes and stormy tempest should come peaceable calme, & stable quietnes to his church, meaning this time of Constantine now present.Satan bound vp for a M. yeares. At which time it so pleased the almightie, that the murdering malice of Sathan should at length be restrained, and he him selfe to be tied vp for a thousande yeares, through his great mercie in Christ, to whome therefore [...]e thankes and praise now and for euer. AMEN.

The ende of the first Booke.

THE SECOND BOOKE, CONTAINING the next 300. yeares following, with such things specially touched, as haue happened in England, from the time of king Lucius, to Gregorius, and so after to the time of king Egebert.

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BY these persecutions hytherto in the Booke before precedent, thou maiest vnderstand (Christian reader) how the furie of Sathan and rage of men, haue done what they could to extinguish the name and religion of Christ. For what thing did lacke, that eyther death coulde doe, or torments coulde worke, or the gates of hell coulde deuise: all was to the vttermost attempted. And yet all the furie and malice of Sathan, al the wisedom of the world, & strength of men, doing, deuising, practising what they could: notwt standing the religion of Christ (as thou seest) hath had the vpper hand. Which thing I wish thee greatly (gentle reader) wisely to note, and diligently to ponder, in cōsidering these former histories. And because thou canst not consider them, nor profit by them, vnles thou do first read & peruse them: let me craue therfore thus much at thine handes, to turne & read ouer the said hystories of those persecutiōs aboue described:A petition to the reader, diligently to read ouer the former booke of the x. persecutions. especially aboue all the other hystories of this present volume: for thy especiall edification, whych I trust thou shalt finde not vnworthy the reading.

Nowe because the tying vp of Sathan geueth to the Church some rest, & to me some leisure to addresse my selfe, to the handling of other stories: I minde therefore (Christ willing) in thys present booke, leauing a while the tractation of these generall affaires, pertaining to the vniuersal Church: to prosecute such domesticall hystories, as more neare concerne this our country of England & Scotland, done here at home: beginning first with king Lucius, with whome the faith first begā here in this Realme, as the sentence of some writers doth hold.The first planting of Christē fayth in England. And for somuch as here may rise, yea and doth rise, a great cōtrouersie in these our Popish daies, cōcerning the first origine & planting of the faith in this our Realme: it shall not be greatly out of our purpose,Question. somewhat to stay & say of this question, whether the Church of England first receiued the faith from Rome or not. The which, although I graunt so to be, yet being so graunted, it little auaileth the purpose of them whiche woulde so haue it: for be it so, that England first receaued the Christian faith and Religion from Rome, both in the time of Eleutherius theyr Byshop. 180. yeares after Christ: and also in the time of Austen, whome Gregory sent hether 600. yeares after Christ: yet their purpose followeth not thereby,Whether Christian Religion in this Realme came first from Rome. that we must therefore fetche our Religion from thence still, as from the chiefe welhead and fountaine of all godlines. And yet as they are not able to proue the second, so neither haue I any cause to graunt the first: that is, that our Christian faith was first deriued from Rome, which I may proue by vj. or vij. good cōiectural reasons. Wherof the first I take of the testimony of Gildas, Aunswere. our coūtreyman, who in his history affirmeth plainly,Gildas. that Britaine receaued the Gospell in the time of Tiberius the Emperour, vnder whome Christ suffered. Lib. De victoria Aurelij Ambrosij. And sayth moreouer, that Ioseph of Arimathie after dispersion of the Iewes, was sent of Philip the Apostle frō France to Britayne, about the yeare of our Lord. 63. and heere remained in this land al his time: and so with his fellowes, laide the first foundation of Christian faith amōg the Britayne people. Whereupon other preachers and teachers comming afterward confirmed the same, and increased it.

Ex Tertul. contra Iudaeos.2. The secōd reason is out of Tertullian, who liuing neare about, or rather somewhat before the time of this Eleutherius, in hys booke Contra Iudaeos, manifestly importeth the same: where the sayde Tertullian testifying how the Gospel was dispersed abroad by the sound of the Apostles, & there reckening vp the Medes, Persians, Parthiās, and dwellers in Mesopotamia, Iewry, Cappadocia, Pōtus, Asia, Phrigia, Egypt, Pamphilia, with many mo, at length cō meth to the coasts of the Moorrians, and al the borders of Spayne: with diuers natiōs of Fraunce, & there amongst all other reciteth also the partes of Britayne, whyche the Romaines could neuer attaine to, and reporteth the same now to be subiect to Christ, as also reckeneth vp the places of Sarmatia, of the Danes, the Germanes, the Scithiās, with many other prouinces and Iles to him vnknowen: in all which places, sayth he, raigneth the name of Christ, which now beginneth to be commō. This hath Tertullian. Note here, how amōg other diuers beleuing nations, he mentioneth also the wildest places of Britaine to be of the same number. And these in his time were Christened, who was in the same Eleutherius time, as is aboue sayd. Then, was not Pope Eleutherius, the first whych sent the Christian fayth into this Realme, but the Gospell was heere receiued before hys time, eyther by Ioseph of Arimathia, as some Chronicles recorde, or by some of the Apostles or of their scholers, which had bene heere preaching Christ, before Eleutherius wrote to Lucius.

3. My thirde probation I deduct out of Origen, Home. 4. in Ezechielem, Ex Origen hom. 4. in Ezech [...]. whose words be these: Britāniam in Christianam consentire religionem. Whereby it appeareth that the faith of Christ was sparsed here in England before the daies of Eleutherius.

4. For my fourth probation I take the testimony of Bede, where he affirmeth that in his time, and almost a thousand yeare after Christ, here in Britayne: Easter was kept after the maner of the East Church,Ex Bed [...]. in the full moone: what day in the weeke soeuer it fell on, and not on the Sonday, as we do now. Wherby it is to be collected, that the first preachers in this land, haue come out from the East part of the world,Ex Niceph. Lib. 2. cap. 40. where it was so vsed, rather then from Rome.

5. Fiftly, I may alledge the woordes of Nicephorus, Lib. 2. cap 40. where hee sayeth, that Symon Zelotes did spreade the gospel of Christ to the West Oceane, and brought the same vnto the Iles of Britayne.

6. Sixtly may be added here also the words of Petrus Cluniacensis, who wryting to Bernard, affirmeth that ye Scots in his time did celebrate their Easter,Ex Pet. Cluniacensi. ad Bernardum. not after ye Romane maner, but after the Greekes. &c. And as the said Britains were not vnder the Romane order in the time of this Abbot of Cluniake: so neither were they nor woulde be, vnder the Romane legate, in the time of Gregory: nor would admit any primacy of the bishop of Rome, to be aboue thē.

7. For the seuenth argument, moreouer I may make my probation by the plaine woordes of Eleutherius, by whose Epistle wrytten to king Lucius, Ex Epist. Eleutherij. ad Luc [...]. we may vnderstande, that Lucius had receaued the faith of Christ in his lande, before the king sent to Eleutherius for the Romane lawes: for so the expresse wordes of the letter do manifestly purport, as hereafter followeth to be seene. By all which coniectures, it may stand probably to be thought, that the Britaynes, were taught first by the Grecians of the East Church, rather then by the Romaines.

Peraduenture Eleutherius might helpe something, eyther to conuert the king, or else to encrease the Faith then newly sprong among the people: but that he precisely was the first, that cannot be proued. But graunt he were, as in deede the most part of our English stories confesse, neither will I greatly sticke with them therin: yet what haue they got thereby, when they haue cast all their gaine? In fewe wordes to conclude this matter, if so be that the Christian faith and religiō was first deriued from Rome to this our nation by Eleutherius, then let them but graunt to vs the same faith and religion, which then was taught at Rome: and from thence deriued hether by the sayd Eleutherius, and we wil desire no more. For then neither was any vniuersal Pope aboue all Churches and Councels,What difference betweene the late church of Rome, from the old Church of Rome, and in what matters. whych came not in before Bonifacius time, whych was 400. yeres after: neither any name or vse of the Masse, the partes whereof how and by whom they were compiled, here after in this booke following appeareth to be seene. Neither any sacrifice propiciatorie for the scouring of Purgatory was then offered vpon halowed altars, but onely the Communion frequented at Christian tables: where oblations and gifts were offered, as well of the people, as of the Priestes to God: because they should appeare neither emptie nor vnkinde before the Lord, as we may vnderstand by the time [Page] of Cyprian ▪ Neither was then any transubstātiation heard of, which was not brought in before a thousand yere after. Neither were then any images of Saints departed, set vp in Churches, yea a great number of the Saints worshypped in this our time, were not as yet borne, nor the Churches wherein they were worshipped, were yet set vp: but came in long after, especially in the time of Irene & Constans the Emperour. Likewise neyther Reliques nor peregrinations were then in vse. Priestes Mariage was then as lawfull, and no lesse receiued as now: neither was it condemned before the dayes of Hildebrand, almost a thousande yeares after that. Their seruice was then in the vulgare toung,De consecrat. Dist. 2. as witnesseth Hierome. The Sacrament ministred in both kindes, as wel to lay men, as to Priestes, the witnes wherof is Cyprian. Yea, and that temporal men which would not then communicate at Easter, Whitsontide, and Christenmasse: were not coūted for Catholiks, the Popes owne distinction can testifie. In funeralles, Priestes then flocked not together, selling trentals and diriges for sweping of Purgatorie: but onely a funeral cōcion was vsed, with Psalmes of praises, & songs of theyr worthy deedes: and Alleluya sounding on high, which did shake the gilded seelings of the temple, as witnesseth Nazianzene, Ambrose, and Hierome, &c.

In the Supper of the Lord, & at Baptisme, no such ceremonies were vsed, as now of late hath bene intruded, in so much that as in this story is shewed hereafter, both Austen and Paulinus Baptised then in Riuers not in halowed fountes, [...]abianus. cap. 119. & 120. as wytnesseth Fabianus. The Portuis of Sarum, of Yorke, of Bangor, with Mattens and Euensong of the day: againe neither the orders and religions of Monks & Friers, were not yet dreamed of, to the space almost of a thousand yeares after, &c. So that, as I sayde, if the Papistes woulde needes deriue the faith & religion of this Realme, from Rome: then let them set vs & leaue vs there, where they had vs: that is, let them suffer vs to stand content wt that faith and religion, which then was taught & brought from Rome by Eleutherius (as nowe we differ nothing frō the same) and we wil desire no better. And if they wil not, then let the wise Reader iudge, where the fault is, in vs or them which neither themselues will persist in the antiquitie of the Romish religion, whych they so much bragge of, neither will they permit vs so to do.

And thus much by the way, to satisfie the foresayd obiection: whereby we may haue now a more ready passage into the order and course of the Hystorie.Eleutherius Byshop of Rome. Beyng therefore graunted vnto them, whych they so earnestly sticke vpon, that the Christian faith and Religion of this Realme was brought from Rome, first by Eleutherius, then afterwarde by Austen: thus wryteth the Chronicles of that matter.

About the time and yeare of the Lord. 180. king Lucius sonne of Coilus, Austen. 2. The fayth of Christ brought into this Realme. Lucius first christened king of the Brittaines. which builded Colchester, king of the Britaines, who then were the inhabiters & possessors of thys land (which now we Englishmen call England) hearing of the myracles & wonders done by the Christians at that time in diuers places (as Monumetensis wryteth) directed hys letters to Eleutherius Byshop of Rome, to receaue of him the Christian faith. Although about the computation of the yere and time: great difference there is in authours, when this shoulde be. Nauclerus sayth it was An. 156. but that cannot be, forsomuch as Eleutherius was not yet Byshop by the space of 20. yeres after that. Henricus de Erfordia sayth,Ex Monumetensi & alijs. it was An. 169. in the 19. yere of Verus Emperor, but that agreeth not with approued hystories: which all consent, that Verus raigned not 19. yeres, and if he had, yet that yeare commeth not to the yere of our Lord. 169. but to the yere. 181. Some other say, that Eleutherius was made Byshop, in the 6. yeare of Commodus, which was the yeare of our Lorde. 186. but that seemeth to goe to farre, but let the authours agree as they can. Let vs returne to Eleutherius the good Byshop, who hearing the request of thys king, & glad to see the godly towardnes of his wel disposed mind: sendeth him certaine teachers & preachers,Paganus, Damianus. called Fugatius, or by some Faganus, and Damianus, or Dimianus: which conuerted first the king and people of Britaine, and Baptised them wt the Baptisme and Sacrament of Christes faith. The Temples of Idolatry and all other Monuments of Gentilitie they subuerted, conuerting the people frō theyr diuers & many gods to serue one liuing God. Thus true religion with sincere faith increasing, superstition decaied, wt al other rites of Idolatrie. There were thē in Britaine 28. head Priestes, which they called Flamines, & 3. Archpriests among them, which were called Archflamines: hauing the ouersight of their maners,28. Byshops within this Realme. 3. Archb. & as Iudges ouer the rest. These 28. Flamines they turned to 28. Bishops. And the 3. Archflamines, to 3. Archbyshoppes, hauyng then theyr seates in three principall Cityes of the Realme: that is, in London, in Yorke, and in Glamorgantia, videlicet, in Vrbe legionum, by Wales. Thus the Countreys of the whole Realme, being deuided euery one vnder his owne Bishop, and all things setled in a good order: the foresaide king Lucius sent againe to the sayd Eleutherius, for the Romane lawes: thereby likewise to be gouerned as in Religion nowe they were framed accordingly. Unto whome Eleutherius againe writeth, after the tenour of these words ensuing.

The Epistle of Eleutherius Bishop of Rome,Ex vetusto codice regum antiquorum. The Epistle of Eleutherius to king Lucius. sent to king Lucius.

ANno. 169. a Passione Christi scripsit Dominus Eleutherius Papa Lucio Regi Britanniae, ad correctionem Regis & procerum regni Britanniae, and so foorth, as foloweth in English.

Yee require of vs the Romane lawes and the Emperours, to be sent ouer to you: which you may practise & put in vre wythin your Realme. The Romane lawes, & the Emperours, we may euer reproue, but the lawe of God we may not. Yee haue receaued of late through Gods mercie in the realme of Britaine, the lawe and faith of Christ: ye haue with you within the Realme both the parties of the Scriptures.The king, Gods vicare within hys owne kingdome. Out of them by gods grace, with the Coū cel of your realme, take ye a law, and by that lawe (through gods sufferance) rule your kingdome of Britayne. For you be Gods Vicare in your kingdome, according to the saying of the Psalme. Deus iudicium tuum Regi da, &c. That is. O God geue thy iudgement to the King, and thy righteousnes to the kings sonne. &c. He sayd not the iudgement & righteousnes of the Emperor, but thy iudgement and iustice: that is to say, of God. The kinges sonnes be the Christian people & folke of the Realme, which be vnder your gouernement, and liue and continue in peace within your kingdome, as the Gospel sayeth: like as the henne gathereth her chickēs vnder her wings, so doth the king his people. The people and folke of the Realme of Britayne be yours, whome if they be deuided ye ought to gather in concord and peace: to call them to the faith and lawe of Christ, and to the holy church, to cherish and maintaine them, to rule and gouerne them, and to defende them alwaies from such as would do them wrōg, from malicious men and enemies. A king hath his name of ruling, and not of hauing a Realme. You shalbe a king while ye rule wel, but if you do otherwise, the name of a king shall not remaine with you, & you shall lose it, which God forbid. The almightie God graunt you so to rule the Realme of Britayne, that you may raigne wyth him for euer, whose Vicar ye be in the Realme.

After this maner, as you haue heard, was the Christiā faith either first brought in, or els confirmed in this realme of Britayne, by the sending of Eleutherius, not wt any crosse or procession, but onely at the simple preaching of Fagane and Damian, through whose ministerie this realme & Ileland of Britaine was eftsoones reduced to the faith & lawe of the Lord,Esay. 42. according as was prophecied by Esay, as wel of that, as other Ilelands mo, where he sayth, chap. 42. he shall not faint, nor geue ouer till hee hath set iudgement in earth, and Ilelands shal waite for hys lawe. &c. The faith thus receiued of the Britaynes cōtinued among them and florished the space of 216. yeres, till the cōming of the Saxones: who then were Paganes: whereof more followeth hereafter to be sayde, the Lorde Christ assisting thereunto. In the meane time somthing to speake of this space before, which was betwixt the time of Lucius, and the first cōming in of the Saxones: first is to be vnderstanded, that all this while as yet the Emperors of Rome had not receiued the faith, what time the kings of Britaine, & the subiects therof, were cōuerted now, as is sayd, to Christ: for the which cause much trouble and perturbation, was sought against them, not onely here in Britayne, but through all parts of Christendome by the Heathen infidels. In so much that in the persecution onely of Dioclesian & Maximinian raigning both together within one moneth xvij. thousand martyrs are nūbred to haue suffered for the name of Christ, as hath bene hetherto in the booke before sufficiently discoursed.

Thus therefore although the foresayd Lucius, the Britaine king, through the mercifull prouidence of God, was then Christened and the gospel receaued generally almost in all the land:H. Huntendon. Lib. 1 What incommoditie commeth by lacke of succession. yet the state thereof as wel of the Religion, as of the common wealth, coulde not be quiet, for that the emperors & nobles of Rome were yet infidels, & enemies to the same: but especially for this cause, the cause so happening, that Lucius the Christen king died without issue: for therby such trouble & variance fel amōg the Britaines (as it happeneth in al other Realmes, namely in this our Realme of England when soeuer succession lacketh) that not onely they brought vpon them the Idolatrous Romaines, & at length the Saxons: but also in wrapped them selues in suche miserie and desolation, as yet to thys day amongest them remayneth. Such a thyng it is (where a Prince or a King is in a kingdome) there to lacke succession, as especially in this case may appere. For after ye death [Page] of Lucius, when the Barons and Nobles of the land could not accord wtin themselues vpon succession of the crowne: stept in the Romaines, & got the crowne into their owne hands, wherupon followed great misery and ruine to the realme: for sometimes the Idolatrous Romaines, sometimes the Britaynes raigned and ruled, as violence and victorie would serue, one king murderyng an other, till at length the Saxones came and depriued them bothe, as in processe hereafter followeth to be seene.

In the meane season touching the story of king Lucius, here is to be reproued the fable of some wryters falsely faining of him, that he shoulde after hys Baptisme receaued, put of all his kingly honor, and forsake the land & be made a preacher: who after long trauaile in preaching and teaching, in Fraunce, in Germany, in Augusta, & in Sueuia, at length was made Doctor and Rector of the Churche of Cureak: where (as this fable sayeth) he suffered Martyrdome. But this phātasie of whomsoeuer it first did spring, disagreeeth from all our English stories: Who with a full consent do for the most part cōcord in this, that the said Lucius, after he had foūded many Churches, and geuen great riches and liberties to the same: deceased with great tranquillitie in his owne lande,The decease of King Lucius. Ex Florilego. and was buried at Glocester, the 14. yeare after his Baptisme, as the booke of Flores Historiarum, doeth counte, which was the yeare of our Lorde (as he sayeth) 201. and reckeneth his conuersion to be. An. 87. In some I finde hys decease to be the fourth, & in some the tenth yeere after his Baptisme, and holde that he raigned all the space of lxxvij. yeares, and thus much concerning king Lucius.

Now to proceede in order of the storie, briefly to touch the state of the foresaid land of Britayne, betwene the time of king Lucius, and the entring of the Saxones, who were the kings thereof: and in what order they succeeded, or rather inuaded one after an other, this Catalogue heere vnder written will specifie.

Kinges of Britaine from the time of Lucius till the cōming of the Saxons.

Lucius,

Ex Beda Polyero, monumetensi.

a Britayne.

Seuerus,

a Romaine.

Bassianus,

a Romaine by the father.

Cerausius,

a Britayne.

Alectus,

a Romaine.

Asclepiodotus,

a Britayne.

Coilus,

a Britayne.

Constantius,

a Romaine.

Constantinus,

a Britayne by the Mother, named Helena, who being ye daughter of Coel, & maryed to Constantius, father of Cō stantinus, is said to make the walles first of London, also of Colchester, muche about the yere of the Lorde, 305. and borne in Britayne.

Octauius,

a Gewissian.

Maximinianus,

a Romaine borne, but hys mother a Britaine.

Gratianus,

An. D. 390. Secund fab. Bed. An. 433. fab. An. 443. An. 448. An. 464.

a Romaine.

Constantinus,

a Britayne by the mother.

Constans,

a Romaine by the father.

Votigerus,

a Gewissian or Bri.

Vortimerus,

a Brit.

Vortigernus.

againe.

By this table may appere a lamentable face of a common wealth so miserably rent and diuided into two sortes of people, differing not so much in coūtrey, as in religion. For when the Romaines raigned: so were they gouerned by the Infidels. When the Britaynes ruled, so they were gouerned by Christians. Thus what quietnesse was or could be in the Church, in so vnquiet and doubtful dayes, it may easely be considered.

Albeit, notwithstanding al these foresayd Heathen rulers of the Romaines, which here gouerned, yet (God be praised) we read of no persecution, during all these x. persecutiōs aboue mentioned, that touched the christian Britaynes, before the last persecution onely of Dioclesian, The Brittaynes neuer touched with any persecution before the time of Dioclesian. and Maximianus Herculius, whych here then exercised much crueltie. Thys persecution, as it was the last among the Romane Christians, so it was the first of many & diuers that followed after in thys Churche and Realme of England: wherof we will here after intreate (Christ willing) as order of the matter shall leade vs. In the meane tyme this rage of Dioclesian as it was vniuersally through all the churches in the world fierce & vehement: so in this realme of Britayne also it was so sore, that as all our English Chronicles do testifie, and recorde, all Christianitie almost in the whole land was destroied: Churches were subuerted, all bookes of the Scripture burned, many of the faythfull both men and women were slaine. Among whom the first and chiefe was Albanus, then Iulius, Aaron, and Amphibalus. Of whome sufficiently hath bene sayde before. What were the other, or howe many they were that suffered beside, stories make no rehearsall. And thus much therof.

Nowe as concerning the gouernement of these aboue named kinges of Britayne,Constant. the great, borne and bred in Brittayne. although I haue little or nothing to note, which greatly appertaineth to the matter of this Ecclesiasticall hystorie: yet this is not to be past ouer: first how in the order of these kings commeth Constantinus the great & worthy Emperor,The cause how this Realme of Brittaine was first weakened. not onely a Britayne borne by hys mother Helina being kyng Coilus daughter, but also by the helpe of the Britaynes army (vnder the power of God) whych the sayde Constantine tooke wyth hym out of Britain to Rome: obtained with great victory, peace and tranquilitie to the whole vniuersall Church of Christ: hauing iij. legions wt him out of this realme, of chosen & able soldiors. Wherby the strēgth of the lād was not a litle impaired & indangered, as afterward in this story foloweth.

After him likewise Maximian following his steppes, tooke wyth him also (as stories recorde) all the power and strength whych was left: and whatsoeuer he could make, of able and fighting men, to subdue Fraunce: besides the garrisons whych he had out wyth him before, sending for mo to the number of C.M. souldiors at once, to be sent to hym out of Britayne into Fraunce.Brittayne spoyled of souldiors. At whych time also Conanus his partener being then in Fraunce, sent ouer for virgins from Britaine to the number of xi.M. who with Vrsula, the Prince Dionets daughter being shypped ouer, many perished in the sea:Vrsula, with a xi. thousand virgins. some were taken of the infidels, marching vppon the borders, wyth whome because they wold not be polluted, all were destroyed, being miserably dispersed (some one way, some an other) so yt none escaped.

Thus poore Britayne being left naked and destitute on euery side, as a maimed body wtout myght or strength: was left open to hys enemyes, not able to succour it selfe, without helpe of forreine friendes. To whome they were then constrained to flie, especially to the Romains to whō the Britaynes sent this worde or message. Aetio ter Consuli gemitus Britannorum. Repellunt nos Barbari ad mare. Repellit nos mare ad Barbaros. Hinc oriuntur duo sunerum genera, quia aut iugulamur, aut submergimur. But the Romains then began to forsake them, whereby they were in nearer danger to be oppressed by Gwanus and Melga, Gueteli [...] Archb. of London. Ex Chronico. Mon [...] metensi. Constantinus. Constant. Aurelius, Ambrosius, Vter Pendragon. had not Gwetelinus the Archbyshop of London made ouer to lesser Britayne, and obtayning theyr helpe, had brought Constantinus the kings brother, to rescue his countrey against the infidels. Thys Constantinus was brother to Aldroenus king of litle Britayn, and father to Constans, Aurelius Ambrosius, & Vter, who after raigned kings in Britayne.

Thus by the meanes of the good Archbyshop and Constantinus, the state of the Religion and Realme of Britayne was in some meane quiet & safetye, during the time of the sayd Constantine and of the good Archbishop. But as the Realme of Britayne almost from the beginning was neuer without ciuill warre, at length came wicked Vortigerne, who cruelly causing Constans his Prince to be murdred,The Saxons sent for to Brittayne. Kyng Constans slayne by Vortigerne. Hengist and Horsu [...] Captaynes of the Saxons. ambitiously inuaded the crowne: who then fearing the other two brethren of Constans, whych were Aurelius & Vter, being then in litle Britayne: did send ouer for the aide of the Saxons being then infidels, and not onely that: but also maried with an infidell, the daughter of Hengist called Rowen. Whereupon the sayde Vortigerne not long after, by the sayd Hengist and the Saxones was with like trayterie dispossessed of his kingdome, & the people of Britayne driuen out of their countrey, after that the Saxons had slaine of their chiefe Nobles & Barons at one meeting, ioyning together subtiltie with crueltie, to the number of CC.lxxi. some stories say CCCC.lx.A wicked murther of the Saxons. This wicked acte of the Saxones, was done at Almisbury, or at a place called Stonehenge, by the monument of which stones there hanging, it seemeth that the noble Britaynes there were buried.

This fabulous Storie of the Welshemen, of brynging these stones from Ireland by Merlyn I passe ouer. Some storyes record that they were slaine being bid to a banket, other do say that it was done at a talke or assembly, where the Saxons came with priuie kniues contrary to promise made, with the which kniues they geuing a priuie watchword, in their Saxones speache, neme your sexes) slewe the Britaynes vnarmed: and thus farre concerning the historie of the Britaynes. As this great plague could not come to the Britaynes without Gods permissiō, so Gildas sheweth in hys Chronicle, the cause thereof, wryting thus: ‘Quòd Britones propter auaritiam & rapinā Principum, propter iniquitatem & iniustitiam Iudicum, propter desidiam praedicationis Episcoporum, propter luxuriam & malos mores populi, patriam perdidisse. &c.’

A description of England, as it was deuided in the Saxones time into vij. kingdomes.

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[figure]

The entring and raigning of the Saxons.

THis was the comming in first of the Angles or Saxones into this realme, being yet vnchristened and infidels: which was about the yeare of our Lord, as William Malmesbury testifieth Aurelius and Vter. sonnes to Constantinus. .CCCC.lxix. the Captaines of whō were Hengistus and Horsus. Although the sayd Hengist and Saxones at their first comming, for all their subtile working and cruell attempt, had no quiet setling in Britayne, but were driuen out diuers times by the valiantnesse of Aurelius Ambrosius, and his brother Vter aboue mētioned, who raigned after that among the Britaynes: yet notwt standing they were not so driuen out, but that they returned againe, and at length possessed all, driuing the Britaynes (such as remained) into Cambria,Ex Gaufrido. Ex Alfrido in suo Britannico. whych we call nowe Wales. Hengistus, as some Chronicles recorde, reigned. 43. yeares, and died in Kent. Galfridus in suo Britannico sayeth: that he was taken in warre by Aurelius Ambrosius, and beheaded at Coningesburgh, after he had raigned xxxix. yeare.

After the death of Hengist, hys sonne Osca, raigned xxiiij. yeres leauing his sonne Octa, to whose reigne with hys sonne Ymenricus, hystories doe attribute liij. yeares, who also were slaine at length by Vter Pendragon, Ex Policron. lib. 5. cap. 4. Polichroni. Lib. 5. cap. 4.

The Saxones after they were setled in the possession of England, distributed the Realme among themselues, first in seuen partes: euery part to haue his king, that is: The first to be the king of Kent. The second to be king of Sussex and Southerye, holding hys Palace at Cicester. The thirde king was of Westsexe. The fourth king of Essex. The fift king was of the Eastangles,Seuen kings ruling in England. that is, of Cambridgeshire, Northfolke, and Southfolke. The vj. king of Merceland, or Mercia, and in his kingdome were cōteined the Countesses of Lincolne, Leycester, Huntyngdon, Northampton, Orford, Darby, Warwike. &c. The vii. king had all the countries beyond Humber, and was called king of Northumberland.

Of these seuen kingdomes, although they continued not long, but at length ioyned all in one, comming all into the possession & subiection of the Westsaxons: yet for the space they cōtinued (which was wt continuall trouble & warres among themselues) thys is the race and order of them, as in this Table particularly followeth to be seene.

A Table describing the seuen kingdoms of the Saxons, raigning here in England.

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IN the tyme of Vortiger aboue mentioned, began the raigne of the Saxons in this land, the which comming out of 3. sortes of the Germaine people (to witte) the Saxons, the Intes and Angles, replenished the land, of them called now Anglia. Of whom first Hengistus raigned in Kent, which countrey of Kent he had obtayned by Rowen his daughter, of king Vortiger, which was about the yeare of our Lord as some doe count, 476. or as I finde in the computation of our English Tables, 456. in some, 463. After Hengist, came in Octha, with Eosa, or Ysse his kinsman: who afterward succeeded the sayd Hengist in Kent. Not long after came in an other company of the Saxons, with Elle their Captaine, which planted themselues in Southsexe. And after them agayne an other garrison of the Saxons with Cerdice their Captain, which did occupy the West part of the land, called by them Westsaxon. And so likewise the other multitude of the Saxōs after them, which as yet beyng vnchristened and Infidels, deuided the whole land among themselues into vij. kingdoms, as in this Table followeth.

456. | ¶ The Kings of Kent, with the yeares how long they raigned.
Kent. | Hengistus, slaine. 31 |
| Eosa, or Ysse. 24 |
| Ocha, or Octha. |
| Emenricus, or Emericus. 26 |
| Ethelbertus, the first of ye Saxon kings that receyued the fayth by Aug. an. reg. 35.56 | This Ethelbert first of all the Saxons receiued the fayth, and subdued all the other vj. kings, except onely the king of Northumberland.
| Edbaldus. 24 |
| Ercombertus. 24 | Ercombert commaunded Lent first to be fasted in his dominion.
The kings of Kent. | Egebertus, or Edbrieth slayne. 9 | Egebert killed two Sonnes of his Uncle.
| Lotharias slayne. 12
| Eadrichus. 6 | Unto the time of Eadrick all the bishops of Canterbury were Italians.
| Nidredus. 7 | Some Chronicles doe place these two, Nidredus and Wilhardus, after Edricke, and geue to them seuen yeares, some agayne do omit them.
| Wilhardus. 7
| Withredus. 33
| Egfertus, or Edbert. 23
| Ethelbert. 11 |
| Alricus. 34 | Betweene the raygne of Alricke, and Cuthred, some Stories do insert the raigne of Eadbert, which raigned two yeares.
| Eadbertus, surnamed Pren. 2
| Cuthredus. 18
| Baldredus, expulsed. 81 |

In the raigne of this Baldred the kingdom of Kent was translated to Egbertus, otherwise called Egbrict, king of the Westsaxōs, who subduing the foresaid Baldred, an. 832. gaue the said kingdome to Athelstan his younger sonne. After whose decease it came to Ethelwolfe the elder sonne of Egbrict, and so was vnited to the Westsaxons, who then began to be the Monarch of the whole land. This kingdom began nere about the yeare of our Lord, 456. and continued 342. yeares, and had xv. kings.

478. | ¶ The Kings of Southsaxe, with the yeares of their raigne.
Southsaxe. | Elle, or Alle. 31 Cissa. | Of this Cissa came Cicester, which he builded, and where he raigned.
Now called Sussex. | Nancanleus, or Nancanleodus. | This Nathanleod seemeth by some old stories to be a Britaine, & the chief Marshall of king Vter, whome Porth the Saxon slew.
| Porth. | This Porth a Saxon, came in at the hauen, which now is called of him Porthmouth.
| Ethelwelfus. | Because I find but little mention of these two I thinke it rather like to bee the same Ethelwold or Ethelwaldus, which after followeth.
The kings of Sussex. | Redwallus.
Condebertus. | Of Condebertus and Ethelred I find no mention but in one table only, supposing therfore that the true names of these were Ercombertus and Egebertus, which were kings of Kent the same tyme, and peraduenture might then rule in Sussex.
| Ethelredus, or Ethereus.
| Adelwood, or Ethelwaldus, slayne. | This Adelwold was the first kyng of Sussex Christened, and as Fabian saith, the iiij. king of the Southsaxōs: as other say the vij. so vncertain be the histories of this kingdom.
| Adelbrich, or Berethunus, slayne. 5
| Adhumus. 15

¶This kingdome endured ye shortest season of all other, and soonest passed into other kingdoms, in the dayes as some write of Iue king of Westsaxe, and so endured not aboue an hundred & twelue yeres vnder seuen or at most xj. kings, beginning first in the yeare of the Lord, 47 [...] and about the 30. yeare of the first comming of the Saxons.

Westsaxe. 522.
¶ The principall kingdome of the Westsaxons, and of their raignes.

Cerdicus, or Credicus. 17
This kingdome contained Sommersetshire, Barkshire, Dorsetshire, Deuonshire, Cornewall, &c.

Kenricus. 26

Chelingus 30.33. lib. cycl.

Celricus, or Ceolfricus. 5

Celwulfus, or Ceolulfus. 14

Kynigilsus & Quicelinus. 32
This Kynigilsus was first Kyng Christened in that prouince, conuerted by Birinus after made Monke.

Kinewalkins. 31

Sexburga. [...]

Escwynus, Ascwynus, or Elkwinus. 2

The kings of Westsaxe.
Centwinus, dyed at Rome. 7

Cedwalla. 3
Cedwalla went to Rome, and there was Christened and dyed.

Ina, or Iue. 35

Edelardus, or Athelardus. 14
Ina also went to Rome, and was made Monke.

Cuthredus, or Cuthbert. 16

Sigebertus, or Sigherus, slayne. 1
Sigebert for his pride and crueltie was deposed of his people. And as he had killed before one of hys faythfull counsel geuing him wholesome counsaile: so after was he slayne of ye same counsellers Swynard, as he hid him selfe in a wood.

Kynulfus, or Kynewlfus, slayne. 31

Brithricus. 13

Egbertus, or Egbrichtus, otherwise Athelbertꝰ, or Athelbrich, &c. 37
This Egbert was first expelled by Brithricus, who after returning againe and raigning, was much deryded and scorned with mocking runes for a coward of Bernulfus king of Mercia. At lēgth the sayd Egbert subdued hym first, then all the rest, to his kingdome [...] causing the whole land to be called no more Britayne, but Anglia. Concerning the other kings after him in that Lordship hereafter followeth.

¶This Egebert subdued all the other seuen kingdomes, and first began the Monarchie of all the Saxones, which after by Alured was perfected, as hereafter followeth (the lord willing) to be declared. This kingdom of the Westsaxons began the yere of grace, 522. & as it subdued all the other, so it did the longest continue, til about the comming of William Conqueror, which is about the tyme of 554. yeares.

547. Northumberlād.
¶ The Kings of Northumberland, with the yeares of their raigne.

Ida. 12
This Ida of his wife had vj. children, Adda, Elricus, Osmerus, Theodledus, of concubines other 6.

After Ida the kingdome of Northumberland was deuided into two prouinces, Deyra and Bernicia.

Alle, or Elle, Deirorum. 30
This Alle was the sonne of Iffe, & raigned in Deyra, 30.

Adda, Bernicorum. 7

Some Chronicles set vnder Adda, to raigne in Bernicia these kings, Glappa or Claspa, Theonulfus, or Hussa, or Theowalnus, Frihulfus, Theodoricus.

Alricus, or Alfricus Deirorum. 5
This Alfricus was the sonne of Ida and raigned fiue yeares.

This Ethelfridus was he that slew the monkes of Bangor, to the number [Page] of 2200. whyche came to praye for the good successe of the Britaynes, and by hys wife Accan, the daughter of Elle, had vij. sonnes, Eaufridus, Osualdus, Oswius, Oslacus, Osmundus, Os [...], Of [...]a. Flor. Histor.

Ethelfridus Bernicorū.

Edwinus, Northumberland, slaine. 17
Thys Edwinus was the first of the Northumberland kings, whych was conuerted and Christened by Paulinus Byshop of London.

Osricus Deirorum, slaine.
These two are put out of the rase of kings, because they reuolted frō the Christian faith, and were both slayne miserablye by Cedwalla a Brittayne, which then raigned in Northumberland, and in Mercia.

Eaufridus Bernicia, slaine.

The kings of Northū berland.
Oswaldus, Northumberland, slaine.
This Oswaldus, called S. Oswald, fought with Cedwalla, & Penda with a small army, and by strength of prayer vanquished thē in the field. He sent for Aedanus into Scotlād to preach in hys coūtry, & as he preached in Scottish, ye king expoūded in English. He was a great geuer of almes to ye poore. Of his other actes more appeareth hereafter.

Oswius, Northumberland. 28
This Oswius lighting against Penda, vowed to make his daughter Elfred a Nonne, geuing wyth her .12. Lordships, to build 12. Monasteries .vj. in Bernicia .vj. in Deira.

Oswinus raigned together with Oswius in Deira slaine. 7
The same Oswius in the beginning of hys raigne tooke one Oswinus the sonne of Edwyne to be his partener ouer the countrey of Deyra. Afterward causing him to be killed, tooke to hym an other called Edelwald, the sonne of Oswalde. Of thys Oswynus more followeth hereafter to be declared.

Egfridus, Northumberberland. slayne. 15
Thys Egfrid marryed Etheldrida, who being xij. yeares maried to hym, could after, by no meanes be allured to lye with him, but obtaining of him licence, was made Nunne, & then Abbes of Elye. She made but one meale a day, & neuer weare linen. At last the same Egfrid fighting against ye Scots, was slayne in the fielde by a trayne of the Scots, faining themselues to flee.

Alridus, Northumberland, slaine. 20
Of this Alfride, Bede in his historie testifieth that he was exactly and perfectly seene in the holy Scriptures, & recouered much that hys predecessors had lost before. Bed. lib. 4. cap. 24. Some say he raigned not 18. yeares.

Osredꝰ, Northumberland, slaine. 11
Osred began his raigne being but viii. yeares old, and raigned the space of x. yeares.

Kenredus, North. 2

Oriscus, North. 20
Some affirme that Oriscus raigned but xi. yeares.

Celulfus, Northumb. made a Monke. 9
This Celulf after he had raigned .8. yeares was made a Monke. To hym Beda wrote his storie.

Egbertus, or Eadbertus, Northumberlād, Monke. 21

Osulfus, Northumber. slaine. 1

Mollo, or Ethelwold, North. 11.
Mollo by the subtil traine of Altredus was made away, whych Altredus also himselfe after he had raigned x. yeres, was expulsed by his owne people.

In some Chronicles vj. yeeres.

Altredus, Northum. expulsed. 10
In some Chronicles this Altredus raigned but viij. yeares.

Ethelbertus, or Edelredus, Northumberland, expulsed. 5

Alfwoldus, Northumberland slaine, 11

Osredus.

Ethelbertus, or Adelwaldus, North. slaine. 16

¶After this Ethelbert, the kingdome of Northumberland ceased the space of xxv. yeares, till Egbertus King of the Westsaxons subdued also them, as hee did the other Saxons to his dominion. After the whych Egbert king of the Westsaxons succeeded in Northūberland hys sonne.

Kings of Westsaxons, raigning in Northumberland.

Ethelwolfus.

Ethelbertus.

Ethelbaldus.

Ethelredus.

In the tyme of thys Ethelredus there were two vnder Kinges in Northumberland Ella, and Osbright, whom the Danes ouercame and raigned in theyr place, whose names were these.

Danes.

Exbertus.

Richsi.

Egebert.

Gurthed.

Guthrid.

¶After the raigne of these foresayd Danes, the kingdome of Northumberland came into the hands of the Westsaxons, in the time of Athelstane and his brother Edmundus. It began first. An. 547. and so endured. 409. yeares. It contained Yorkeshyre, Notinghamshyre, Darbishyre, the Byshopricke of Dyrham, Copeland and other.

(561)
¶The kings of Mercia, or Merceland with the yeares of their raigne.

Mercia.
Grida, or Creodda. 35

Wibba. 20

Ceorlus. 10

Penda, slaine. 30
Penda slew in battaile Edwyne and Oswald kinges of Northumb. Also Sigebert, Edrike, and Anna, kinges of the Eastangles. Also he droue out Kenwalkins king of the Westsaxons.

Peda, or Weda, slayne by his wife.
Under Peda, and Wlferus, Chris [...]s faith was receiued in those parts, they being conuerted by Finianus Bishop.

The same Peda raygned in a part of Mercia, with hys brother Wlferus, which were both the sonnes of Penda.

Wlferus. 29
This Wlferꝰ by his wife Ermeburg had iii. daughters, Milburg, Mildrith, and Mildgith, holy virgines,

Adelredus, or Ethelred, made Monke. 30 or. 19
This Adelredus, or Ethelredus was Monke of Baroney, whose sisters were Kynedrid, and Kynswith, holye virgines.

Kenredus made also Monke at Rome. 5

The Kinges of Mercia.
Ceolredus, or Kelredus.
In the tyme of this Ceolred was Guthlake otherwise called S. Guthlake, the Popish Eremite of Crouland.

Ethelbaldus, slaine. 41
Under Ethelbaldus dyed Beda. Ethelbad gaue that all churches should be free from all exactions and publike charges.

Bernredus. 1
This Bernred for his pride & stoutnes toward his people, was by thē deposed, & the same yeare by the iust iudgement of God burned. Histor. Cariens. Offa causing or cōsenting to the death of good Ethelbert king of the Eastangles, peaceably comming to mary his daughter, for repentaunce caused the Peter pence first to be geuē to Rome, and there did his penaunce.

Offa. 39

Egfredus. 1

Kenulphus, slaine, 20 or. 16.

Kenelmus, murthered Ceolwolfus expulsed, 1. or 3.
This Kenelme beyng of vii. yeares of age, was wickedly slayne after hee had raygned vi. monethes.

Bernulphus, slaine. 3

Ludecanus, slaine. 2Some Chronicles here insert Milefredꝰ.
This Ludicane after the 2. yeare of his raigne was slayne of Egbert, king of the Westsaxons, by whome the rest of the Saxons were also subdued.

Wilafius, or Withlacus beheaded. 12

¶This Withlacus in the beginning of his raigne was vanquished by Egfrid king of Westsaxe, to whome hee became tributarie wyth hys successours here following.

¶Some wryters say that these kinges were subdued by the Danes.

Berthulfus. 12

Buthredus. 20

Celustus. 1

Elfredus. 1

After this Elfride the kingdome of the Mercians was translated vnto the Westsaxons, in the latter time of king Alfred, or in the beginning of Edwardus Senior, and so was adioyned to the Westsaxons, beginning. An. 561. It endured the space of 250. yeares, til about the latter end of Aluredus, by whome it was ioyned to the kingdome of Westsaxons. This kingdome stretched out to Huntingtonshire, Hertfordshire, Glocestershire, Worceter, Warwick, Lichfield, Couentry, Chester, Darbishire, Staffordshire, Shrosebury, Oxforde, Buckingham Dorceter, Lincolne, Lecester. &c.

(561)
¶The kings of the Eastsaxons, with the yeares of their raigne.

Eastsaxons.
Erchwinus. 35

Sledda. 17

Sebertus, or Sigebertus. 14
This Sebertus n [...]phew to Ethelber [...] king of Kent amōg these kings was first Christened by Mellitus, whych made the Church of Paules.

Sexredus, and Sewardus, brethren slaine. 7
Sexred, & Seward, and Sigebert, expelled Mellitus the Bishop, because he would not minister to them the sacramētal bread, they being not baptised.

[Page]
Sigebertus paruus. 23
This Sigebertus Paruus with his brother Sebertus were slayne of Kynegilsus and Swithelinus his brother, by the iust iudgement of God, for they reuolted againe from their Faith, and expelled Mellitus Bishop of London.

Segebertus Bonus, or Sibertus, slaine.
This Segebertus Bonus or Sibertus, much resorting to Oswy, king of Northumberland, by his perswasion was brought to Christiā baptisme, baptised of Finlanus Bish. to whō also was sent Cedde with other ministers to preache & to baptise in hys countrey. At last he was slaine of his mē about him, vsing to much to spare his enemies, & to forgeue their iniuries that repented. Flor.

The kings of the East saxons.
Swythelinus. 14

Sigherius, sonne of Segebertus Paruus.
This Sigherius and Sebbi first fell to Idolatry, then through the meanes of Wolferus King of Mercia, were reduced, & at last Sebby became a Monke.

Sebbi Sonne of Sewardus, which was made a Monke.

Sigehardus, and Suefridus, brethren. 8

Offa. 5
Offa after hee had raigned a while, became a Monke at Rome.

Selredus, or Colredus, slaine. 38

Swithredus,

Thys Swithredus was subdued vnto Egbert King of Westsaxons, Albeit London remained vnder the Mercias to the time that they also were subdued to the Westsaxons. This kingdom began. An. 561. and so continued till the time of Egbertus. Some stories say it continued to the time of Edward sonne of Aluredus, about the cōming of the Danes, and contained vnder it the Lordship of Midlesex and London. The Metropolitane sea of this prouince of Essex was London, where the famous Church of S. Paul was builded by Ethelbert king of Kent, and Sigebert king of Essex, whō Ethelbert had lately before turned to Christes faith: wherof the first bishop was Mellitus, the ij. byshop was Ceddus, ye third came in by Simonie, whose name was Wine. Malmesb. de vitis Pont. After him was Erkenwaldus, of whom writeth Bede, that he being diseased in hys legges that he could neither go nor ride, yet would be caried about in a litter to preach in his Dioces. &c. Although W. Malmesb. wryting of the Byshoppes of London in his booke De vitis Ponti. sayth that Mauritius first the kings Chauncelor, then Byshop there, did first begin this so large and famous building of the Church of S. Paul in London: Which worke after him Richardus his successour did prosecute, bestowing al the rents of his Bishopricke vpon the same, and yet was scarsely seene: yet herein may be answered peraduenture, that the Church builded before by King Ethelbert, and king Sigebert, myght be ouerthrowen by the Danes, and afterward was reedified by these Bishops aboue mentioned.

(561)
¶The kinges of the Eastangles, with the yeares of their raigne.

Eastangles.
Vffa, or Vlfa, 30
Of thys Vffa the people of Northfolke were then called Vfkyns.

Titulus, or Titila. 13
Redwaldus first was conuerted in Kent: afterwarde through the wicked perswasion of his wife and other, ioyned Idolatry with Christianitie.

Redwaldus. 12

Erpwaldus, or Corpwaldus, slaine. 38
Notwythstanding his sonne Erpwaldus through the meanes of Edwyn king of Northūberland, was brought to the perfect faith of Christ, & therein faithfully did continue.

Sigebertus, or Sibrect first a mōke slaine. 3
Thys Sigebert made hym selfe a Monke, and afterwarde brought out to fighte agaynst Penda, wyth a white sticke in hys hande, was slayne in the field.

The kings of the Eastangles.
Egnicus, or Egricus, slaine. 3

Anna, slaine. 3
The daughters of Anna were Sexburga, Ethelberta, and Saint Etheldreda.

Adelhere, or Adelredus, slaine. 2

Adelwoldus, or Ethelbaldus. 9

Adulphus. 25

Elkwoldus. 12
This Ethelredus for hys holinesse & godly vertues is counted for a Saint, he innocently comming to Offa kyng of Mercia to marrie wyth Althrid hys Daughter, by the sinister suspicion of Offa, and wicked counsaile of Kineswina his wife, was cruelly put to death in ye house of Offa. For the which cause Offa afterward repenting went to Rome, where he made him selfe a Monke.

Beorna. 26

Ethelredus, slaine. 52

Ethelbritus, slaine. 5

¶After this sinfull murther of Ethelbert, the kingdome of Eastangles during the time of certaine yeares, was in great trouble and desolation, vnder diuers kings and tyrants, sometime the king of Westsaxe, somtimes of Kent, or of Mercia, hauing dominion ouer them, till the comming of S. Edmund, whych was the last King there ruling vnder the Westsaxons.

S. Edmund, Martyred. 16.

¶After the death of S. Edmund, being slaine of the Infidel Danes, the kingdom remained with the Danes .50. yeares, till at length Edward King of the Westsaxons, expulsed the Danes, and ioyned it to hys kingdome. It began about the yere of our Lord .561. and continued neare about 377. yeares. Fabian numbreth but 12. kinges, but in other I finde moe.

The Metropolitane sea of this prouince of Eastangles, which was first at a towne called Dunmoke or,This Dunwich, lyeth vpon the sea side in Suffolke. or Dū wich (which in time past hath bene a famous & populous towne wt a maior & 4. bailifs, & also diuers Parish Churches, & hospitals, whereunto great priuiledges by diuers kings haue bene graunted, whych towne is nowe fallen into ruine and decay, and more then half consumed by the eating in of the Sea, as also greatly impouerished by losse of the Hauen, which heretofore hath flourished wyth diuers tall shippes belonging to the same (the inhabitantes therof being not able of them selues to repaire it wythout the helpe of other good people,) where the first bishop was Felix, a Burgundian, who sate there 14. yeres. After this, vnto the time of Egbert King of Westsaxe, thys prouince was euer ruled by two Bishops, wherof the one had hys sea at Dunmoke, now called Dunwich. The other at Demaham, where 12. sate, one after an other. From thence it was translated to Thetford, where sate three Bishops. At last by Byshoppe Herbert it was remooued to Norwich, where he erected a Monasterie of Monkes.

And thus standeth the order and race of the Saxon kinges, raigning together wyth the Britaines in thys Realme. Nowe foloweth the description of the Britayne kings, raigning with the Saxons in like maner.

Although the miserable Britaines thus were beriued of their land, by the cruel subtilty of the Saxons, yet were they not so driuē out or expulsed, but that a certaine kingdom remained amōg them, in some part of the lād, namely about Cornewall, and the partes of Cambria, which is deuided in two partes, Southwales, called Demetia, and Northwales called Venedocia. The sayd Britaines moreouer through the valiant actes of their kings, sometimes raigned also in other countreis, displacing the Saxons, & recouering againe their owne: somtimes more, somtimes lesse, till the time of Carecius, when as the Britaines being deposed by Godmundus, (whose help they themselues sent for out of Irelande, agaynst Carecius theyr wicked King) vtterly lost their land and kingdome: being thence driuen vtterly into Wales and Cornewale, the yere of our Lorde 570. What the order of these kings was, what were theyr actes, their names, and times when they raigned: in this briefe table vnder wrytten is expressed. Wherein first is to be premonished that Constantinus secundus had three childrē, to wit, Constans, whych was made a Monke in Winchester, and after made a king: the seconde was Aurelius Ambrosius: the thirde was Vter Pendragon. This being premised, we wil now enter the description of our Table, beginning with Vortigernus.

¶A Table declaring the Kings of Britayne, which raigned together with the Saxones, after their comming into this land.
Kinges of Britaine whiche here raigned in the time of the Saxones.

Vortigernus.

Vortimerius.

Vortigernus, againe.

Aurelius Ambrosius.

Vter Pendragon.

Arthurus.

Constantinus 3.

Aurelius.

Conanus.

Vortiperius.

Malgo.

Carecius.

Here is to be vnderstand that these Britaine kings aboue mentioned, did not so raign here in this land, frō the time of Vortigerne, that they had the full possession and gouernement ouer all the whole realme: but only ouer parcels or partes, such as by force of armes, they could either [Page] hold or win from the Saxons:Example what it is to let in straunge nations. which cōming in daily and growing vpon thē, did so replenish the land wt multitudes of them, that ye Britains at lēgth were neither able to hold yt which they had, nor to recouer that which they lost: Leauing exaple to al ages & countreis, what it is, first to let in forreine nations into their dominion,Maryage with Infidels what destruction it worketh. but especially what it is for Princes to ioyne in mariage with infidels: as this Vortiger did wt Hengistus daughter, which was the mother of al this mischief: geuing to the Saxons not only strēgth, but also occasion and courage to attempt that whych they did. Neyther was this vncōsidered before of the Britaine Lords and Nobilitie: who worthely being therewt offended, iustly deposed their king, & inthroned Vortimerus hys sonne in his roume. By the which Vortimer being a punāt prince, the Saxons were then repulsed and driuen againe into Germany, where they stayed a while till the death of Vortimer whome Rowen daughter of Hengistus caused traiterously to be poysoned.The second returne of Engist. into Brittayne. Then Vortiger being again restored to his kingdome, through the entreatie of Rowen hys wife, sent into Germanie againe for Engist, who eftsoones making his returne, came in wyth a name of 300. shippes wel appointed.The dissembling words of the Saxons to deceaue the Brittaynes. The Nobles of Britain hearing this, prepared them selues to the contrary side in all forceable wise to put them of. But Engist through Rowen hys daughter so laboured the king: excusing himselfe, and saying that he brought not the multitude, to worke any violence eyther against him or against his coūtrey, but only thinking that Vortimer had yet bene aliue, whom he minded to impugne for the kings sake, and to take hys part. And nowe for so much as he heareth of ye death of Vortimer hys enemie, hee therefore committeth both himselfe & his people to his disposition, to appoint how few or how many of thē he wold to remaine within his land: the rest should returne. And if it so pleased the King, to appoynt day & place, where they might meete and talke together of the matter, both he and his would stande to such order as the king with his counsaile should appoynt. With these faire words the king and his nobles (wel contented) did assigne to them both day & place, which was in the towne of Ambry: where he ment to talke with them, adding thys condition wt all, that eche part shoulde come without any maner of weapon. Engist shewing him selfe well agreed thereto,Neme your sexes, the watcheword. All the Nobilitie of the Brittaynes destroyed in one day. The king raunsomed. The Saxons enter possession of the land. The Christian Brittaynes persecuted of the Infidel Saxons. gaue priuy intelligence to his side, that eche man should cary wt him secretely in his hose a long knife, wt their watch worde also geuen vnto them whē they should draw their kniues: wherwith euery Saxon shoulde (and so did) kill the Britayne, wyth whō he talked, as is aboue declared. The Britaine Lords being slayne, the Saxons tooke Vortigerne the King, and bound him: for whose ransome they required to be deliuered to them the Cittie of London, Yorke, Lincolne, Winchester, wt other the most strongest holdes within the lande whych being to them graunted, they begin to make spoile & hauocke of the Britaine nation, destroying the Citizens, plucking downe Churches, killing vp the Priestes, burning the Bookes of the holy Scripture, leauing nothyng vndone that tyrannie could worke, whych was about the yeare of our Lorde. 462. The King seeing thys miserable slaughter of the people fled into Wales.

This whyle Aurelius Ambrosius, & Vter Pendragon brethren to king Constans aboue mentioned, whō Vortigerne wickedly caused to be killed,An. 462. were in little Britayne. To whome the Britaynes sent woorde, desiring theyr ayde in helping their countrey. Aurelius vnderstanding the wofull state of the Realme,Aurelius Ambrosius returneth into Brittayne, speedeth hym ouer to satisfie their desire, and to rescue (what in him was) their necessitie. Who at his first commyng eftsoones being crowned for theyr king seeketh out wicked Vortigerne, the cause of all thys trouble and murder of king Constās hys brother. And finding him in Wales in a strong tower, wherein he had immured him selfe,Aurelius crowned king of Brittayne. setteth hym and his castell on fire. That done he moued his power against the Saxons, wt whom, and wyth Elle Captaine of the Southsaxons (who then was newly come ouer) he had diuers conflicts.

Vortigerus burned in hys tower.Our English old Chronicles make record that Horsus the brother of Engist was slaine before in the time of Vortimer. The same also doe recorde, that thys Engist was taken prisoner in the fielde, fighting against Aurelius Ambrosius ▪ who then cōsulting with his Nobles and Barons, what was to be done with him: the Byshop of Glocester, called Eldadus, Horsus slayne. Engist taken in the field. The counsel of Eldadus Byshop of Glocester. Engist beheaded. Anno. 490. Ex Henr. Huntingtonensi. Galfrido. Ex Chronico quodā Cariensi. standing vp, gaue this counsaile, saying: that [...] all men would deliuer him, yet he with his owne hāds wold cut him in peeces, alleaging the exāple of Samuel against Agag King of the Ameleches, taken by King Saul in the field: whome the sayde Samuel caused to be cut in peeces. Euen so (saith he) do you to this Agag here: that as he hath made many a woman widow, and without childrē: so his mother mai be made this day of him likewise. And so was Engist taken out of the Citie by Eldo Consull or Maior of Glocester, and there was beheaded: if truth or credit be to be geuen to these our old Britaine stories: wherof I haue nothing certainly to pronoūce, but that I may suspect the truth therof, which was about the yeare of our Lord. 490. Henr. Hunting. Galfr. cum alijs.

A certaine auncient written history I haue in Latine, compiled in the .xiiij. yeare of king Richard the seconde, and by him caused to be writtē as the title declareth: whych because it beareth no name of the author: I cal it by the name of him of whom I borowed thys booke,The vncertainty of our old Brittayne storyes. wyth many other likewise without name, Historia Cariana. This hystorie recordeth that Hengistus dyed in Kent the xxxii. yeare of hys raigne: which if it be true, then is it false that he was taken at Cunynburgh, and slaine in the North. Thys Aurelius Ambrosius before mentioned,Ex historia Cariana, Aurelius Ambrosius Brit. kyng. is thought of Polidorus Vergilius citing the authoritye of Bede, to descende of the stocke of the Romaines: whych as it is not vnpossible to be true: so this is certaine by the full accord of al our old wrytten stories, that both the sayde Aurelius, and his brother Vter Pendragon being the sonnes of Constantinus, brother to Andoenus king of litle Britaine, were nursed and brought vp in England, in their tender age, and instructed by Gultelinus Archbyshop of London, and after the murder of Constans their elder brother, were conueied from hence to litle Britaine: whereby it is manifest that they were borne in thys land, and though their father were a Romaine as Polydorus pretēdeth, yet lyke it is that they were Britains borne, and had a Britaine to their mother.

After the death of Aurelius, who (as the storie sayeth) was poysoned by the crafty meanes of Pascentius, Anno. 497. sonne of Vortigernus (suborning one, vnder the weede of a Monke to play the Phisicion, and so to poyson him) next succeeded hys brother Vter, surnamed Pendragon, about the yeare of our Lord. 497. who fighting against Octa and Cosa, Vter Pendragō. Brit. Kyng. tooke them and brought them to London there to be kept. But they breaking out of pryson returned into Germanie for more aid. In this meane time daily recourse was of Saxons, with great companies cōming out of Saxonie: with whom the Britains had diuers & sundry conflictes,Remember the wordes of Gildas. 633. hist. Caria. sometimes winning, sometimes loosing. Not long after Octa & Cosa, renuing their power in Germany, in all most speedy hast did returne againe, and ioyne with the other Saxons against the Britaines. Heere began the state of miserable Britaine daily more and more to decay,The Christian Brittaynes persecuted by the Heathen Saxōs. while the idolatrous Saxons preuailed in number and strength against the Christian Britaines: oppressing the people, throwing downe Churches and Monasteries, murdering the Prelates, sparing neither age nor person, but wasting christianity almost through the whole realme. To these miseries it fell moreouer that Vter their king was sicke & could not come out. Notwtstanding being greeued with the lamentable destructiō of his people, caused his bed to be brought into the campe, where God gaue him victorie: Octa & Cosa there being slaine. After this victorie in short space Vter died of poyson (as is sayde) put into a fountaine of water, whereof the king was wont to drinke, about the yeare of our Lorde. 516. Hor. Hist.

About which time and yeare,Anno. 516. came in Stuph and Wigarius two nephewes of Certhice king of Westsaxons, wyth their companies so violently vpon the Britains, that they of the West part of the realme, were not able to resist them. Then the merciful prouidence of almighty God, raised vp for them King Arthure, King Arthur. the sonne of Vter: who was then crowned after him and victoriously raigned. To thys Arthure the old Britaine historyes do ascribe xij. great victories against the Heathen Saxons: whose notorious & famous conquests, mētioned in the Britain stories, I leaue them as I finde them: referring them to the credite of their authors in whom they are found. Notwithstanding as I do not thinke contrary, but God by the foresayde Arthure, gaue to the Britaines some stay and quietnes during his life,The tales of King Arthur. and certaine of his successours: so touching certaine of great victories & conquests, not onely ouer thys land, but also ouer all Europe, I iudge them more fabulous, then yt any credit should be geuen vnto them, more worthy to be ioyned with the Iliades of Homere, then to haue place in any Ecclesiasticall hystorie.Constantinus. 3. Aurelius. Conanus. Vortipor [...]u [...]. Malgo. Carecius. Kings of Brittayne. After Arthure next King of the Britaines, was Constantinus the third. After him Aurel [...]us Conanus. Then Vortiporius, after whome followed Malgo, noted in storyes to be a Sodomite. And after hym the last King of the Britaines, was Carecius, all geuen to Ciuill warre, execrable to God & man. Who being chased out by the Britains thēselues, the land fell to the possession of the Saxons: about the yere of our Lord. 568. by whom all the Clergy and the Christiā ministers of the Britaines, were then vtterly driuen out: In so much that Theonus Archbishop [Page] of London,The Archb. of London and the Archbishop of Yorke flee into Wales. & Thadeoseus Archbishop of Yorke, seeing theyr Churches all wasted, and Parishes dispersed, wyth their cariages and monumēts: left theyr seas in Britaine, and fled into Cambria, which we nowe call Wales. Touching which matter, and touching also the cause of this desolation & ruine of the Britaines kingdom, the first fountaine & origin therof partly before is declared, where was shewed in the time of Cōstantinus Magnus and Maximinian, pag. 108. howe these noble Princes with other moe, achieuing their venturous affaires in other countreis, tooke wt them great multitudes & armies out of Britaine: through the occasion whereof, the land was greatly empaired and depriued of his most chiefe and principall nobles, being caried away to serue in forreine warres. Whyche was no small cause, why the realme of Britaine (being so wasted) was the lesse able to helpe it selfe against theyr enemyes. Although this was not the chief occasion, but other causes there were greater, wherfore God by his iust iudgement, suffered this plague and ouerthrow to fall vpon that people, as here out of an olde author,Ex historia quadam Cariensi. and partly out of Gildas, as I haue found it, so I thought to annexe it in hys owne woordes, first in Latine, then afterwarde Englishing the same, for the more credite of that which shalbe alleaged, in tenour as foloweth.

Nobiliores totius regni praedictos duces sequ [...]ti fuerunt & ignobiles remanebāt, The causes of the destruction of the Brit. declared. qui cum vicem nobilium obtinere coepissent, extulerunt se vltra quod dignitas expetebat. Et ob affluenciā diuitiarum superbi coeperunt, tali & tantae fornicationi indulgere, qualis nec inter gentes audita est. Et, vt Gildas historicus testatur, non solùm hoc vitium sed omnia quae humanae naturae accidere solent, & praecipue quod totius boni euertit statū, odium veritatis, amor mendacij, susceptio mali pro bono, veneratio nequitiae pro benignitate: exceptatio Sathanae pro angelo lucis: vngebantur reges, non propter dominium, sed qui caeteris crudeliores essent. Si quis verò eorum mitior, & veritati aliquatenus propior videretur, in hunc quasi Britanniae subuersorem omnia odia, tela (que) torquebantur. Omnia quae Deo placebant & displicebant aequali lance inter eos pendebantur. Et non solùm hoc seculares viri, sed & ipse grex domini, eius (que) pastores sine discretione faciebant. Non igitur admirandum est degeneres tales patriam illam amittere quam praedicto modo maculabant.

In English thus.In English thus: The nobles of this realme folowing the Princes and Captaines aboue named: by the reason thereof the vulgare and rascall sorte remained behinde at home. Who when they had gotten the roumes and places of the nobles, they aduanced them selues aboue that their dignitie required. And through their aboundāce of riches, they surprised wyth pride, began to fal into such & so great fornication, as was neuer heard of euen among the Gentiles. And as Gildas the Hystoriographer witnesseth, not into vice only, but also into al maner of wickednes, wherto mans nature is inclined: and especially into that which is the ouerthrow of al good estates, the hatred of the truth, loue of lies, imbracing of euil in stead of goodnesse, regardyng of mischiefe in stead of vertue, receauing of the deuill in stead of an Angell of light. They annoynted kings not such as could wel rule a common wealth, but those which exceeded all other in cruelty. And if any might be perceaued to be somewhat more humble or meeke, or to be more inclined to fauour the trueth then the residue, him did euery one hate and backbite as the ouerthrower and destroyer of Brittayne. All thinges whether they pleased or displeased God, they regarded alyke. And not secular men onely did this. but also the congregation of the Lorde and their Bishops and teachers without any difference at all. Therefore it is not to be marueiled, that such people so degenerating and going out of kinde should lose that countrey, which they had after this maner defiled.

And thus much hetherto concerning the history of the Britaines, till, by the grace of Christ, the order of time shal bring vs heereafter to the treatise of Cedwalla and Calwalladrus. Nowe remaineth, in returning againe to the matter of the Saxons, to discourse particularly, that which before in the table aboue we haue sommarely comprehended.

In this order and rase of the Saxon kings, aboue specified which had thus thrust out the Britones, & now deuided their land in seuen kingdomes: as there were many noughty and wicked kings (whose pernicious examples, being all set on warre and bloudshed, are greatly to be detested and eschued of all true godly Princes) so some there were againe (although but fewe) very sincere & good. But none almost from the first to the last, which was not either slaine in warre, or murdered in peace, or els constrained to make him selfe a monke. Such was the rage then and tyranny of that time. Whether we shuld impute it to the corruption of mans nature, or to the iust iudgement of Gods hand, so disposing the matter, that as they had violently & falsely dispossessed the Britons of their right: so they most miserably were not onely vexed of the Danes, and cōquered at last by the Normās: but also more cruelly deuoured them selues, one warring still agaynst an other, till they were neyther able to helpe themselues, nor yet to resist others. Of thē which are noted for good among these Saxon kings,This [...] beyng a Christi [...] was [...] vnto Ethelbert vpon the conditi [...] that she should be suffered [...] enjoy her religion. Ethelbe [...] kyng of Kent. Oswaldus king of Northumberland. Edwinus king of Northumberland. Sigebertus of Eastangles. Sebert or Sexbrieth of Essex. The first building [...] the Ch [...]c [...] of Paul [...] London. Ethelbert king of the Eastangles. the first and principal is Ethelbertus, or Ethelbrict the first king of Kent aboue specified, who by the meanes of Austen, and partly through hys wife, named Berda, firste receiued and preferred the Christian faith, in al this land of the English Saxons, wherof more foloweth hereafter to be said (the Lorde so permitting) as place and oportunitie shall require. The next place I geue to Oswaldus of Northumberland, who not onely did hys endeuour in furthering the faith of Christ amongst his people: but also being king, disdained not himselfe to stande vp and interprete to his nobles & subiectes the preaching of Aidanus, preaching Christ to them in his Scottish language. In the same cō mendation also, like as in the same line, commeth hys vncle Edwin, king of Northumberlād, a good Prince, and the first receauer of Christes faith in that land, by the meanes of his wife, and Paulinus Byshop. Adde to these also Sigebert, first Christened king of the Eastangles, & Sebert, first Christened king of Essex: of whome the one was a great furtherer of Religion, & setter vp of scholes: ye other which is Sebert or Sexbrieth, was neuew to Ethelbert of Kent, vnder whom he ruled in Essex. By the which Ethelbert, in the time of the sayd Sebert the Church of Paules was builded at London, and Christian faith much enlarged. &c. Of the same name there was also an other Ethelbert King of the Eastangles, a good Prince: who by the aduise of his counsaile perswaded to mariage (though against his wil) went peaceably to King Offa for despousage of Athilride hys daughter, wher the good king meaning innocētly through the sinister and deuilishe counsaile of king Offa hys wife, was secretely beheaded and made away. Whereupon Offa through repentance thereof, made the first Peter pence to be geuen to S. Peters church in Rome.

In the Cathologue of these good kinges is also to be numbered Kenelmus king of the Mercians, and Edmundus king of the Eastangles:Peter pence [...] they first came vpon be payd to Rome. Kenelmu [...] king of the Mercians. S. Edmund▪ king of Eastangles. of the which ij. the first was falsely & abhominably circumuented & beheaded, by the meanes of his cruell sister and hys tutor; as he was in his hunting at Corfcastle. The other whych is called king Edmund the Martyr, was slaine at Bury, or as some wryte at the Castle of Halesdon by the Danes: vpon what occasion, histories do vary. The author of Flores Historiarū sayeth, it was by reason of one Lothebrocus a Dane: who being of the kings bloud, & being with his Hawke on the sea side in a litle boat, was driuen by force of weather into the coast of Northfolke, wher he being presented to king Edmūd, was retained in his Court with great fauour: til at length one Bericke the kings Fawkner, enuying and despiting hym, for his great dexteritie in that facultie, priuily did murder him in a wood. This being at last spied (as murder lightly will come out) Bericke was set in Lothbrockes boate alone without all tackling, to be cōmitted vnto the Sea: and as it chāced so, was driuen into Denmarke, who there being seene in Lothbrockes boate, was straitly examined of the partie. He then to excuse himselfe, falsly sayd he was slaine by the cōmandement of the king. Upō the occasion wherof Inguar and Hubba sonnes to the sayde Lothebroke gathering an army of Danes, inuaded first Northūberland: after that bursting into Northfolke on euery side, sent thys message to king Edmund after this tenor: Signifying that king Inguar the victorious Prince (dreade both by sea and lande) as he had subiect diuers other landes vnder him,The message of Inguar to Kyng Edmund. so arriuing now to the coasts of Northfolke, where he intē deth to winter: chargeth and commaundeth him to deuide with him his olde treasures, and his fathers riches, and so to rule vnder him: which if he would not do, but wold cō temne his power so strōgly furnished wyth such an army, he should be iudged as vnworthy both of kingdom & life. &c. The king hearing this message, not a little astonyshed therat, calling his coūsaile about hym, consulted wt them, especially with one of his Bishops, being then his Secretarie, what was best to be done: who fearing the kinges life, exhorted him by wordes & diuers examples to agree to the message. At this a while the king holding his peace, at length thereto made aunswere againe in these wordes, saying: Go (saith he) tel your Lord, and let him know that Edmundus the Christened King, for the loue of this temporal life, wil not subiect him selfe to a Pagane Duke, vnles before he become a Christiā, &c. The messenger taking his answere was not so soone out of the gates, as Inguar meeting him and bidding him to be short in declaring hys answere, caused all the kings garrison to be set round about. [Page] Some say that the king flying to Thetforde, there pitcht a field with the Danes, but the Danes preuailing,The martirdome of K. Edmund in Northfolke. the good king from thence did flie to the Castle of Halesdon aboue mentioned: where he beyng pursued of the Danes was there taken, and at length being bounde to a stake, there, of the raging Danes was shot to death. And thus much for the good kings.

Now as concerning those kinges which made them selues Monks (which in number be vij. or viij.) although the example be rare & straung,A Questiō, Whether kings which made themselues Monkes did well in so doing or not. and much commēded of the chroniclers of that time: yet I cannot rashly assent to their cōmendation, albeit the case therof is no matter of our history. First in altering their estate from kings to monkes, if they did it to finde more ease, and lesse trouble thereby: I see not howe that excuse standeth with the office of a good man, to chaunge his publike vocation, for respect of priuat commodity. If feare of ieoperdy & daunger did driue them therunto: what praise and commendation they deserue, in so doing let the monkish histories iudge what they lyste: me seemeth so much prayse as they deserue in prouiding their owne safetie, so much they deserue againe to be discō mended in forsaking the common welth. If they did it (as most like it is) for holinesse sake, thinking in that kinde of life to serue and please God better: or to merite more toward their saluaciō then in the estate of a king, therin they were far deceaued: not knowing tha [...] the saluation which cōmeth of God, is to be measured & estemed, not by mans merits, or by any perfectiō of life or by differēce of any vocation more of one then another, but only by the free grace of the gospell, which freely iustifieth all them, that faythfully beleeue in Christ Iesu. But here will be saide againe peraduenture, in the solitary life of Monkery, be fewer occasions of euils, then in kings courtes, wherefore that lyfe serueth more to holines,Aunswere. Where vocation byndeth to tary there not to flye but to resist the occasions of euill, it is a good mans part. & more is to be preferred then the other. To this I aunswere, to auoid the occasions of euill is good where strength lacketh to resist. But otherwyse, where duety & charge bindeth to tary, there to auoyde the occasiōs of euil, where rather they are to be resisted: rather declareth a weakenes of the man, thē deserueth any praise. As it is truely saide of Tullie: Out of Asia, saith he, to liue, a good life, is no god a mercy: but in Asia where so great occasiōs of euils abound, there to liue a good mā that is praise worthy. With the like reason I may infer, if a man be called to be a king, there not to chaunge the vocation for voiding of occasions, but rather to resist occasions, & to keepe his vocation, declareth a good & perfect man. But of these bymatters hetherto sufficient.

Foure persecutions in Brittany before the comming of Austen into England. The persecution of Dioclesian about the yeare of our Lord. 210. The persecution of Gnauius and Melga. The persecution of Hengist in Brittayne. The fourth destruction of Christen fayth in Brittayne by Gurmū dus. an 595. This Gurmundus as some stories record, leauing hys kingdome at home to hys brother sayd he would possesse no kingdome, but which he should win with his swordThese things now thus premised, concerning the order & raigne of kinges, as is aboue prefixed: consequently it remaineth to enter the tractation of such thinges, as in the time and raigne of the foresaide kings happened in the Church: first putting the Reader againe in minde of the former persecutions within the realme, partly before touched in the time of the Britaine kinges, which speciallye were three or foure before the commyng of Austen into Englande.

1, The first was vnder Dioclesian, and that not onely in England but generally throughout al the Romaine Monarchie, as is aboue specified. In this persecution Albanus Iulius, Aaron, with a great number moe of other good Christian Britanes, were martyred for Christes name.

2. The seconde persecution or destruction of Christian faith, was by the inuading of Gnauius and Melga, whereof, the first was captaine of the Hunnes, the other of ye Pictes. These two tyrauntes, after the cruell slaughter of Vrsula, and other. 11000 noble virgines, made their rode into Brytaine hearyng the same to be destitute of ye strength of men. At what time they made miserable murder of Christes Saints, spoiling & wasting Churches, without mercy either of women or children, sparing none.

3. The third persecution came by Hengist, and the Saxones: who likewise destroied and wasted the christen congregations within the lande, like raging Wolues fleeyng vpon the sheepe, & spilling the bloud of Christians, til Aurellus Ambrosius came, and restored againe the Churches destroyed.

4. The fourth destruction of Christen faith & Religion was by Gurmundus a Pagan king of the Africanes: who ioyning in league with the Saxons, wrought much greuaunce to the christians of the land. In so much that Theonus Byshop of London, and Thadioceus Bishop of Yorke, with the rest of the people so many as were left, hauing no place wherin to remaine with safety, did flee some to Cornwall, and some to the mountaines of Wales about the yere of our Lord 550. and this persecution remained to the time of Ethelberd king of Kent, an. 589.

In the raigne of this Ethelbert, which was then the 5. king of Kent, the faith of Christ was first receaued of the Saxons or Englishmen, by the meanes of Gregory bishop of Rome, in maner and order as here foloweth, out of old histories collected and recorded.

First then to ioyne the order of our history together: The Christē faith first receiued of king Lucius, endured in Britaine till this time, neare vpon the season of CCCC. yeares and odde: when by Gurmundus Africanus, (as is saide) fyghting wyth the Saxons against the Brytaynes, it was neare extinct in all the land, duryng the space about fortie foure yeares.King Lucius dyed 428. before the comming of Austen. So that the first springing of Christes Gospell in thys lande, was an. 180. The comming of the Saxons was. an. 449. or an. 469. The comming of Austen, was an. 596. From the first entring in of the Saxons to their complet conquest, and the driuing out of the Brytanes (which was aboute the latter time of Gadwalader) were 240. yeares.The computation of times concerning the continuaunce and decay of Christes Gospell betweene the Brittaynes and the Saxons: In summe from Christ to Lucius were, 180. yeares. The continuaunce of the gospel frō Lucius to the entring of the Saxons was 302. yeares. The decay of the same to the entring of Austen, was. 143. yeares which being added together make from Lucius to Austen. 445. from Christ to Austen they make 598. yeares. In this yeare then. 598. Austen being sent from Gregory came into England: the occasion wherupon Gregory sent him hether was this.

In the daies of Pelagius Byshop of Rome,Anno. 598. Gregory chauncyng to see certayne chyldren in the market place of Rome (brought thether to be sould out of England) being faire and beautifull of visage,Beda Polychronico [...]. li. 5. ca. 8.6. Malesburiensis de regib. Henr. Huntington lib 3. Fabianus part. 5. cap. 119. Liber bibliothecae tornalensis. demaunded out of what coū trey they were: and vnderstanding they were Heathenish out of England, lamented the case of ye land being so beautifull and Angelicall, so to be subiecte vnder the Prince of darknes. And asking moreouer out of what prouince they were it was aunswered, out of Deyra, a part of Northsaxons: wherof as it is to be thought, that which we now cal Deyrham taketh his name. Then he alluding to the name of Deyra, these people (saith he) art to be deliuered de Deiira, which is from Gods wrath, Moreouer vnderstanding the kings name of that prouince to be Alle (aboue mentioned) alluding likewise to his name: there (saith he) ought Alleluia to be song to the liuing God.Deyrham in Northumberland. Wherevpon beyng moued and desirous to go and helpe the cōuersion of that country, was not permitted of Pelagius and the Romanes for that time to accomplish his desire. But afterwarde being Bishop himselfe next after Pelagius, he sent thether the foresaide Austen with other preachers neere about to the nūber of xl. But by the waye, howe it happened I cannot saye: As Austen with his company were passing in theyr iourney, such a sodaine feare entred in their harts (that as Antonius saith) they returned all. Other write that Austen was sent backe to Gregory againe, to release them of that viage so daungerous and vncertaine, amongst such a barberous people: whose language neither they knewe, nor whose rudenes they were able to resist. Thē Gregory with pithy perswasions confirming and comforting him, sent him againe with letters both to the Bishop of Arelalensis, willing him to helpe and aide the said Austen, Episcopus Arelalensis. and his company in all whatsoeuer his neede required. Also other letters he directed by the foresaid Austine, vnto his fellowes, exhorting them to go foreward boldly in the Lords work, as by the tenour of the said Epistle here followyng maye appeare.

Gregorius seruus seruorum Dei,Ex Henr. Huntingtonensi. li 3. The Epistle of Gregory to them whiche went to preach in England. seruis Domini nostri. Quia melius fuerat bona non incipere, quam ab ijs quae coepta sunt cogitatione retrorsum redire, &c. In Englishe. Gregory the seruaunt of Gods seruaunts, to the seruaunts of the Lord. Forasmuch as it is better not to take good things in hande, then after they be begon, to thinke to reuolt backe from the same againe therefore now you may not nor cannot (deare children) but with all feruent study and labor, must needes go forward in that good busines, which through the helpe of God you haue wel begunne. Neither let the labor of your iourney, nor the slanderous tounges of men appalle you, but that with all instaunce and feruency yee proceede, and accomplish the thing which the Lorde hath ordeyned you to take in hande: knowing that your great trauell shalbe recompensed with rewarde of greater glorye hereafter to come. Therefore as we sende here Austen to you againe, whom also we haue ordeined to be your gouernour, so doe you humblye obey him in all thinges, knowing that it shall be profitable so for your soules, whatsoeuer at his admonition yee shall doe. Almighty God with his grace defend you and graunt me to see in the eternall country the fruite of your labour, that although I can not labour as I woulde wyth you,The Bishop of Rome calleth the Emperour hys Lord. yet I may be found pertaker of your retribution, for that my will is good to labour in the same felowship with you together. The Lord God keepe you safe, most deare and welbeloued children. Dated the x before the Calendes [Page] of August, in the raigne of our soueraigne Lord Mauritius most vertuous Emperour, the .xiiij. of his Empire.

Austen and hys company commeth to England.Thus they emboldened & comforted through the good wordes of Gregory, sped foorth their iourney till they came at length to the Ile of Thene [...] ▪ lying vpon the East side of Kent. Neare to the which landing place, was then the Manory or palace of the king, not farre from Sandwiche (Eastward from Caunterbury) which the inhabitauntes of the Isle,Ethelbert King of Kent. then called Richbourgh: whereof some part of the ruinous walles is yet to be sene. The king then raigning in Kent, was Ethelbert, as aboue appeareth, the fifte King of that prouince: who at that time had Maried to wyfe a French woman beyng Chrystened,What goodnes commeth, to haue a good and godly wife. named Berda: whom he had receiued of her parents vpon this conditiō, that he shoulde permitte her with her Bishop committed vnto her, called Lebardus, to enioye the freedome of her fayth and Religion: by the meanes whereof he was more flexible, and sooner induced to embrace the preachyng and doctrine of Christ. Thus Austen beyng arryued sent foorth certayne messengers and interpreters to the Kyng, sygnifying that such a one was come from Rome, brynging with hym glad tydinges to him and all his people, of lyfe and saluation eternally to reygne in heauen, with the onely true and lyuing God, for euer: if he would so willingly harken to the same, as he was gladly come to preache and teach it vnto him.

The King, who had heard of this Religion before by meanes of his wife, within a few daies after commeth to the place where Austen was to speake with him: but that shoulde be without the house, after the maner of his lawe. Austen against his cōming, as stories affirme, erected vp a banner of the crucifixe (such was then the grosenes of that tyme) and preached to him the word of God.The kinges answere to Austen. The Kyng aunswering againe saith in effect as followeth: the words be very faire that you preach and promise. Neuerthelesse, because it is to me vncoth and new, I can not soone starte away from my country law wherwith I haue bene so lōg inured and assent to you.The king staieth vpon olde custome. Albeit yet notwithstanding for ye ye are come, as ye saye, so farre for my sake: ye shall not be molested by me, but shall be rightwell intreated, hauing al thinges to you ministred necessarye for your supportatiō. Besydes this, neither doe we debarre you, but to haue fre leaue to preach to our people and subiects to conuert, whō ye may to the faith of your Religion.

When they had receaued this comfort of the king, they went with procession to the Citie of Dorobernia, or Caunterbury, singyng Alleluya with the Letanie, which then by Gregory, had beene vsed at Rome in the time of the great plague reigning thē at Rome, mentioned in old histories. The wordes of the Letany were these:The Letany of Austen. Deprecamur te Domine in omni misericordia tua, vt auferatur furor tuus & ira tua a ciuitate ista, & de domo sancta tua: quoniam peccauimus. Alleluya. That is. We beseech thee O Lorde in all thy mercyes, that thy fury and anger maye cease from this Citie, & from thy holy house for we haue sinned. Alleluya. Thus they entryng in the Citie of Dorobernia, the head Citie of all that dominion at that time, where the king had gyuen them a mansion for there abode: there they contynued preaching and baptising such as they had conuerted in the east side of the Citty in the old church of S. Martine (where the Queene was woont to resorte) vnto the time that the kyng was conuerted himselfe to Christ. At length when the king had wel cōsidered the honest conuersation of their life,Miracles wrought by God for the conuersion of the land. and moued with the myracles wrought through gods hand by thē, he heard them more gladly, and lastly by their wholsome exhortations, and example of godly life he was by them conuerted and christened in the yeare aboue specified. 586. and the 36. yeare of his reigne. After the King was thus conuerted, innumerable other daily came in, & were adioyned to the Church of Christ: whom the King did specially embrace but cōpelled none: for so he had learned that the faith and seruice of Christ ought to be voluntary, and not coacted. Then he gaue to Austen a place for hys Byshops sea at Christes Church in Dorobernia, & builded the Abbey of Saint Peter and Paule,Austen made Archbishop. in the East side of the sayde Citie, where after Austen, and all the Kinges of Kent were buried, and that place is now called S. Austen.

In this while Austen sailed into Fraunce to the Byshop Arelatensis, called Ethereus: by him to bee consecrated Archbishop, by the commaundement of Gregory, & so was. Also the said Austen sent to Rome, Laurentius one of his cō pany, to declare to Gregory how they had sped, and what they had done in Englande: sending with all to haue the counsaile and aduise of Gregory, concerning ix. or x. questions, whereof some are partly touched before.

The tenour of his questions or interrogations, wyth the aunsweres of Gregory to the same: here follow in English briefly translated.

The questions of Austen Archbyshop of Caunterbury sent to Gregory, with the aunswere againe of Gregory to the same.

The first interrogation.

MY first question (reuerende father) is concerning Byshops,Ex decre [...] Gregorij primi [...] concil. tom. 2. 1. Interrogation. how they ought to behaue themselues towarde their clerks Or of such oblations as the faithfull offer vpon the altar: what portions or diuidentes ought to be made thereof.

The aunswere.

How a Bishop ought to behaue himselfe in the Congregation,The aunswere. the holy scripture testifieth which I doubt not but you know right well, especiallye in the Epistles of S Paule to Timothie: wherein he laboureth to informe the sayd Timothe, how to behaue his conuersation in ye house of the Lord. The maner is of the sea Apostolike, to warne and charge all such as be ordeined Bishops, of all their stipend or that which giuen, to make foure pertitiōs. One to the Bishop for hospitalitie, and receauing commers in. An other to the Clergy,Distribution of Churche goodes. The third to the pore. The fourth to the repairing of Churches. But because your brotherhode instructed with rules of Monasticall discipline, cānot liue separated from your clerkes about you, therfore in the English Church (which nowe through the prouidence of God is brought to the faith of Christ) you muste obserue this institution, concerning your conuersation, which was in the first Fathers in the begynning of the prymitiue Church, among whom there was not one which counted any thing to be his owne proper, of all that he did possesse: but all was common among them.

The seconde interrogation.

I desire to know and to be instructed,2. Interrogation. whether Clerkes that cannot containe, may marry. And if they do mary whether then they ought to returne to the secular state againe or no?

The aunswere.

If there be any Clerkes out of holy orders,The aunswere. The glose vppon the 12. q. 1. [...] rag. Si. [...] sayth that this nowe holdeth not, and alledgeth [...] extran. Decler. comming ca. Iob. & Whereby note how the Popes decrees be repugnant to themselues. Luke. 11. which can not conteine, let them haue their wiues, and take their stipends or wages without. For we read it so written of the foresayd fathers, that they deuided to euery person, according as their worke was. Therfore as concerning the stipend of such, it must be prouided and thought vpon. And they must be also holden vnder Ecclesiasticall discipline, to liue a godly cōuersation: to employ themselues in singing Psalmes, & to refraine their tongue, hart and body (by the grace of God) from all things vnseemely, and vnlawfull▪ As for the vulgar and common sort, which lyue after the common condition of men: to describe what partitions to make, what hospitalitie to keepe, or what works of mercy to exhibite to such, I haue nothing to saye but to giue (as our maister teacheth) in all our deedes of mercy; of that which aboundeth. Of that (saith he) whiche aboundeth or is ouerplus, gyue almes, and beholde all thinges bee cleane vnto you.

The thyrd interrogation.

Seing there is but one faith, how happeneth it then, the ceremonies and customes of Churches to bee so diuers.3. Interro [...] ▪ As in the Church of Rome there is one custome, and maner of Masse▪ and the French Church hath an other?

The aunswere.

The custome of the Church of Rome,The aunswere. what it is you know: wherin ye remēber that you [...] bene brought vp frō your youth: but rather it pleaseth me better, that whether it be in the church of Rome, or in any Frēch Church: where ye finde any thing that seemeth better to the seruice and pleasing of God: that ye chuse the same: and so inferre & bring into the English Church (which is yet new in the faith) the best & pikedst thinges chosen out of many Churches: for things are not to be beloued for ye place sake,Note a [...] thy saying of Gregory. but the place is to be beloued for the things that be good: wherfore such thinges as be good, godly, and religious: th [...] chose out of all Churches, and induce to your people, that they may take roote in the mindes of Englishmen.

The fourth interrogation.

I praye you what punishment iudge you for him,4. Interrogation. that shall steale or pylfer any thing out of the Church.

The aunswere.

This your brotherhood may soone discerne,The aunswere. by the person of a theefe, how it ought to be corrected. For some there be which hauing sufficient to liue vpon yet doe steale. Other there be which steale of meere necessity. Wherfore considering the qualitye & difference of the crime, necessarye it [Page] is that some be corrected by losse of goodes, some by stripes some other more sharply, and some more easly: yea, & whē sharpee correction is to be executed, yet that must be done with charity, and with no fury: for in punishing offenders this is the cause and ende wherefore they are punished, bicause they should be saued & not perish in hell fire. And so ought discipline to proceede in correcting the faithfull, as doe good Fathers in punishing their children, whom both they chasten for their euill, and yet being chastened, they looke to haue them their heires, and thinke to leaue them all they haue, notwithstanding they correct them sometimes in anger. Therefore this charitie must be kepte in mind. And in the correction there is a measure to be had, so that the mind neuer do any thing without the rule of reason. Ye adde moreouer with what recompence of measure those things ought to be required againe which be stollen out of Churches. But God forbid that the Church should euer require againe with increase, that which is lost in outwarde thinges, and to seeke her gaine by endamaging other.

The fift interrogation.

5. Interrogation.Item, whether two brethen may mary two sisters, beyng far of from any part of kindred?

The aunswere.

This in no part of scripture is forbidden, but it may well and lawfully be done.The aunswere.

The sixt interrogation.

Item, to what degree of kyndred may the mat [...]mony of the faythfull extende with their kindred,6. Interrogation. or wheth [...] [...] it lawfull to marry with the stepmother and her kinsfolkes?

The aunswere.

A certaine terrene law amongst the old Romaines doth permit, that either brother or sister, or the sonne & daughter of two brethren may marry together.The aunswere. In what degree of kindred a man may marry. But by experyence we learne, that the issue of such mariage doth neuer thryue, nor come forewarde. Also ye holye law of God forbiddeth to reueale the turpitude of thy bloude or kindred.

Wherefore necessary it is, that in the third or fourth degree the faithfull may lawfully marry, for in the seconde as being vnlawfull, they must needes refraine. To be copled with the stepmother is vtterly abhominable, for it is written in the law. Thou shalt not reueale the turpitude of thy Father. Forsomuch then as it is so written in ye law and they shall be two in one flesh: the sonne then that presumeth to reueale then the turpitude of his stepmother, which is one flesh with his Father, what doth he then but reueale the turpitude of his owne father.By this rule the mariage of Kyng Henry with Queene Katherine Dowager. was vnlawfull. Likewise it was forbidden and vnlawfull to mary with thy kinswoman, which by her first Mariage was made one flesh with thy brother. For the which cause Iohn ye Baptist also lost hys head, and was crowned a Martyr. Who though he dyed not for the confession of Christ: yet for so much as Christ saith: I am the truth, therfore in that Iohn Baptist was slayne for the truth, it may be sayd his bloud was shedde for Christ.

The seuenth interrogation.

Item, whether such as be so coupled togither in filthy and vnlawfull matrymony ought to be separated and denied the partaking of the holy Communion.7. Interrogation.

The aunswere.

Because there be many of the nation of English men which being yet in their infidelitie,The aunswere. were so ioyned & coupled in such execrable mariage: the same comming now to faith, are to be admonished hereafter to abstaine from the like, & that they know the same to be greuous sinne. That they dread the dreadfull iudgement of God, least for their carnall delectation, they incurre the tormentes of eternall punishment. And yet notwtstanding they are not to be secluded therefore from the participation of Christes body & bloud,A discrete saying of Gregory to be noted. lest we should seme to reuenge those things in them which they before their baptisme, through ignoraunce did commit. For in this time the holy Church doth correct some faultes more feruently, some faultes she suffereth againe through mansuetude and mekenes, some wittingly and willingly she doth wink at, and dissemble: that many times the euil which she doth detest, through bearing and dissembling she may stop & bridle. All they therfore which are come to the faith, must be admonished that they cōmit no such offence. Which thing if they doe, they are to be depriued of the Communion of the Lords body & bloud. For like as in them that fall through ignoraunce, their default in this case is to be tollerate: so in them againe it is strōgly to be ensued, which knowing they do nought, yet feare not to commit.

The eight interrogation.

8. Interrog.Item, in this I desire to be satisfied, after what maner I should deale or do with the Bishops of Fraunce, and of Britaines.

The aunswere.

As touching the Bishops in Fraunce,The aunswere. I geue you no authoritie or power ouer them. For the Bishop of Arolas, or Orliance hath by the olde tyme of our predecessours receiued the Palle, whome now we ought not to depriue of hys authoritie. Therefore when your brotherhoode shall goe vnto the Prouince of Fraunce, what soeuer yee shal haue there to doe with the Byshop of Orliance, so do, that he loose nothing of that which he hath found and obtayned of the auncient ordinaunce of our foreelders. But as concerning the Bishops of Brittayn, we commit them all to your brotherhoode,25. q 2. cap. in Galliarum. that ye ignoraunt may be taught the infirme by perswasion may be confirmed, the wilful by authoritie may be corrected.

The ninth interrogation.

Whether a woeman being great with childe,9. Interrog. ought to be baptised, or after she hath children, after how long time she ought to enter into the Church. Or els that which she hath brought forth, least it should be preuented with death, after howe many dayes it ought to receaue Baptisme. Or after howe long tyme after her childebyrth is it lawfull for her husband to resorte to her? Or els if she be in her monthly course, after the desease of women, whether then she may enter into the Churche, and receaue the Sacrament of the holy Communion? Or els her husband after the lying with hys wife, before he be washed with water, whether is it lawfull for him to enter the Church, and to draw vnto the mistery of the holy Communion? All which thinges must be declared and opened to the rude multitude of Englishmen.

The Aunswere.

The childing or bearing woman,The aunswere. why may she not be Baptised: seeing that the fruitfulnes of the flesh is no fault before the eyes of almighty God. For our first parentes in Paradise, after they had transgressed: lost their immortallitie by the iust iudgement of God which they had takē before. Then, because almighty God woulde not mankinde vtterly to perish because of hys fall (although he lost nowe hys immortallitie for hys trespasse) yet of hys benigne pietie, left notwithstanding to hym the fruit and generation of issue. Wherefore the issue and generation of mans nature, which is conserued by the gift of almighty God, how can it be debarred from the grace of holy Baptisme?

As concerning the churching of women after they haue trauailed: where ye demaund after howe many dayes they ought to goe to the Church, this you haue learned in ye old law,The Churching of woemen. that for a man child .30. dayes, after a womā child .66. dayes be appoynted her to keepe in. Albeit this you must take to be vnderstād in a mistery. For if she should ye houre after her trauayle enter into the Churche to geue thankes, she committed therein no sinne. For why the lust and pleasure of the flesh, and not the trauaile and payne of the flesh is sinne. In the coniunction of the fleshe is pleasure, but in the trauaile and bringing forth of the child is payne & gronyng. As vnto the mother of all it is sayd: In sorrow thou shalt trauaile. Therefore if we forbid the woman after her labour to enter the church, thē what doe we els but count ye same the punishment geuen vnto her, for sinne? Therefore for the woeman after her labour to be baptised,He speaketh here after the custome of the tyme. eyther that whiche shee hath trauailed foorth (if present necessitie of death doth so require) yea in the selfe same houre, eyther shee that hath brought foorth, eyther that which is borne in the same houre when it is borne, to be baptised we doe not forbid.

Moreouer,Mothers that nurse not their owne Children reprehended. for the man to company with his wife, that he must not: before the child that is borne be wayned. But now there is a lewd and naughty custome risen in the conditiō of maryed folks, that mothers do contemne to nourse their owne children, which they haue borne, but set them to other woemen out to nourse: whiche seemeth onely to come of the cause of incontinency. For while they will not contayne themselues, therefore they put from them their children to nourse. &c.

As concerning the woman in her menstruous course whether she ought to enter the Churche? To this I aunswere: she ought not to be forbid. For the superfluitie of nature in her ought not to be imputed for any fault, neyther is it iust that she shold be depriued of her accesse to the Church, for that which she suffereth agaynst her wil. And if the woeman did well, presuming in touching the Lords coate in the tyme of her bloudy issue: why then may not that be graunted vnto all woemen infirmed by the fault of nature, which is commended in one person done in her infirmitie? Therefore to receaue the misterie of the holy communion, it is not forbidden them. Albeit if she dare not so farre presume in her great infirmitie, she is to be praysed: but if she do receaue, she is not to be iudged. For it is a point of a good minde in some maner to knowledge hys sinnes there, where is no sinne: because manye times that [Page] is done without fault, which commeth of fault. As when we be hungry, we care without fault, notwithstanding it commeth by the fault of our first father to vs that wee are hungrye, &c.

Where ye aske, if a man after the company with hys wyfe, may resort to the Church or to the holy Communion, before he be purged with water. The law giuen to the old people, commaunded that a man after the companye wyth his wife, both shoulde be purified with water, and also should tary the Sunnes set before he came to the congregation. Which seemeth to be vnderstand spiritually: for then most true it is, that the man companieth with the woman, when his minde through delectation is ioyned to vnlawfull concupiscence in his hart and cogitation. At what time, before the said fire of concupiscence shall be remooued, let the person thinke himselfe vnworthye the entraunce to the congregation, through the viciousnes of his filthy will. But of this matter sondry nations haue euery one their sondry customes: some on way & some an other. The auncient maner of the Romanes frō our forefathers, hath beene, that in such case, first they purged themselues with water, then for a little they abstaine reuerently, and so resort to the Church. &c.

After many other words debated of this matter, thus he inferreth: but if any person not for voluptuousnes of the flesh, but for procreation of children, do company with his wife, that man concerning either the comming to the Church, or the receauing the misteries of the Lords body & bloud, is to be left to his owne iudgement: for he ought not to be forbid of vs to come, which when he lieth in the fire will not burne. &c.

There is an other question also to these adioyned, with his aunswere likewise to the same, concerning pollutions in the night, but I thought these at this present to our english eares, sufficient.

§

To returne now to the story againe, Gregory after he had sent these resolutions to the questions of Austen, sendeth moreouer, to the Church of Englande moe coadiutors, and helpers, as Mellitus, Iustus, Paulinus, and Ruffianus, with bookes and such other implemēts as he thought necessary, for the English Church. He sendeth moreouer to the foresaide Austen a palle with letters wherein he setteth an order betweene the twoo Metropolitane seates, the one to be at London the other to be at Yorke. Notwithstanding he graunteth to the sayde Austen during his lyfe to be the onely chyefe Archbyshop of al the lande: and after hys tyme, then to returne to the two foresaide seats of London and Yorke, as is in ye same letter conteined, the tenour whereof here followeth in hys owne wordes as ensueth.

The copie of the Epistle of Gregory, sent to Augustinus into Englande.

REuerendissimo & sanctis. fratri Augustino coepiscopo, Gregorius seruus seruorum Dei. Cum certum sit, pro omnipotente Deo laborātibus ineffabilia aeterni Regis praemia reseruari, nobis tamen eis necesse est bonorum beneficia tribuere, vt in spiritualis operis studio ex remuneratione valeant multiplicius insudare: and so forth as followeth here in English.

TO the reuerende and vertuous brother Augustine, his felow Byshop, Gregorius the seruaunt of the seruaunts of God. Although it be most certaine that vnspeakeable rewardes, of the heauenly king, be laide vp for all such, as labour in the wordes of almighty God, yet it shall be requisite for vs, to reward the same also with our benefites, to the ende, they may be more encouraged, to go forward in the study of their spirituall worke. And for asmuch now, as the new church of Englishmen is brought to the grace of almightie God, through his mightie helpe, and your trauayle, therefore we haue graunted to you the vse of the palle, only to be vsed at the solemnitie of your Masse: so that it shall bee lawfull for you to ordaine twelue Bishops, such as shal be subiect to your prouince or dition. So that hereafter alwaies the Byshop of the Citie of London, shall be ordeyned and consecrate by his owne proper Synode: and so to receaue the palle of honour frō the holy and Apostolike seate, wherein I here (by the permission of God) doe serue. And as touching the Citie of Yorke, we wyll sende also a Bysh. thether, whō you may thinke meet to ordayne. So that if that Citie with other places bordering thereby, shall receiue the word of God, he shall haue power likewise to ordayne twelue byshops, and haue the honour of a Metropolitane: to whō also if God spare me life, I entend by the fauour of God, to sende a palle: this prouided, that notwithstanding he shal be subiect to your brotherly appointment. But after your decease, the same Metropolitane, so to be ouer the Byshops whom he ordereth, that he be in no wise subiect to the Metropolitane of Londō after you. And here after betwixt these two Metropolitanes, of London, & Yorke, let there be had such distinction of honour, that hee shall haue the prioritie, which shall in time first bee ordeyned: Wyth common counsell, and affection of hart, let them go both together, disposing with one accord, such things as be to be done, for the zeale of Christ. Let them forethinke and deliberate together prudently, and what they deliberate wisely, let them accomplish concordly, not gerryng, nor swaruing, one from the other. But as for your part, you shall be indued with authoritie, not onelye ouer those Byshops, that you constitute, and ouer the other constituted by the byshop of Yorke. But also you to haue all other Priestes of whole Brytaine, subiect to our Lord Iesus Christ: to the ende that through your preaching and holines of life, they may learne both to beleeue rightly and to liue purely, and so in directing their life, both by the rule of true faith and vertuous maners, they may attaine, when God shall call them, the fruition and kingdome of heauen.Gregory calleth t [...]e Emperor hys Lord.

God preserue you in health reuerend brother:

the x before the Kalend. of Iuly, in the raygne of our soueraigne Lord Mauritius, most vertuous Emperour.

Besides this, the said Gregory sendeth also an other letter to Mellitus, A letter [...] Gregory to Mellitus. concerning his iudgement what is to bee done with the idolatrous temples and Phanes of the Englishmen newly cōuerted, which Phanes he thinketh not best to plucke downe, but to conuert the vse thereof, and so let them stand. And likewise of their sacrifices and killyng of Oxen, how the same ought to be ordered, and howe to bee altered: disputing by the occasions therof, of the sacrifices of the old Egiptians, permitted of God vnto the Israelits the ende [...] thereof being altered. &c.

He sendeth also an other letter to the foresaid Austen, A letter [...] Gregory [...] Austen. wherein he warneth him not to be proude or puft vp, for the myracles wrought of God by him, in conuertyng the people of Englande, but rather to feare and tremble, least so much as he were puft vp by the outward work of miracles, so much he shoulde fall inwardly through the vayne glory of his hart: and therfore wisely exhorteth him to represse the swelling glory of hart, with the remembraunce of his sinnes rather against God, whereby he rather hath cause to lament, then to reioyce for the other. Not all the elect of God (saith he) worketh miracles, and yet haue they their names written in the booke of life. And therefore he shoulde not count so much of those miracles done, but reioyse rather with the Disciples of Christ, & labor to haue his name written in the booke of life, where al the electe of God be contained, neither is there any ende of that reioycing. And whatsoeuer miracles it hath pleased god by him to haue beene done, he shoulde remember they were not done for him: but for their conuersion, whose saluation god sought thereby, &c.

Item,A letter of Gregory to King [...] thelbert. he directed an other Epistle to king Ethelbert, as is expressed at large in the Chronicle of Henry Huntyngton, Lib. 3. in the which Epistle, first he praised God, then commendeth the goodnes of the king, by whom it pleased god so to worke such goodnes of the people. Secondly exhortteth him to persist and continue in the godly profession of Christes faith, and to be feruent and zealous in the same: in conuerting the multitude, in destroying the temples and works of idolatry, in ruling and gouerning the people in all holines & godly conuersation, after the godly example of the Emperour Constantinus the great. Lastly, cōforting him with the promises of lyfe and reward to come, wyth the Lord that raigneth and liueth for euer: premonishyng him besides, of the terrours & distresses that shall happen (though not in his dayes) yet before the terrible daye of Gods iudgement: wherfore he willeth him alwaies to be sollicitous for his soule, and suspectfull of the houre of hys death, and watchfull of the iudgement, that he may be alwaies prepared for the same, when that iudgement shall come. In the ende he desireth him to accept such presentes as giftes which he thought good to sende vnto him from Rome, &c.

Austen thus receyuing his palle from Gregory, An. 600. Polycrō. lib. 5. ca. 9. Fab. part. 5. ca. 119. Archbishops of London & of York made by Austen. Mellitus Byshop of London. as is aboue said, and now of a Monke beyng made an Archbyshop, after he had baptised a great part of Kent: hee after made two Archbyshops or Metropolitanes, by the commaundement of Gregory, as witnesseth Polychronicon, the one at London, the other at Yorke.

Mellitus, of whō mention is made before, was sent specially of the Eastsaxons in the prouince of Essex, where after he was made Bishop of London, vnder Sigebert kyng of Essex: which Sigebert together with his vncle Ethelbert, first built the church and minster of saint Paule in Londō, and appointed it to Mellitus for the byshops sea, Austē (associate with this Mellitus and Iustus through the help of Ethelbert) assembled and gathered togither the Byshops & Doctours of Britaine in a place, which taking the name of the sayd Austen, was called Austens Oke. In this assēbly [Page] he charged the sayd Byshops, yt they should preach wt him ye word of God to the Englishmen,The Brittaynes and Scottes vsed not the rites of Rome. & also that they should among themselues reforme certayne rytes and vsages in their church, specially for keping of their Eastertyde: baptising after the maner of Rome, and such other lyke. To these the Scotes and Brytons woulde not agree refusing to leaue the custome, which they so long time had contynued, wythout the assent of them all which vsed the same. Here the stories both of Bede, Cestrensis in Polychron. Huntyngtonensis, Iornalensis, Fabianus and other moe, write of a certaine miracle wrought vpon a blinde Englishe man: whom when the Britons could not helpe, Austen kneeling downe and praying, restored the blynde man to sight before them all: for a confirmation (as these authours saye) of hys opinion in keeping of Easter. But concerning the credite of this miracle, that I leaue, to the authours of whom I had it.Abbey of Bangor. Ex libro Iornalensi. Fabiano & alijs. Then Austen gathered an other Synode, to the which came seauen Byshops of Brytons, with the wisest men of that famous Abby of Bangor. But first they tooke counsell of a certayne wyse and holye man amongest them, what to doe: and whether they shoulde be obedient to Austen or not. And he saide: if he be the seruaunt of god agree vnto him. But howe shall wee knowe that, sayde they? To whom he aunswered againe: If he be meeke and humble of hart, by that know that he is the seruant of god. To this they said againe: & how shal we know him to bee hūble & meeke of hart? By this quoth [...] seing you are ye greater number, if he at your comming [...] your Synode rise vp, & courteously receaue you, [...] him to bee an humble and a meke man. But if he shall contemne and despise you (being as ye are) the greater part, despise you him agayne. Thus the Brytaine Byshops entring into the Counsell, Austen after the Romishe maner keeping hys chaire would not remoue. Whereat they being not a little offended, after some heate of words, in disdain & great displeasure departed thence. To whō then Austen spake: and said, that if they would not take peace with their brethren, they should receaue war with their enimies: And if they disdained to preach with them the way of life to the English nation, they should suffer by their handes the reuenge of deth.Ethelfride king of Northumberland. Brockmayl Consul of Chester. Which not lōg after so came to passe by the meanes of Ethelfride king of Northumberlande: who being yet a Pagan, and stirred with a fierce fury against the Britanes came with a great army against the city of Chester: where Brocmayl the Consull of that Citie, a fryend and helper of the Britaines side, was readye with his force to receaue him. There was at the same time at Bangor in Wales an exceding great Monastery,The monastery of Bangor. Galfridus Monumetensis. Polychron. Lib. 5. cap. 10. Liber bibliothecae lornalensis. Gu Malmes [...]eriensis. lib. 1. de. Reg. Fabian part. 5. cap. 109.120. A pittifull slaughter of vnarmed Monkes of Bangor. wherin was such a number of Monkes, as Galfridus with other authors doe testifie that if the whole company were deuided into seuen parts in euery of the seuen parts were conteined not so few as 300. Mōkes: which al did liue with the sweat of their browes, and labor of their owne hands, hauing one for their ruler named Dinoe. Out of this Monastery came the Monks to Chester to pray for the good succes of Brocmayl, fighting for them against the Saxons. Thre daies they cōtinued in fasting and praier. When Ethelfride the foresaide king, seing them so intent to their praiers: demaunded the cause of their comming thether in such a cōpany. When he perceaued it was to pray for their Consull, then (saith he) although they beare no weapon, yet they fight against vs, & with their praiers & preachings they persecute vs. Whervpon after that Brocmayl, being ouercome did flee awaye, the king commaunded his men to turne their wepons against the sely vnarmed Monkes: of whome he slewe the same time, or rather Martired .1100. onely fiftie persons of that number did flee and escape awaye with Brocmayl: the rest were all slaine. The authors that write of this lamentable murder, declare & saye howe the forespeaking of Austen, was here verefied vpon the Britanes: which because they would not ioine peace with their frends, he said should be destroied of their enimis. Of both these parties, the reader may iudge what he pleaseth:Whether Austen or the Brittaynes in this case were more to blame. I can not see but both together were to be blamed. And as I cannot but accuse the one, so I cannot defend the other. First Austen in this matter can in no wise be excused, who being a monke before, & therfore a scholer & professor of humilitie: shewed so litle humilitie in this assembly, to seuen Byshops & an Archbishop, cōming at his cōmaundement to the Councell, that he thought scorne once to stirre at their comming in. Much lesse would his Pharisaicall solemnity haue girded himselfe, & washed his brethrens feete, after their trauaile, as Christ our great maister did to his Disciples: seyng his Lordship was so hie, or rather so heauy, or rather so proude, that coulde not finde in his hart to giue them a little moouing of his body to declare a brotherly & humble hart. Againe the Britaynes were much, or more to blame, who so much neglected their spirituall duety, in reuenging their temporal iniury: that they denyed to ioyne vnto their helping labour, to turne the Idolatrous Saxons to the way of lyfe and saluatiō. In which respect all priuate cases ought to geue place, and to be forgotten. For the whiche cause, although lamentable to vs, yet no great meruaile in them, if the stroke of gods punishment did light upon thē: according to the wordes of Austen, as is before declared. But especially the cruell king, in this fact, was most of all to blame, so furiously to flee vpon them, which had neither weapō to resist him, nor yet any will to harme him. And so likewise the same or like, happened to himselfe afterward. For so was he also slayne in the field by Christian Edwine, who succeeded him: as he had slayne the Christians before, whiche was about the yeare of our Lord. 610. But to returne to Austen agayne, who by report of authors was departed before this cruelty was done: after he had baptised and christened x. thousand Saxons or Angles in the West riuer, that is called Swale, beside Yorke on a Christēmasse day: perceauing hys end to draw neare, he ordayned a successor named Laurentius to rule after him the Archbishops sea of Dorobernia. Laurentius Archbish. after Austen. Where note by the way Christian Reader, that wheras Austen baptised then in riuers: it followeth, there was then no vse of fontes. Agayne, if it be true that Fabian sayth,Baptising in riuers, not in footes. Baptising among the old Romaines was not vsed with so many ceremonyes as since. he baptised x. thousād in one day: the rite thē of Baptising at Rome was not so ceremoniall, neither had so manye trinkets at that tyme, as it hath had since, or els it could not be, that he coulde baptise so many in one daye.

In the meane season, about this time departed Gregory Byshop of Rome: of whom it is sayd, that of the number of al the first Bishops before him in the primitiue time, he was the basest:Anno. 60 [...]. of all them that came after him, hee was the best. About whiche tyme also dyed in Wales, Dauid Archbishop first of Kayrleion, who then translated the sea from thence to Meneuia,S Dauid in Wales, otherwise called Dewy. and therefore is called Dauid of Wales. Not long after this also, deceased the foresayd Austen in England after he had set there xv. or xvi. yeares: by the which count we may note it, not to be true that Henry Huntington and other doe witnesse, that Austen was dead before that battaile of Ethelfride agaynst the Mōkes of Bā gor. For if it be true that Polycronicon testifieth of this murder,Computation of tyme examined. to be done about the yeare of our Lorde. 609. and the comming of Austen first into the Realme, to be an. 596. then Austen enduring xvi. yeares could not be dead at thys battell. Moreouer Galfridus Monumetensis declareth, concerning the same battell,Galfridus Monumetensis. that Ethelbert the king of Kent, beyng (as is sayd) conuerted by Austen to Christes fayth: after he saw the Britaynes to disdayne and deny their subiection vnto Austen, neyther would assist him wt preaching to the English nation: therefore stirred vp he the foresayd Ethelfride to warre agaynst the Britaynes. But that seemeth rather suspicious then true, that he being a Christen king, eyther could so much preuayle with a Pagan Idolater, or els would attempt so farre to commit such a cruell deede. But of vncertayne things I haue nothing certainly to say, lesse to iudge.

About this present tyme aboue prefixed,Anno. 610. which is 610. I read in the story of Ranulphus Cestrensis, the writer of Polychronicon, of Iohn the Patriarche of Alexandria who for his rare example of hospitality and bountifulnes to the poore:Poly. lib. 5. cap. 10. A story of Iohn Patriarch of Alexandria. I thought no lesse worthy to haue place amongest good men, then I see the same now to be followed of few. This Iohn (beyng before belike a hard and sparing man) as he was at hys prayer vpon a tyme (it is sayd) there appeared to him a comely virgine hauing on her head a garland of Oliue leaues: which named her selfe mercy, saying to him and promising that if he would take her to wi [...]e, he should prosper well. This, whether it were true or not, or els inuented for a moralitie,Mercy may liue a mayden, for no man will marry her. This Iohn was so bountifull in geuing that he assayd to striue in a maner with the Lord, whether the Lorde should geue more or he should distribute more of that whiche was geuen. I would wish this florishing damsell so to be maryed to moe then to this Iohn, that shee should not liue so long a virgine now as she doth, because no man will marry her. But to returne to his Patriarch, who after that day (as the story recordeth: was so merciful and so beneficiall, especially to the poore and needy, that he counted them as hys maysters, and himself as a seruaunt and steward vnto them. This Patriarch was wont commonly twise a weeke to sit at hys doore all the day long, to take vp matters, and to set vnitie, where was any variaunce: One day it happened, as he was sitting all the day before hys gate, and saw no man come, lamented that all that day hee had done no good: To whome his Deacon standing by, aunswered agayne, that hee had more cause to reioyse, seeing he had brought the Cittie in that order and in such peace, that there needed no reconcilement amongest them. An other time as the sayd Iohn the Patriarche was at the Seruice and reading the Gospell [Page] in the church, the people (as their vsed maner is) went out of the church to talke and iangle: he perceauing that, went out likewise, and sat amongst them: wherat they marueyling to see him do so. My children said he, where the flocke is, there ought the shepherd to be: wherefore either come you in, that I may also come in with you, or els if you tary out, I will likewise tary out together with you, &c.

The actes of Gregory the first.As touching the actes and deedes of Gregory aboue mentioned, how he withstood the ambitious pryd of Iohn, Patriarche of Constantinople, which woulde be the vnyuersall Priest, and onely chiefe Byshop of all other: declaring him to be no lesse then the forerunner of Antichrist, that woulde take that name vppon him: howe and wyth what reasons he aunswered againe the letters of the Emperor Mauritius in that behalfe, sufficient relation is made thereof in the first entry and beginning of this booke. This Gregory among manye other thinges induced into the Churche (the specialties whereof hereafter shall followe Christ willing more at large) fyrst beganne and brought in thys title among the Romaine Bishoppes, to be called Seruus seruorum Dei: Whereupon the Romaine Byshop, vse in their stile, Seruus seruorū Dei. putting them in remembraunce therby both of their humblenes, and also of their duetie in the Churche of Chryst. Moreouer as concerning his acte for the sole lyfe of Pryestes fyrst begonne, and then broken againe. Also concerning the order of Gregoryes Masse boke, to be receaued in all churches, hereof who so lifteth to read more, shall fynde the same in other places hereafter, namelye when wee come to the tyme of Pope Adrian the first.

Sabinianus bishop of Rome.After the death of Gregory, aboue mentioned, first came Sabinianus, who as he was a malicious detractor of Gregory & of his works, so he continued not long, scarse the space of two yeares. After whom succeded next Bonifacius the 3. which albeit he reigned but one yeare,Boni [...]acius 3. Byshop of Rome. yet in ye one yeare he did more hurt then Gregory, with so great labours, and in so many yeres could do good before: for that which Gregorye kept out, he brought in, obtaining of Phocas the wicked Emperour for him and his successours after him, that the sea of Rome aboue al other churches should haue the preeminence: and that the Bishop of Rome should be the vniuersall head, through all Churches of Christ in Christedome: alleadging for him this friuolous reason, that S Peter had and left to his successours in Rome the keyes of byndyng and loosing, &c. And thus began first Rome to take an head aboue all other Churches, by the meanes of Boniface the 3.How Rome began first to take an head aboue other churches. Phocus traitor and murderer of hys Emperour. who as he lacked no boldnes nor ambitiō to seeke it, so neither lacked he an Emperour fit and meete to gyue such a gift. Thys Emperours name was Phocas a man of such wickednes and ambitiō most like to his owne Bishop Boniface, that to aspire to the Empire, he murthered his owne maister and Emperour Mauritius, & his children. Thus Phocas coming vp to be Emperour, after this detestable vilanie done: thinking to establish his Empire with friendship and fauour of his people, & especially with the byshop of Rome: quickly condescended to al hys petitions, & so graunted him (as it is sayd) to be that he would, the vniuersall and heade Bishop ouer all Christen Churches. But as bloud commonly requireth bloud againe, so it came to passe on the said Phocas. For as he had crueltye slayne the Lorde and Emperour,Bloud reuenged with bloud. Mauritius, before, so he in lyke maner (of Heraclius the Emperour succeedyng hym) had his hands and seete cut of, & so was cast into the Sea. And this wicked Phocas which gaue the first supremacy to Rome, lost his owne. But Rome would not so soone loose his supremacy once giuen, as ye gyner lost his life: for euer since frō that day it hath holden, defended, and maintained the same still, and yet doth to this present day, by al force & policy possible. And thus much concerning Boniface, whō, by the words of Gregory, we may well call the runner before Antichryst. For as Gregory brought into their stile, Seruus seruorum Dei, Volumus ac mandamus: Statuimus ac praecipimus brought in by Boniface the third. so this Boniface brought into theyr heades, first Volumus ac mandamus: Statuimus ac praecipimus. That is. We will and commaunde, we enioyne and charg you. &c.

Mention was made a little before of Ethelbert kyng of Kent, and also of Ethelfride king of Northsaxone or Northumbria. This Ethelbert hauing vnder his subiection al the other Saxon kinges, vnto Number, after he had fyrst receaued himselfe, and caused to be receaued of other, the Christian faith by the preaching of Austen, being cōfirmed afterward in the same faith, amōg other costly dedes, with the helpe of Sigebert kyng of Essex his nephew,Fabian. cap. 120. then reigning vnder him, began the foundation of Paules Church within the Citie of London,Ethelbert and Sigebert builders of Paules Church. & ordained it for the Bishops sea of Londō. For the Archbishops sea which before tyme had bene at London, was by Austen and this Ethelbert at the praier of the Citizens of Dorobernia translated to the said Citie Malmesberiēsis Lib. de pontific. The Arc [...] bishop [...] translate from London to Dorober [...] Malmesberiensis [...] de pontif [...] ▪ H. Huntington▪ lib 3. Wherfore such authors as say that Paules was diuided by Sigebert, say not amisse: which Sigebert was ye king o [...] Essex, [...]n which prouince standeth the Citie of London. This Ethelbert also founded the Church of Saint Andrewe in the Citie of Dorubres in Kent, nowe called Rochester, of one Rot, distaunt from Dorobernia, 24. miles. Of this citie, Iustus was bishop ordained before by Austen. Moreouer the [...]orenamed Ethelbert, styrred vp a dweller or Citizen of London to make a Chappell or church of Saint Peter in the west end of Lō don, then called Thorny, nowe the Towne of Westminster, which Church or Chappell was after by Edward the confessour inlarged or newe builded:This Edward was the third of that name before the Conquest. lastly of Henry the 3. it was newly agayne reedified and made as it is nowe a large Monasterye. &c. After these Christian and worthye actes this Ethelbert when he had reigned the course of lvj. yeares chaunged thys mortall life about the yeare of our Lorde 616. whome some stories say to be slaine in a fyghte betweene him and Ethelfride king of Northsaxons.The Monastery of Westminster.

In the meane time the foresaid Ethelfride king of Northumberland, after the cruell murther of the Monkes of Bangor, escaped not long vnpaied his hire, for after he had raigned.An. 616. 24. yeares he was slaine in the fielde of Edwine, who succeded in Northumberland after him.

This Edwyne being the sonne not of Ethelfride, Bloud reuenged with bloud. Edwine first Christened king in North [...] berland. Giraldus Gambren [...] The order and maner of the conuersion of Edwine, to the faith of Christ. The trouble of Edwine.) as Galfridus Monumetensis saith) but rather of Alla (as Giraldus Gambrensis [...] to witnes more truely) was first a Panim or [...]: afterward by Paulinus was Christned and the first [...] king in Northōberland. The occasion of which his calling or conuersion, as is in sundry stories contained, was this.

Edwine being yet a Pagane, maryed the daughter of Ethelbert king of kent, called Edelburge a Christian womā, otherwise called Tace. But before this mariage, Edwyne beyng yet young, Ethelfride the king, conceyuing enuy agaynst him: persecuted him so sore, that he was forced to flee to Redwaldus king of Eastangles, as in the table of the kings is expressed. The which Redwaldus what for feare, what with bribes being corrupted of Ethelfride, at length priuily had intēded to haue betrayed Edwyne. But as gods will was, Edwyne hauing warning thereof by a secrete frynde of his, was mooued to flee and to saue himselfe beyng promised also of his friendes to bee safely conueyed awaye, if he would thereto agree. To whome Edwyne said, whether shall I flee which haue so long fleene the handes of myne enymies, through all prouinces of the Realme? And if I must nedes be slayne I had rather that he should doe it, then an other vnworthy person. Thus he remayning by himselfe alone & solitarie, sitting in a great study, there appeared vnto him sodainely, a certaine straunger, to hym vnknowne, and saide, I knowe well the cause of thy thought and heauines. What wouldest thou giue him that should deliuer thee out of this feare, & should recōcile king Redwald to thee againe? I woulde gyue him (saide Edwyne) al that euer I coulde make. And he saide agayne: And what if he make thee a mightier king, then was anye of thy Progenitours? Hee aunswered againe as before. Moreouer, (saith he) and what if hee shewe thee a better kind and way of life, then euer was shewed to any of thine aunceters before thee: wilt thou obey him & doe after his counsell? yea (said Edwyne) promising most firmely, wyth al his hart so to do.The maruelous calling of Edwine. Thē he laying his hand vpon his head when (said he) this token hapneth vnto thee: then remember this time of thy tribulation, & the promise which thou hast made, and the word which now I say vnto thee. And with that he uanished out of his sight sodainely. After this so done as Edwyne was sitting alone by him selfe pensiue and sad:Edwine miraculously deliuered. his foresaid friend, which moued him before to fle commeth to him, bidding him be of good chere, for the hart (said he) of king Redwaldus which had before intended thy destruction, was nowe altered through the counsell of the Queene, and is fully bent to keepe his promise wyth you, whatsoeuer shall fall thereupon. To make the story short Redwaldus the King (although Fabian following Henry Huntyngton) saith it was Edwyne) with al conuenient speed assembled an host:W. Malmesburiensis. lib. de. Reg. wherwith he sodainly comming vpon Ethelfride, gaue battaile vnto him aboute the borders of Mercia, where Ethelfryde king of Northumberlande, also with Reyner Redwaldus sonne was slaine in the fielde. By reason wherof Edwyne (his enimies now being destroyed) was quietly placed in the possessiō of Northumberlād.This Queene was Edelburga, daughter to King Ethelbert the Christened King of Kent. All this while yet Edwyne remained in his old Paganisme, albeit his Queene being (as is aboue declared) king Ethelbertes daughter a Christen woman, with Paulinus the byshop, ceased not to stirre and perswad the king to christian fayth. But he taking counsell with his nobles and counsellers vpon the matter, was hard to be wonne. Then the [Page] Lord, who desposeth all things after his purpose, to bring al good things to passe, sent an other trouble vpon him, by meanes therof to cal him.God calleth commonly by affliction and trouble For by affliction God vseth cō monly to call them whom he wil saue, or by whom he wil worke saluation vnto other. So his diuine wisdome thinketh good to make them first to knowe themselues, before they come to know him, or to teach him to other: so it was with Paule, who was striken downe, before hee was lyfted vp, with Constantinus Edwynus and many moe. Howe long was Ioseph in prison before he bare rule? How hardly escaped this our Queene nowe being (Queene Elizabeth) by whō yet notwithstanding it hath pleased god to restore this his gospel now preached amongst vs? In what conflictes and agonies inwardly in his spirite was M. Luther before he came to preach the iustification of Christ openly? And so be all they most commonlye, which come to anye liuely feeling or sensible working of Christ the Lord.

An other daunger of Edwyne.But to returne to Edwyne againe. The occasion of hys trouble was this: Quicelinus with Kynegilsus his brother, Kings of Westsaxons (as aboue is mentioned in the table of the Saxon kings) conspiring the death of Edwyne now king of Northumberland:An. 627. vpon enuy and malice sent vpon an Easter day, a swordman named Emner, priuelye to slay the said Edwyne. Polycron. lib. 5. ca. [...]2. Hen. Hunt. lib. 3. This swordman or cutthrote came to a Citie beside the water of Darwent in Darbishire, there to waite his time, and lastly founde the king smallye accompanied, and intēded to haue runne the ki [...] through with a sword inuenemed. But one Lilla the kinges trustye seruaunt, disgarnished of a shield or other weapon to defēd his maister,Fabianus parte. 5. A part of a trusty seruaunt. start betwene the king & the sword, and was strikē through the body and died, and the king was woū ded with the same stroke. And after he wounded also the third which was a knight, & so was taken, and confessed by whom he was sent to worke that treason. The other knight that was secondly wounded died, and the king lay after long sicke, or he were healed.

After this, about whitsontide the king being scantlye hole of his wounde, assembled his host, intending to make against the king of westsaxons: promising to Christ to be Christened, if he would giue him the victory ouer his enimies. And in token therof caused his daughter borne of Edelburge y• same Easter day when he was woūded, named Eufled to be baptised:Edwyne forgetteth hys promise to Christ. Prosperitie forgetfull. Olde custome in matters of religion, not to be followed, but onely truth. Old custome letteth Edwyne to be Christened. A miracle of God in the conuersion of kyng Edwyne. The part of a godly bish. exemplified in Paulinus. Edwyne baptised. He was baptised in S. Peters Church at Yorke which he first caused to be made of woode, which after by S. Oswald was builded of stone. with xij other of his familye, of Paulinus. Thus Edwyne proceded to the battel against Quicelne and Kynegilsus with his sonne Kenwalcus and other enimies, who in the same battell being al vanquished & put to flight, Edwyn through the power of Christ returneth home victorer. But for all this victory & other things gyuen to him of God, as he was in wealth of the worlde, forgat his promise made, and had little mind therof, saue only that he by the preaching of Paulinus forsoke his maumentry. And for his excuse saide that he might not clearly deny his olde lawe, which his forefathers had kept so long, and sodeinly to be Christened without authority and good aduise of his counsaile.

About the same season Pope Boniface the 5. sent also to the sayd Edwyne letters exhortatory, wyth sundrye presentes from Rome to him, and to Edelburge the Queene. But neither would that preuaile. Then Paulinus seyng the king so hard to be conuerted, poured out his praiers vnto God for his cōuersion: who the same time had reuealed to him by the holy ghost, the oracle aboue mentioned, which was shewed to the King, when hee was with Redwaldus king of the Eastangles. Wherupon Paulinus comming afterward to the king, on a certaine day, and laying his hād vpon the kings head, asked him if he knew that tokē. The king hearing this & remembring wel the token, was ready to fall downe at his feete. But Paulinus not sufferyng that, did lift vp hym againe, saying vnto him: behold, O king, you haue vanquished your enimies, you haue obteined your kingdome, now performe the third, which you haue promised, that is to receaue the faith of Christ, and to be obedient to him. Wherupon the king conferryng with his Counsell, & his nobles, was baptised of the said Paulinus at Yorke, with many of his other subiectes with hym: Insomuch that Coyfi the chiefe of the Prelates of his olde maumentry armed him selfe wyth hys other Idolatrous Bishops, and bestrode good horses, which before by their old law they might not do, nor ride but onely a Mare: & so destroied al the altars of the maumentrye, & their temple of Idoles, which was at Godmundham, not far from Yorke,An. 628. and this was the xi. yeare of his raigne,

From that time [...]orth, during the life of Edwyne which was the terme of vj. yeares moe,Note Paulinus christened in ri [...]ers. Paulinus christened, continually in the riuers of Gweny, & Swala, in both prouinces of Deira, and in Bernicia, vsing the said riuers for his fountes, and preached in the shire of Lincesey, where he builded also a Church of stone at Lincolne.What true iustice of a good Prince may do in a realme. Great peace and trueth among the people in the dayes of Edwyne.

In this time was so great peace in the kingdome of Edwyne after his conuersion, that a womā laden with gold might haue gone from the one side of the sea to the other, and no man molest hir. Moreouer by the hye waye sydes, through al his kingdom he caused by euery wel or spryng to be chayned a dish, or bole of brasse to take vp water; for the refreshing of such as went by the way, which boles of brasse there remained safe, that no man touched them, during all the life of the said Edwyne. Such was then the tender care and study of Christen Princes, for the refreshing of their subiectes. But that was then the Brasen worlde, which now is growne to yron and leade, called Aetas ferrea or rather plumbea.

This Edwyne, Anno. 634. who first brought in the fayth in the North partes continuing after his Baptisme. vj. yeres, at length was slaine in battell by Cedwalla, Archbishop of Canterbury and Yorke, the one ardayneth the other. king of the Britaines. and by wicked Penda, king of the Mercians, wyth his sonne also Offricus in the field called Hatfield.

This Paulinus was the first Archbyshop of Yorke, and as he was of Iustus Archbyshop of Caunterbury, ordained Archbyshop of the sea of Yorke, so he againe after the discease of Iustus, ordained Honorius to be Archbyshop of Caunterbury.

Paulinus after the death of godly Edwyne, seing vnmerciful Cedwalla or Cedwallon with his Britaines,Ex Flor. hist. and wycked Penda wt the Idolatrous merciās, to spoile the land in such sort, as they made no spare neither of age nor sexe, nor Religion, was compelled to fle with Edelburg the Queene and Euflede her daughter, by water into Kent: where the said Archbishop Paulinus remained Bishop of Rochester, the space of xix. yeares. And so the Churche of Northumberland lacked a Byshop for the space of xxx. yeares after. Notwithstanding he lett there one Iames his Deacon,Iames a godly Deacon. a good man, who continued their baptising and preaching, in the North parts, till that peace being recouered, & the number of the faithfull increasing, the church came againe to his stay.A Deacon then might baptise. Hunting. Lib. 3.

By the meanes of this Edwyne Erpwaldus King of the Eastangles sonne to Redwaldus aboue mentioned, was reduced to Christes faith.Erpwaldus otherwise na [...]named Corpwaldus, Kyng of Eastangles conuerted to the fayth of Christ.

After the decease of Edwyne and his sonne Offrike, both slayne in battell, reigned Ofricus and Eufridus the one in Deyra, the other in Bernicia. Osricus was the sonne of Elfricus which was brother to Ethelfride. Eaufridus, was the eldest sonne of Ethelfride (for Ethelfride had three sonnes to wit, Eaufridus, Oswaldus, & Osricus. These two kinges of Desyra and Bernicia, Osricus, and Eaufride, beyng fyrst Christened in Scotlande: after being kinges returned to their old idolatry, & so in the yeares following were slaine one after the other, by the foresaide Cedwalla, and wycked Penda, as is in the table aboue expressed.S. Oswalde kyng of Northumberland.

After whō succeded in Northumberlaad, the seconde sonne of Ethelfride named Oswaldus, hauing rule on both the Prouinces as well Deyra, as of Bernicia.Anno. 636. Whereof when the foresaide Cedwalla, (or Cadwallo) the Brytayne king had vnderstanding:Galfridus. Malmesberiensis. Polycro. Historia iornalensis. Fabian. Strength of prayer ouercommeth armyes. Penda beaten in the field. The commendation of king Oswalde. who before had made hauoke of the Saxons and thought to haue rooted them vtterlye out of England: he sent king Penda wt a mighty host of ye Brittaines, thinking to slea also Oswald, as he had before slaine his brother Eaufride, and King Edwyne before them. But Oswald when he was warned of the great strength of this Cadwal, and Penda made his prayes to God, and besought him meekely of helpe to withstand his enimie: for the saluation of his people. Thus after Oswald had prayed for the sauing of his people, the two hostes met in a fielde named Denesburne, some say Heuenfield, where was faught a strōg battell. But smally the armye and power of Penda, & Cedwall, which were farre exceeding the number of Oswaldus host, was chased and most part slaine by Oswaldus, after he reigned ouer the Britanes xxij. yeares leauing after him a sonne, whom Gaufridus called Cadwaladrus, the last king of the Britanes.

Of this Oswald, much praise and commendation is written in authors, for his feruent zeale in Christes Religion, & mercifull pitty toward the poore, with other great vertues moe. As touching the miracles of S. Oswald, what it pleased the people of that time to reporte of him, I haue not here to affirme: This I find in stories certaine, that he being well and vertuously disposed to the setting foorth of Christes faith and doctrine, sent into Scorlande for a certeine Bishop,King Oswald [...] disdayned not to expound and preach the gospell to hys people. there called Aidanus, which was a famous preacher. The king what time he was in Scotland banyshed, had learned the scotish toung perfectly: wherfore as this Aidanus preached in his scotish toung to the Saxons, the king himselfe interpreting that which hee had said, disdayned not to preach & expounde the same to his nobles & [Page] subiects in the English toung.

Moreouer, toward the poore and needy, his pitty & tendernes was such, being notwithstanding of so highe & Princely calling:The goodnes and charitie of Oswald toward the poore. that vpon a time being then Easter day, he sitting with the saide Aidanus at meate and serued after the maner of kings in siluer, there commeth to him one of the seruitures bringing him word, that there was a great multitude of poore people sitting in the strete, which desired some almes of the king. Hee hearing this, commaundeth not only the meate prepared for his owne table to be caried vnto them,Historia iornalensis. Polycronicon. lib. 5. cap. 12. but also taking a Siluer platter whiche stode before him, brake it in peeces and sent it among thē: And so relieued his pore subiectes, not onely with ye meate of his table, but with his dishes also. Aidanus the Byshop seing this and marueiling therat, taketh him by the hand, wishing and praying in this wise. This hand, sayth he, I pray God may continue and neuer putrifie. What the stories say more concerning this hand of Oswald, I entēd not to medle farther then simple, true, and due probalitie will beare me out. In those dayes and partly by the meanes of the said Oswald Kynigilsus king of the Westsaxons was cō uerted to Christes faith,Kinigilsus King of the Westsaxons, conuerted to Christes fayth. especially through the godly labor of Berinus which was sent by Pope Honorius to preach in England, and was then made Bishop of Dorchester. To whom Quicelinus brother of Kynigilsus after he had also receiued baptisme of the said Berinus gaue to him ye sayd Citie to make there his sea.Ex Polycron. lib. 5. cap. 13. Fabian part. 5. Landes geuen to Winchester. And as Guydo witnesseth the said Quicelinus gaue after to the Byshop of Winchester, seauen myles compasse of land, to builde there the Byshops sea, the which was accomplished and finished Kenwalkus hys sonne.

Of this Berinus Malmesbery, Polychronicon, with dyuers other writers do report, a thing straunge and myraculous which if it be a fable as no doubt it is,Malmesberiensis lib. de pontifi. Angl. Gestrensis. lib. 5. Hist. Iornalensis. I cannot but maruel that so many authors so constantly agre in reporting and affirming the same. The matter is this: this Berinus being sent as is said, by Honorius to preach in Englād promiseth him to trauell to the vttermost borders therof, and there to preach the Gospell, where the name of Christ was neuer heard. Thus he seting forward in his iourney passeth through Fraunce, and so to the sea side, where hee found a passage ready, and the winde serued so faire, that he was called vpon in such hast, that he had no leysure to remember himselfe to take all things with him, which hee had to cary. At length as he was on the sea sailing and almost in the middle course of his passage, remembred himselfe of a certaine relique left behinde him for hast: which Honorius had giuen him at his comming out. Malmesberiensis calleth it Corporalia. Historia Iornalensis calleth it Pallulam super quam Corpus Christi consecraret, which wee call a Corporas or such a like thing, and what els enclosed with in it I can not tell. Here Berinus in great sorow coulde not tell what to doe, if he should haue spoken to the Heathen mariners, to turne their course backe againe, they woulde haue mocked him,Hunting. lib. 3. Berinus walking on the sea with lye and al. and it had bin in vaine. Wherfore as ye stories write, he boldly steppeth into the Sea, and walkeyng on fote back again, taketh wt him that which was left behind, & so returneth to his company againe, hauing not one thred of his garments wette. Of his miracle, or whether I should cal it a fable rather, let the reader iudge therof, as he thinketh, because it is not written in the Scripture we are not bound to beleeue it. But if it were true, it is then thought to be wrought of god not for any holines in the man: or in the Corporas, but a speciall gifte for the conuersion of the heathen, for whose saluation God suffereth oft many wonders to be done. This Berinus being receiued in the ship againe with a great admiration of the Maryners, beyng therewyth conuerted and Baptysed: was driuen at last by the weather, to the coast of the Westsaxōs, where Kynigilsus and his brother Quicelinus aboue mentioned did raigne.Oswaldus godfather and sonne in lawe to Kinigilsus, and all in one day. Which two kinges, the same time by ye preaching of Berinus were conuerted, and made Christen men, with the people of the country, being before rude and barbarous. It happened the same time when the forsaid kings shoulde bee christened, that Oswaldus (mentioned a little before) king of Northumberland, was thē present, and the same day maried Kynigilsus his daughter,Kyng Oswald slayne in the field. and also was godfather to the king.

Anno. 643.Thus Oswald after he had reigned ix. yeares in such holines and perfectnes of life, as is aboue specified, was slayne at length in the field called Maxfield, by wicked Pē da, king of the Mercians,Penda King of Mercians slayne. Oswy King of Northumberland. which Penda, at length after all his tyranny was ouercome and slaine by Oswy brother to Oswald, next king after Oswald of Northumberland, notwithstanding he had thryse ye people which Oswy had: this Penda being a Panim had iii. sonnes Wolferus, Weda, and Egfridus. To this seconde sonne Weda, Oswy had before time maried his daughter, by consent of Penda hys father. The whiche Weda by helpe of Oswy was made Kyng of Southmercia,The con [...]uerting o [...] the Merc [...] ans to the fayth of Christ. Wolfer [...] first chri [...]ned king [...] Mercia. the which Lordship is seuered from northmercia by the ryuer of Trent. The same Weda moreouer, at what time he maried the daughter of Oswy, promised to him that he would become a christen man, which thing he performed after the death of Penda his Father, but afterward within iij. yeares of his reigne, he was by reason of his wife slaine: And after him the kingdome fell to Wolferus the other brother, who beyng wedded to Ermenilda, daughter of Ercomber kyng of Kente, was shortlye after Christened, so that he is accounted the first christened king of Mercia. This Wolferus conquered Kenwalcus Kyng of Kent, and gat ye Ile of Wight, which after he gaue to Sigbert King of Theastangles,The East [...]angles reduced to the Chri [...]an fayth. vpon condition he would be Christened. And thus the Eastangles, which before had expulsed Mellitus there bishop,, as is declared recouered againe the Christian faith vnder Sigbert their King, who by the meanes of the foresayd Wolferus was reduced and Baptised by Finanus the Byshop.

But to returne againe to Oswy, Oswy and Oswyne, fellow kinges in Northumberland. from whom we haue a litle digressed, of whom we shewed before how he succeded after Oswald in the prouince of Bernicia, to whom also was ioyned Oswynus hys cosin, ouer the Prouince of Deyra, and therwith his felow, Oswy, raigned the space of vij. yere: this Oswyne was gentle, & liberal to his people and no [...]sse deuout towarde God: who vpon a time had giuen to Aidanus the bishop aboue mentioned, a Princely Horse with the trappers, & al that appertained therto:Note the worthy liberalitie [...] the king and no [...]e in the birt [...] because he should not so much trauel on foote but some tyme ease himselfe withall. Thus Aidanus the Scottishe Byshop as he was riding vpon his kingly horse, by the way meteth him a certaine poore man asking and crauing hys charitie. Aidanus hauing nothing els to giue him: lighted down,H Hunting de histori [...] Angloru [...] lib. 9. Example of true almo [...]e. and giueth to him his horse trapped and garnished as he was. The King vnderstanding this, & not contented therwith, as he was entring to dinner with the sayd Aidanus what ment you father Byshop, (sayd he) to giue away my horse I gaue you, vnto the begger? Had not I other horses in my stable that might haue serued him well inough, but you must giue awaye that which of purpose was pickt out for you among the chiefest? To whome the Bishop made aunswere againe saying or rather rebuking the king, what be these wordes (O king saide he) that you speake? Why set you more price by an horse, which is but the sole of an horse, then you do by him which is the sonne of Mary, yea which is the sonne of God? He said but thys when the king forthwith vngirding his sword frō about him (as he was then newly come in from hunting) falleth downe at the feete of the Bishop,A perfect example of humilitie in a Prince. desiring him to forgiue him that, and he would neuer after speake word to him, for any treasure he should afterward giue away of his. The Bishop seing the king so mekely affected, hee then takyng him vp, & chering him againe with words, began shortly after to weepe & to be very heauy, his minister asking the cause therof, Aidanus aunswered in his scottish language saying to him: I weepe saith he for that this king cannot liue lōg. This people is not worthy to haue such a Prince as he is to raigne among them.Oswyne trayterously murdered. And so as Aidanus sayd, it came to passe. For not long after Oswy the king of Bernicia disdaining at him, when Oswyne either being not able or not willing to ioyne with him in Battaile,An. 651. caused hym traiterously to be slaine. And so Oswy, with his sonne Egfride raigned in Northumberland alone.

In the time & also in the house, of this Oswy king of Northūberland, was a certaine man named Benedict, who was the bringer vp of Bede from his youth, & tooke him to his institution, whē he was but seuen yere old, & so taught him during his life. This Benedict, or Benet, descending of a noble stocke and rich kinne & in good fauour with Oswy: forsoke seruice, house, and al his kindred to serue Christ, & wēt to Rome (where he had bene in his life time v. times) and brought from thence bookes,Benedict [...] Benet the bringer [...] of Bede. The vse of glasing first brought into this Realme. Botulpus. Aida [...]eus. Finiam [...]s. Colma [...]us. Cutbertus. Iarumann [...] ▪ Cedda [...]. Wilfridus. into Monasteries, wyth other things which he thought then to serue for deuotion. Thys Bennedict surnamed Byshop, was the fyrst that brought in the arte and vse of glasing into this lande. For before that, glasse windowes were not knowen, either in churches, or in houses.

In the raigne of the foresaid Oswye and Egfride hys sonne, was Botulphus Abbot: which builded in the East part of Lincolne an Abbey. Also Aidanus, Finianus, & Colmannus, with iii. Scottish Bishops of Northumberlande holy men, held with ye Britaines, against the Romish order, for the keeping of Easter daye. Moreouer Cutbertus Iarumannus, Cedda, and Wilfridus liued the same time, who as I iudge to be Byshops of an holy conuersation, so I thought it sufficient here only to name them. As touching [Page] their miracles wherefore they were made Saintes in the Popes calender, seing they are not written in the Gospel, nor in my Crede, but in certaine old chronicles of that age so they are no matter of my faith: notwithstanding as touching there conuersation,O quanta mutatio? Beda. lib. 4. cap. 5. Hunting. Polycr. Iornalensis. Fabia. this I read, and also do credite, that the Clergy both of Britaine & Englande at that time, plied nothing that was worldly, but gaue thē to preching and teaching the word of our Sauiour, and followed the life that they preached, by giuing of good ensample. And ouer that, as our histories accord, they were so voyd of couetousnes, that they receiued no possessions or territories as was forced vpon them.

About this season or not much before, vnder the raigne of Oswy & Oswyne, An. 664. kynges of Northumberlande, an other Synode or Councell was holden against the Brytaines and the Scottish bishops, for the ryght, obseruyng of Easter, at Sternehalt. At what time Agilbertus Byshop of westsaxons came to Northumberlande, to instyture Wilfride, Abbot of Rypon, where this question for Easter day began to be moued.Controuersie about Easter day. For Colmannus then Byshop of Northūberland followed not ye custome of Rome, nor of the Saxons: but followed the Brytaynes, and the Scottish Bishops, his predecessors in the same sea before. Thus on the on side was Colmannus the Archbyshop of Yorke and Hilda the Abbes of Sternhalt: which alleaged for them the doinges and examples of their predecessours, both godly and reuerend byshops: as Aidanus, Finianus, Archbishops of that sea of Yorke before them, and diuers moe. Who had vsed alwaies to celebrate the Easter, from the xiiij. day of the first moneth, till the xxviij. of the same. And specially for that S. Iohn y• Euangelist at Ephesus, kept and obserued that day, &c. On the otherside was Agilbert bishop of westsaxons, Iames the Deacon of Paulinus aboue mentioned: Wilfride Abbot of Ripon: and King Alfride Oswyes sonne, with his Queene, holding on the same side. The full contentes of which disputation here followeth, according as in the story of Beda at large is described: with their reasons and argumentes, on both sydes as insueth, &c.

Ex Beda. lib. 2. cap. 23.The question of Easter, and of shauing, and other Ecclesiasticall maters being moued, it was determined that in the Abbey which is called Streneshalch, of the which Hilda a deuout woman was Abbes: a conuocation should be had and this question there determined. To the which place came both the kinges, the father and the sonne. Byshop Colman with his clergy of Scotland. Aigelbert wyth Agathon and Wilfride Priestes,A disputation betweene the Romayne Bishops and the Scottish bishops for the day of Easter and other ceremonyes. Iames and Roman were on their sides. Hilda the Abbes with her company was on the Scottish part. And the reuerend Byshop Cedda was appointed Prolocutor for both parties in that Parliament. King Oswye begā first with an Oration: declaring that it was necessary for such as serued one God, to liue in one vniforme order, and that such as loked for one kingdome in heauen should not differ in celebration of the heauenly sacraments, but should rather seeke for the true tradition & follow the same. This said, he commaunded his Byshop Colman to declare what the rite and custome was in thys behalfe that he vsed,The king beginneth. and from whence it had the originall. Then Colman obeying his princes cōmaundement, sayd: the Easter,Colman speaketh. which I obserue I receaued of my auncestors that sent me hether a Bishop. The which, all our forefathers being men of God, did celebrate in like maner, & left it should be coutēned or despised of any man, it is manifestly aparant, to be ye very same, which ye holy Euangelist S. Iohn (a disciple especially beloued of the Lord) did customably vse, in al churches and congregations, where he had authoritie. When Colman had spoken manye thinges to this effect, the king cōmaunded Aigelbert to declare his opinion in this behalfe, and to shew the order that he then vsed, from whence it came & by what authoritie he obserued the same. Aigelbert requested the king, that his scooler Wilfride, a Priest, might speake for him: in as much as they both with the rest of h [...] clergy, were of one opinion herein: and that the said Wilfride coulde vttey his minde better and more plainely in the Englishe toung then he himselfe could.Wilfride replyeth. Then Wilfride at the kings cōmaundements, began on this sort and sayd: The Easter which we keepe, wee haue seene at Rome, whereas the holye Apostles, Peter, & Paule, did liue and teach, did suffer and were buried. The same also is vsed in Italy, and in Fraunce: the which coū tries we haue traueled for learning,Vniuersality alledged. and haue noted it to be celebrated of them all. In Asia also and in Aphricke, in Egipt and in Greece, and finally in all the world, the same maner of Easter is obserued, that we vse▪ saue onelye by these here present with their accomplice & the Pictes & the Britanes: with the which two (& yet not altogither agreing) they condescend & striue foolishly in this order against the vniuersal world.Colman agayne speaketh. To whom Colman replied, saying, I maruel you wil cal this order folish, that so great an Apostle as was worthy to lie in the Lordes lap, did vse, whom all ye world doth wel know to haue liued most wisely: and Wilfride aunswered,Wilfride replieth. god forbid that I should reprooue S. Iohn of folye who kept the rites of Moses law according to the letter (the Churche being yet Iewishe in manye pointes) and the Apostles not as yet able to abdicate al the obseruations of the law before ordained: as for example y• could not reiect Images inuented of the Diuel, the which all men that beleue on Christ ought of necessitie to forsake, and detest:Why Paule circumcised Timothy. least they should be an offence to those Iewes that were amongst the Gentiles. For this cause dyd S. Paule Circumcise Timothie, for this cause did hee sacrifice in the temple, and did shaue his head with Aquila and Priscilla, at Corinth. all which thinges were done to none other purpose, then to eschue the offēce of the Iewes. Hereupon also said Iames to Paule, thou seest brother howe many thousand Iewes do beleue & all these be zealous (notwithstanding) of the law. Yet seing the Gospell is so manyfestly preached in the worlde, it is not lawfull for the faithfull to bee Circumcised, neither to offer sacrifice o [...] carnall things to God. Therefore Iohn according to the custome of the law, the xiiij. day of the first moneth at euening, did begin the celebration of the feast of Easter, nothing respecting whether it were relebrated in the Sabboth, or in any other feriall day. But Peter when hee preached at Rome, remembring that the Lord did arise from death on the first day after the Sabboth giuing thereby an hope to ye world of the resurrection,Example of Peter alledged, but no proofe brought thereof. thoughht good to institute Easter on ye day, & not after the vse and precepts of the law (that was) the xiiij. day of the first moneth. Euen so Iohn looking for the Moone at night if it did arise, & the next day after were Sonday, which was then called the Sabboth, then did he celebrate the Easter of the Lord in the euening like as wee vse to do euē at this day. But if Sonday were not the next day after the xiiij,Peter and Iohn did not agree in the celebrating of Easter. day, but fel on the xvi. day, or xvij or on any other day vnto the xxi: he taried alwayes for it, and did begin the holy solemnitie of Easter, on the euening nexte before ye sabboth. And so came it to passe that Easter, was alwaies kept on the Sonday, and was not celebrated but from the xv. day vnto the xxj. Neither doth this tradition of the Apostle breake the law, but fulfilled the same. In the which it is to be noted, that Easter was instituted frō the xiiij. day of the first moneth at euening vnto the xxj. day of the same moneth at euening, the which manner all S. Iohns successours in Asia, after his death did follow, and the Catholike Church throughout the whole worlde. And that this is the true Easter, and onely of all Christians to be obserued, it was not newly decred: but confirmed by ye Councell of Nice, In the counsell of Nice no such matter appeareth. as appeareh by the Ecclesiasticall history. Wherupon it is manifest that you (Colman) do neither folow the example of S. Iohn as ye thinke, nor of S. Peter whose tradition you do willingly resist, nor of ye church nor yet of the gospel, in the celebration of Easter. For S. Iohn obseruing Easter according to the preceptes of the law kept it not on the first daye after the Sabboth. But you precisely keepe it, onely on the first day after the Sabboth. Peter did celebrate Easter from the xv. daye of the moone to the xxj. day, but you keepe Easter from the xiiij. vnto the xx, day, so that you begin Easter oftentimes the xiij. day at night: of which maner neither the law nor the Gospell maketh any mention.Colman agayn [...] aunswereth. But the Lord in ye xiiij. day either did eate the olde passouer at night, or els did celebrate the sacraments of the new Testament in the remē braunce of his death and passiō. You doe also vtterly reiect from the celebration of Easter the xxj. daye, the whiche the law hath chiefly willed to be obserued. And therfore as I saide in the keeping of Easter, you neither agree wyth S. Iohn, nor with Peter, nor with the lawe, nor yet with the Gospel. Then Colman againe aunswered to these things, saying. Did then Anatholius a godly man and on much cō mended in the foresaid Ecclesiasticall history, agaynst the law & the Gospell? who writeth that the Easter was to be kept frō the xiiij. day vnto the xx: or shal we thinke that Columba our reuerend father, and his successors being mē of God, who obserued the Easter, after this maner, did against the holye Scripture? where as some of them were men of such godlines and vertue as was declared by their wonderful miracles. And I hereby (nothing doubting of their holines) do endenor to fallow their life,Wilfride replyeth. order, & dyscipline. Then saide Wilfride, it is certaine that Anatholius was both a godly and a learned man, and worthy of great commendation, but what haue you to do with him, seyng you obserue not his order? For he following ye true rule in keping his Easter, obserueth the circle of xix. yeares. The which either you know not, or if you do, you cōtemne the [Page] common order obserued in the vniuersal church of Christ. And moreouer the saide Anatholius doth so count the xiiij. day in the obseruation of Easter, as he confesseth the same to [...]e the xv day at night, a [...]ter the maner of the Egiptiās. and likewise noteth the xx. day to be in the feast of Easter, the xxi. in the euening: the which distinctiō that you know not, by this may appeare, for that you keepe the Easter on the xiij. daye before the full Moone. Or otherwise I can aunswere you touching your father Columba, and his successors, whose order you say you follow, moued therto by their miracles on this wise: that the Lorde will aunswere to many that shall say in the day of iudgement,The aucthoritie of men is not to be sticked vnto, for their doyng of myracles. that in his name they haue prophesied & cast out deuils, & haue done many miracles. &c. that he neuer knew thē. But God forbid that I should say so of your fathers, bicause it is much beter to beleue wel of those we know not, then ill. Wherevpō I deny not, but they were the seruaunts of God and holy men,The example of them that follow not, for lack of teaching excuseth not them which being taught will not follow. the which loued the Lord of a good intēt, though of a rude simplicitie. And I thinke that the order whiche they vsed in ye Easter, did not much hurt them, so long as they had none amongst them that could shew thē the right obseruation of the same, for them to follow. For I thinke if the truth had beene declared vnto them, they woulde as well haue receiued it in this mater as they did in others. But you and your felowes if you refuse the order of the apostolicall sea, or rather of the vniuersal Church, which is confirmed by the holy scripture, without al doubt you doe sinne:Yea sir, Suffragia ecclesiae a non numeranda sunt sed ponderanda. Aug. and though your forefathers were holy mē, * what is their fewnes being but a corner of an Ilelād, to be preferred before the vniuersall Churche of Christ dyspersed throughout the whole world? And if Columba your father (& ours also being of Christ) were mighty in miracles, is he therefore to bee preferred before ye Prince of the holy Apostles? to whom the Lord said, thou art Peter, and vpon this rocke will I builde my Church, and the gates of hell shal not preuayle against it, & I will giue thee the keyes of the Kingdome of heauen?

Wilfride hauing thus ended his argument, the kyng said to Colman: Is it true that the Lord spake these things to S. Peter?The king concludeth. And Colman aunswered yea. Then sayde the King: Can you declare any thing that the Lorde gaue to Colum. Colman aunswered no. Then quoth the king doe both of you agree and consent in this matter, without any controuersie, and that these wordes were principally spoken to Peter, and that the Lord gaue him the keyes of the kingdome of heauen? And they both aunswered yea. Then concluded the king on this wise: for asmuch as S. Peter, is the doore keper of heauen. I will not gainesay him: but in that I am able, I will obeye his orders in euery point least when I come to the gates of heauen, he shut them against me.

Upon this simple & rude reason of the king, the multitude eftsoones consented:Mobile mutatur semper cum principe [...]ulgus. and with them also Cedda was contented to giue ouer. Onely Colmanus the Sto [...], beyng thē Archbishop of Yorke, in displeasure left the Realme, & departed into Scotlande, carying with him the bones of Aidanus, Bed. Lib. 3. cap. 25. And thus much concerning this matter of Easter.

After the decease of Oswy, Egfride or Edfride of Northumberland. Egfride his sonne was King after him in Northumberland xv. yeares. By this Egfride Cutbert was promoted to the Bishopricke of the Ile of Farne. And Wilfride which before had bene Archbishop of Yorke, was displaced through the meanes of Theodore Archbishop of Canterbury:Malmesber. Huntingt. Fab. cap. 135. Wilfride Archbishop of Yorke. and Cedda possessed that sea, Wilfride when he was put out, went to Rome & complained of him to Agathon the Bishop, and was well allowed in some things. But the king and Theodorus had there such Proctors and frindes, that hee returned without speeding of hys cause. Wherfore he returned into the Southsaxons and builded an Abbey in Silesey, and preached vnto the Southsaxons xv. yeares. The king of the Southsaxons at that time, Ethelwold, to whom he declared a little before, that Wolferus king of the Mercians, gaue the Ile of wight vpon condition, that he would be Christened, and so was baptised by Berinus:Southsaxons conuerted to Christen fayth. the sayd Wolfer being his Godfather and sonne in law, both in on day. Wherfore Wolferus now being licensed by Ethelwod the king, preached vnto his nobles & people of Southsexe, and conuerted thē to Christ. In ye tune of whose baptising the raine which before they lacked three yeares together, was giuen them plentifully: whereby their great famine slaked, and the countrey was made frutefull,H Huntingt. Lib. 3. which before was dried vp with barēnes: In so much that as in some storyes is said, the people penured with famine, would go▪ xl. together, vpon the rocks by the seaside, and taking handes together would throw themselues downe to the sea. Moreouer, where they lacked before the arte of fishing, the foresaide Wilfride taught them how with nets to fish,

And thus by processe haue we discoursed from tyme to tyme how and by what meanes the Idolatrous people were induced to the true fayth of Christ:The [...] Wygh [...] conuen [...] to Christ Alfride Kyng of Northe [...] Wilfride restored [...]igayne to the sea of Yorke. of whome these Southsaxons with the Ile of wight was the last.

After Egfride who was slaine in the strayghtes of Scotland, next succeeded Alfride his brother, and bastarde sonne to Oswy, & raigned xviij. or xix. yeres in Northumberland. This Alfride restored againe the foresaid Wilfride to the sea of Yorke, whom his brother had before expelled, & put in Cedda. Notwithstanding, the same king within v. yeares after, expulsed the saide Wilfride againe and so went he to Rome. But at length by Osrike his successour was placed againe, the Archbishop of Yorke: and Cedda was ordayned by Theodorus Byshop of Mercia. The which prouince of Mercia,Mercia diuided in [...] v. byshopprickes. ye said Theodorus Archbishop of Canterbury by the authoritie of the Synode holdē at Hatfield, did after diuide into fiue bishoprickes: that is, one to Chester, the second to worceter, the third to Lichfield, ye fourth to Cederna, in Lindesey, the fift to Dorchester, which was after translated to Lincolne.

Neare about this time,The wicke [...] se [...]t of Mahumet. Apoc. 13. in the yeare of our Lord, 666. ye detestable sect of Mahumet, begā to take strēgth & place: Although Polychronicon differing a little in yeares, accoū teth the beginning of this sect somwhat before:An. 666. but ye most diligent searchers of thē which write nowe, refer it to this yeare, which wel agreeth with the number of ye beast, signed in the Apocalips. [...], That is. 666. Of this Mahumet came the kingdome of Agarenes (whome hee after named Saracenes) to whom he gaue sondry lawes, patched of many sectes & religions togither, he taught thē to pray euer to the South: And as we keepe the Sonday, so they keepe the friday, which they call the day of Venus. He permitted them to haue as many wiues as they were able to maintaine: to haue as many concubines as they list: to abstaine from vse of wyne, except vppon certaine solemne daies in the yeres:Ex Polycron. Ex Giran Cam [...]. Ex Stepen no Cal [...] riensi. to haue & worship onely one God omnipotent: saying that Moses & the Prophetes were great men, but Christ was greater, and greatest of all the Prophets, as being borne of the virgine Marye by the power of God, without mans seede: and at last was taken vp to heauen, but was not slaine: but an other in his likenes for him, with many other wicked blasphemies in his law cō tained. At length this kingdome of ye Saracenes beganne to be conquered of the Turkes, & in processe of time wholy subdued to them.

But now to returne again to the time of our English Saxons. In this meane season Theodorus was sent from Italy into England by Vitellianus the Pope, to bee Archbyshop of Caunterbury, & with him diuers other monks of Italy, to set vp here in Englād Latine seruice, Masses, ceremonies,Theodorus Archbish. of Cant. letanies, with such other Romishe ware, &c. This Theodorus being made Archbishop and Metropolitane of Canterbury began to play the rex, placing & dysplacing the byshops at his pleasure. As for Cedda & Wilfride Archbishops of Yorke he thrust them both out vnder the pretence, that they were not lawfully consecrated, notwithstanding they were sufficientlye authorised by theyr kinges, and were placed against their willes. Wherfore Wilfride as is before touched went vp to Rome, but could haue no redres of his cause: yet to shew what modesty this Wilfride vsed against his enimie, being so violently molested as he was, because the wordes of his complainte are expressed in W. Malmesbery, I thought here to expresse the same both for the commendation of the partie, and also for the good example of other, in case any such be, whome good examples will mooue to well doing. This Wilfride therefore hauing such iniury and violence offered vnto him by the handes of Theodore: although he had iust cause to doe his vttermost, yet in prosecuting his complaint, how hee tempered himselfe: what wordes of modestie he vsed, rather to defende his innocencie, then to impugne his aduersary, by this his suggestion offered vp to the Byshop of Rome, may appeare: whose words in effect were these: Quid autem acciderit, Gis. Malmesbericir sis. lib. 1. de gestis pontifi. Anglorum. vt Theodorus sanctiss. Archiepiscopus (me superstite in sede) quam, licet indignus dispensabam: absque consensu cuiuslibet Episcopi ex sua autoritate (mea humilitate non acquiescente) ordinauit tres Episcopos: omittere magis quam vrgere, pro eiusdem viri reuerentia *cōdecet. Quem quide, pro eo quod ab hac Apostolicae sedis summitate directus est, accusare non audeo, &c. In English. Howe it chaunceth that Theodorus, the most holy & reuerend Archbishop (my selfe being aliue in the sea, which I though vnworthy did rule and dispose) hath of his own authority, without the cōsent of any bishop (neither hauing my simple voice agreing to the same) ordained iij. Bishops: I had rather passe ouer in silence, then to stir any farther therin, because of the reuerence [Page] of that man, and no lesse thought I it my duetie so to doe. The which man for that he hath beene dyrected by the authoritie of this sea Apostolicall,Bede. lib. 4. cap. 22. I wyll not nor dare not here accuse, &c. Thus the cause of the sayd Wilfride, albeit it was sufficiently knowne in the Court of Rome, to be well allowed for iust and innocent, yet it was not then redressed. In such estimation was this Theodorus then among ye Romaines. Upon this controuersie of these two Bishops I may wel here inter ye words of W. Malmelbury, not vnworthy in my minde, to be noted, whiche be these in his Latine story.Gul. Malmosb. lib. de gostes pon [...]ifo. Anglorum. Lib. 1. Polichron. lib. 5. ca. 19. Vbi videri & doleri potest humana miseria, quod videlicet quantum libet, quis sanctitate polleat, non ad plenum peruicaces mores exuat, &c. That is: In the whiche Theodore, saith hee, the weake and miserable infirmitie of man, may be sene and also lamented, considering, that although a mā be neuer so holy, yet in the same man is some thing, whereby it may be perceaued, that hee hath not vtterly put of all his stubburne conditions, &c.

An. 680.In the time of this Theodorus, and by the meanes of hym, a prouincial Synode was holden at Thetford, mentioned in the storye of Bede:Bede. lib. 4. cap. 21. the principall contents wherof were these.

1 First that Easter day shoulde bee vniformely kept and obserued through the whole Realme, vpon one certayne daye videlicet prima, 14. Luna mensis primi.

2 Secondly, that no Byshop should entermedle within the Dioces of an other.

Thirdly, that monasteries consecrated vnto GOD, 3 should be exempt and free from the iurisdiction of the byshops.

Fourthly that the Monkes should not stray from one 4 place (that is) from one Monastery to another, without ye license of his Abbot: also to kepe the same obedience which they promised at their first entryng.

Fiftly, that no Clergyman shoulde forsake his owne 5 Byshop, and to be receaued in any other place, wyth out letters commendatory of his owne Byshop.

Sixtly, that forraine Byshops & Clergimen cōming 6 into the Realme, should be content onely with the benefite of such hospitality, as should be offered thē: neither should entermedle any further within the precinct of any bishop, without his speciall permission.

7 Seuenthly, that Synodes prouinciall should be kept within the Realme at least once a yeare.

8 Eightly, that no Bishop shoulde preferre himselfe before an other, but must obserue the time and order of hys consecration.

9 Ninthly, that the number of Byshops should be augmented, as the number of the people encreaseth.

10 Tenthly, that no mariage should be admitted, but that which was lawfull, No incest to be suffered: neyther any man to put away his wyse for any cause, except onelye for fornication, after the rule of the Gospell. And these bee the principall chapters of that Synode. &c.

In the next yere following was the sixt general councell kept at Constaunce, whereat, this Theodore was also present vnder Pope Agatho, where Mariage was permitted to Greeke priests, and forbidden to the Latin. In this Councell the Latine Masse was first openly saide by Iohn Portuensis the Popes Legate, before the Patriarche and Princes at Constantinople, in the temple of S. Sophy.

After the decease of Alfride king of Northumberlande (from whom he was digressed) succeeded his sonne Osredus, An. 705. raigning xj. yeares. After whome raigned Kenredus 2. yeares.Osredus, Kenredus, Osricus, Kinges of Northumberland. The kingdome of Brittaine ceaseth. Iua. or Iue, King of Westsaxōs. Polycron, lib. 5. cap. 21. S. Cuthlake a popishe Sainct. Crowland the curteous. Lying miracles. And next Osricus after him .xj. yeares.

In the time and raigne of these 4. kings of Northumberland, king Iua reigned in westsaxe: who succeding after Cadwalder, the last king of the Britaines, began his reigne about the yeare of the Lorde, 689. and raigned with great valiauntnes ouer the westsaxons, the tearme of xxxvij. yeares. Concerning whose actes and wars mayntayned against the Kentish saxons, and other kinges: because I haue not to entermedie withal, I referre the reader to other Chroniclers.

About the sixt yeare of the raigne of this Iua or Iue, Polychronicon, & other make mentiōn of one Cuthlacus, whō they call S. Cuthlake a confessour, who about the 24. of hys age, renouncing the pompe of the world, professed himself a Monke in the abby of Repindon, and the third yeare after went to Crowlande, where he led the life of an Anker. In the which Ile and place of his buriyng was builded a faire Abbey, called afterward for the great resort and gentle entertainment of straungers, Crowlande the courteous: but why this Cuthlake should be saincted for his doinges, I see no great cause, as neither doe I thinke the fabulous miracles reported of him to be true: as where the vulgare people are made to beleeue, that he enclosed the deuill in a boyling pot, and caused wicked spirits to erecte vp houses,what straunge sightes this Berthwalde, or Drithelm, did see after hys death, read the ix. booke of Henr. Huntington. King Etheldred made Abbot of Bardney. Adelmus. Gu. Malmes [...], lib. 5. de pontifi [...] with such other fables and lying miracles, &c. Among which lying miracles also maye be reckened that, which the stories mention in the xi. yeare of the raigne of Iua, to be done of one Brithwalde or Drithelmus: who [...]eing dead a long season, was restored to lyfe againe, & told many wonders of straunge things that he had seene, causing thereby great almes & deedes of charitie to bee done of the people. And so ye disposing of his goods giuen in iij. partes went to the Abbey of Mailroos, where he continued the rest of his life.

Moreouer, about the xvj. yeare of the saide Iua Etheldred king of Mercia, after he had their raigned, 30. yeares, was made a Monke: and after an Abbot of Bacducy.

And about the xviij. yeare of the raigne of Iue, died the worthy and learned bishop Aldelmus, first Abbot of Malmesbery, afterward bishop of Schirborn: of whō William Malmesbery, writeth plenteously, with great commendation, and that not vnworthelye as I suppose: especially for the notable praise of learning and vertue in him aboue the rest of that time (nexte after Bede) as the great number of bookes and Epistles and Poemes by him set forth, will declare. Although concerning the miracles which the sayd author ascribeth to him,Lying miracles. as first in causing an infant of ix. daies old to speak at Rome, to cleare pope Sergius, which was then suspected the father of the said child. Also in hanging his cauiule vpō the sunne beames. Item, in making whole the altarstone of Marble, brought from Rome. Ite in drawing a length one of the timber peces, which wente to the building of the temple in Malmesbery. Item, in sauing the Mariners at douer, &c. As concerning these and such other myracles, which William Malmesbery, to hym attributeth, I can not consent to him therein, but thynke rather the same to be Monkishe deuises,Malmesbery commended for hys stile. forged vpon their Patrons, to maintaine the dignitie of their Houses. And as the Authour was deceaued (no doubt) in beleuing such fables himselfe: so maye he likewise deceaue vs, through the dexteritie of his style,Lying miracles reproued. Aldelme Byshop. Swithune, Bishop of Wine. and fyne handling of the matter, but that father experience hath taught the worlde nowe a dayes more wisedome, in not beleuing such practises: this Aldelmus was Byshoppe of Schyrborne, which sea after was vnited to ye sea of Winton. In which Church of Winchester the like miracles also are to be read of Byshop Adelwod, and S. Swithune, whom they haue canonized likewise for a Saint.

Moreuer neare about the xxv. yeare of Iue, Bedo. lib. 5. cap. 23. Ex historia Iornalensi do regib us Northumb. by the report of Bede S. Iohn of Beuerley, which was then Byshop of Yorke died, and was buried at the porche of the Minster of Deirwod or Beuerley. In the which portch it is recorded in some Chronicles, that as the said Iohn vpon a time was praying, being in the portch of S. Michaell in Yorke: ye holy Ghost in the similitude of a Doue sat before him vpon the altar, in brightnes shining aboue the sunne. This brightnes being sene of other,S. Iohn of Beuerlay. first commeth one of his Deacons running vnto the portche: who beholding the Bishop their standing in his praiers,Anno. 717. and all the place replenished with the holy ghost, was strokē with the light therof, hauing al his face burnt, as it were with hote burning fire. Notwithstanding the Bishop by and by cured the face of his Deacon againe, charging him as the storye saith, not to publishe what hee had seene duryng hys lyfe time. &c. which tale semeth as true, as that we read about the same time done of S. Egwyne, Annother lying fable of Sainct Eguyne. in Polychron Abbot of Eusham, and Byshop of Worcester (then called Wyctes:) who vpon a time when he had fettered both his feete Inyrons fast locked, for certaine sinnes done in his youth, and had cast the key therof in the sea:Ranulphus in Polychro. lib. 5. cap. 23. afterward a fish brought the key againe into the ship, as he was saying homeward from Rome.

But to leaue these Monkishe phantasies, and returne into the right course againe of the story. In ye time of this foresaide Iue, began first the right obseruing of the Easter day to be kept of the Pictes,Beda. lib. 5. de gestes. Angl. Polycron. lib. 5. cap. 17. and of the Britaines. In the obseruation of which day (as is largely set foorth in Bede, and Polychron, Lib. 5. cap. 17. and 22.) three thinges are necessary to be obserued, the full Moone of the first Moneth, that is of the month of March: Secondly, the Dominical Letter: Thirdly, the Equinoctiall day, which Equinoctiall was wont to be counted in the East church, and especially among the Egiptians, to bee about the 17. daye of Marche.A generall rule seruing for the obseruation of Easter day. This rule of Easter seemeth to be taken out of the booke of Numer. So that the full Moone either vppon the Equinoctiall day, or after the Equinoctiall day being obserued the next dominicall day following that full moone, is to be taken for Easter day. Wherin is diligētly to be noted two thinges. First the fulnes of the Moone, must be perfectly ful, so that it be the beginning of the third weke of ye mooue which is the 14. or 15. day of the moone. Secondly, is to be [Page] noted, that the said perfect fulnes of the moone beginnyng the thirde weeke,And they going out of Ramesse the 15. day of the first moneth, the next day after held their Easter. &c. must happen either in the very euening of ye Equinoctial day, or after the Equinoctial day. For els if it happen either on the Equinoctiall day before the euening, or before the Equinoctial day, then it belongeth to ye last moneth of the last yeare, and not to the first moneth of the first yeare, and so serueth not to be obserued.

This rite and vsage in keping Easter day being receiued in the Latin church, began now to take place amōg the Pictes & Britaines, through the busie trauaile of Theodorus Cuthlacus, but namelye of Elbert the holy Monke, as they terme him: and of Colfrid Abbot of Sirwin in Northumberlande, which wrote to Narcanus, or Naitonus the King of Pictes, concerning the same: who also among other thinges writeth of the shauen crownes of Priestes, saying:Why priestes crownes were shauen. Bede de. gest. lib. 5. that it was as necessary for the vow of a Mōke, or degre of a Priest, to haue a shauen crowne for restrainte of their lustes: as for any Christen man, to blesse him against spirits, when they come vpon him. Bede Lib. 5. The coppy of which letter as it is in Bede, I haue here annexed, not for any great reason therin conteined, but only to delite ye Reader with some pastime, in seing the fond ignorance of that Monkish age: the copy of the letter thus proceedeth.

¶ Of the shauing of Priestes, out of the fift booke of Beda the xxi. chap.

The copy of a Monkish letter of Colfride to King Naiton for the shauing of Priestes crownes. How proueth he that the Apostles Iob and Ioseph were shauen. Much sayd, nothing proued. COncerning the shauing of Priests (wherof you wryte also vnto me) I exhort you that it be decently obserued according to the Christian faith. We are not ignorant that the Apostles were not al shauen, after one maner, neither doth the Catholicke Church at this day agree in one vniforme maner of shauing, as they do in faith, hope, and charity. Let vs consider the former time of the Patriarches, and we shall finde that Iob (an example of patience) euen in the very point of his afflictions, did shaue his head: and he proueth also: that in ye time of his prosperitye, he vsed to let his heare grow. And Ioseph an excellent Doctour & executor of chastity, humilitie, pietie and other vertues: whē he was deliuered out of prison & seruitude was shauen: wherby it appeareth that whilst he abode in prisō he was vnshauen.Diuersitie of rites hurteth not the Church. See how these shauelinges would father their shauing vpon Peter, which is neyther found in Scripture, nor in any approued story, but onely in paynted clothes. Behold doth these being men of god did vse an order in the habite of their body one contrary to the other, whose consciences notwithstanding within did wel agree in the like grace of vertues. But to speake truely and [...]rely the difference of shauing hurteth not such as haue a pure faith in the Lord, & sincere charity, towardes their neighbor: especially for that there was neuer any controuersie amongst the Catholike fathers about the diuersitie thereof, as there hath beene of the difference of the celebration of Easter and of faith. But of all these shauinges that wee fynde either in the Churche or els where: there is none in mine opinion so much to be followed & embraced, as that which he vsed on his head, to whō the Lord said, thou art Peter, and vpon this rocke. I will builde my Church and the gates of hel shall not preuaile against it, & I will gyue thee the keyes of the kingdome of heauen. And contrarywise there is no shauing so much to be abhorred and detested as that which he vsed to whom the same S. Peter said, thy money bee with thee to thy destruction,Why Priestes and Monkes be shauen in the crowne. The shauing of the crowne what it representeth. How doth the signe of the crosse defend Churches from euill spirites, when it cannot keepe them from euill Priestes? because thou thinkest to possesse the gift of God by thy money, therefore thy part nor lot is not in this worde. Neither ought we to bee shauen on the crowne onely because Saint Peter was so shauen, but because Peter was so shauen; in the remebraunce of the Lords Passion: therfore we that desire by ye same Passion to be saued, must weare the signe of the same passion with him vpon the top of our head which is the highest part of our body. For as euery Church that is made a Church by the death of the Sauiour, doth vse to beare the signe of the holy crosse in the front: that it maye the better by the defence of that banner, bee kept from the inuasions of euill spirits: & by the often admonition therof, is taught to crucifie the flesh, with the concupiscence of the same: In like maner it behoueth such as haue ye vowes of Monkes and degres of the Clergy, to bind them selues with a straiter bit of continencie for the Lords sake. And as the Lord bare a crowne of thorne on his head in his passion,If shauing of the crown doth each men patience in suffering how commeth it that we see none more washpish and irefull then these shorne generations, of Monkish vipers. wherby he tooke & caried away from vs the thornes and prickes of our sinnes: so must euery one of vs by shauing our heads, patiently beare and willinglye suffer, the mockes and scorners of the worlde for his sake: That wee may receaue the crowne of eternall life, which God hath promised to all that loue him, & shall by shauing their corporal crownes beare the aduersity, & contemne the prosperity of this worlde. But the shauing which Symon Magus vsed, what faithful man doth not detest together with his magicall arte? The which at the first apparance hath a shew of a shauen crowne, but if you marke his necke, you shal finde it curtailed in such wise as you will say it is rather meete to be vsed of the Symonistes then of the Christians.Simon Magus [...] as he say [...]. And such (of foolishe men) be thought worthye of the glory of the eternall crowne, whereas indede for their yll liuing they are worthy not only to be depriued of the same but also of eternall saluation.The difference betweene the shauing of Peter and Simon Magus. I speak not this against thē that vse this kinde of shauing, & liue Catholikely in fayth and good workes, but surely I beleeue there be diuers of them be very holy and godly men. Amongst the which is Adamnan, the Abbot and worthy Priest of the Columbians: who when he came Embassadour from his country vnto king Alfride desired greatly to see our Monastery: where be declared a wonderful wisedowe, humilitie and Religiō both in his maners and wordes. Amongest other talke I asked him why he, that did beleue to come to the crown of life yt should neuer haue end, did vse contrary to his belief a definite Image of a crowne on his head. And if you seke (quoth I) the felowship of S. Peter, why doe you vse the fashion of his crowne whom S. Peter did accurse, and not of his rather with whom you desire to liue eternally? Adā nā answered saying: you know right well brother though I vse Symons maner of shauing, after the custome of my country, yet doe I detest & with all my heart abhorre hys infidelitie.In outward habite christians ought not to reli [...]ble wicked doers. I desire notwithstanding to imitate the footesteps of the holy Apostle as far forth as my power wil extend. Then said I: I beleeue it is so. But then is it apparaunt you imitate those thinges which the Apostle Peter did frō the bottom of your hart, if you vse the same vpon your face that you know he did. For I suppose your wisedome vnderstandeth that it is right decent, to differ in the triming your face or shauing, frō his whom in your hart you abhorre. And cōtrariwise as you desire to imitate the doings of him whom you desire to haue a There is but one mediator betweene God and man Christ Iesus. mediator betweene God & you, so it is meete you imitate the maner of his apparell and shauing. Thus much saide I, to Adamnan, who seemed then well to like our Churches: in so much that he returning into Scotland, reformed many of his churches there, after our celebratiō, albeit he could not do so amongst the Monks,The Scottish monke and the Englishe monkes differed in their shauing. If Peter shall let in the elect of God into heauen, Christ the [...] serueth in little stede. with whom he had special authority. He endeuoured also to haue reformed their maner of shauing if he had bene able. And nowe (O King) I exhort your maiestie to labor together with your people (ouer whom the King of Kinges and Lorde of Lordes hath made you gouernor, to imitate likewise in all these points the Catholicke and Apostolical churches. So shall it come to passe that in the end of this your temporall kingdome ye most blessed prince of the Apostles shall opē you the gates of the heauenly kingdome together with the other elect of god. The grace of the eternal king preserue you most derely beloued sonne in Christ long time to reigne ouer vs to the great tranquility of vs all.

When this letter was read before king Nayton wyth other of his learned men, and diligentlye translated into his proper language, he semed to reioyce very much at the exhortation therof, insomuch as rising vp from among his noble men, he kneled on the ground and gaue God thankes that he had deserued to receaue so worthye a presente out of England, & so caused it forthwith by publike proclamation to be writen out, learned, & obserued throught out all the prouinces of the Pictes, defacing the errours that had bene vsed there by the space of 700. and 4. yeares. For all the ministers of the altar & all Monkes, were shauen, on the crowne. And al the people reioiced for the new dyscipline of the most blessed Prince of the Apostles, S. Peter which they had receaued.

¶By this monkish letter aboue prefixed,A note to admonish the reader. voide of all Scripture, of all probation & truth of history, thou maiest note gentle Reader: howe this vaine tradition of shauen crownes hath come vp, & vpon how light and trifling occasion: which in very deede was none other but the dreaming phantasies of Monkes of that time, falsely grounding vpon the example of Peter: when by no olde monument of any aūtient record they can euer proue, either Peter or Symon Magus to haue bene shauen. Moreouer in the said leter also is to be noted, how the Scottish Clergy at that season, did weare no such Priestly crownes, as our English Churchmen then did.

But to cut of this matter of shauing,Fabia. cap. 141. Guliel. Malmesb, de. Reg. more worthy to be laught at thē to be storied, let vs now againe returne where as we left at king Iue, of whom W. Malmesbery, and Fabian in his chronicle do record that whē the foresaide Iue had ruled the west saxons by ye tearme of 37. yeares, by the importunate perswasion, and subtile policie of his wife Ethelburga, was allured to go to Rome, & there to be made a Monke. Which Ethelburga, after she had a long tyme laboured [Page] him to leaue the world, and could not bring about her purpose:An. 724. vpon a season when the king and she had rested them in a faire pallace richly behanged, & were vpon the morow thence departed: she by her commaundement caused the pallace to be replenished with all kinde of filth & dong,Ethelburge the Queene perswadeth her husbād to be a monke. and hogs and vile beasts therin to be sayd, as wel in the chambers as other houses of office. And in theyr owne chamber where they did lye, there was a Sow laid with her yong pigs. And when she knew that this palace was thus deformed, being a certain space out of the town, she besought the king to visite the said pallace. And when she had brought him therunto, she said to him: I pray you my Lord behold now this house, where are now the rich tappets and clothes of gold & silke,The crafty head of a woman. and other rich apparel, that we left here this other day? And where be the delicacies & pleasant seruitors, and costly dishes, that you and I lately were serued with? Be not all these passed & gone? My Lord (saith she) in like maner shall we vanish away, as sodainly as you see these worldly things bene passed. And our bodies which now be delicately kept, shal fal and turne into the filth of the earth. Wherefore haue in mynde my wordes that before tyme to you I haue often shewed & told, and busie you to purchase that palace that euer shal endure in ioy without transmutation.

By meane of these wordes and other, the Queene turned so the kings mynd,King Iue resigning hys kingdome, went to Rome and became a Monke. that shortly after he resigned the gouernance of his kingdom vnto Ethelardus his nephew: & for the loue of Christ tooke vpon him the habite of a poore man. And setting apart all the pompe & pride of this wicked world, associated himself in the felowship of poore men, and traualled to Rome with great deuotion, when he had bene king of Westsaxons, as before is sayd 37. yeares. After whose departing, the foresaid Ethelburga his wife, went vnto Barking 7. miles from London, where in the Nunry of Barking before of Erkenwald founded,Ethelburga the Queene made Nūne of Barking. Peter pence first graunted and payd to Rome. The lawes made by King Iue to his people. she continued & ended the rest of her life, when she had bene Abbes of the place a certaine time. The said Malmesbery in his story also testifieth, that this Iue was the first king that granted a peny of euery fire house through his dominion to be paid vnto the Court of Rome, which afterward was called Romescot, or Peter pence, & long after was paid in many places of England.

This Iue, like as for his time, he was worthy and valiaunt in his actes: so was he the first of the Saxon kings (that I read of) which set forth any lawes to his country: the rehersall of which lawes, to the number of 80. & odde, were not vnprofitable here to be inserted together with other lawes of the Westsaxon kings after him, before the tyme of William Conquerour: in case it were not for the length & prolixitie of this present volume. And thus much concerning the raigne of king Iue, king of Westsaxons by the way. Now to repaire againe to the course of Northū berland kings something intermitted.

Celulphus King of Northumberland. Bede.Next vnto the foresaid Osricus, folowed Celulfus, whom he had adopted, brother to Kēred aboue specified. This Celulfus as he was himselfe learned, so were in his tyme diuers learned mē then florishing in England, among whō was Beda, who vnto the same king Celulfus offred his story intituled Anglorum Historia, not onely to be ratified by his authoritie, but also to be amended, as Malmesburiensis writeth by his knowledge and learnyng.

An. 729.And for as much as I haue here entred into the mention of Bede, a man of worthy and venerable memory, because of the certifiyng of the truth of that man: and for that I see all writers (as touching his life) do not agree,The life of Bede, briefly described. some saying that he was no Englishman borne: I thought so much to report of him, as I finde by his owne words testified of himselfe in the latter end of his ecclesiastical history of England, offred to the said Celulfus aboue mentioned the wordes of whom be these.

Thus much by the helpe of God, I Bede the seruant of Christ, and Priest of the Monastery of Peter and Paule at wire, haue compiled and digested concerning the Britain history. And so the same Bede proceding further in his narration, declareth that he being borne in the territorie of the sayd Monastery, beyng of the age of vij. yeares, was committed of his parents and friends,This Benedict maister to Bede, was the first that brought in the vse of glasse windowes into England. Also the sayd Benet [...] to the tuition and education of Benedict (of whom aboue relation is made) and of Celfride Abbots of the foresaid Monastery. In the which place or Monastery he continuyng, from that tyme forth, all his lyfe long, gaue hymselfe and all his whole study to the meditating of holy scripture. Whatsoeuer tyme or laisure he had frō his daily seruice in the church, that he spent either in learning, or in teaching, or writing somthing. About xix. yeares of his age, he was made Deacon, the xxx. yeare of his age he was made priest. From the which time to the age of 59. yeares, he occupied himself in interpreting the workes of the auncient fathers for his owne vse, and the necessitie of others: and in writing of treatises, which came in all to the number of 37. volumes, which he digested into 78. bookes.

Some say that he went to Rome either there to defend his bookes to be consonant to catholike doctrine either els if they should be found faulty, to amend & correct the same as he should thereto be commaunded. Albeit the reporter of this his life dare not certainly affirme that euer he was at Rome: but that he was inuited and called thether to come: both it is manifest in stories, and also this Epistle of Pope Sergius doth sufficiently prooue, declarnig moreouer in what price and estimation Bede was accepted, as wel in the court of Rome, as in other places besides. The Epistle of Sergius sent to Celfride, thus proceedeth in tenor and forme as followeth in Latin.

The Epistle of Pope Sergius sent to Celfride Abbot of Wire Abbey, requiring Bede to be sent vp to him to Rome for the same of his worthy learning.

SErgius Episcopus seruus seruorsi Dei,An Epistle of Pope Sergius.Celfrido religioso Abbati. Sal. Quibus modis ac verbis clementiam Dei nostri, at (que) inenarrabilem prouidentiam possumus [...] & dignas gratiarum actiones pro immensis eius circa nos beneficijs persoluere qui in tenebris & in vmbra mortis positos ad lumen scientia perducit? Et infra Benedictionis gratlam: quam nobis per praesentem portatorem tua deuota misir religio; lib [...]i & hilari animo ficuti ab ea directa est nos suscepisse, cognosce Oportunis igitur ac dignis amplectandae tuae sollicitudinis petitionibus, arctissima deuotione satisfacientes: hortamur Deo dilectam religiositatis tuae bonitatem, vt quia exortis quibusdam Ecclesiasticarum causarum capitulis, non sine examinatione longius innotescendis, opus nobis sunt ad conferendum artes literaturae, sicut decet Deo deuotum auxiliatorem sanctae matris vniuersalis Ecclesiae obedientem deuotionem huic nostrae exhortationi non desistas accommodare: sed absque vlla immoratione religiosum Dei famulum Bedam, venerabilem Monasterij tui Praesbyterum, ad limina Apostolorū principum dominorum meorum Petri & Pauli amatorum tuorum ac protectorum, ad nostrae mediocritatis conspectum non moreris dirigere: Quem, satisfaciente domino sanctis tuis precibus, non diffidas prospere ad te redire (peracta praemissorum capitulorum cum auxilio Dei desiderata solennitate.) Erite enim vt confidimus etiam cunctis tibi creditis profuturum, quicquid Ecclesiae generali claruerit per eius praestantiam impartitum &c.

So notable and famous was the learning of this foresayd Bede, The famous learning of Bede. that the Church of Rome (as by this letter appeareth) both stood in need of his helpe, and also requireth the same, about the discussing of certaine causes and controuersies appertaining to learning. Moreouer the whole Latin church at that time, gaue him the maisterie in iudgement and knowledge of the holy Scripture.Bede commended for integritie of lyfe. In all his explanations his chiefest scope and purpose did euer driue, to instruct and informe his Reader simplely and without all curiousnes of stile, in the sincere loue of god, & of his neighbour. As touching the holynes and integritie of his life, it is not to be doubted: for how could it be, that he should attend to any vicious idlenes, or had any laisure to the same, who in reading & digesting so many volumes, consumed all his whole cogitations in writing vpon the scriptures: for so he testifieth of himselfe in the 3. booke vpon Samuel, saying in these wordes. If my treatises and expositions, saith he, bring with them no other vtilitie to the Readers therof: yet to my selfe they conduce not a little in this, that while all my study and cogitatiō was set vpon them, in the meane while of the slipperie intitements and vayne cogitations of this world I had little mynd. Thus in this trauail of study he continued til the age of 62. yeres.Anno. 735. At length drawyng to his latter end, beyng sicke vij. wekes togither besides other occupiyngs of his mynde,S. Iohns. Gospell translated into English by Bede. and other studies which he did not intermit: he translated also the gospell of S. Iohn into English. At length with great comfort of spirite departed this lyfe, pronouncyng many comfortable sayings to them that stood about him, vpon the Ascension day, the same yeare when Nothelinus was instituted Archbishop of Caunterbury. And thus much concernyng the story of Bede.

This Celulfus king of Northumberland afore mentioned,Celulfus of a King made a Monke. after he had raigned viij. yeares was made a Monke in the Abbey of Farne, otherwise called Lindefar, or holy Iland: where by his meanes licence was geuen to the monkes of that house to drinke wyne or ale, which before by the institution of Aidanus aboue mentioned, dronke nothing but milke and water. After whom succeded Egbert his cosin, brother to Egbert (the same tyme beyng bishop of Yorke) which brought againe thether the palle that hys [Page] predecessors had forgone,Egbert Kyng of Northumberland. since the tyme that Paulinus had left the sea, & fled to Rochester, as is before declared. The said Egbert also erected a noble Library in Yorke, whose example I would other bishops now would follow.

About the beginning of the raigne of this Egbert, was Cutbert Archbishop of Canterbury: who collected a great Synode of Bishops and Prelates, in the yere of our Lord, 747. in the month of September,Anno. 747. neare to the place called Clonesh [...]. In the which Synode assembled, these decrees were enacted.

1. First, that Bishops should be more diligent in seing to their office,

Ex Malmesb. lib. de. gestis pontifi. Anglo. Cutbert. Archbishop of Caunterbury.

and in admonishing the people of their faults.

2. That they shoulde liue in a peaceable minde together, notwithstanding they were in place disseuered a sunder.

3. That euery Bishop once a yere should go about al the Parishes of his Dioces.

4. That the said Bishops euery one in his dioces should monish their Abbots & monks to liue regularly: and that Prelates should not oppresse their inferiors, but loue thē.

5. That they should teach the Monasteries which the secular men had inuaded, and coulde not then be taken from them, to liue regularly.

6. That none should be admitted to orders, before his life should be examined.

7. That in Monasteries the reading of holy Scripture should be more frequented.

8. That Priests should be no disposers of secular busines.

9. That they should take no mony for baptising infants.

10. That they shoulde both learne and teache the Lordes Prayer and Creede in the English toung.

11. That all should ioyne together in their ministery after one vniforme rite and maner.

12. That in a modest voice they should sing in the church.

13. That all holy and festinall dayes should be celebrate at one time together.

14. That the Sabboth day be reuerently obserued & kept.

The rogation dayes had not then that superstition in them as they had afterward.

15. That the vij. houres Canonical euery day be obserued.

16. That the Rogation dayes both the greater and lesser should not be omitted.

17. That the feast of S. Gregory, and S. Austen our Patron, should be obserued.

18. That the fast of the foure times shoulde be kept and obserued.

19. That Monkes and Nunnes should go regularly apparelled.

20. That Byshops should see, these decrees not to be neglected.

21. That the Churchmen should not geue them selues to dronkeunesse.

22. That the Communion should not be neglected of the Churchmen.

23. Item, that the same also should be obserued of the laye men, as time required.

24. That lay men first shoulde be well tried, before they entred in Monkerie.

25. That almes be not neglected.

26. That Byshops should see these decrees to be notified to the people.

27. They disputed of the profite of Almes.

28. They disputed of the profite of singing Psalmes.

29. That the Congregation shoulde be constitute, after their habilitie of their goodes.

30. That Monkes should not dwell among lay men.

31. That publike prayer should be made for kinges and Princes.

Boniface an English man Archb. of Mentz.These decrees and ordinaunces beyng thus among the Bishops concluded: Cutbert the Archbishop, sendeth the copy therof to Boniface, whiche Boniface otherwise named Winfride an English man borne, was than the Archbishop of Mentz, and after made a Martyr, as the Popish stories terme him.Ethelwold kyng of Merceland.

This Boniface being, as is sayd, Archbishop of Mentz in the time of this foresayd Synode, wrote a letter to Ethelbald king of Merceland: which Ethelbald was also present in the same Synode, of whome Bede maketh mention in his historie, calling him proude Ethelbald, and the greatest of the Saxon kinges in his time. First this Ethelbald after the departing of Ceolulphe into his Monkerie, inuaded and spoiled the countrey of Northumberland. Moreouer he exercised mortall and horrible warre a long space wyth Cudred, otherwise of some named Cutbert, King of Westsaxons. Furthermore he with other Saxon kings, so impugned the Britains, that from that time they neuer durst prouoke the Saxons any more. At length the said Cudred refusing the intollerable exactions of proud Ethelbald, doth incounter with him in battaile: Where notwythstanding the great power that Ethelbald had to him adioyned, of the Mercians, of the Eastsaxons, of the Eastangles, and of Cantuarites: yet the saide Cudred through Gods power, and the meanes of a certaine valiant warriour called Edelhim a Consul,Edelhim a strong [...] valiant warriour. Pride ouer [...]throwne. ouerthrewe the pride of Ethelbald, after a sore and terrible cōflict. Which Ethelbald notwithstanding repairing his power againe the next yeare after, renued battaile with the foresayd Cudred. In the which battaile Ethelbald after her had raigned xli. yeares in Mercia, was slaine by one Beornered, who after raigned in that dition but a smal tyme. For Offa nephew to the sayd Ethelbald expulsed the sayd Beornered, and succeeded king in that prouince of Mercia, where he raigned xxxix. yeares, of whom more followeth hereafter (the Lord Iesu speeding therein our purpose) to be declared as place and time shal require. In the meane season not to forget the letter before mentioned of Boniface Archbishop of Mentz, sent vnto thys Ethelbald: I thought the same not vnworthy here to be inserted (at the least the effect thereof) not so much for the authors sake, as for that some good matter peraduenture may be picked thereout, for other Princes to behold & consider.

The copy and tenor of the Letter of Boniface Archbishop of Mentz, and Martyr of God (an Englishman) sent to Ethelbald king of Mercia, freely and yet charitably admonishing him of his adulterous lyfe, and oppression of Churches.

REgi & filio charissimo,A letter of Boniface. otherwise called Winfrid [...] sent to kyng Ethelbald. & in Christi amore caeteris regibus Anglorum praeferendo Ethelbaldo, Bonifacius Archiepiscopus legatus Germanicus Romanae Ecclesiae perpetuam in Christo charitatis salutem. Consistemus coram Deo, qui nouit an verè atque ex animo dicam: Quando prosperitatem vestram, & fidem, & bona opera audimus, laetamur. Quando autem aliquid aduersum vel in euentu bellorum, vel de periculo animarum de vobis cognoscimus, tristamur. Audiuimus enim quòd eleemosinis intentus, furta & rapinas prohibes, & pacem diligis, & defensor viduarum & pauperum es, & inde gratias Deo agimus. Quòd verò legitimum matrimonium spernis, si pro castitate faceres, esset laudabile. Sed quia in luxu & adulterio & cum sanctimonialibus volutaris, est vituperabile, & damnabile. Nam & famam gloriae vestrae, coram Deo & hominibus confundit, & inter idololatras cōstituit, quia templum Dei violasti. Quapropter fili Charissime poenitere, & memorare oportet, quàm turpe sit, vt tu qui multis gentibꝰ, dono dei, dominaris, ad iniurià eius sis libidinis [...]er uus. Audiuimus praeterea quòd optimates penè omnes gentis Merciorum, tuo exemplo legitimas vxores deserant, & adulteras & sanctimoniales constuprent. Quod quàm sit peregrinum ab honéstate, doceat vos alienae gentis institutio. Nam in antiqua Saxonia, vbi nulla est Christi cognitio: si virgo in materna domo, vel maritata, sub coniuge suerit adultera, manu propria strangulatam cremant, & supra fossa sepultae corruptorem suspendunt, aut cingulo tenus (vestibus abscissis) flagellant eam castae matronae, & cultellis pungunt. Et de villa in villam missae occurrunt nouae flagellatrices: donec interimant. Insuper & vinuli, quod est faedissimum genus hominum, hunc habent morem vt mulier viro mortuo, se in rogo cremantis pariter arsura praecipiter. Si ergo gentiles Deum ignorantes, tantum zelum castitatis habent: quid tibi conuenit fili Charissime, qui Christianus & rex es' Parce ergo animae tuae: Parce multitudini populi tui pereùtis exemplo tuo: de quorum animabus redditurus es rationem. Attende & illud, quid si gens Anglorum (sicut in Francia, & Italia, & ab ipsis Paganis nobis improperatur) spretis legitimis matrimonijs per adulteria deficit: nascitura (que) sit ex ea commixtione gens ignaua & Dei contemptrix,Nihil factum quod non factum prius. quae perditis moribus patriam pessundet: sicut Burgundionibus & prouincialibus, & Hispanis contigit, quos Saraceni multis annis infestarunt propter peccata praeterita? Praeterea nunciatum est nobis, quòd multa priuilegia Ecclesiarum & monasteriorum auferens, ad hoc audendù duces tuos exemplo prouoces. Sed recogita quaeso quàm terribilem vindictam Deus in anteriores reges exercuit, eiusdem culpae conscios, quam in te arguimus. Nam Celredum praedecessorem tuum stupratorem Sanctimonialium, & ecclesiasticorum priuilegiorum fractorem, splendidè cum suis comitibus epulantem spiritus malignus arripuit: & sine confessione & viatico, cum diabolo sermocinanti, & legem Dei detestanti animam extorsit. Osredum quo (que) regem Deiorum & Bernicorum, earundem culparum reum, ita effrenatum regem egit: vt regnum & iuuenilem aetatem contemptibili morte amitteret. Carolus quo (que) princeps Francorum monasteriorum multorum euersor, & Ecclesiasticarū pecuniarum in vsus proprios commutator, longa tortione, & verenda morte consumptus est. Et mox infra: Quapropter fili Charissime, paternis & obnixis precibus deprecamur. vt non despicias consilium patrum tuorum, qui pro Dei amore celsitudinem tuam appellare satagunt. Nihil enim bono regi salubrius, quàm, fi talia commissa cum arguuntur, libenter emendentur. Quia per Salomonem dicitur: Qui diligit disciplinam, diligit sapientiam. Ideo, fili Charissime, oftendentes consilium iustum, contestamur [Page] & obsecramus per viuentem Deum & per filium eius Iesum Christum, & per spiritum sanctum, vt recorderis quàm fugitiua sit vita praesens, & quam breuis & momentanea delectatio spurcae carnis: & quam ignominiosum sit, vt breuis vitae homo mala exempla in perpetuum posteris relinquat. Incipe ergo melioribus moribus vitam cōponere, & praeteritos errores iuuentutis corrigere: vt hic coram hominibus laudem habeas, & in futuro aeterna gloria gaudeas. Valere celfitudinem tuam, & in bonis moribus proficere optamus.

In this Epistle here is to be seene and noted, first the corruption and great disorder of lyfe, which alwayes from tyme to tyme hath bene found in these religious houses of Nūnes,The corrupt lyfe of Nunnes noted. whose professed vow of coacted chastitie, hath yet neuer bene good to the Church, nor profitable to the common wealth, and least of all to themselues. Of such yong & wanton widowes, S. Paul in his tyme complayneth, 1. Tim. 5. which would take vpon them the wilfull profession of single lyfe, which they were not able to perform, but falling into damnable luxurie deserued worthily to be reprehended. How much better had it bene for these lasciuious Nunnes not to haue refused the safe yoke of christian matrimonie, then to intangle themselues in this their superstitious vow of perpetuall maidēhood, which neither was required of them, nor they were able to keepe.

Secondly, no lesse are they also to be reprehēded, which mainetayned these superstitious orders of vnprofitable Nunnes and of other religions: In the number of whom was this foresayd Boniface otherwise called Winfride, who although in this epistle doeth iustly reprehend the vicious enormities both of secular, and of religious persons: yet he him self is not without the same or rather greater reprehē sion,The popish actes and doynges of Boniface Archbishop of Magunce. for that hee gaue the occasion thereof in maintaining such superstitious orders of such lasciuious Nunnes and other religions, & restraining the same from lawful mariage. For so we finde of him in stories that hee was a great se [...]ter vp & vpholder of such blinde superstition, and of all Poperie. Who being admitted by Pope Gregory the secōd, Archbishop of Magunce, and indued [...] full authoritie legantine ouer the Germanes, brought diuers countreys there, vnder the Popes obedience: held many great Coū cels, ordained Bishops,The Monastery of Fulda in Germany, builded by Boniface. builded Monasteries, canonised Saints, commaunded reliques to be worshipped, permitted religious fathers to cary about Nunnes with them a preaching. Amongst all other he founded the great monastery of Fulda in Germany of English monkes: into the which no women might enter, but only Lieba, & Tecla, two English Nunnes. Item, by the authoritie of ye said Archbishop Boniface, which he receiued frō Pope Zacharie, Childericus king of Fraunce, was deposed from the right of his crowne:Childericus The French king deposed, and Pipinus intruded. Dist. xl. cap Si Papa. Images in Churches subuerted by Emperours, mayntained by Popes. Philippicus for holding agaynst Images, lost hys Empyre & his eyes. The author of the book called the dialogues of Gregory. Memoriall of reliques, offring and sacrifice for the dead brought into the masse Canon. The Popes feete first kissed of the Emperours. Segebert king of Westsaxons. and Pipinus betraier of his maister was cōfirmed, or rather intruded in. From this Boniface proceeded that detestable doctrine which now standeth registred in the Popes decrees, Dist. 40. cap. Si Papa which in a certaine Epistle of his, is this. That in case the Pope were of most filthy liuing, and forgetfull or negligent of himselfe, and of the whole christianitie, in such sort, that he led innumerable soules with him to hell: yet ought there no man to rebuke him in so doing. For he hath (saith he) power to iudge all men, and ought of no man to be iudged agayne.

In the tyme of this Archbishop, Pope Gregory the second, also Gregory the third, and Pope Zachary, and before these also Pope Constantine the first: wrought great maisteries against the Greeke Emperours, Philippicus, & Leo, and others, for the maintaining of Images to be set vp in Churches. Of whom Philippicus lost both his Empire and also his eyes. Leo for the same cause likewise was excommunicate of Gregory the third. This Gregory the third (so farre as I can coniecture) was he that first wrote the foure bookes of Dialogues in Greeke, falsely bearyng the name of Gregory the first, which bookes afterward Zachary hys successour translated out of Greeke into Latin. Item, the same Gregory the third; first brought into the Masse Land, the clause for reliques beginning, Quorum solemnitates hodie in conspectu, &c. Item, brought into the sayd Canon the memoriall, the offring, and sacrifice for the dead: Lyke as Zachary brought in the Priests vesture and ornaments: & as the foresaid Constantinus also was the first that gaue his feete to be kissed of the Emperours. But turne agayne into the course of our English story.

In the tyme of this Egbert king of Northumberland, Sigebert or Sigbert raigned in Westsaxony: a man of so cruell tyranny to his subiectes (turning the lawes & customs of his forefathers after his owne will and pleasure) that when he was somewhat sharpely aduertised by one of his nobles, an Earle called Combranus, to chaūge his maners, and to behaue him more prudently toward his people: he therfore maliciously caused him to be put to cruell death. Whereupon,Sigebert slayne. the sayd king Sigebert continuing in his cruell conditions, by his subiectes conspyring agaynst hym, was put from his kingly dignity: and brought into suche desolation, that wandring alone in a wood without comfort,Cruell tyranny with like cruelty reuenged. was there slayne euen by the swineheard of the sayd Earle, whom before he had so wrongfully murdered, as partly is aboue touched: whereby is to be seene, the cruell tyranny of Princes neuer to prosper well▪ without the iust reuenge both of God and man.Kenulphus king of Westsaxons. Anno. 748.

This Sigebert being slayne, in his place succeeded Kenulphus, in the yeare of our Lord 748. who with the agreemēt of the westsaxons was one of the chiefe doers against Sigebert his Maister. This Kenulphus kept stronglye his Lordship agaynst Offa; and agaynst the power of all hys enemies: till at length, after that he had raigned, as Fabian sayth 31. yeares,Murder reuenged with murder. he resorting to a paramour which he kept at Merton, was there beset & likewise slayne by the trayn and meanes of a certayne kinsman of the foresayd Sigebert, named Clito or Cliton, in reuengement of king Sigebertes death.Offa King of Mercia.

Moreouer in the raigne of the foresayd Egbert kyng of Northumberland, and in the viij. yeare of Kenulphus king of Westsaxons: Offa after he had slayne the tyraunt Beoruredus, which before had slayne Ethelwald kyng of Mercia, and Uncle to this foresayde Offa: raigned King of that Prouince.

Of this Offa are told many notable deedes, which because they concerne rather politicall affaires, and doe not greatly appertayne to the purpose of this ecclesiastical history, I omit here to recite.An vntruth noted in the story of Fabianus. As his warres and victories against Egbert & the Northumbres, as also against Etheldred king of East Angles. Item, against Egbert king of Kent, otherwise called Wren, whom Fabian saith he tooke prisoner, & led him bound with him to Mercia. Malmesbury witnesseth otherwise, this to be done not by Offa, but by Kenulphus, as Christ willing hereafter shall appeare. After these victories Offa had such displeasure vnto the Citizens of Canterbury,The primacy of Canterbury remoued to Lichfield. Lambrith Archbishop of Cant. that he remooued the Archbishops sea, and landes of Lambrith Archbishop of Caunterbury (by the agreement of Pope Adrian) vnto Lichfield. He also chased the Britaines or Welchmen into Wales, and made a famous dyke betwene Wales and the vtter bonds of Mercia or middle England, which was called Ofditche. And builded there a Church which long tyme a [...]ter was called Offekyrke.This Alcuinus is commended for hys learning nex to Adelmus and Bede aboue all Saxons. This Offa also married one of his daughters to Brightricus that was king of Westsaxons. And for that in his tyme was variance betwene him and the Frenchmen, in so much that the passage of merchants was forbidden: therfore he sent Alcuinus a learned man, vnto Charles the great, then king of France, to common the meanes of peace: which Charles had after that, ye said Alcuinus in great fauour and estimation, and afterward made him Abbot of Turonia in Fraunce.

About the latter tyme of the raigne of Offa, Ethelbert king of Eastangles wrongfully murdered by Offa. kyng of Mercia: Ethelbert beyng then kyng of Eastangles (a learned and a right godly Prince) came to the Court of Offa: prouoked by the counsell of his Nobles, to sue for the mariage of his daughter, wel accompanied like a prince, with his men about him. Wherupon, the Queene conceiuyng a false suspicion, and fearing that which was neuer minded: that Ethelbert with his company vnder the pretence and made matter of mariage,The vayne suspicion and wicked counsell of a woeman. was come to worke some violence against her husband, and the kingdom of Mercia, so she perswaded with king Offa: and cettrine of her counsel that night: that the next day followyng, Offa caused him to be trayned into his pallace alone from his company, by one called Guymbertus: who tooke him and bound him, & there stroke of his head,Ex historia Iornalensi & Malmesocriensi, Cruell murder reuenged. which forthwith he thā presented to the king & Queene. And thus the innocent king Ethelbert was wrongfully murthered, about the yeare of our Lord, 793. but not without a iust reuenge at Gods hand. For as the story recordeth, the foresayd Queene worker of this villanie, liued not iij. monthes after: and in her death was so tormented, that she was fayne to bite and rent her tong in pieces with her owne teeth. Offa vnderstanding at length the innocencie of this king, and the haynous cruelty of his fact: gaue the tēth part of his goods to holy church and to the church of Hereford, in remembraunce of this Ethelbert, he bestowed great landes.Offa and Kenredus of Kinges made monkes at Rom [...]. Moreouer, builded the Abbey of S. Albons, with certayne other monasteries beside. And so afterward he went vp to Rome for his penāce, where he gaue to the Church of S. Peter a peny through euery house in his dominion, which was called common̄ly Romeshot, or Peterpence, payed to the Church of S. Peter: and there at length was transformed from a king to a monke, about the yeare of our Lord .794. with Kenredus [Page] king of Northūberland aboue mentioned, although some storyes deny that he was a Monke.Egfretus King of Mercia.

After Offa king of Mercia, when he had raigned xxxix. yeares succeded his sonne Egfretus, who raigned but foure monthes: of whome thus writeth the foresayd Alcuinus: Non arbitror quòd nobilissimus iuuenis Egfretus, Alcuinus Osb [...] to patritio. propter peccata sua mortuus sit: Sed quia pater suus, pro confirmatione regni eius multum sanguinem effudit, &c. That is: This noble yong man died not so much for offences of his owne, as for that his father had spilled much bloud, to confirme him in his kingdome.

The fathers fault punished in the childe. Egbert King of Kent taken prisoner.Next to which Egfretus, succeeded Kenulphus in the said kyngdome of Mercia, which Kenulphus keping and retaining the hatred of Offa his predecessor against the Cantuarites, made warre against them: where he tooke Egbert their king otherwise called Wren, whom he bound and led prisoner to Mercia. Notwithstanding, shortly after being mollified with princely clemency in the towne of Winchcombe, where he had builded the same tyme a church: vpō the day when he should dedicate the same in the presence of xiij. bishops,A princely example of clemency in a noble king. and of Cutbert, whom he had placed in ye same kingdom of Canterbury before, and x. Dukes, and many other great estates. Kyng Kenulphus brought the sayd Egbert king of Kent out of prison into the Church, where he enlarged him of imprisonment, and restored hym to his place agayne.The Church of Winchcombe builded by K. Kenulphus. Egbert King of Kent released out of prison. At the sight whereof, not onely Cutbert the foresayd king reioyced, but also all the estates and people beyng there present, made such an exclamation of ioy and gladnes, that the church, (and not onely the Church, but also the streetes) range withall. At which tyme such boū tifulnes of gifts and iewels was then bestowed, that from the highest estate to the lowest, none departed without somthing geuē, according as to euery degree was thought meete.A place of Fabian doubted. Although Fabian referreth this story to king Offa, yet causes there be, why I assent rather to Malmesbury and to Polychronicon, which attribute the same to Kenulphus the second king of Mercia, after Offa.

A little before in speaking of certain bishops of Rome, mention was made of Pope Constantine the first, Pope Gregory the second, Pope Gregory the third, & of Pope Zachary, which deposed Childerike, & set vp Pipinus the French king,Pope Steuen the second. &c. Next after this Zachary, in order followed Pope Stephen the second, to whom the foresayd Pipinus to gratitie agayne the sea of Rome for this their benefite shewed to him, gaue and contributed to the said sea of Rome, the exarchat or Princedome of Rauenna, the kingdome of the Lombardes, and many other great possessions of Italie, with all the Cities thereto adioyning vnto the borders of Uenice.The donation of Pipinus falsely taken to be the donation of Constantine. And this donation of Pipine, no doubt if the truth were rightly tried, should be found to be the same, which hitherto falsly hath bene thought to be the donatiō of Constantine. For els how could it be, that the exarchate of Rauenna could belong all this while to the Emperours of Constantinople, if Constantine before had geuen it and all Italy from the Empire to the sea of Rome?Ex polyer. lib. 5. cap. 25. Pope Paule the first. Images agayne mayntayned by the Pope agaynst the Emperour. A lay man pope who was deposed, and had hys eyes put out. Pope Steuen the third. The counsell of Constantinople the 7. condemned of the Pope, for condemning Images. The pope also ordayned Gloria in Excelsis to be song in the masse at S. Peters altar by the Cardinals. Pope Hadrian the first. Images agayne mayntayned by the Pope to be mens Kalenders.

To this Pipinus, as witnesseth Polychronicon, was sent first into France, the mention of the Organs out of Grecia, by Constantine Emperour of Constant. 757.

Next to this Stephen the ii. succeeded Paule the first, who following his predecessors, thundred out great excō munications against Constantinus the Emperor of Constantinople, for abrogating and plucking downe Images set vp in Temples. Notwithstandyng this Constantine neglecting the Popes vaine curses perseuered in his blessed purpose, in destroying Idolatry till the end of his lyfe. Then came to be Pope, Constantinus the second a lay man, and brother to Desiderius the king of Lombardy: for the which cause he was shortly deposed, and thrust into a monastery, hauing his eyes put out.

In whose stead succeeded Stephen the iij. who ordained that after that, no lay man should be Pope: condemnyng moreouer the councel of Constantinople the vii. for heretical, because in that councell the worshipying of Images was reprooued and condemned. Contrary to the which Councell, this Pope not only maintained the filthy Idolatry of Images in Christian Temples, but also aduaunced their ueneration, commaunding them most Ethnically to be incensed, &c. At this tyme Carolus Magnus called Charles the great a little before mentioned, began to raign, by whom this Pope caused Desiderius the Lombard king, to be depriued,

Then in this race of Popes, after this Stephen the iij. commeth Hadrianus the first, who likewise followyng the steps of his forefathers the Popes, added and attributed to the veneration of Images more then all the other had done before, writing a booke for the adoration and the vtilitie proceding of them, commaunding them to be takē for lay mens Calenders, holdyng moreouer a Synode at Rome against Felix, The body of S. Peter clothed i [...] siluer. and all other that spake against the setting vp of such stockes and Images. And as Paul the first, before him made much of the body of Petronilla S. Peters daughter: so this Hadrian clothed the body of S. Peter all in siluer, and couered the aulter of S. Paule with a Palle of gold,The order of the Romish masse book when it came in. This Pope Hadrian was he, whome we declared in the former part of this treatise, to ratifie and confirme by reuelation the order of S Gregories Masse, aboue the order of S. Ambrose masse, for vnto this time which was about the yeare of our Lord, 780. the Liturgie of S. Ambrose was more vsed in the Italian churches. The story whereof, because it is registred in Durandus, Ex Dura [...] do Nau [...] ro. Iacob [...] Voragine▪ in vita. Greg. Nauclerus, and Iacobus de Voragine, I thought here to insert the same, to this especiall purpose, for the Reader to vnderstand the tyme, when this vsuall Masse of the Papists began first to be vniuersall & vniforme, & generally in churches to be receaued. Thus it foloweth in the story by the foresayd authors set forth. Iacobus de Voragine in the life of Pope Gregory the first telleth a tale concerning this matter.

In tymes past (saith he) when the seruice which Ambrose made, was more frequented and vsed in Churches, then was the seruice which Gregory had appointed, the bishop of Rome then called Adrian, gathered a Councell together: in the which it was ordained, that Gregories seruice should be obserued and kept vniuersally: which determination of the Councell, Charles the Emperor did diligētly put in executiō while he ran about by diuers Prouinces, & inforced all the Clergy, partly with threatnings, and partly with punishments, to receiue that order. And as touching the bookes of Ambrose seruice, he burnt them to ashes in all places, and threw into prison many priests that would not consent and agree to the matter. Blessed Eugenius the Bishop comming vnto the Councell, found that it was dissolued iij. dayes before his comming. Notwithstanding through his wisedome, he so perswaded the Lord Pope, that he called agayne all the Prelates that had bene present at the Councell, and were now departed by the space of three dayes. Therfore when the Councell was gathered agayne together, in this all the fathers did consent and agree, that both the Masse bookes of Ambrose and Gregory should be layd vpon the aulter of blessed Peter the Apostle, and the church dores diligently shut, and most warily sealed vp with the signets of many and diuers bishops. Againe, that they should all the whole night geue themselues to prayer, that the Lord might reueale, open & shew vnto them by some euident signe or token, which of these two seruices he would haue vsed in the Temples.Et tame [...] ipsis commentum placet. Terent. Thus they doing in all pointes as they had determined, in the morning opened the church dores, and founde both the Myssals or Masse bookes open vpon the aulter: or rather, as some say, they found Gregories Masse booke vtterly plucked asunder one piece from an other, and scattered ouer all the church. As touching Ambrose booke, they only found it open vpō the aulter in the very same place where they before laid it.Note well the practise of Prelates in planting their popish masse. This miracle Pope Adrian like a wyse expounder of dreames, saith, that as the leaues were torne and blown abroad all the church ouer, so should Gregories booke be vsed throughout ye world, whereupō they thought themselues sufficiently instructed and taught of God, that the seruice which Gregory had made, ought to be set abroad & vsed throughout the world, and that Ambrose his seruice should onely be obserued and kept in his owne church of Mediolanum, where he sometyme was bishop.

Thus hast thou heard (brother Reader) the full and whole narration of this misticall miracle, with the Popes exposition vpon the same, which semeth to be as true, as that which Daniell speaketh of, how the Idoll Bell did eate vp all the meate that was set before him all the night, Daniel, 14. Concerning the which miracle, I need not admonish thee to smell out the blind practises of these nightcrowes, to blind the world with forged inuentiōs in stead of true stories. Albeit to graunt the miracle to be most true & vnfallible, yet as touching the exposition therof, another man beside the Pope, percase might interprete this great miracle otherwise, as thus: That God was angry with Gregories booke, and therfore rent it in pieces, and scatered it abroad, and the other as good, lay sound vntouched, and at the least so to be preferred. Notwithstanding, whatsoeuer is to bee thought of this miracle with the exposition therof,Gregories masse taketh place in Europe. thus the matter fell out, that Gregories seruice had only the place, and yet hath to this day in the greatest part of Europe, ye seruice of Ambrose beyng excluded. And thus much touching the great act of Pope Adrian, for the setting vp of the Masse. By the relation wherof, yet this knowledge may come to the Reader, at least to vnderstand, how that commonly in christen nations abroad, as yet no vniforme [Page] order of any Missall or Masse booke was receiued, as hath bene hetherto discoursed.

Now from the Popes to returne againe to the emperours from whence we digressed, like as Pipinus the father of Charles (as hath bene before sufficiently told) had geuen to the sea Papall all the princedome of Rauenna, with other donations and reuenewes, & landes in Italy: so this Carolus following his fathers deuotion, did confirme the same, adding moreouer therunto, the Citie and dominion of Venice, Carolus Magnus beneficiall to the sea of Rome. Histria, the Dukedome Foroiuliense, the dukedom Spoletanum and Beneuentanum, and other possessions moe, to the patrimonie of S. Peter, making him the Prince of Rome and of Italy. The Pope agayne to recompence his so gentle kindnes, made him to be intituled most Christen king, and made him Patricium Romanum Moreouer ordeined him onely to bee taken for Emperour of Rome.Rex Christianissimus intituled to Fraunce. For these and other causes moe, Carolus bare no little affection to the sayd Adrian aboue all other Popes: as may well appeare by this letter of Carolus Magnus sent to king Offa, what tyme the said Offa (as is aboue prefixed) sent to hym Alcuinus for entreatie of peace: whereunto the foresayd Carolus aunswereth agayne to the message of Offa in a letter, the contents whereof be these.

The tenour of a Letter sent by Carolus Magnus to king Offa, answering to his request concerning the intreatie of peace betwene them.

A letter of Charles the great sent to king Offa.CArolus Rex Francorum & Longobardorum, Patricius Romanorum viro venerando, & fratri charissimo Offae Regi Merciorum Salut. Primò gratias agimus omnipotenti Deo, de Catholicae fidei sinceritate, quam in vestris laudabilibus paginis reperimus exaratam. De peregrinis verò qui pro amore Dei, & salute animarum suarum, beatorum Apostolorum limina desiderant adire, cum pace sine omni perturbatione vadant. Sed si aliqui religioni non seruientes, sed lucra sectantes inueniantur inter eos, locis opportunis statuta soluant telonia. Negociatores quoque volumus vt ex mandato nostro patrocinum habeant in regno nostrolegitime. Et si in aliquo loco, iniusta affligantur oppressione, reclament se ad nos, vel nostros iudices, & plenam [...] stitiam iubemus fieri. Cognoscat quoque dilectio vestta quod aliquam benignitatem de Delmaticis nostris vel pallijs ad singulas sedes Episcopales regni vestri vel Ethelredi direximus, in eleemosinam Domini Apostolici Adriani, deprecantes vt pro eo intercedi iubeatis, nullam habentes dubitationem beatam illius animam in requie esse, sed vt fidem & dilectionem ostendamus in amicum nobis charissimum. Sed & de thesauro humanarum rerum, quum Dominus Iesus gratuita pietate concessit aliquid per Metropolitanas ciuitates: Direximus vestrae quoque dilectioni vnum baltheum, & vnum gladium & duo pallia serica, &c.

How the Pope heareth the cry of poore widowes and OrphanesThe cause why this Carolus writeth so fauorablye of Adriā partly is touched before, partly also was, for ye Carolomane his elder brother being dead, his wife called Bertha with her two Children came to Adrian, to haue them confirmed in their fathers kingdome: whereunto the Pope to shew a pleasure to Carolus would not agree: but gaue the mother with her two children, & Desiderius the Lombard king with hys whole kingdome, hys wife and Children, into the hands of the said Carolus, who led them with him captiue into Fraunce, and there kept them in seruitude during their lyfe.

Thus, Carolus Magnus beyng proclaymed Emperour of Rome, through the preferment of Adrian, and of Pope Leo the third which succeeded next after him, was the Empire translated from the Grecians about the yeare of our Lord 801.The Empire translated from Greece to Fraunce. vnto the Frenchmen: where it continued about 102. yeares till the comming of Conracus and hys nephew Otho, which were Germaynes: and so hath continued after them amōg the Almanes vnto this present time. This Charles builded so many Monasteries as there be letters in the row of A.B C. he was beneficiall chiefly to Churchmen also mercifull to the poore, in hys actes valiaunt and triumphaunt, skilde in all languages, he held a counsell at Francford, where was condemned the Councell of Rice and Irene, for setting vp and worshipping Images, &c.

Concerning which Councell of Nice, & thinges there concluded and enacted (because no man shal thinke, the detesting of Images to be any new thing now begon) thus I finde it recorded in an auncient written history of Roger Houeden, called Continuationes Beda ▪ His wordes in Latin be these: Anno 792. Carolus Rex Francorum misit Sinodalem librum ad Britanniam, sibi à Constantinopoli directum. In quo lib. Heu, proh dolor, multa inconuenientia, & verae fidei contraria reperiuntur, maximè quòd pene omnium orientalium Doctorum non minus quàm 300. vel eo amplius Episcoporum vnanimi assertione confirmatum sit, imagines adorari debere: Quod omnino Ecclesia Dei execratur. Contra quod scripsit Albinus Epistolam ex autoritate diuinarum scripturarum mirabiliter affirmatam, Images written agaynst, as contrary to the true fayth. illam (que) cum eodem libro ex persona Episcoporum ac principum nostrorum, Regi Francorum attulit. Haec ille. That is. In the yeare of our Lorde, 792. Charles the Frenche King sent a booke contayning the actes of a certeine Synode, vnto Brittayne, directed vnto hym from Constantinople.This Albinus was Alcuinus aboue mentioned. In the which booke (lamentable to behold) many thinges inconuenient, & cleane contrary to the true fayth are there to be found: especially for that by the common consent of almost all the learned bishops of the East Church, not so few as 300. it was there agreed that Images should be worshipped.The Bishops and Princes of England against Images. Which thing the church of god hath alwayes abhorred. Against which booke Albinꝰ wrote an Epistle substantially grounded out of the authoritie of holy Scripture. Which Epistle with the booke, the sayde Albinus in the name and person of our Bishops and Princes, did present to the French king.

And thus much by the way of Romish matters: now to returne agayne to the Northumberland kings where we left at Egbert. King Egbert made a monke. Which Egbert as is before declared, succeeded after Ceolulphus after he was made Monke.Anno. 757. And likewise the sayd Egbert also followyng the deuotion of hys vncle Ceolulphus, and Kenredus before him: was likewyse shorne monke after he had raigned 20. yeres in Northumberland, leauing his sonne Osulphus after him to succeede:Osulphus, Mollo, otherwise called Adelwold. Alcredus or Aluredus. Ethelbert otherwise named Adelred or Eardulphe. Alfweld. Osredus. Adelred, agayn kinges of Northumberland. about which tyme, and in the saine yeare when Ceolulphus deceased in his Monastery, which was the yeare of our Lord, 764. diuers Cities were burnt with sodaine fire, as the citie of Wenta, the citie of London, the citie of Yorke, Dōacester, with diuers other townes besides. Roger Houeden. Lib. Contin. post Bedam, who the first yeare of hys raigne, which was the yere of our Lord, 757, beyng innocently slayne, next to him followed Mollo, otherwise called Adelwald, who likewise beyng slayne of Alcredus after hee had raigned ii. yeres departed. After, Alcredus whē he had raigned 10. yeres, was expulied out of his kingdom by his people. Then was Ethelbert otherwise named Edelred the sonne of the foresayd Mollo receaued kyng of Northumberland. which Ethelbert, or Adelred in like sort after he had raigned v. yeares, was expulsed. After whome succeeded Alswold, Anno. 764. who likewise when he had raigned ii. yeres, was vniustly slaine. So likewise after him his nephew, and the sonne of Alcredus named Osredus raigned one yeare & was slayne. Then the foresayd Ethelbert the sonne of Mollo after 12. yeares banishment, raigned agayne in Northumberland the space of foure yeares, and was slayne: the cause wherof (as I finde in an old written story) was that forsaking his old wife, he maried a new. Concerning the restoring of whō Alcuinus writeth in this maner: Benedictus Deus qui facit mirabilia solus. Nuper Edelredus filius Edelwaldi de carcere processit in solium, & de miseria in maiestatem, cuius regni nouitate detenti sumus ne veniremus ad vos, &c. And afterward the same Alcuinus againe speaking of his death, writeth to king Offa, in these wordes: Sciat veneranda dilectio vestra, quod Do. Carolus amabiliter & fideliter saepe mecum locutus est de vobis, & in eo habetis fidelissimum amicum. Ideo & vestrae dilectioni digna dirigit munera, & per Episcopales sedes regni vestri, similiter & Edelredo Regi, & ad suas Episcoporum sedes direxit dona. Sed heu Proh dolor, donis datis, & Epistolis in manus missorum, superuenit tristis legatio per missos qui de Scotia per nos reuersi sunt, De infidelitate gentis, & nece Regis. Ita Carolus retracta donorum largitate in tantum iratus est contra gentem illam, vt ait, perfidam & peruersam, & homicidam dominorum suorum, peiorem eam paganis estimans, vt nisi ego intercessor essem pro ea quicquid eis boni abstrahere potuisset, & mali machinari, iam fecisset, &c.

The kingdom of Northumberland ceaseth.

Thus as you haue heard,Northumberland kingdome ceaseth. after the raigne of king Egbert, before mentioned, such trouble and perturbatiō was in the dominion of Northumberland: with slaying, expulsing, and disposing, their kings one after an other, that after the murdering of this Edelred aboue specified, none durst take the gouernemēt vpon him, seing the great danger thereupon insuing. Insomuch that the foresayd kingdome did lye void and waste the space of xxxiij yeares together, after the terme of which yeares this kingdome of Northumberland, with the kingdomes also of the other Saxons besides, came all together into the handes of Egbert king of the Westsaxons and his progeny: which Monarchy began in the yeare of our Lord. 827. and in the 28. yeare of the raygne of the sayd Egbert: whereof more shall be sayd (Christ willing) hereafter.Alcuinus otherwise called Albinus. Of this troublesome & ragious time of Northumberland people, speaketh also the sayd learned man Alcuinus otherwise called Albinus, in [Page] the same country borne: writing out of Fraūce into England, and complayning of the same in diuers his letters, as first to Offa, where he thus writeth. Ego paratus eram eū muneribus Caroli regis ad vos venire, & in patriam reuerti. Sed melius visum est propter pacem gentis meae, in peregrinatione remanere, The troubles of the kingdome of Northumberland and described by Alcuinus. nesciens quid fecissem inter eos, vbi nullus securus esse, vel in salubri consilio proficere potest. Ecclesia sancta a Paganis vastata, altaria periurijs faedata, monasteria adulterijs violata, terra sanguine dominorum & principum faedata, &c. Moreouer the sayd Alcuinus writing to the foresayd Edelred a little aboue mentioned, after the same tenor reporteth: Ecce Ecclesia sancti Cuthberti sacerdotum Dei sanguine aspersa (omnibus spoliata ornamentis) locus, cunctis in Britannia venerabilior. Paganis gentibus datur ad depraedādum. Et vbi primùm post decessum S. Cuthberti ab Eboraco, Christiana religio in nostra gente sumpsit exordium: ibi miseriae & calamitatis caepit initiū, &c. Item, writing to Osbert a noble piere of the Mercians, complayning on the same maner, sayth: Regnum nostrum Northumbrorum penè perijt, propter intestinas dissentiones, & fallaces coniurationes, &c.

Item, in another place the sayd Alcuinus writing to Adelard Archbishop of Caunterbury, complayneth moreouer: Hoc dico propter flagellum, quod nuper accidit partibus insulae nostrae, quae prope trecentis & quadraginta annis à parentibus inhabitata est nostris. Legitur in libro Gildae sapientissimi Britonum, quòd ijdem Britones propter auaritiam & rapinam principum: propter iniquitatem & iniustitiam iudicum: propter desidiam praedicationis Episcoporum: propter luxuriam & malos mores populi: patriam perdidere. Caueamus haec eadem vitia nostris temporibus inolescere, quatenus benedictio diuina nobis patriam conseruet in prosperitate bona, quam nobis misericordissima pietate perdonare dignatus est, &c.

Ouer and besides the same author Alcuinus writyng to the foresayd Edelred king of Northumberland,Ex Historia Malmesberiēsi. maketh record of a straunge sight which he himselfe did see the same time in ye citie of Yorke, to raine bloud: wherof, his words which he wrote concerning the same,How it rayned bloud in Yorke. to the said king Edelred be these. Quid significat pluuia sanguinis, quam quadragesimali tempore in Eboraco ciuitate, quae caput est totius regni in Ecclesia beatiprincipis Apostolorum, vidimus de borealibus partibus domus, (sereno aëre) de summitate minanter cadere? Nonne potest putari, à borealibus partibus venire sanguinem super terram? That is: what signifieth the rayne of bloud which in tyme of Lent in the Citie of Yorke, the chiefe Citie of that dominion, and in the church of S. Peter the chiefe of the Apostles, we our selues did see to fall from the Church top (the element being cleare) out of the North partes of the temple,Anno. 780. &c. This wondrous sight testified by Malmesburiensis, is thought of Fabian to happen in the second yere of the raigne of Brigthricus (as with the tyme doth well agree) which was the yeare of our Lord,Brigthricus K. of Westsaxons. 780. & is thought of some expositors to betoken the comming of the Danes into this land, which entred shortly after about vij. yeres, in the 9. yeare of the raigne of Brigthricus king of the Westsaxons. Which Brigthricus in defence therof, sent foorth hys Steward of his housholde with a small companie which shortly was slaine: but by the strength of the sayd Brigthricus and the other Saxon kings, they were compelled to voyd the land for that time,Edelburga daughter to Offa, poysoned her husband. which was, An. 790. To this Brigthricus king Offa, as is aforesaid, gaue his daughter Ethelburga to wife, by whom he at length was impoysoned, be [...]ides certaine other of his nobles: vpon whom, the said Queene before hym had practised the same wickednesse. Who then after that, fledde ouer to Charles the great into Fraunce, where she beyng offred for her beautie to marrie either to him, or to his sonne, because she chused rather his sonne, married neither the one nor yet the other: but was thrust in a Monastery,Wickednes reuenged. where she then playing the harlot with a Monke, was expulsed from thence, and ended her lyfe in penury and misery.

Irene.In the meane tyme while this Edelburga was thus workyng her feates in England: Irene Empresse of the Greekes, was as busie also for her part at Constantinople. Who first through the meanes of Pope Adrian, Anno. 784. tooke vp the body of Constantine Emperour of Constantinople, her owne husbands father. And when she had burned the same, she caused the ashes to be cast into the sea, because he disanulled, Images. Afterward raigning with her sonne Constantine the 6. sonne to Leo the 4. (whome also we declared before to be excommunicate for taking away Images) beyng at dissention with him,Images restored agayne by Irene at Constantinople. The second councell at Nicea. caused him to be taken & laid in prison. Who afterward through power of frends beyng restored to his Empire againe, at last she caused the same her owne sonne to bee cast in prison, and his eyes to be put out so cruelly, that within short space he dyed. After this the sayd Irene Empresse, with the counsaile of Therasius Bishop of Constantinople, held a Councell at Nicea, where it was decreed that Images should agayne be restored to the church: which Councell, after was repealed by an other Councell holden at Franckford by Charles the great.The wickednes of Irene condingly rewarded. At length she was deposed by Nicephorus (who raigned after) and was expulsed the Empire: who after the example of Edelburga aboue mentioned (condignely punished for her wickednesse) ended likewise her lyfe in much penurie and miserie.

About the tyme when the foresayd Brigthricus was impoysoned by Edelburga his wife, died also king Offa, Kenelmus king of Mercia innocently slayne. which was about the yeare of our Lord, 795. or as some say, 802. After which Offa (as is aforesayd) succeeded Egfert, then Kenelphus, after whom succeeded Kenelmus his sonne, who in his yonger age was wickedly murthered by his sister Quindreda, and Askebertus, about the yeare of our Lorde, 819.Celulphus Ceolulphus, Bernulphus kings of Mercia. The kingdome of Mercia ceaceth. And in the Church of Winchecombe was counted for an holy Martyr. After him succeded his vncle Ceolulphus, whom Bernulphus in the first yeare of his raigne expulsed and raigned in his place. Who likewise the third yeare of his raigne was ouercome and expulsed by Egbert kyng of the Westsaxons, and afterward slayne by the Eastangles. And the kingdom of Mercia also ceased, and came into the handes of the Westsaxons.

¶Hetherto I haue brought, as thou seest (good Reader) the confused and turbulent raignes of these vij. Saxon kings, who after the expulsion of the Britaines, ruled and raigned asunder in sundry quarters of this land together, vnto this present tyme of Egbert king of the Westsaxons. By whom it so pleased God to begin to reduce and vnite all these scattred kingdomes into one monarchicall forme of dominion. Wherfore, as in the foresayd Egbert beginneth a new alteration of the common wealth here in this land among the Saxons: so my purpose is (the Lord willing) with the same Egbert to enter a new beginnyng of my third booke, after a briefe recapitulation first made of such things as in this second booke before, are to be collected and noted, especially touching the monasteries builded, the kings which haue entered the life and profession Monastike: also Queenes & Queenes daughters, which the same tyme professed solitary life in monasteries, which they or their auncetors had erected.

The conclusion of the story precedent, concerning the seuen kingdoms of the Saxon kings aboue mentioned.

¶And thus hast thou (gentle Reader) concerning the vij. kingdoms of these Saxons, ruling altogether in England, the course and order of their doings briefly described and discoursed vnto thee, in such order, as the matter beyng so intricate, in such confusion & diuersitie of things incident together, would permit: followyng especially in this story hitherto, the line of the Northumberland kings as the other stories most folow the line of Westsaxō kings. The which seuen kingdoms of these sayd Saxones, after they had vntruely expulsed and chased out the Britaines from their land, like as they neuer were in quietnes amōg themselues, raigning thus together till the tyme of this Egbert: so also after the raigne of Egbert, the whole realme beyng reduced into one regimēt, no lesse were they impugned & afflicted by the Danes continually frō tyme to time, till the last conquest of William the Normand Thus it pleseth (God euer) lightly to reuenge with bloud,Vniust dealinges of men iustly rewarded. bloudy violence, and the vniust dealings of men, with iust and lyke retribution. But of this let the christian Reader consider, as Gods grace shall worke in him. In the meane tyme we, as much as in vs did lye, satisfiyng the part of an Historician, haue thus hetherto set forth and declared concerning these vij. foresayd kingdoms: first the names and lineall descent of the kings seuerally by themselues, as by the table precedent may appeare, then what were the doings and actes of the same. How first being Pagans, they were conuerted to the christian faith: what things in their time happened in the church, how many of them, of kings were made monkes: how deuout they were then to holy church and to the churchmen, and especially to the church of Rome. But the churchmen then were much otherwyse in lyfe, then afterward they declared themselues to bee. Through which deuotion of the said kings, first came in, the Peterpence or Romeschots in this Realme, as by Iue first in his dominion, then by Offa in his Lordship, & afterward by Adelwulph brought in and ratified through the whole Realme: where also is to be noted, that by the foresayd Kings and Queenes of the sayd Saxons, the most part of the greatest Abbais & Nunneries in this realme, were first begun and builded, as partly the names of some [Page] here follow to be seene.

Paules Church.First the Church or Minster of S. Paule in London, was founded by Ethelbert king of Kent, and Sigebert kyng of Essex, about the yeare of our Lord. 604.

The first aultar and crosse set vp in England.The first crosse and aulter within this realm was first set vp in the North partes in Heuenfield, vpon the occasion of Oswald king of Northumberland, fighting against Cadwalla, where he in the same place set vp the signe of the crosse, kneelyng and praying there for victory, Polychron. lib 5. cap. 12. An. 635.

The Church of Winchester was first begon and founded by Kingilsus king of Mercians,The church of Winchester. hauing 9. myles about it: after finished by his sonne Kewalcus, where Wyne, of englishmen was first bishop, An. 636. Guliel. Malmesb. Lib. De gestis pont. Ang.

The church of Lincolne.The Church of Lincolne first founded by Paulinus Bishop, An. 629.

The Church of Westminster began first by a certayne Citizen of London,The church of Westminster. through the instigatiō of Ethelbert king of Kent, which before was an Ile of thornes, Bed. An. 614.

The scholes at Cambridge. Abbey of Knouisburgh. Malmesb.The common schooles first erected at Cambridge by Sigebert king of Eastangles, An. 636.

The Abbey of Knouisburgh builded by Furceus the Hermite, An. 637.

The monasterie of Malmesbery by one Meldulfus a Scot, about the yeare of our Lord, 640. Afterward inlarged by Agilbert bishop of Winchester.

The Monasterie in Glocester, first builded by Ofricus King of Mercia,Abbey of Glocester. as Cestrensis sayth. But as William Malmesb. writeth, by Vlferus, and Etheldred brethren to Kineburga Abbesse of the same house, An 679.

Mailrose.The monastery of Mailrose by the floud of Twide by Aidanus a Scottish bishop.

The Nunnery of Heorenton by Heui, who was the first Nunne in Northumberland,Heorenton. Bede, Lib. 4. cap. 1.

Hetesey.The Monastery of Hetesey by Oswy Kyng of Northumberlād, who also with his daughter Elfred, gaue possessions for twelue monasteries in the partes of Northū berland, An. 656.

The monastery of S. Martin at Douer. Lestingey.The monasterie of S. Martine in Douer, builded by Whitred king of Kent.

The Abbey of Lestingey by Ceadda (whom we call S. Cedd) through the graunt of Oswald, sonne to S. Oswald, King of Northum. An. 651.Whitbie. This Hilda was first conuerted to the fayth by Paulinus a godly and learned woman, out of her Monastery came fiue Byshops Dosa, Eatha, O [...] ford, Ioannes, Wilfride. Hacanos. Abington. Ioanno at Lincolne. Ely Abbey. Chertsey.

The Monastery of Whitby called otherwise Strenhalt by Hilda daughter to the nephew of Edwyne Kyng of Northumberland, An▪ 657.

Item an other monastery called Hacanos, not far from the same place builded by the sayd Hilda the same yeare.

The Abbey of Abbington builded by Cissa Kyng of Southsex, An. 666.

Item an Abbey in the East side of Lyncolne, called Ioanno, by S. Botulph. Polychro. Lib. 5. cap. 16. An. 654.

The monastery in Ely founded by Etheldred or Edeldrida daughter of Anna king of Eastangles, and the wyfe of Elfrid king of Northumb. An. 674.

The Monastery of Chertsey in Southrey, founded by Erkenwald bishop of London, an. 674. thrown down by the Danes, after reedified by king Edgar.

Item the Nunnery of Berking edified by the sayd Erkenwaldus bishop of London about the same tyme.Berkyng.

Peterborough.The Abbey of Peterborough called otherwise Modehamstede founded by King Ethelwald King of the Mercians, An. 675.

Bardney.Bardney Abbey by Etheldredus King of the Merciās, An. 700.

Glastonbery.Glastonbury by Iua king of the Westsaxons, and after repayred and enriched by King Edgar, an. 701.

Camesey.Ramesey in the tyme of king Edgar by one Ailwinus a noble mā, an. 973. King Edgar builded in his tyme 40. monasteries, who raigned, an. 901.

Winburne.The Nunnery of Winburne builded by Cuthburga sister to Ingilsus, king Iua his brother, an. 717.

Sealesey.The Monastery of Sealesey by the Ile of Wight, by Wilfridus bishop of Yorke, an. 678.

Wincombe.The Monastery of Wincombe by Kenulphus Kyng of the Mercians, an. 737.

S. Albones.S. Albanes builded by Offa, King of the Mercians. Anno. 755.

Eusham.The Abbey of Eusham by Egwinus Byshop. An. 691.

Ripon.Ripon in the North by Wilfridus Bishop. An. 709.

Echelinghey.The Abbey of Echelinghey, by king Aluredus, an. 891.

S. Shaftesbury.The Nunnery of Shaftesbury by the same Aluredus, the same yeare.

Thus ye see what monasteries in what tyme began to be founded by the Saxons kings, newly conuerted to the Christian fayth, within the space of 200. yeares: who, as they semed then to haue a certain zeale & deuotion to godward, according to the leading & teaching that then was: so it semeth againe to me, two things to be wished in these foresayd kings.Two thinges to be wished in them, that first builded Monkishe Monasteries. First, that they which began to erect these monasteries and celles of Monkes and Nunnes, to lyue soly and singlely by themselues out of the holy state of matrimony: had forseene what daunger & what absurd enormities might and also did thereof ensue, both publikely to the Church of Christ, & priuately to their own soules. Secondly, that vnto this their zeale & deuotion had bene ioyned like knowledge & doctrine in Christes gospell, especially in the article of our free iustification by the faith of Iesu Christ.The article of free iustification not knowne. Because of the lacke wherof, as wel the builders & founders therof, as they that were professed in the same, seeme both to haue run the wrong way, & to haue bene deceiued. For albeit in them there was a deuotion & zeale of mynd, that thought well in this their doyng, which I wil not here reprehend: yet the end and cause of their deedes & buildings cannot be excused, beyng contrary to the rule of Christes Gospel, for so much as they did these things seeking thereby merites with God, and for remedy of theyr soules, and remission of their sinnes, as may appeare testified in their owne recordes, wherof one here I thought to set forth for probation of the same. Read this Charte (if it please thee gentle Reader) of king Ethelbald his donation, & charter giuen to churches and religious persons, which Ethelbald was the builder (as is sayd) of Peterborough, the wordes of his record and instrument be those.

* The donations and priuiledges granted and geuen by King Ethelbald, to religious men of the Church.

‘PLerum (que) contingere sole [...]it, Ex Crouici [...] Gul [...]el. Malmesb. Lib. [...]. pro incerta temporum vicissitudine, vt ea quae multarum fidelium personarum testimonio consilio (que) roborata fuerint fraudulenter per contumaciā plurimorum, & machinamenta simulationis, sine vlla consideratione rationis, periculose dissipentur, nisi autoritate literarum (testamento Chyrographorum) aeternae memoriae comittantur. Quapropter, ego Ethelbaldus Rex Merciorum, pro amore caelestis patriae, & remedio animae meae studendum esse praeuidi: vt eam per bona opera liberam efficerem in omni vinculo delictorum. Quoniam enim mihi omnipotens Deus per misericordiam clementiae suae, absque vllo antecedente merito, sceptra regiminis largitus est: ideo libenter ei, ex eo quod dedit, retribuo. Huius rei gratia hanc donationem, me viuente, concedo, vt omnia monasteria & Ecclesiae regni mei, à publicis vectigalibus, & operibus, & oneribus absoluantur: nisi instructionibus arcium, vel pontium quae nulli vnquam prosunt. Praeterea habeant famuli Dei, propriam libertatem in fructibus siluarum & agrorum, & in captura piscium, ne munuscula praebeant vel regi, vel principibus, nisi voluntaria. Sed liberi Deo seruiant, &c.’

By the contentes hereof may well be vnderstand (as where he sayth, pro amore caelestis patriae, pro remedio animae, pro liberatione animae, & absolutione delictorum, &c) how great the ignoraunce and blindenesse of these men was: who lacking no zeale, onely lacked knowledge to rule it withall: seeking their saluation not by Christ onely, but by their owne deseruings and meritorious deedes. Which I recite not here to any infamy or reprehensiō of them, but rather to put vs in minde and memory, how much we at this present are bound to God, for the true sincerity of his truth: hidden so long before to our foreauncetors, and opened now to vs by the good will of our God, in his sonne Christ Iesu. This onely lamēting by the way, to see them to haue such works, and to lacke our fayth: and vs to haue the right fayth, and to lacke their workes. And this blinde ignoraūce of that age, thus aboue prenoted, was the cause not onely why these kinges builded so many Monasteries vpon zealous superstition, but also why so many of them, forsaking their orderly vocation of Princely regiment, gaue themselues ouer to Monasticall profession, or rather wilfull superstition. Concerning the names and number of which kings that were professed Monkes, is sufficiently in the storye before declared:A b [...]iefe Cataloge of Queenes and Kinges daughters, which leauing their estate were made Nunnes. Hilda. the names of whome wee shewed to be seuen or eight, within the space of these two hundreth yeres. Such was then the superstitious deuotiō of kings & Princes in that age: and no lesse also to bee noted in Queenes and kings daughters, with other noble women, of the same age and time. The names of whom, it were to long here to recite. As Hilda daughter to the nephew of Edwine king of Northumberland. Abbesse of the house of Ely. Erchengoda with her sister Ermenilda daughters of Ercombertus king of Kent:Erchengod [...] Ermenilda. [...]delberga. Etheldreda. whiche Erchengoda was professed in Saint Brigets order in Fraunce. Item Edelberga wyfe and Queene to Kyng Edwyne of Northumberland, and daughter of kyng Anna, which was also in [Page] the same house of S. Brigit made a Nunne. Item, Etheldreda whō we terme S. Eldride, wife to king Ekfride of Northumberland, who beyng maried to two husbands, could not be obtained to geue her consent to either of them during the space of 12. yeares, but would needes liue a Uirgin, and was professed Nunne at Helings.Werburga. Werburga was the daughter of Vlferus king of Mercians, & made Nunne at Ely.Kynreda. Kineswida. Sexburga. Elfrida. Mildreda. Milburga. Milguida. Kinreda sister of king Vlferus and Kinswida her sister, were both Nunnes professed. Sexburga daughter of kyng Anna king of Mercians, and wyfe of Ercombert kyng of Kent, was Abbesse at Ely. Elfrida daughter of Oswy kyng of Northumberland, was Abbesse of Whitney. Mildreda, Milburga, and Milguida, all three daughters of Merwaldus king of West Mercians, entred the profession and vow of Nūnish virginitie.Kineburga. Elfleda. Kineburga, wife of Alfride king of Northumberland, and sister to Ofricus king of Mercians, and daughter of king Penda, was professed Abbesse of the Monastery in Glocester, Elfleda, daughter of Oswy king, and wyfe of Peda, sonne of king Penda, likewise inclosed her self in the same profession and vow of Romish chastitie.Alfritha. Wulfritha. Editha. Likewise Alfritha wyfe to king Edgar. And Editha daughter to the sayd Edgar, with Wolfrith her mother, &c. All which holy Nunnes with diuers mo, the Romish catholikes haue canonised for Saintes, and put the most part of thē in their Calender, and onely because of the vowe of chastitie solemnly professed. Concerning the which chastitie, whether they kept or no, little I haue to say against them, and lesse to sweare for them. But whether they so kept it or not, if this gift of chastitie which they professed, were geuen them of God, small prayse worthy was it in them to keepe it: If it were not geuen them, I will not say here of them so much, as hath bene sayd of some other, which sufficiently haue painted out to the world, the demeanour of these holy votaries. But this will I say, that although they kept it neuer so perfectly, yet it is not that which maketh saints before God, but only the bloud of Christ Iesus, and a true fayth in him.

Likewise remayneth, that as we haue declared the deuotion of these noble women, which professing Monastick lyfe, haue cast of all worldly dignitie and delightes: so we should also intreate of such noble men, who among the Saxon kings in lyke zeale of deuotion, haue geuen ouer themselues from the world (as they thought) to the contemplatiue life of Monkish profession. The names of whō as in the Catalogue of the Saxon kings before is described, be these, to the number of ix.

A Table of such Saxon Kings, as were after made Monkes.

1.

Kinges made Monkes.

Kynigilsus, king of Westsaxons.

2.

Iue, king of Westsaxons.

3.

Ceolulfus, king of Northumberland.

4.

Eadbertus, king of Northumberland.

5.

Ethelredus, king of Mercia.

6.

Kenredus, king of Mercia.

7.

Offa, king of Eastsaxons.

8.

Sebbi, king of Eastsaxons.

9.

Sigebertus, king of Eastangles.

Of whiche kynges and their doynges, what is to be iudged, looke gentle Reader before▪ pag. 133.

By these historyes it is apparaunt: what mutations, what perturbations, and what alteratiō of state hath bene in this Realme of Britayne, first from Brittaynes kings, to Romaines, then to Britaynes agayn, afterward to the Saxons. First to vij. altogether raigning, then to one. &c. And this alteratiō not onely happened in ye ciuile gouernment, but also followed in the state Ecclesiastical. For as in the Britaynes tyme the Metropolitan sea was in Londō: so in the Saxons time after the comming of Austen, it was remoued to Cāterbury, the Catologue and order of which Metropolitanes, from the tyme of Austen to Egbertus, is thus, as in the history of Malmesberiensis described.

¶ The names and order of the Archbishops of Caunterbury, from Augustine, to the tyme of king Ethelbert.

1. | Augustinus. | 16.
2. | Laurentius. | 5.
3. | Mellitus. | 5.
4. | Iustus. | 3.
5. | Honorius. | 25.
6. | Deus dedit. | 10.
[...]. | Theodorus. | 22.

¶Hitherto from Augustine all the Archbishops of Caunterbury were Italians and foreiners.

8. | Berctualdus English. 37 | In his tyme the Monasterie of S. Martin was builded in Dorobernia, by Witredus & hys brother, kings of Kent.
9. | Tacuinus. 3
10. | Nothelinus. 5 |
11. | Cuthbertus. 17 | This Cutbert after his death forbad all funerall exequies or lamentation for him to bee made. William Malm. De vitis, Lib. 1.
12. | Breguinus. 3
13. | Lambrihtus, or Lambertus. 27 | In his tyme king Offa translated the Metropolitane sea from Caunterbury to Lichfield by the graunt of Pope Adrian, beyng ouercome with Apostolicall arguments, as sayth Flores Hist. that is with money.
| Ethelardus. 13
15. | Vlfredus. 28
16. | Fegeldus. 3 m. | This Ethelardus by his Epistles to Pope Leo, obtayned the Metropolitane sea agayne to Cā terbury.
17. | Celnochus. 41

Duryng the course of these 17. Archbishops of Cant. in Rome passed in the meane tyme 34. Popes, of whome partly heretofore we haue declared.

And thus much touching the tyme of the seuen kingdomes of the Saxones, rulyng together in Englande, from the raygne of Hengist, vnto Egbert, the first Kyng and Monarche of the whole lande, after the expulsion of the Britaynes.

NOw remayneth (by the grace of Christ) in the next booke followyng, to prosecute the order of such kings as principally raigning alone, had this realme in their possession: from the tyme of Egbert king of Westsaxons, to the comming of William Conqueror the Normand, comprehending therin the rest of the next 300. yeares, with the actes & state of Religion, as in that space was in the Church: wherin may appeare the declining tyme of the Church, and of true Religiō, preparing the way to Antichrist, which not long after followed. For here is to be noted, that during yet this mean tyme, Sathan (as is sayd) was bound vp from his raging and furious violence, counting from the tyme of Constantinus, to the next loosing out of Sathan, which was foretold by the Reuelation of S. Iohn aboue mentioned, to be a thousand yeares. Wherof by the order of the history (Christ graunting) more shall be sayd hereafter.

The ende of the second Booke.

THE THIRD BOOKE CONTEINING THE next 300. yeares, from the raigne of King Egbertus, to the tyme of William Conquerour.

[Page]

NOW remayneth likewise as before I did in describing, the discent and diuersitie of the seuen kings altogether raigning and ruling in this land, so to prosecute in like order the lineal succession of them, which after Egbert king of Westsaxones, gouerned and ruled soly, vntill the conquest of William the Normand: first expressing their names, & afterward importing such acts as in their tyme happened in the Church worthy to be noted. Albeit, as touchyng the actes and doyngs of these kings, because they are sufficiently and at large described, and taken out of Latine writers into the English tong by sondry authors, and namely in the story or Chronicle of Fabian. I shall not spende much trauaile therupon, but rather referre the reader, to him or to some other: where the troublesome tumulis betwene the Englishmen and the Danes at that tyme may be seene, who so listeth to read them. Onely the Table of their names and raigne, in actes done vnder their raigne, I haue compendiously abridged, vsing such breuitie, as the matter would suffer.

¶ A Table of the Saxon Kings, which ruled alone from King Egbert, vnto William Conquerour.

Egbertus raygned 37. yeares and had issue.

Athelwulfus raigned 20. yeares had by his wife Osburga.

Ethelbaldus raigned 5. yeares.

Ethelbertus raigned 6. yeares.

Etheldredus raigned 5. yeares.

Aluredus or. Alfredus raigned 28. yeares

Edwardus raigned 24. yeares.

Adelstanus raigned 16. yeares.

Elfrede and Ethelwald [...]

Edmond raigned 6. yeares.

Edwin raigned 4. yeares.

Edgar raigned 16. yeares.

Edwardus raigned 4. yeares.

Ethelredus raigned 36. yeares.

Edmond Irenside raigned 2. yeres.

Alfredus.

Edward the Confessor who raigned 24. yeares.

Edredus raigned 9. yeares.

Egelwardu [...]

Here is to be noted, that before the raigne of Edward the confessor, the Danes obtayned the crowne vnder their captaine Canutus who raigned yeares

19

Haraldus Harefoote, sonne of Canutus.

4

Hardeknoutus sonne of Canutus.

2

Edwar. the confessor, an englishmā, sonne of Etheldred.

24

Haraldus sonne of Erle Godwine an vsurper.

1

William Conqueror a Normand.

¶ King Egbertus.

IN the raigne of Brigthricus a little before mentioned,Egbert king of the Westsaxons, afterward Monarke and king of the whole Realme. about the yere of grace 7 [...]5. there was in his dominion a noble personage, of some called Egbert, of some Ethelbert, of some Athelbright, who being feared of the same Brigthricus, because he was of a kingly bloud, & nere vnto the crowne, was by the force & conspiracie of the forenamed Brigthricus, chased & pursued out of the land of Britam into Frāce, where he endured till the death of the sayd Brigthricus. In this tyme came in the Danes▪ Fill into the North part [...] and were driuen out agaynes. After the hearing whereof, Egbert sped him eftsoones out of Fraunce, vnto his countrey of Westsaxe, where he in such wise behaued himselfe, that he obteined the regiment and gouernance of the abouesaid kingdom.

Bernulphus king of Mercia aboue mentioned, with other kings, had this Egbert in such decisiō, that they made of him diuers scoffing gestes,Anno. 807. and scorning rimes, at which he susteined for a time. But when he was more established in his kingdome, & had proued the mindes of his subiects and especially God working withall:Example what it is to despise other. Example of patience. he afterward assembled his knights, and gaue to the saide Bernulphus, a battaile in a place called Elindē, in the prouince of hāton. And notwithanding in that fight was great oddes of number, as 6. or 8. against one, yet Egbert (through the might of the Lord which giueth victory as pleaseth him) had the better and wan the field:Anno. 826. Which done he seased that Lordship into his hand. And that also done, he made war vpon the Kentish saxons, and at length in likewise, of them obtained the victory.Of this victory went a prouerb Riuuscruore rubuit ruina restitit, foetor [...] tabuit. And as it is in Polychronicon testified, he also subdued Northumberland, and caused the kings of these three kingdomes to liue under him as tributaries or ioyned them to his kingdome. Ex Flor. Hist. This Egbert, also wan from the Britons or Welshinē, the town of Chester, which they had kept possession of, till that daye. After these & other victories, he peaceably enioying the land, called a Councell of his Lords at Winchester, where by their aduises he was crowned king & chief Lord ouer this land.This land first called Anglia. which before that day was called Britaine: but thē he sent out into all coasts of the land his commaundements and cōmissions, charging straightly yt from that day forward the Saxons should be called Angles, and the land Anglia.

About the 30. yeare of the raigne of Egbert, Anno. 833. the heathenish people of the Danes, which a little before had made horrible destruction in Northumberland, & especially in ye Ile of Lindesarue, where they spoyled the Churches, and murthered the ministers,Danes now the second tyme entred in this land. with men, women, and children, after a cruell maner, entered now the second tyme with a great host into this land, and spoyled the Ile of Shepy in Kent, or nere to Kent, where Egbert hearing therof, assembled his people and met with them at Carrum. But in that conflict sped not so well as he was woont in tymes before, but with his knights was compelled to forsake the field. Notwithstanding in the next battail, the sayd Egbert with a small power ouerthrew a great multitude of them, and so droue them backe. The next yeare followyng, the sayd Danes presuming vpon their victory before, made theyr [Page] return again into the land Westward,Anno. 834. where ioining with the Britaines, by the helpe and power of them, they assayled the landes of Egbert, Fabian. cap. 158. Rog. Houed. Lab. 5. cap. 1. & did much harme in many places of his dominion, and els where, so that after this day, they were continually abiding in one place of the realme of england or other▪ till the time of Hardeknutus, last king of the Danes bloud, so that many of them were maried to English women, and many that now be, or in times past were called Englishmen, are descended of them. And albeit that they were many and sundry times driuen out of the land, & chased from one countrey to an other, yet that notwithstā ding, they euer gathered new strengthes and power, that they abode still within the land.

And thus (as by the storyes appeareth) this troublesome land of Britaine,England fiue tym [...]s plagued by other natiōs. now called England, hath bene hetherto by v. sundry outward nations plagued. First, by the Romains, then by the Scots & Pictes, 3. by the Saxons, 4. by the Danes, of whose outragious cruelty & hostilitie, our English histories do most exclayme & complayne:Ex Rog. Houed. Lib. 5. fiftly by the Normanes, which I pray God be the last.

Thē it followeth in the story, that the time of this persecution of the foresayd Paganes and Danes continuing, king Egbert when he had ruled the Westsaxons, and ouer the more part of England, by the terme of xxxvij. yeares, dyed, and was buried at Winchester, leauing to his sonne Ethelwolfe his kingdome, which first was Byshoppe of Winchester (as Houeden recordeth) and after vpon necessity made king, leauing withal and pronouncing this saying to his sonne: Foelicem fore, si regnum, quod multa rexerat industria, ille consueta genti illi non interrumperet ignauia.

* King Athelwolfus.

Anno. 837. AThelwulfus, the sonne of Egbert, in his former age had entred into the order of Subdeacon, and as some other say was made Byshop of Winchester. But afterward being the onely sonne of Egbert was made king through the dispensation (as Fabian sayth) of Pope Paschalis, A place in Fabian to be amended. but that can not be: for Paschalis then was not Byshopp: so that by the computation of tyme, it should rather seeme to be Gregory the 4. This Athelwulfe (as being himself once nuseled in that order) was alwayes good and deuoute to holye Church and religious orders.Guliel. Lib, de gestis pont. Anglor. sayth this Pope was Leo iiij. In so much that he gaue to them the rythe of all his goods and landes in Westsaxons, with liberty and freedome from all seruage and ciuil charges. Whereof, his charte instrument beareth testimony after this tenour proceeding: much like to the donation of Ethelbaldus king of Mercians, aboue mentioned.

* The Priuiledges and donations geuen by king Ethelwulfus to the Clergie.

REgnante Domino nostro imperpetuum. Dum in nostris temporibus per bellorum incendia, & direptiones opum nostrarum, nec non & vastantium crudelissimas depredationes hostiū, Anno. 844. barbarum, paganarum (que) gentium, multiplices tribulationes ad affligendum vsque ad internecionem, Priuiledges and temporalties graunted to the Church by king Ethelwulfe. tempora cernimus incumbere periculosa. Quamobrem, ego Ethelwulfus Rex occidentalium Saxonum, cum consilio Episcoporum & principum meorum, consilium salubre, & vniforme remedium affirmaui: vt aliquam portionem terrarum haereditariam, Deo & sanctae Mariae, & omnibus sanctis iure perpetuo possidendam concedam, scilicet partem terrae meae, Ex Flor. Hist. vt sit tuta & immunis ab omnibus secularibus seruicijs, nec non regalibus tributis maioribus & minoribus siue taxationibus, quod nos dicimus Wittereden: sit (que) libera omnium rerum, Pro remis. Note the blinde ignoraunce and erroneous teaching in those dayes. pro remissione animarum & peccatorum nostrorum, ad Deo soli deseruiendum, sine expeditione, & pontis constructione, & arcis munitione: vt eo diligentiùs pro nobis ad Deum preces sine cessatione fundant, quo eorum seruitutem in aliqua parte leuigamus, &c.

Hereby may it appeare, how when the Churches of England, began first to be indued with temporalties and lands: also with priuileges & exemptiōs enlarged. Moreouer (and that which specially is to be considered & lamented) what pernicious doctrine was this, wherewith they were led: thus to set remission of their sinnes, and remedy of their soules: in this donation and such other deedes of their deuotion, cōtrary to the information of Gods word, and no small derogation to the Crosse of Christ?

These thinges thus done within the Realme, then the sayd Ethelwulfus the king, taking his iourney to Rome, with Alured his youngest sonne, committed him to the bringing vp of Pope Leo the iiij. where he also reedified the English schole at Rome: which being founded by king Offa, or rather by Iue king of Mercians (as in the flowers of Hist. is affirmed) was lately in the tyme of king Egbert his father,Peter [...] through the whole Realme graunted [...] Rome. Money bestowed to burne day light. consumed with fire. Farther and besides, th [...]s king gaue and graunted there vnto Rome, of euery fire house a peny to be payd through his whole land, as king Iue in his dominion had done before. Also he gaue & graū ted yearely to be payd to Rome. 300 markes, that is to the mainteining of the light of S. Peter .C. markes: to ye light of S. Paul .C. markes: to the vse of the Pope also an other hundreth. This done, returning home through Fraunce, maried their Iudith the daughter of Carolus Caluus, ye [...]rēch king: whom he restored afterward, contrary to the lawes of Westsaxons, to the title and throne of a Queene. For before, it was decreed among the Westsaxons (by the occasion of wicked Ethelburga, who poisoned Brigthricus her owne husband) that after that, no kinges wife there should haue the name or place of a Queene.

And forsomuch as I haue here entred into the mention of Iudith, daughter of Carolus Caluus: the occasion thereof putteth me in memory, here to insert by the way a matter bone, although not in this Realme, yet not impertinent to this ecclesiasticall history. And first to deduct the narration hereof from the first originall. The father of this Carolus Caluus, whose name was Ludouicus, first of that name, called Pius king of Fraunce, had two wiues: whereof by the first, he had iij. sonnes, Lothary, Pipin, and Lewys. Which iij. sonnes vnnaturally and vnkindly, cōspiring against their father,Note here the holy and holesome counsailers and doynges of the spiritual Lordes. and his second wife, with her sonne, their youngest brother, persecuted him so, that through a certaine councell of Lordes spirituall and temporall, they deposed the same their naturall and right godly father, dispossessing and discharging him of all rule and dominion. Moreouer, caused him to renounce his temporal habite, inclosing him in the Monastery of S. Marke, for a monke or rather a prisoner. All which done, they deuided his Empire and kingdome among themselues.

Thus was Ludouicus Pius, Ludouicus Pius, Emperour king of Fraunce. of impious sonnes left desolate. But the power of God, whiche worketh when all earthly power ceaseth, of hys deuine mercy so ayded and recouered him out of all this tribulation to this Imperial dignitie agayne: that it was to all his enemyes confusion, and to all good men a miracle. But this by the way. By his 2. wife whose name was Iudith, he had this Charles the Bald here mentioned. Which Iudith was thought and so accúsed to the Pope, to be within such degree of aliance, that by the Popes law, she might not continue hys wife without the popes dispensation.Fredericke Byshop of Vtricke. It so fell out in the meane time that this Ludouicus the Emperour, had promoted a young man named Frederick to be Bishop of Utricke [...]and to hym had geuen sad and good exhortation, that he remembring and following the constancy of his predecessours, woulde mayntayne right and trueth without all exception of anye person, & punish misdoers with excommunication, as wel the riche as the poore, with such like wordes of godly coū saile. Fredericke hearing the king thus to say, sitting at dinner with him, as the manner was beyng newly inuested, in these words answered to the Emperor again. I thanke your maiestie saith he, which with your so wholesome exhortation putteth me in mind of my profession. But I beseech you of your benigne fauour & patience, that I may freely disclose, that which hath long encombred and pierced my conscience. To whō leaue being geuen, thus he began.Byshop Fridericke openly admonishe [...]h the Emperour at the table. I pray you (Lord Emperor) to shew me herein your mynd (pointing to the fish before him) whether is it more according, to attain this fish here present, beginning first at the head or at the taile? What a tale is this, quoth the Emperor, of the taile & of the head: At the head quoth he. Then Frederike taking thereof his occasion, proceedeth: Euen so let it be (Lord Emperour) sayth he, as you haue sayd. Let Christian fayth and charitie first begin with your selfe, as with the head, admonishing you to cease frō your face, and error, that your subiects by your example be not boldned to follow your misdoing. Wherefore first forsake you, your vnlawful wedlock,Note, that were ii. Iudithes one the mother of Carolus Caluus, the other his daughter, whom king Ethelwulfe did marry. which you haue made with Iudith your neare kinswoman. These wordes of the new Bishop, although they moued Ludouicus the Emperor not a litle, yet he, with a gentle modestie, and modest silence was contented, suffring the bishop to go home in peace. But the word beyng vttred in such an audience, could not so be concealed but spread and brast out in much talke in the whole court, and especially among the Bishops, consultyng earnestly with themselues about the matter. Through whose counsail and labour so at length it fell, that the Emperour was constrained to leaue the company of his wife, till hee had purchased a licence of the bishop of Rome, to retaine her again, who then forgaue the said bishop all that was past. But the woman hired two knights that slew him in hys vestimentes, when he had ended his masse. Ranulphus, and Guliel Libro de pontificib, geue forth this story in his great [Page] commendation to dye a Martyr.Fridericke Byshop of Vtricke iudged of some a Martyr. Example of the women more ready to reuenge then the man. Whereof I haue not to iudge, nor here to pronoūce: but that rather I think him to be comended in his dying, then the women for her killing.

And for asmuch as mention hath bene made of Ludouicus Pius, here is to be noted, that in Fraunce then was vied of Priestes and Churchmen, precious and shewing vestuce, and golden, and rich staring girldles, with rings and other ornamentes of golde. Wherefore the sayd Lewes purchased of the Bishop of Rome a correctiō, for all such as vsed such disordinate apparell, causing them to weare browne and sad colours, according to their sadnes. Fab.

Of this Lewes the Papistes doe fayne, that because he conuerted certayne of their Church goodes and patrimonie to ye wages of his souldiours, his body (say they) was caryed out of his tombe by deuils, and was no more seene.

And thus a little hauing disgressed out of our course, now let vs returne out of Fraunce into England agayne:Swithinus Bishop of Winchester. kyng Ethelwulfus, who comming from Rome by the coū trey of Fraunce, was now returned agayne into his own dominion, where he continued not long after.

This Ethelwulfus, had especially about him two Bishops, whose counsell he was most ruled by, Swythinus Byshop of Winchester, and Adelstanus Byshop of Syreborne. Of the which two, the one was more skilfull in tē porall and ciuill affayres touching the kings warres, and filling of hys coffers,Example of a kind scholer to hys scholemayster. and other furniture for the king. The other (whiche was Swythinus) was of a contrary sorte, wholly disposed and enclined to spirituall meditation, and to minister spirituall coūcel to ye king: who had ben scholemaister to the king before. Wherein appeared one good cō dition of this kings nature, among his other vertues, not onely in following the preceptes and aduertisementes of his old schoolemaister:Monkishe miracles fayned of Swithinus. But also in yt he like a kinde & thākfull pupille did so reuerence hys bringer vp, and old scholmaister (as he called him) that he ceased not, till hee made hym Byshop of Winchester, by the consecration of Celnoch then Archbishop of Canterbury. But as concerning the miracles which are read in the Churche of Winchester,Pope Leo iij. Stephen. iiij. Pascalis i. Eugenius .ij. Valentinus .j. Gregory. iiij. A generall Synode at Aquil graue. Euerye Church to haue sufficient to finde hys owne Priestes. Pretious garmentes of scarlet or, other riche colour forbidden men of the Clergy. Great families not lawfull for men of the Clergy. Ringe [...] and gold in their shoes forbidden. The feast of all Sainctes first ordayned. Pope Sergius .ij. When the Popes names began the first to be altered. Agnus thrise song at the Masse. The hoste deuided in three partes. Pope Leo the 4. of this Swythinus, them I leaue to be read together with the Iliades of Homere, or tales of Robenhood.

This Gregory the fourth here in this present Chapter aboue mentioned: was the third pope which succeeded after Paschalis the first, being but. 4. yeares betwixt them, which Paschalis succeeded after Steuen the 4. who followed after Leo the 3. next Pope vnto Hadrian aboue in our history mentioned, whereas we intreated of Charles the great. From the tyme of that Hadrian the first, vnto Pope Hadrian the 3. The Emperours had some stroke in the election (at lest in the confirmation) of the Romaine Pope. Notwithstanding, diuers of those foresayd popes in the meane time began to work their practises to bring that purpose about. But yet all their deuises could take no full effect, before the sayd Hadrian the iij. as hereafter (Christ willing) shalbe declared. So that the Emperours all this while bare some rule in chusing the Popes, and in assembling generall Councels. Wherfore by the commaundement of Ludouicus the Emperour, in the tyme of this Gregory the iiij. a generall Synode was commensed at Aquisgraue, where it was decreed by the sayd Gregory and his assistaunce: first that euery Church should haue sufficient of his owne proper landes and reuenewes, to finde the Priestes thereof: that none should need to lacke or go about a begging. Itē thatnone of the Clergy of what order or degree soeuer he be, should vse any vesture of any precious or scarelet coulour. Neither shall weare ringes on their fingers, vnlesse it be when Prelates be at Masse, or geue their consecrations. Item that Prelates should not keepe to great portes or families, nor keepe great horse, vse dice, or harlots. And the Monkes should not exceed measure in glotony or riot. Item that none of the Clergye being either annoynted or shauen: should vse either golde or siluer in their shooes, slippers, or girdles, like to Heliogabalus. By this it may be coniectured, what pompe and pride in those daies was crept into the Clergy. Moreouer, by the sayd pope Gregory the 4. at the commaundement of Ludouicus Emperour, the feast of all Saintes was first brought into the Church.

After this Pope, came Sergius the second which first brought in the altering of the Popes names, because hee was named before os porci, that is, Swines snout: which also ordayned the Agnus thrice to be song at the Masse, and the hoast to be deuided into three partes.

After him, was Pope Leo the iiij. to whom this kyng Ethelwulfus (as in this present chapter is aboue specified) did commit the tuition of his sonne Alured. By this Pope Leo, it came in, and was first enacted in a Counsell of hys, that no Bishop should be condemned vnder 72. witnesses, according as ye see in the witnesses, at the condemnation of Stephen Gardiner, orderly practised.No Byshop by the Popes law to be condemned vnder 72. witnesses. The golden crosse first borne before the pope.

Item contrary to the law of Gregory the iiij. his predicessor: this Pope ordayned the crosse (all let with golde & precious stone) to be caried before him, like a Pope.

And here next now followeth & commeth in, the whore of Babylon (rightly in her true colours by the permission of God and manifestly without all tergiuersation) to appeare to the whole world: and that not only alter the spiritual sense, but after the very letter, and the right forme of an whore in deed. For after this Leo aboue mentioned, the Cardinals proceeding to their ordinary electiō (after a solemne Masse of the holy Ghost,A woman Pope called Ioan. viij. The Church of Rome after their Masse of the holy Ghost may erre. to the perpetuall shame of them & of that sea) in stead of a mā Pope, elected an whore in deed to minister Sacraments, to say masses, to geue orders, to constitute Deacons, Priests, and bishops, to promote Prelates, to make Abbots, to consecrate Churches and altars, to haue the raigne and rule of Emperors and kings: And so she did in deede, called by name Ioan. the 8. This womans proper name was Gilberta (a Dutch woman of Magunce) who went with an english monke out of the Abbey of Fulda in a mans apparell vnto Athens, and after through her dexteritie of wit and learning, was promooted to the Popedom, where the sate two yeres & 6. monthes. At last openly in the face of a general procession, fell in labour & trauail of child, & so died. By reason wherof, the Cardinals yet to this day do auoid to come nere by that streete where this shame was taken.Pope Benedictus. iij. Dirge for the dead. By Benedictus the iij. who succeeded next in the whorish sea, was first ordained (as most writers record) the Dirge to be sayd for the dead. Albeit before him, Gregory the iij. had done in that matter, worthily for his part already.

After him sate Pope Nicholas the first,Pope Nicolas the first. who enlarged the Popes decrees with many constitutions, equallyng the authoritie of them, with the writings of the Apostles. He ordayned that no secular Prince, nor the Emperour himself, should be present at their Councels, vnles in matters concerning the fayth: to the end that such as they iudged to be heretikes, they should execute and murther. Also, that no lay men should sit in iudgement vpon the clergy men, or reason vpon the Popes power. Item that no Christian Magistrate should haue any power vpon any Prelate, alledging that a Prelate is called God. Item that all Church seruice should be in Latine: yet notwithstanding, dispensing with the Sclauonians, and Polonians, to retaine still their vulgar language. Sequences in the Masse were by him first allowed. By this Pope, Priestes began to be restrained and debarred from marrying:The mariage of priestes begon to be forbiddē. whereof Hulderike Bishop of Ausbrough (a learned & an holy man) sending a letter vnto the Pope, grauely and learnedly refuteth and reclaimeth against his vndiscret proceedings touching yt matter. The copy of which letter, as I thought it vnworthy to be suppressed, so I iudged it here worthy & meete for the better instruction of the Reader, to bee inserted. The wordes whereof here follow out of Latine into English translated.

Anno. 867. A learned Epistle of Hulderike bishop of Ausbrough, sent to Pope Nicholas the first, proouing by probations substantiall, that Priestes ought not to bee restrayned from Mariage.

Nicolao Domino & patri, peruigili sanctae Romanae Ecclesiae prouisori, Huldericus solo nomine Episcopus, amorem vt filius, timorem vt seruus. Cum tha (O pater & Domine) decreta super clericorum continentian, &c.A letter written to Pope Nicolas concerning Priestes not to refrayne from Mariage.

¶ The same in English.

Hulderike bishop onely by name, vnto the reuerend father Nicholas the vigilant prouisor of the holy church of Rome: with due commendation sendeth loue as a sonne, and feare as a seruaunt. Vnderstanding reuerend father your decrees which you sent to me concerning the single lyfe of the Clergy, to be far discrepant from all discretiō, I was troubled partly with feare, partly with heauinesse. With feare, (for that, as it is sayd) the sentence of the pastor, whether it be iust or vniust, is to be feared.

For I was afrayde for the weake hearers of the Scripture (which scarsely obey the iust sentence of their Pastour) much more despissing this vniust decreement, through the onerous and importable transgression of their Pastor, should shew themselues disobedient. With heauines I was troubled, and with compassion for that I doubted how the members of the body should doe (their head being so greatly out of frame) For what can be more greuous or more to be lamēted, touching the state of the church then for you, being the Bishop of the principall seat, to whom appertaineth the regiment of the whole church, to swarue neuer so little, out of the right way Certes, in this you haue not a little erred, in that you haue gone about to constraine your Clergy to singlenes of life, through your imperious tiranny: whom rather [Page] ye ought to stirre vp to the continency of mariage. For is not this to be counted a violence and tiranny to the iudgement of all wise men: when a man is compelled by your decrees to doe that which is against the institution of the Gospell,Priestes Mariage in the olde law permitted, in the new law not forbidden. and the proceeding of the holy Ghost? Seyng then there be so many holy examples both of the olde and new Testament, teachyng vs (as you know) due information: I desire your patience not to thinke it greuous for me to bryng a few here out of many.

First in the olde law, the Lord permitteth mariage vnto the Priestes, which afterward in the new law, we doe not read to bee restrayned, but in the Gospel thus he sayth: There bee some Eunuches which haue gelded themselues for the kingdome of heauen, but all men do not take this word, he that can take it, let him take it. Wherfore the Apostle sayth, concerning virgins I haue no commaundement of the Lord, but onely I geue counsell. Which counsaile also all men do not take, as in the commaundement of the Lord before, but many there be, false dissemblers and flatterers,The inconuenience of single life. goyng about to please men and not God, whome we see vnder a false pretence of continencie, to fall into horrible wickednesse: Some to lye with their fathers wiues, some to bee Sodomites, and not to abhorre to play the beastes with bruite beastes. And therfore, least through the infection of this wicked pestilēce, the state of the Church should too much go to ruine: therfore he sayd, because of fornication, let euery man haue his owne wyfe. Touching which saying, our false hypocrites falsly do lye, & faine: as though onely it pertayned to the laitie, and not to them. And yet they themselues seming to be set in the most holy order, are not afrayd to abuse other mens wiues, and as we see with (weeping eyes) all they do outrage in the foresayd wickednes.

These men haue not rightly vnderstanded the Scripture, whose brestes while they sucke so hard (in stead of milke) they suck out bloud.The saying of the Apostle, let euery one haue hys own wife. For the saying of the Apostle: let euery man haue his own wife: doth except none in very deede, but him onely which hath the gifte of continency, prefixing with himselfe to keepe and to continue hys virgine in the Lord. Wherfore (O reuerend father) it shalbe your part to cause & ouersee, that whosoeuer, either with hand or mouth, hath made a vowe of continencie, and afterward would forsake, either should be compelled to keepe his vowe, or els by lawfull authoritie should be deposed from his order.

And to bring this to passe, ye shall not onely haue me, but also all other of my order, to be helpers vnto you. But that you may vnderstand, that such which know not what a vowe doth meane, are not to be violently compelled thereunto: heare what the Apostle sayth vnto Timothie. A Bishop (sayth he) must be irreprehensible, the husband of one wife. Which sentence, least ye should turne and apply onely to the Church, marke what he inferreth after: he that knoweth not (sayth he) to rule his owne householde and familie, how should he rule the Church of God? And likewise the Deacons (sayth he) let them be the husbandes of one wyfe, which haue knowledge to gouerne their owne house and children. And this wyfe, how she is woont to bee blest of the Priest, you vnderstand sufficiently: I suppose, by the decrees of holy Siluester the Pope.

To these and such other holy sentences of the Scripture, agreeth also,This Decree is contrary to the Bishops and Prelates in Queene Maryes tyme. he that is the writer of the rule of the Clergy, writing after this maner. A Clarke must be chaste and continent, or els let him be coupled in the bandes of Matrimony, hauing one wyfe. Wherby it is to be gathered, that the Bishop and Deacon, are noted infamous and reprehensible, if they be deuided in mo women then one: otherwise, if they do forsake one vnder the pretence of Religion, both they together, as well the Bishop as the Deacon bee here condemned by the Canonicall sentence, which sayth: Let no Bishop or Priest forsake his owne wife, vnder the colour and pretence of Religion. If he doe forsake her, let hym bee excommunicate. And if he so continue, let hym bee disgraded. Saint Augustine also, a man of discrete holynesse, sayth in these wordes: There is no offence so great or grieuous, but it is to auoyd a greater euill.

Furthermore, we read in the second booke of the Tripartite history: That when the Councell of Nice, goyng about to establish the same decree, would enact that Bishops, Priests, and Deacons, after their consecration, either should abstaine vtterly from their own wiues, or els should be deposed. Then Paphnutius (one of those holy Martyrs, whom the Emperor Maximus had put out the right eie, & hockt their left legs) rising vp amongst the, withstood their purposed decreement: confessing Mariage to be honourable, and calling the bed of matrimony to be chastitie, and so perswaded the Councell from making that law, declaring thereby what occasion might come to themselues & their wiues of fornication. And thus much did Paphnutius (being vnmaried himself) declare vnto thē. And the whole Councell commending his sentence, gaue place thereto, & left the matter freely without cōpulsion, to the will of euery man, to do therein as he thought.

Notwithstanding there be some, which take S. Gregory for their defence in this matter, whose temeritie I laugh at, & ignorance I lament, for they know not, being ignorauntly deceiued, how daungerously the decree of this heresie was (being made of S. Gregory) who afterward well reuoked the same, with condign fruit of repentaunce.

For vpon a certaine day as he sent vnto his fishpond to haue fish,More then 6000 heads of infantes found in the Popes more thorough the wicked decree of the single lyfe of priestes. Let Priestes note well the saying of Gregory. and did see more then sixe thousand infants heades brought vnto him, which were taken out of the same pond or mote: did greatly repent in himselfe the decree made before, touchyng the single lyfe of Priests, which he confessed to be the cause of that so lamentable a murther. And so purging the same with condigne fruite of repentaunce, altered agayne the things which he had decreed before, commending that counsaile of the Apostle, which sayth: It is better to marry then to [...]urne. Adding moreouer of himself thereunto, and saying: It is better to marry, then to giue occasion of death.

Peraduenture if these men had read with me this, which so happened: I thinke they would not be so rash in their doing and iudging, fearyng at least the Lordes commaundement: Doe not iudge, that ye be not iudged. And S Paule sayth: Who art thou that iudgest an other mans seruant? Either he standeth or falleth to his owne maister, but he shall stand, for the Lord is mighty and able to make him stand. Therfore let your holynes cease to compell and enforce those, whom onely ye ought to admonish: least through your owne priuate commaundement (which God forbid) you be found contrary, as well to the olde Testament, as to the new. For as S. Augustine sayth to Donatus: this is onely that we do feare in your iustice, lest (not for the consideration of christian lenitie,August ad Donatum. but for the grieuousnes and greatnesse of transgressions committed) you be thought to vse violence in executyng punishment of that which onely we do desire you (by Christ) not to do. For transgressions are so to be punished, that the lyfe of the transgressours may repent. Also an other saying of Augustine we would you to remember,Note well the saying of Austen. which is this: Nil nocends fiat cupiditate, omnia consulendi charitate, & nihil fiat imman [...]ter, nihil inhumaniter. That is: Let nothing be done through the greedines of hurting, but all things through the charitie of profiting: Neither let any thing be done cruelly, nothing vngently. Item of the same Augustine it is written. In the feare and name of Christ I exhort you, which of you soeuer haue not the goods of this world be not greedy to haue them.August. Such as haue them, presume not to much vpon them. For I say, to haue them is no damnation, but if ye presume vpon them, that is damnation, if for the hauing of thē ye shal seeme great in your owne fight, or if ye do forget the cō mon condition of man through the excellencie of any thing you haue. Vse therfore therin due discretion, tempered with moderation, the which cup of discretion is drawen out of that fountaine of the Apostolike preaching which sayth: Art thou loose frō thy wife? Do not seeke for thy wife. Art thou bound to thy wife? Seke not to be loosed from her? Where also it followeth, Such as haue wiues, let them be as though they had them not, and they that vse the world,What it is to marry in the Lord. let them be as not vsing it.

Item concerning the widow he sayth: Let her marry to whō she wil, only in the Lord. To marry in the Lord, is nothing els but to attempt nothing in cōtracting of matrimony, which the Lord doth forbid, Ieremy also saith: Trust not in the words of lies, saying, The temple of the Lord, the temple of the Lord, the temple of the Lord. The which saying of Ieremy, Hierome expounding, saith thus: this may agree also, & be applied vnto such virgins, which brag & vaunt their virginitie with an impudent face, pretending chastitie, when they haue an other thing in their conscience, and know not how the Apostle defineth the virgin,What a virgine is by the diffinition of the Apostle. that she should be holy in body, and also in spirit. For what auayleth the chastitie of the body, if the mind inwardly be defloured? Or if it haue not the other vertues, which the prophetical Sermon doth describe? The which vertues, for as much as we see partly to be in you, and because we are not ignorant, that this discretiō (although neglected in this part, yet in the other actiōs of your life to be kept honestly of you) do not dispaire, but you dispaire, but you wil also soone amend the little lacke which is behind. And therfore with as much grauitie as we can, we cease not to call vpō you, to correct and amend this your negligēce. For although according to our common calling, a bishop is greater then a Priest, yet Austen being lesse then Hierome (notwithstāding the good correctiō proceeding frō the lesser to the greater) was not to be refused or disdained, especially when he which is corrected, is found to striue against the truth to please mē.August ad Bonifaciō. For as S. Austen faith, writing to Boniface: the disputatiōs of all mē, be they neuer so Catholick or approued persōs: ought not to bee had in stead of the Canonicall Scriptures. So that we may disprooue or refuse (sauing the honor & reuerence which is due vnto thē) any thing that is in their writings: if any thing there be found, contrary to trueth: and what can be found more contrary to the trueth then this? When as the trueth him selfe speaking of continency, not of one onely, but of all men together, (the number onely excepted of them which haue professed continencye) sayth: He that can take, let him take: the which saying, these men (mooued, I cannot tell by what occasion) doe turne and say: he that cannot take, let him be accursed. And what can bee more foolishe amongest men, then when anye Byshoppe or Archdeacon, runne themselues headlong into all kinde of lust, to adultery [Page] and incest, and also Sodomitry: yet shame not to say, that the chaste mariage of Priestes doe stincke before them. And as voyde of all compassion of true righteousnesse, doe not desire or admonish their Clerkes, as their fellow seruauntes to abstayne, but commaund them and enforce them as seruauntes, violentlye to abstayne:The absurde saying and contrary during of papistes. Vnto the whiche imperious commaundement of theirs or counsell (whether you will call it) they adde also thys foolishe and filthy suggestion, saying: that it is more honest, priuily to haue to doe with many women, then apertly in the sight and consciences of many men, to bee bounde to one wife. The whiche truely they would not say, if they were eyther of hym, or in him, which saith, wo to you Phariseis which do all thinges before men. And by the Psalmist: because they please men, they are confounded: for the Lord hath despised them. These be the men, who rather ought to perswade vs, that we should shame to sinne priuily in the sight of him, to whē all things be open, thē to seeme in the sight of men for to be cleane. These men therfore, although through their sinful wickednes, deserue no counsell of godlines to be giuen thē: yet we not forgetting our humanitie, cease not to giue them counsell by the authoritie of Gods word, which seketh al mens saluation, desiring thē by the bowels of charitie, & saying with the wordes of Scripture: Cast out thou hypocrite first the beame out of thine owne eye, and then thou shalt see to cast out the mote of the eye of thy brother.

Moreouer, this also we desire them to attend, what the Lord saith of the aduouterous woman: which of you that is without sinne let hym cast the first stone against her. As though hee would say, if Moses bid you, I also bid you. But yet I require you that be the competent ministers and executors of the law: Take heede what yee adde thereunto, take heede also I pray you, what you are your selues: for if (as the Scripture saith) thou shalt well consider thy selfe, thou wilt neuer defame or detract an other.

Moreouer it is signified to vs also, that some there be of them,Gregorius. which (when they ought like good shepherds to giue their liues for the Lordes flocke) yet are puffed vp, with such pride: that without all reason they presume to rent and teare the Lords flocke, with whippings and beatings, whose vnreasonable dooynges Saint Gregory bewailing,, thus saith: Quid fiat de ouibus quando pastores lupi fiunt? That is, what shall become of the sheepe when the pastors themselues be Woolues? But who is ouercome but he which exerciseth cruelty,? Or who shall iudge the persecutor, but he which gaue patiently his backe to stripes? And this is the frute which commeth to the Church by such persecutors, also which commeth to the clergy, by such despitefull handling of their Byshoppes or rather Infidels. For why may ye not call them Infidels,2. Tim. 3. of whome Saint Paule thus speaketh and writeth to Tymothie? that in the latter dayes there shall certaine depart from the faith, geue heede to spirits of errour and doctrine of deuils, of them that speake false through hypocrisie, and hauing their consciences marked with an hote yron, forbidding to marry, and commaunding to abstaine from meates. &c. And this is if it be well marked, the whole handfull of the darnell and cockell growing amongest the corne: this is the couente of all madnes, that whiles they of the Clergye, be compelled to relinquish the cōpany of their own lawful wiues: they become afterward fornicators and adulterers with other women, and wicked ministers of other sinnefull filthinesse. These bee they which bring into the Church of God this heresie (as blinde guides leading the blinde) that it might be fulfilled which the Psalme speaketh of: as foreseeing the errors of such men, & accursing thē after this maner, let their eyes be blinded that they see not, & bow down alwais their backe. For as much then (O Apostolical Sir) as no man which knoweth you, is ignorant, that if you, through the light of your discretion had vnderstanded and seene, what poysoned pestilence, might haue come into the Churche thorough the sentence of this your decree: they would neuer haue consē ted to the suggestions of certaine wicked persons. Wherefore we counsell you by the fidelitie of our due subiection, that wyth all diligence, you would put away so great slaūder from the Church of God: and through your discret discipline, you will remooue this Pharisaicall doctryne from the flocke of God: so that thys onely Sunanite of the Lords (vsing no more adulterous husbāds) do not separate the holy people, and the kingly Priesthoode from her spouse which is Christ▪ through an vnrecouerable diuorsement: seing that no man without Chastitie (not only in the virgines state,Inuenitur bee Epistola in vetustis mēbranaceis libris (testā et Illyrico in Catologo) Memiuit eiusdem Epistola deutas Syluius, in sua peregrinatione, & Germania descriptione. but also in the state of matrimony) shall see our Lord, who with the father and the holy ghost, lyueth and raigneth for euer, Amen.

¶By this Epistle of Byshop Huldericke, aboue prefixed, the matter is plaine (gentle Reader) to conceiue, what was then the sentence of learned men, concerning the mariage of ministers, but that here by the way, the Reader is to be admoninished. that this Epistle which by errour of the writer is referred to pope Nicholas ye first, in my mind is rather to bee attributed to the name and tune of Nicolas the 2. or 3.

After this pope, Nicolas succeded Hadrianus. 2. Ioannes ix. Martinus. ij. After these came Hadrian the third and Stephē the v. By this Hadrian it was first decred, yt no Emperour after that time should intermedle or haue any thing to do in the election of the Pope. And thus began the Emperors fyrst to decay,Pope Hadrian the second. Iohn. [...]. Martine ij. Hadrian. iij. Steuen v. and the Papacie to swell and ryse aloft. And thus much concerning Romish matters for this time.

Then to returne where we lefte, touching the storye of King Ethelwolfe. About the latter ende of his reigne, the Danes which before had inuaded the Realme, in the time of king Egbert, as is aboue declared: now made there reentre againe, with 33. shippes arriuing aboute Hamshyre: through the barbarous tyranny of whō, much bloudshed and murther happened here among englishmen, in Dorcet shire, about Pourtchmouth in Kent, in Eastangle, in Lindesey, at Rochester, about London, and in Wests [...]xe▪ where Ethelwolfe the king was ouercome, besides diuers other vnder kings and dukes, whome the Danes dayly approching, in great multitudes in dyuers victories had put to flight. At length king Ethelwolfe, with his sonne Ethelbaldus, warring against them in Southrey, at Oclea, draue them to the sea, where they houering a space, after a while brast in againe with horrible rage and crueltie, as hereafter (Christ willing) shall be declared, so much as to our purpose shall serue, professing in this history, to write not of matters externe and politike, but onely pertaining to the Church. The cause of this great affliction sent of God vnto this realme thus I found expressed and collectlected in a certayne olde wrytten storye,Ex vetusto exemplo historia, Catian [...]. W.C. [...]. which hath noe name: the wordes of which writer, for the same cause as he thought to recite them, writing as he saith (ad cautelam, futurorum) I thought also for the same here not to be omitted, albeit in all partes of his commendation I doe not fully with him accorde. The wordes of the writer be these.

In Anglorum quidem Ecclesia primitiua,The cause of Gods wrath, wher [...]by the Realme of England was scou [...] ged by the Danes. religio clarissime, respēduit: ita vt Reges & Reginae et Principes ac Duces, Consules, & Barones &c.

In English thus.

In the primitiue Church saith he of the Englishmen, Relygiō did most clerely shine, in so much that kings Queenes, Princes and Dukes, Consuls, Barons, and Rulers of Churches, incensed with the desire of the kingdome of heauen, laboring and stryuing among themselues to enter into Monkery, into voluntarye exile and solitary life, forsoke all and followed the Lord. Where in processe of time, all vertue so much decayed among them, that in fraude and trechery none seemed like vnto them: Neither was to them any thing odious or hatefull but pietie and iustice Neither any thing in price or honor, but ciuill warre and sheddyng of innocent bloud. Wherfore almighty God sent vpon them pagane and cruell nations, like swarmes of Bees, which neyther spared women, nor children, as Danes, Norwagians, Gothes, Sueuians, Vandals, and Fresians. Who from the beginning of the reigne of king Ethelwolfe till the comming of the Normandes, by the space neere of 230. yeares, destroyed their sinfull land from the one side of the sea, to the other, from man also to beast. For why? they inuading England oft times, of euery side, went not about to subdue and possesse it, but onely to spoyle and destroy it. And if it had chanced them at any time to be ouercome of Englishmen, it auailed nothing, when as other nauies still with greater power in other places were ready vpon a sodaine and vnawares to approche vpon them, &c. Historia Cariana.

Thus farre haue ye the wordes of mine author, declaring the cause, which prouoked Gods anger, whereunto may be adioyned the wickednes, not onely of them but of their forefathers also before them, who falsely breaking the faith and promise made wyth the Britanes, did crueliye murther their nobles, wickedly oppressed their cōmons, impiously persecuted the innocent Christians, miliciously possessed their land and habitation: chasing the inhabitaunts out of house and country, besides the violent murther of the Monkes of Bangor, and diuers soule slaughters against the poore Brytaines, who sent for them to be their helpers. Wherefore, Gods iust recompence fallyng vpon them from that time, neuer suffered them to be quiet from forreine enimies, till the comming of William the Normande &c.

Moreouer,An other cause rendred, why England was scourged of the Danes. concerning the outward occasiōs giuē of the Englishmens parts, mouing the Danes first to inuade the Realme, I find in certain stories two most especially assigned. The one [...]iustly giue, & iustly takē. The other not giuen iustly, and [...] taken. Of the which two, the first was giuen in Northumberland, by meanes of Osbryght, The first entring of the Dane. Ex historia Iornalensi. reigning vnder king of Westsaxons, in the North partes. This Osbright vppon a time iourneyng by the way, turned into the house of one of his nobles called Bruer. Who hauing at home a wife of great beautie (he beyng [Page] absent abrod) the king after his dinner (allured wyth the excellency of her beautie) tooke her to a secret chamber,Example, what mischiefe commeth by adultery. where he forceablye contrarye to her will did rauishe her, whereupon she being greatly dismaied, and vexed in her minde, made her mooue to her husband returning, of thys violence and iniury receaued. Bruer consulting with his frindes, first went to the king, resigning to his hands, all suche seruice and possessions which he did hold of him: that done tooke shipping and sailed into Denmarke, where he had great friends: and had his bringing vp before. There making his mone to Codrinus the king,Codrinus king of Denmarke. desired his aide in reuenging of the great vilany of Osbryght against him and his wife. Codrinus hearing this, and glad to haue some iust quarell to enter that land: leuied an army with al spede: & preparing all things necessary for the same, sendeth foorth Inguar and Hubba two brethren,Inguar and Hubba captaynes of the Danes. his chief Captaines, with an innumerable multitude of Danes into England. who first arriuing at Holdernesse, there brent vp the country, & killed without mercy both men, women, and chidrē, whō they could lay hāds vpon. Then marching toward York, entred their battaile, with the foresayde Osbryght, where he with the most part of his armye was slaine. And so the Danes entred the possession of the Citie of Yorke. Some other say, and is by the most part of storye writers recorded, that the chiefe cause of the comming of Inguar & Hubba with the Danes,An other cause of the comming of the Danes. was to reuenge king Edmund reygnyng vnder the Westsaxons ouer the Eastangles in Nothfolke and Southfolk: for the murdering of a certaine Dane being father to Inguar and Hubba which was falselye imputed to king Edmund. The story is thus told.

Lothbroke father to Inguar, and Hubba.A certaine noble man of the Danes of the kings stock called Lothebrocus father to Inguar and Hubba entring vppon a time with his hauke into a certaine schaffe or cockebote alone: by chaunce through tempest was driuen with his hauke to the coast of Nothfolke named Rodhā, where he being found and detained was presented vnto the king. The king vnderstanding his parentage, & seing his case: entertained him in his court accordingly. And euery daye more and more perceiued his actiuities, and great dexteritie in hunting & hauking, bare speciall fauour vnto him. In so much that the kinges faukener,What miserable enuy worketh. or maister of game, bearing priuy enuy against him, secretly as they were hū ting together in a woode, did murther him, & threw him in a bush. This Lothebroke, being murthered, within two or three daies began to be missed in the kinges house: of whō no tidings could be heard, but onely by a dogge or spaniel of his,Murther will out. which continuing in the wood with the corps of his maister, at sondry times came and fauned vpon the king: so long that at length they folowing the trase of the hound were brought to the place where Lothebroke laye. Wherevpō inquisition made, at length by certeine circumstances of words and other euidences, it was knowne how & by whom he was murthered, that was by the kings huntesman name [...] Berike. Who thereupon being conuicted, was set into the same bote of Lothebroke, alone and without any takeling to driue by seas, either to be saued by the weather or to be drowned in the deepe. And as it chaunced Lothebroke from Dennemarke to be driued to Northfolke, so it happened that from Northfolke he was caried into Denmarke. Where the bote of Lothebroke being well knowen, hands were laid vpon him, & inquisition made of the party. In sine in his torments, to saue himselfe, he vttered an vntruth of king Egmund, saying, that the king had put him to death in the country of Northfolke. Wherupon grudge first was conceiued, thē an army appointed, & great multitude sent into England, to reuenge that fact: where first they arriuing in Northumberland, destroyed (as is sayd) those parties first. From thence sayling into Northfolke they exercised the like tyranny there, vpon the inhabitaūts therof, especially vpon the innocent prince, & blessed matter of God, king Edmund. Cōcerning the farther declaration wherof, hereafter shal follow (Christ our Lord, so permitting) more to be spoken, as place and obseruation of time and yeares, shall require.

K. Ethelwulphe deceaseth.In the meane seasō, king Ethelwulphe, in this chapiter here presently touched, when he had chased ye foresaid Daues (as is aboue rehearsed from place to place, causing thē to take the Sea, he in the meane while departeth him selfe both from land and life: leauing behinde him foure sons, which reigned euery one in his order, after the discease of their father. The names of whom were Ethelbaldus, Ethelbrightus, Ethelredus, and Aluredus.

¶King Ethelbalde.

KIng Ethelbald the eldest sonne of Ethelwulfe, succeeding his father in the prouince of Westsaxe: and Ethelbright in the prouince of Kent: reigned both togither, the terme of v. yeares,An. 857. one with the other. Of the which two, Ethelbald, the first le [...]t this infamie, behinde him in storyes, for marrying and lying with his stepmother,King Ethelbald. K. Ethelbright. wife to hys owne father named Iudith. After these two succeded Ethelred, the thirde sonne, who is his time was so encombred with the Danes, brusting in on euery side: especiallye about Yorke, (which Citie they then spoyled and brent vp) that he in one yeare stoode in ix. battailes against them,An. 867. wt the helpe of Alured his brother. In the beginning of thys Kinges reigne, the Danes landed in East Englande, or Northfolke & Southfolke. But (as Fabian writeth) they were compelled to forsake that country,King Ethe [...] dred. Yorke bu [...] ned by the Danes. and so toke again shipping, and sayled Northward, and landed in Northū berlande: where they were met of the Kinges then there reigning, called Osbright, and Ella, which gaue to them a strong light. But notwithstanding the Danes, with help of such as inhabited the country, wanne the City of York, and helde it a certaine season as is aboue foretouched.

In the reigne of this Ethelred, the Northumberlanders rebelling against the king,What discord doth in a commo [...]wealth. thought to recouer again the former state of their kingdome out of the Westsaxons hand, by reason of which discord (as happeneth in al lāds where dissention is) the strength of the Englishe nation was thereby not a litle weakned,An. 870. and the Danes the more thereby preuailed.

About the latter time of the reigne of this Etheldred ▪ which was about the yeare of our Lord. 870. certayne of the foresaide Danes being thus possessed of ye north country: after their cruel persecution and murther done there, (as partly is touched before) tooke shipping frō thence, intending to saile toward the Eastangles, who by the way vpon the sea, met with a flot of Danes: whereof the Captaines or leaders were named Inguar & Hubba. Who ioyning altogether in one counsel, made al one course, & lastly landed in East England, or Northfolke, & in proces of time came to Thetior [...]. Thereof hearing Edmund, then vnder king of that prouince: assembled an host, that gaue to them battall. But Edmund and his company was forced to forsake the field, & the king with a few persons fled vnto the castle of Framingham,S. Edmund king of Eastangles whō the Danes pursued. But he in short while after, yelded himselfe to the persecution of the Danes: aunswering in this maner to ye messē ger, that told him in the name of Inguar Prince of the Danes:The message of the Danes to K. Edmund. which most victoriously (saith he) was come with innumerable legions, subduing both by sea and land manye nations vnto him: & so now arriued in those parts, requireth him likewise to submit himself, yelding to him his hid treasures, and such other goods of his auncetors, and so to reign vnder him, which thing if he would not do, he shold (said he) be iudged vnworthy both of life & reigne. Edmūd hearing this proud message of ye Pagane, consulted wyth certayne of his fryends: and amongest other, with one of his bishops being thē his Secretary, who seyng the present daunger of the king: gaue him counsell to yeeld to the conditions. Upon this the king pausing a little with him self, at length rendred this aunswere: Bidding the messenger go to tell his Lord in these words.The aunswere of K. Edmund. That Edmūd a christian king, for the loue of temporall life, will not submitte himselfe to Pagane Duke, vnlesse he before woulde bee a Christian Incontinent vpon the same, the wicked & crafty Dane approching in most hasty speede vpon the King, encountred with him in battell (as some say) at Thetford: where the king being put to the worse, & pittieng the terrible slaunghter of his men: thinking with himselfe rather to submit his owne person to daunger, then his people should be slaine did flye (as Fabian sayth) to the Castle of Framingham:The persecution and death of S. Edmund king of the Eastangles. or (as my author writeth to Halesdō, now called S. Edmundesbury, where this blessed man, being on euery side cōpassed of his cruel enimies, yelded himself to their persecution. And for that he would not reny or deny Christ and his lawes, they therfore most cruelly bound him vnto a tree, & caused him to be shot to death: and lastly caused his head to be smitten from his body,K. Edmund Martyr. & cast into the thicke bushes. Which head and body at the same time was by his frendes taken vp, and solemnely buried at the sayd Halesdon, otherwise now named S. Edmunds bury. Whose brother named Edwoldus (notwithstanding of ryght, the kingdome fell next vnto him) setting a part the lyking & pleasure of the world, became an Hermite at the Abbey of Cerum, in the Countrey of Dorset.

After the Martirdome of this blessed Edmund, Redyng taken of the Danes. when the cruell Danes had sufficiently robbed and spoyled that country: they tooke agayne their shippes, and landed in Southrey, & continued their iourney till they came to the towne of Reading,Inguar and Hubba slayne. & there wan the towne with the castle where (as Cambrensis saith) within three dayes of their thether comming, the foresayde Inguar and Hubba Captaines [Page] of the Danes, as they went in purchasing of theyr prayes or booties: were slaine at a place called Englefelde. Which Princes of the Danes thus slaine, the rest of them kept whole together, in such wise that ye Westsaxons might take of them none aduantage. But yet within fewe dayes after the Danes were holden so short, that they were forced to issue out of the castle, & to defend them in plain battaile. In the whiche (by the industry of king Ethelred and of Allured his brother) the Danes were discomfited, & many of them slaine: which discomfort made them flie againe into the castle, and there kept them for a certain time. The King then committing the charge of them to Ethelwolde Duke of Baroke or Barkshire,Duke Ethelwold slayne. so departed. But whē the Danes knew of the kings departure, they brake sodeinly out of their hold, and tooke the Duke vnprouided, & slewe him, and much of his people. And so adioyning thēselues with other that were scattered in the countrey, enbattelled them in such wise, that of them was gathered a strōg host.

As the tidings hereof was brought to king Etheldred, (which put him in great heauines) word also was brought the same time of the landing of Osrike, Osrike king of Denmark landeth in England. king of Denmarke: who with assistence of the other Danes had gathered a great host, and were enbattelled vpō Ashdowne. To this battaile king Ethelred with his brother Alured (forced by great neede) sped them selues to withstand the Danes. At which time, the king a litle staying behind being yet at his seruice,Ex Guliel. Malmesboriensi. Ex historia lornalensi. Ex Fabiano & alijs. Inuocation and prayer, profitable in tyme of battayle. Alured which was comen before, had entred already into the whole fight with the Danes: who strake together with huge violēce. The king being required to make speede (hee being then at seruice, and meditations) such was his deuotion: that he would not stirre out one foote, before the seruice was fully cōplete. In this meane while, the Danes so fearsly inuaded Alured and his mē, that they wanne the hill: and the Christen men were in the valley, and in great daunger to loose the whole fielde. Neuerthelesse through the grace of God, and their godly manhoode, the king comming from his seruice, with his fresh souldiours recouered the hill of the infidels: and so discōfited the Danes that day,The Danes ouerthrown at Ashdon. that in fleing away not only they lost the victory, but most part also of them their liues. In so much that their Duke or king Osride or Osege, and fiue of their Dukes, with much of their people were slain, and the rest chased vnto Reding towne.

After this, the Danes yet resembled their people, and gathered a new host, so that within xv. dayes, they mete at Basingstoke,Another battayle fought with the Danes. Another battayle fought with Danes at Merton. and there gaue battaile vnto the king, & had the better. Then the king againe gathered his mē, which at that field were disparkled, and with fresh souldiours to them accompanied, mete the Danes within two moneths after at the towne of Merton, where hee gaue to them a sharpe battaile: so that much people were slaine as well of the Christen, as of the Danes, but in the ende, the Danes had the honour of the fielde, and king Ethelred there was wounded, and therefore faine to saue himselfe.

After these ij. fields thus won by the Danes, they obtained great circuit of groūd, and destroyed man & childe, that would not yeld to them. And Churches and temples they turned to the vse of stables, & other vile occupations.

Thus the king beset with enemies on euery side, seing the land so miserably oppressed of the Danes: his knights and soldiours consumed: his owne land of Westsaxons in such desolation: he being also wounded himself: But especially for that he sending his commissions into Northumberland, into Mercia, and Eastanglia, could haue of them but smal or litle comfort (because they through wicked rebellion, were more willing to take the part of the Danes, then of their king) was sore perplexed therewithall,What discord and rebellion doth in a realme. as the other Kinges were both before him and after him, at that time. So that, as Malmesbury witnesseth, magis optarēt honestum exitium, quàm tam acerbum imperium. That is, They rather wished honestly to die, then with such trouble and sorrow to reigne. And thus this King not long after deceased, when he had reigned, as Fabian sayth viij. yeres, as Malmesbury wryteth,The death of Etheldred. but v. yeares. During which time of his reigne, notwithstanding hys so great troubles and vexations in martiall affaires, (as is in some stories mentioned) he founded the house or college of Chanōs at Exeter, and was buried at the Abbey of Winborn or Woborn.The Abbey of Exceter founded. After whose decease, for lacke of issue of his body, the rule of the land fel vnto his brother Alured.

* King Alured otherwise called Alfrede.

An. 872.AMong the Saxon kinges hetherto in this historie afore mentioned: I finde fewe or none to be preferred (or almost to be compared) to this Alured, Alured K. of England. or Alfrede for the great and singulare qualities in this king worthy of high renowne and commendation. Whether we behold in him the valiant actes, and manifold trauailes which he continually from time to time sustained against his ennemies in warres, during almost all the time of his raigne, for the publicke preseruation of his people: Or whether we consider in him, his godly and excellent vertues, ioyned with a publicke and tender care, and zealous study; for the common peace and trāquility of the weale publike: appearing as wel in his prudēt lawes by him both carefully set forth, and with the like care executed, as also by his own priuate exercises touching the vertuous institution of his life. Or whether we respect that in him, which with equall praise matcheth with both the other before: That is, his notable knowledge of good letters, with a feruēt loue and Princely desire, to set foorth the same through all his Realme (before his time being both rude and barbarous) All whych his heroical properties, ioyned together in one Prince, as it is a thing most rare, and seldome seene in Princes now a daies: so I thought the same the more to be noted and examplefide in this good king. Therby either to moue other rulers and Princes in these our daies, to his imitation: or els to shew them what hath ben in times past, in their anceters, which ought to be, and yet is not founde in them. Wherefore of these three partes to discourse either part in order, first we wil enter to entreat of his actes and painefull trauailes sustained, in defence of the Realme publicke: against the raging tyrannie of the Danes, as they be described in the Latin histories of Rog. Houeden, and Huntington: Ex Rog. Houedeno. H. Hunting. Polychronicon. Fabiano. whome Fabian also seemeth in this part somewhat to follow. King Alfred therfore, first of al the English kings, taking his crowne and vnction at Rome of Pope Leo (as Malmesberiensis and Polycronicon do recorde) in the beginning of his raigne, perceauing his Lordes & people much wasted and decaied, by the reason of the great warres of Ethelred, had against the Danes: yet as well as he coulde, gathered a strength of men vnto him, and in the secōd moneth that he was made King, he met with the Danes beside Wylton, where hee gaue to them battaile. But being farre ouermatched, through the multitude of the contrary part, was put there to the worse: although not wythout a great slaughter of the Pagane army. Which army then of the Danes, after that victorie, by compaction made wyth King Alfrede, to depart out of his dominion of Westsaxe: remoued from Reading to London, where they abode all that winter.Burhered being expulsed hys kingdome went to Rome and there dyed in the Englishe house. Where Halden their king, taking truse wyth Burhered, King of Mercians, the next yeare followinge voyded those partes, and drewe to Lyndesey: in robbing and spoyling the townes and villages as they went, and holding the common people vnder their seruage. From thence after to Repyngdon: where they ioyning wyth the three other Kings of the Danes (called Surdrim, Osketel, and Hamond) grewe thereby in mighty force and strength. Who then deuiding their armie in two partes, the one halfe remained wyth Halden in the countrey of Northumberland: the residue were with the other three kings, wintering and soiourning all the next yeare at Grantbrige, which was the fourth yeare of King Alfred. In the which yeare King Alfred his men had a conflict on the Sea, with sixe of the Danes shippes, of which one they tooke, the other fled away.Rollo a Dane first Duke of Normandy. In this yeare went Rollo the Dane into Normandie, where hee was Duke thirtie yeare, and afterwarde was Baptised in the faith of Christ, and named Robert The foresayde armie of the three Dane Kinges aboue mētioned frō Grantebryge, returned again to Westsaxonie, and entred the Castle of warrham: where King Alfrede with a sufficiēt power of men, was ready to assault them. But the Danes seeing his strength durst not attēpt with him, but sought delaies, while more ayd might come. In the meane season they were constrayned to intreat for truce: leauing also sufficient pledges in the Kinges hand, promising moreouer vpon their othe, to voyde the country of the westsaxons. The king vpon the surety let them go. But they falsely breaking their league, priuely in the night brake out, taking their iourny toward Exceter. In which iourny, they lost vi. score of their small ships, by a tempest at Sandwych (as Henry Huntington in hys storye recordeth.) Then kyng Alfrede followed after the horsmen of the Danes, but coulde not ouertake them, before they came to Exceter, where he tooke of thē pledges and fayre promises of peace, and so returned. Notwithstanding the number of the Pagāes did dayly more and more increase, in so much (as one of my authors sayth) that if in one day 30. thousand of them were slayn, shortly after they increased double as many agayne. After this truce taken with King Alfrede, the Danes then voyded to the land of Mercia, whereof part of that kingdome they kept themselues, part they committed to one Ceolulphus: vppon condition [Page] that he should be vassall to them, and at their commandement, with his people at all times.

Anno. 879.The next yere insuing, which was the vij. yeare of the raigne of Alfred, the Danes; who nowe hauing all the rule of the Northpart of Englande, from the riuer of Tames, with Mercia, London, and Essex: disdained that Alfrede shoulde beare any dominion on the other side of Tames southward. Whereupon the foresayde three kings with all the force and strength they coulde make, marched towarde Chippenham in Westsexe,King Alfrede flyeth into a desert wood. with such a multitude, that the king wt his people was not able to resist them. In so much that the people which inhabited there, some fled ouer the sea, some remained with the king, diuers submitted themselues to the Danes. Thus King Alfrede being ouerset wt multitude of enemies, and forsaken of hys people, hauing neither lād to hold, nor hope to recouer that which he had lost:Etheling which is to say the Ile of Nobles. withdrew himselfe wt a fewe of his nobles about him, into a certaine wood countrey in Somersetshire, called Ethelyng: where he had right scant to liue with, but suche as he and his people might purchase by hunting and fishing. This Edelyng or Ethelying or Ethelyngsey, standeth in a great Maresse or Moore, so that there is no accesse vnto it, without ship or boate: and hath in it a great woode called Selewood, and in the midle a litle plaine, about of two acres of ground. In which Ile is veneson. and other wilde beastes, with soule and fishes, great plenty. In this wood, King Alured at his first comming, espied a certaine deserte cotage of a poore Swynarde, keeping swine in the woode, named Dunwolphus: of whome the King then vnknowen was entertained and chearished, with such poore fare as he and his wife could make him.A swineheard made Byshop of Winchester. For the which, King Alfrede afterwarde, set the poore Swinarde to learning, and made him Bishop of Winchester.

In the meane season, while King Alfrede accompanied with a few, was thus in the desert wood, waiting the euent of these miseries: certaine stories recorde of a poore beggar, which there came and asked hys almes of the King. And the night folowing he appeared to the King in hys sleepe: saying his name was Cutbert, promising (as sent frō God, vnto him for his good charitie) great victories against the Danes. But to let these dreaming fables passe, althoughe they be testified by diuers authours, both Wilielmus Lib. de Reg. Polychronicon, Rog. Houeden, Iornalensis, and other mo. Notwythstanding the king in processe of time, was strēgthened and cōforted more,Henr. Hunting. lib. 5. de. Histor. Angl. through the prouidence of God: respecting the miserable ruine of the Englishmen. First the brother of King Haldene the Dane before mentioned, comming in with xxiij. ships, landed about Deuonshire: where by chaunce being resisted by a bushment of king Alfredes men (who for their safegarde there lay in garyson) were slaine to the number of 1300. men,Inguar and Hubby slayne. and their ensigne called the Ranen was taken. Houedenus in hys booke of Continuationis wryteth, that in the same cōflict both Inguar and Hubba were slain among the other Danes. After this, King Alfrede being better cheared, shewed him selfe more at large: so that daily resorted to him, men of Wiltshyre, Somersetshyre, and Hamshyre, till that hee was strongly accompanied.

A bold aduenture or attempt of king Alfrede, ventring himself into the tentes of the Danes.Then the King put himselfe in a bold and dangerous venture (as wryteth Wilelmus Lib. de Reg. Polychron. and Fabian which followeth them both) for he apparelling him in the habite of a Minstrell (as hee was very skilfull in all Saxon Poemes) with his instrument of Musike, entred in the tentes of the Danes, lying then at Eddendime: and in shewing there his interlude and songs, espied all theyr slouth and ydlenes,Ex Fabiano. and heard much of their counsell. And after returning to hys companie, declared vnto them the whole manner of the Danes. Shortly vpon the same, the King sodainly in the night fell vpon the foresaid Danes, & distressed and slewe of them a great multitude, chased them from that coast. In so much that through hys strong & valiaunt assaultes vpon his enemies, out of his tower of Edelyng newly fortified: he so encōbered them, that he clearly voyded the countrey of them, betweene that and Selwoodes. His subiectes eftsones, hearing of these hys valiaunt victories, and manful deedes, drewe to him daily out of all coasts. Who through the helpe of God, and their assistānce, helde the Danes so short, that he wanne from them Winchester, & diuers other good townes. Briefly, at lēgth he forced them to seeke for peace:Gutrum the Prince of the Danes was Christened. the which was concluded vpon certaine couenaunts. Whereof one and the principal was, that the forenamed Gutrum their King shoulde be Christened. The other was, that suche as woulde not be Christened, should depart and voide the countrey.

King Gutrum named Athelstane.Upon these couenants, first the sayde Gutrum the Danish Prince cōming to Winchester, there was Christened with xx. of his greatest Dukes or Nobles. To the whyche Gutrum King Alured being hys Godfather at hys Baptisme, named hym Athelstane. Who after a certaine season that he had feasted the said Danes: he according to his promise before made, gaue vnto theyr King the countrey of Eastanglia, containing Northfolke & Suffolke, and part of Cambridshire. Moreouer (as saith Polychron.) he graū ted to the Danes that were Christened, the Countrey of Northumberland. So the residue that wold not be Christened, departed the land, and sailed into Fraunce▪ where, what vexation and harme they wrought, the Chronicles of Fraunce do partly comprehend.

King Athelstane thus hauing the possession of these countreis,Norfo [...] Suffolke geuen▪ to king Gutrum. had all Eastangles vnder his obedience. And albeit that he held the sayd prouince as in fee of the king, & promised to dwel there as his liege mā: yet that notwithstanding, hee continued more like a tyrant, by the terme of xj. yeare and died in the xij. yere. During the which space, King Alfrede hauing some more rest and peace, repaired certain townes and strong holds afore by the Danes empaired. Also he builded diuers houses of religiō,The Nun [...] of Shaftesbury builded. The Monastery of Etheling. The new minster at Winchester besieged [...] the Danes. as ye house of Nunnes at Shaftesbury. An other religious house at Ethelyng he foūded. Item an other in Winchester, named the new monastery. Item, he endewed richly the Churche of S. Cutbert in Dyrham. He sent also to India, to pay and performe his vowes to S. Thomas of Inde, which he made during the time of his distresse against the Danes.

About the xv. yeare of the reigne of Alfred, the Danes returning from France to England, landed in Kent, and so came to Rochester, and besieged that City: and there lay so long, that they builded a Tower of tymber against the gates of the Citie. But by strength of the Citizens, that tower was destroyed, and the Citie defended t [...] King Alfrede came and reseued them. Whereby the Danes were so distressed, and so nere trapped: that for feare, they left their horses behind them, and fled to their ships by night. But the King, when he was thereof ware: sent after them and tooke xvj. of their shippes, & slew many of the said Danes. This done, the King returned to London, & repaired the same honorably (as sayth Houedenus) & made it habitable, which before was sore decaied and febled by the Danes.

The third yeare after this,An. 892. which was the xix. yeare of the raigne of king Alfred: the foresayd Athelstane the Danish king of Northfolke (which by Alfred was Christened before) deceased. Not lōg after this, about the xxj. yeare of this kinges reigne, the Danes agayne landed in foure places of this land: which was, in Eastinglande: in the North: and in the West, in two places. Before the landyng of these Danes, it chaunced king Elfred, hearing of the death of King Athelstane, and of other complayntes of the Danes, was then in Eastengland, when these tidings c [...]me to him.

When King Alfrede was hereof ascertained: forsomuch as some of the Danes were landed in that coast, thincking with themselues the further they wēt in those parties, the lesse resistaunce to haue,The Danes driuen from Norfolke. and the more speede, as they were wont to haue before: Alfride therefore sending messengers in all hast to Etheldred Duke of Mercia, to assemble to him an host, to withstand the Danes which landed in ye West, made forth toward hys enemies there, where hee was in Eastanglia, whom he pursued so sharpely, that hee droue them out from those parties. They then landed in kent, whether the king with his people sped him, and in lyke maner draue the Danes from thence, without anye great fight,The Danes returne agayne to Norfolke [...] so farre as in our authors we can see. After this, agayne the Danes tooke shipping, and sayled into Northwales, and there robbed and spoyled the Britones, & from thence returned by the sea into Eastanglia, with an hundreth ships, and there rested them, for so much the king then was gone Westward.

The fourth host of the Danes, the same yeare came to Chester, which at length they won, but then, the countrey adioyning pressed so sore vpon them, and besieged them so long,The Danes driuen out of Chester. keeping them selues wythin the City, that at the last the Danes weryed with the long siege, were compelled to eat their owne horses for hunger. But by appointment, at last they gaue ouer the towne, and went about by Northwales to Northumberland, whyche was about the xxiij. yeare of king Alfrede: Which Alfrede in the meane while with his host, sped him thetherward. Thē the Danes, leauing their strong holdes and Castles garnished with men and vitaile: tooke againe shipping, and set theyr course in such wise that they landed in Sussex, & so came to the porte of Lewes: and from thence towarde London, and builded a Tower or Castle neare vnto the riuer of Ley,The Danes driuen from Lewes. xx. mile frō London. But the Londiners hearing therof, manned out a certaine number of men of armes, who wt the assistence of them of that countrey, put the Danes from that tower: [Page] and after beat it downe to the groūd. Soone after the king came downe thether. And to preuent the daungers that might ensue,The riuer of Luye deuided in three. commaunded the riuer of Luye to be deuided in iii. streames: so that where a shyp might sayle in times before, then a litle boate might scantly row. Frō thence the Danes, leauing their shippes & wiues, were forced to flie that countrey, and tooke their way againe toward Wales, and came to Quadruge neare to the Riuer of Seuerne. Where, vpon the borders therof, they builded then a castle, there resting themselues for a time: whome the King eftsoones wyth his armie pursued. In the meane tyme, the Londiners at Luye taking the Danes shippes: some of them they brought to London, the rest they fired. During all these three yeres, from the first comming of the Danes to Luye, Englande was afflicted with three maner of sorrowes: with the Danes,3. plagues in England. wyth pestilence of men, and morreine of beasts. The which troubles notwithstanding, yet the King manfully resisted the malice of his enemyes, and thāked God alway, what trouble soeuer fel to him, or vnto his Realme, and susteined it wyth great pacience & humilitie. These three yeares ouerpast,An. 897. the next yeare folowing, which was the xxviij. of the reigne of Alfrede: the Danes deuided their hoste: of whom part went to Northumberland, some to Northfolke, part sailed ouer to Fraunce, some other came to Westsaxe.The Danes ships taken. Where they had diuers conflictes with the Englishmen, both by lande and especially vpon the Sea: of whome some were slaine: many by shypwracke peryshed, diuers were taken and hanged, and xxx. of their shippes were taken.

An. 899.Not long after this, king Alfred, when he had reigned xxix. yeares, and vj. monethes, chaunged this mortall life. And thus much (and more peraduēture, then will seeme to thys our Ecclesiasticall storie appertaining) touching the painfull labours and trauailes of this good king: which he no lesse valiantly atcheued, then paciently susteined, for the necessary defence of his Realme and subiects.

The vertues and godly lyfe of kyng Alfrede described.Now if there be any Prince, who listeth to see and follow the vertuous and godly disposition of this king: both touching the institution of his owne life, & also concerning his carefull gouernement of the cōmon weale: thus the histories of him do record. That at what time he being yōg, perceaued hymselfe somewhat disposed to the vice of the flesh, & thereby letted from many vertuous purposes: did not as many young Princes,The inclination of nature corrected in K. Alfrede. and Kinges sonnes in the world be now wont to do: that is to resolue thēselues into all kind of carnal licence, and dissolute sensualitie, running and folowing without bridle, whether soeuer their licence geuen doth leade them (as therefore not without cause the common prouerbe reporteth of them) that Kings sonnes learne nothing well els, but onely to ride. Meaning therby, that Princes and Kinges sonnes hauing about them flatterers, whych bolster them in theyr faultes: onely their horses geue to them no more, then to any other: but if they sit not fast, they wil cast them. But this young king seeing in him selfe the inclination of his fleshly nature, minding not to geue hym selfe so much as he might take,The godly petition of king Alfrede. but rather by resistence to auoid the tentation thereof: besought God that he wold send to him some continual sicknes, in quenching of that vice, whereby he might be more profitable to the publike busines of the cōmon wealth, and more apt to serue God in his calling. Cestrens. Lib. 5. cap. 1. Fab. cap. 17.

Then at Gods ordinance, he had the euill called Ficus, til he came to the age of xx. yeres,Modwenna. wherof at length he was cured (as is sayd in some stories) by the virgin called Modwen, an Irishwoman. After this sicknesse being taken away, to him fell an other: which continued with him from the xx. yeres of his age, to xlv (according to his own petition & request made vnto God) wherby, he was the more reclaimed & attempered from other more great incōueniences, and lesse disposed to that which he did most abhorre.

Moreouer to beholde the bountiful goodnes ioyned wt like prudence in this man:King Alured how he deuided hys goodes in two partes. in the ordering & disposing hys riches and rents, it is not vnworthy to be recited. How he deuided his goods in two equall partes: the one apperteining to vses secular, the other to vses spirituall or Ecclesiasticall. Of the which two principall partes, the first he deuided into three portiōs: the first to the behofe of his house and family,Polycron. Lib. 5. ca. 1. Guliel. lib. de regibus. the second vpon his workmen and builders of his new works, whereof he had great delight & cunning: the third vpon strangers. Likewise the other second halfe, vpon spirituall vses, he did thus diuide in foure portions: One to the releuing of the poore: An other to monasteries: The iij. portion to the schooles of Oxforde,The liberall hart of king Alfrede. for the mainteining of good letters: The iiij. he sent to foreine Churches, without the Realme. This also is left in stories written to his commendation, for his great tolerance and sufferance: that when he had builded the new Monastery at Winchester, and afterward hys sonne Edward had purchased of the Byshop and the Chapter a sufficient peece of grounde for certaine offices to be adioyned vnto the same, & had geuen for euery foote of ground, mancam auri pleni ponderis (which was as I thynke a marke of golde) or more: yet Alfrede therwithal was not greatly discontented to see his coffers so wasted.

Ouer and besides,How well and godly this king spent his tyme▪ how sparing and frugall hee was of time (as of a thing in this earth most pretious) and howe farre from al vain pastimes and idlenes he was: this doth well declare, which in the storie of William de Reg. & other wryters is tolde of hym. That hee so deuided the day and night in three parts, if he were not let by warres, or other great busines: that eight houres hee spent in studie & learning: and other eight houres he spent in praier and almes dedes: and other eight houres he spent in his natural rest, sustenance of his body, and the needes of the realme. The which order he kept duely by the burning of waxen tapers kept in his closet by certaine persons for the same purpose. Guliel.

How studious he was & carefull of the commō wealth and maintenance of publike tranquillitie:The godly lawes of King Alfrede. his lawes most godly set forth and diuised by him may declare. Wherein especially by him was prouided, for the extirping and abolishing all theft and theeues out of the Realme. Wherby, the Realme through his vigilant care,A notable example of thi [...] [...]ery and felony banished thys Realme. was brought into such trāquillitie or rather perfection, that in euery crosse or turning way, he made be set vp a golden brouch at least of siluer gilded, through his dominiōs: and none so hardy neither by day nor night to take it downe: for the more credit wherof, the wordes of the Latin story be these: Armillas aureas iuberet suspendi, quae viantium auiditatem irritarent, dum non essent, qui eas abriperent. &c. Guliel. Lib. de Regibus Angl. And no great maruel therein, if the Realme in those dayes was brought in such an order, and that iustice then was so well ministred, when the king him selfe was so vigilant in ouerseeing the doings of his iudges and officers. Whereof thus also we read in the saide author testified: Iudiciorum a suis hominibus factorum, inquisitor, perperam actorum asperrimus corrector. 1. he was (sayeth mine author speaking of the king) a vigilant inquisitor of the doings of his iudges, and a strict punisher of theyr misdoinges.Ex histori [...] lornalensi. Iornalensis also wryting vpon the same, thus sayth: Facta ministrorum suorum, & potissimè iudicum diligenter inuestigauit, adeo vt quos ex auaritia aut imperitia errare cognosceret, ab officio remouebat, that is, he did diligently search out the doings of his officers, & especially of his iudges: so that if he knewe any of them to erre eyther through couetousnes, or vnskilfulnes: them he remooued from their office.

And thus much concerning the valiant actes, and noble vertues of this worthy Prince: whereunto although there were no other ornamēts adioyning besides: yet sufficient were they alone to set foorth a Prince worthy excellent commendation. Nowe besides these other qualities & gifts of Gods grace in him,King Alfrede commended for learning. aboue mentioned: remayneth an other part of his no litle praise & commendation, which is his learning and knowledge of good letters: wherof he not onely was excellently expert hym selfe, but also a worthy mainteiner of ye same through al his dominiōs:When learning first began to be set vp in England. where before, no vse of Grammer or other sciences was practised in this Realme, especially about the Westparts of the lād: there through the industrie of this king, schooles began to be erected, and studyes to florish. Although amōg the Britaynes in the towne of Chester in Southwales lōg before that,Chester a place of learning. The Vniuersitie of Graunchester by Cambridge. in kyng Arthurs tyme, as Galfridus writeth: both Grammer, and Philosophy with other tongues was thē taught. After that some writers record, that in the tyme of Egbert kyng of Kent, this Ilande began to florishe with Philosophy. About which tyme some also thinke: that the Uniuersitie of Graūtechester,The vniuersitie of Paris [...] began by iiij. Rabanus, Alcuinus, Claudius, Ioan. Scotus. neare to that which nowe is called Cambrige, began to be founded, by Bede: following this coniecture therein, for that Alcuinus (before mētioned) which after went to Rome, & from thence to Fraunce in the tyme of Charles the great, where he first began the Uniuersitie of Paris: was first traded vp in the exercise of studies, at the same schoole of Graūtechester. Beda Lib. 111. cap. 18. writing also of Sigebert king of Eastangles,Sigebert king of Eastangle [...] a scepter of Schooles. declareth how the sayd Sigebert returning out of Fraunce into England (according to the examples whiche hee did there see) ordered and disposed schooles of learning, through the meanes of Felix then Bishop: and placed in them maisters and teachers,Two a [...]ncient schooles in England, one for Greeke, the other for latine. after the vse and maner of the Cantuarites. And yet before these times, moreouer is thought to be two schooles or vniuersities within the realme: the one Grek, at ye town of Greglade, which afterward was called Kyrklade: The other for Latine, whiche place was then called Latinelade: afterward Letthelade neare to Oxford.

[Page]But howsoeuer it chāced that the knowledge and study of good letters being once planted in this realme, afterwarde went to decay: yet King Alfrede deserueth no little praise, for restoring or rather increasing the same. After whose time they haue euersince continued, albeit not continually through euery age in like perfection. But this we may see, what it is to haue a Prince learned him selfe, who feeling and tasting the price and value of science & knowledge, is thereby not only the more apt to rule, but also to instruct & frame his subiectes, from a rude barbaritie, to a more ciuile congruencie of life, & to a better vnderstanding of thinges: as we see in this famous Prince to happen. Cōcerning whose first education & bringing vp, although it was somewhat late before he entred any letter: yet suche was the apt towardnesse & docilitie of his nature, that being a childe, he had the Saxon Poemes (such as were vsed then in his owne toung) by hart and memory. Who afterward with yeares and time grewe vp in such perfection of learning and knowledge, in so much, that as mine author sayeth, Nullus Anglorum fuerit vel intelligendo acutior, vel in interpretando elegantior. The which thing in him the more was to be marueiled, for that he was xij. yeares of age before he knew any letter. Then his mother, careful and tender ouer him, hauing by chance a booke in her hand, which he wold faine haue:Ex historia Guliel. de Regibus Ang. promised to geue him the same, so that he wold learne it. Wherupon he for greedines of the booke, eftsoones learned the letters, hauing to his Scholemaister Pleimundus, after bishop of Canterbury. And so daily grew more and more in knowledge, that at length, as mine author sayth,Pleimondus teacher to king Alfred, and after Bishop of Canterbury. Plurimam partem Romanae bibliothecae, Anglorum auribus dedit, optimam praedam peregrinarum mercium, ciuium vsibus conuertens. That is. A great part of the Latin Librarie hee translated into English, conuerting to the vses of his Citizens, a notable pray of forein ware & marchādise. &c. Of which bookes by him and through him translated, was Orosius: Pastorale Gregorij. The historie of Bede: Boëtius de consolatione Philosophiae. Bookes translated out of latine by K. Alfrede. Also a booke of his owne making and in his owne toung, which in the English speach he called a hādbooke, in Greke called it Enchiridion, in Latine a Manuel. Besides the historie of Bede translated into the Saxons toung▪ he also himselfe compiled a story in the same speach, called the storie of Alfrede &c. which both bookes in the Saxons tounge I haue seene, though the language I do not vnderstād. And as he was learned himself excellently well, so likewise did he inflame all his countrey men to the loue of liberall letters, as the wordes of the storie reporteth, Illos praemijs, hos minis hortando, neminem illiteratum, ad quamlibet curiae dignitatem aspirare permittens. None permitted to haue any dignitie in the court except he were learned. Polycron. lib. 6. cap. 1. That is. He exhorted and stirred his people to the studie of learning, some with giftes, some by threates, suffering no man to aspire to any dignitie in the Court, except he were learned. Moreouer an other storie thus sayth, speaking of his nobles: Optimates quo (que) suos ad literaturam addiscendam in tantum prouocauit, vt sibi filios suos, vel saltem si filios nō haberent, seruos suos, literis commendarent. That is. Also his nobles so much hee did allure to the embracing of good letters, that they set all their sonnes to schoole: or if they had no sonnes, yet their seruauntes they caused to be learned. Whereby the common prouerbe may be found not so common, as true. Such as is the Prince, such be the subiectes. He began moreouer to translate the Psalter in English,The Psalter translated into English by king Alfrede. & had almost finished the same, had not death preuēted him. Guliel. de Regib Angl. In the Prologue of the booke intituled Pastorale Grego. thus hee wryteth: declaring the cause why hee was so earnest and diligent in translating good bookes from Latine into English, shewing the cause therof, why he so did, as foloweth: Quòd Ecclesiae in quibus innumerae priscae bibliothecae continebantur, cum libris a Danis incensae sint: quod (que) in tota insula studium literarum ita abolitū esset vt quis (que) minus timeret capitis periculum, quam studiorum exercitia adire. Qua propter se in hoc, Anglis suis consulere &c. That is. The cause was, for that innumerable auncient Libraryes which were kept in Churches,The cause why the king turned latine bookes into English. were consumed with fire by the Danes: And that men had rather suffer perill of their life, thē to follow the exercise of studyes: And therefore he thought thereby to prouide before for the people of the English nation. &c.

It is tolde of him both in Polychron Malmesb. Ironalensis, and other storyes mo, whereof I haue no names: that he seing his countrey (namely Westward) to be so desolate of scholes and learning, partly to profite himselfe, partly to furnish his countrey & subiectes with better knowledge, first sent for Grimboldus a learned Monke out of Fraunce,Learned men sent for and placed about the king. to come into England. Also sent for an other learned man out from the partes of Wales, whose name was Asserion, whome he made Byshop of Shyreborne. Item out of Mercia, he sent for Werefrithus, bishop of Worcetor: to whō he put the Dialogues of Gregoy to be translated.The dialoges of Gregory translated Neotus [...] Abbot. The schole and vniuersitie of Oxford first begonne [...] ▪ King Alfrede. The new [...] Colledge in Oxford Ioan. [...] tus. But chiefly he vsed the Counsell of Neotus, who then was counted for an holy man, and Abbot of a certaine Monasterie in Cornwal. By the aduisement of which Neotus, hee sent for these learned men aboue recited: and also ordained certaine scholes of diuers artes, first at Oxforde, and also fraunchised the same with many great liberties. Guliel. Iornalens. Fabi. cap. 171. Wherof perhaps the schole, now called the new Colledge (first then begon of this Neotus) myght take hys name: which (afterwarde peraduenture) the Byshops of Winchester after a larger manner did reed [...]fie, and inlarge wyth greater possessions.

Moreouer, amōg other learned men which were about king Alfrede: histories make mention of Iohannes Scotus (a godly Diuine, and a learned Philosopher) but not that Scotus, which nowe we call Duns. For that Iohannes Scotus came after this, many yeares. This Iohannes is described to be a sharpe wit, of great eloquence, and well expert in the Greeke toung: pleasant and mery of nature and cō ditions, as appeareth by diuers his doings & aunsweres. First he comming to Fraunce out of his owne countrey of Scotland, by reason of the great tumultes of warre, was there worthily intertained:The aunswere of Ioannes Scotus to the French king. and for hys learning had in great estimation of Carolus Caluus the French king, whom he commonly and familiarly vsed euer to haue about him, both at table, and in chamber. Upon a time the King sitting at meate, and seeing something (belike in thys Iohn Scot) which semed not very courtly: cast forth a mery word asking of him, what difference there was betwixt a Scot, & a Sot. Whereunto the Scot sitting ouer against the King, somewhat lower, replied againe sodainly, rather then aduisedly (yet merely) saying: Mensa tantùm, that is, the table onely: importing thereby himself to be the Scot, and so calling the king a Sot by craft. Which word howe other princes would haue taken to stomake, I knowe not: but thys Charles, for the great reuerēce he bare to his learning, turned it but to a laughter among his nobles, & so let it passe.

An other time, the same king being at dinner, was serued wyth a certaine dish of fish: wherein, were two great fishes, and a litle one. After the king had taken thereof his repast, setteth downe to Iohannes Scotus the foresayde fish, to distribute vnto the other ij. Clarkes sitting there wyth him: which were two tall and mighty persons, he himselfe being but a litle man. Iohannes taketh the fish, of the which the two great, he taketh and carueth to himself: the litle fish he reacheth to the other two. The king perceiuing this his diuision thus made, reprehended the same. Then Iohannes, whose maner was euer to finde out some honest matter to delite the King, answered to him againe, proouing his diuision to stand iust and equal. For here (sayth he) be two great, and a little, poynting to the two great fishes & himselfe: And likewise here again is a litle one and two great, pointing to the litle fish, & two great persons, I pray you (sayeth hee) what oddes is there, or what distribution can be more equall? Whereat the King with his nobles, being much delighted, laughed merely.

At the request of thys Charles surnamed Bawld, the Frenche king, this Scotus translated the booke of Dionysius, intituled De Hierarchia, from Greeke into Latin, worde for worde, quo fit (as my author sayth) vt vix intelligatur Latina litera, Ioan Scotus translated Hierarchiam Dion [...]tij. from Greek to Latine. quum nobilitate magis Graeca, quam positione construitur Latina. He wrote also a Booke De corpore & sanguine Domini, whych was afterward condemned by the Pope In Concilio Vercellensi.

The same Iohannes Scotus moreouer compiled a booke of his own, geuing it a greeke title, [...], that is, De naturae diuisione. In which booke (as sayeth my foresayd author) is contained the resolution of many profitable questions (but so) that he is thought to followe the Greeke Churche,The booke of Ioannes Scotus called [...]. Ioannes Scotus adicted more to the Greeke Churche then the Latine. Ioan Scotus accused of the pope for an heretike. rather then the Latine, and for the same was counted of some to be an hereticke: because in that booke some thinges there be, which in all poyntes accorde not with the Romish Religion. Wherfore the Pope, wryting to the saide king Charles of thys Scotus, complayneth, as in his owne wordes here followeth:

Relatū est Apstolatui nostro, quòd opus Dionysij Areopagitae, quod de diuinis nominibus, & de caelestibus ordinibus, Graeco descripsit eloquio, quidam vir Ioannes (genere Scotus) nuper transtulit in Latinum. Quod, iuxta morem Ecclesiae, nobis mitti, & nostro iudicio debuit approbari [...] praesertim quum idem Ioannes (licèt multae scientiae esse praedicitur) olim non sane sapere, in quibusdam frequenti rumore dicatur. &c. That is: Relation hath bene made vnto our Apostleship, that a certaine man called Iohannes a Scottish man, hath translated the booke of Dionysius the Areopagite: of the names of God, and of the heauenly orders, from Greeke into Latin. Which Booke, according to the custome of the Church, ought first to haue [Page] bene approued by our iudgement: namely seeing the sayde Iohn (albeit he be sayde to be a man of great learning and science) in time past hath bene noted by common rumour, to haue bene a man, not of vpright or sounde doctrine, in certaine pointes. &c. For this cause the sayde Scotus, being constrained to remoue from Fraūce,Ioannes Scotus slayne by hys owne scollers. came into England, allured (as some testifie) by the letters of Alured or Alfrede, of whom he was with great fauour entertained. and conuersant a great space about the king: til at length (whether before or after the death of the king it is vncertaine) he wēt to Malmesbery, where he taught certaine scholers a fewe yeares, by the which Schollers at laste most impiously he was murthered and slaine with their penkniues,Ioan Scotus a Martyr. and so died, as stories say, a Martyr, buried at the sayd monastery of Malmesbury with this Epitaph.

Clauditur in tumulo sanctus sophista Ioannes,

Qui ditatus eratiam viuens dogmate miro.

Martyrio tandem Christi condescendere regnum

Qui meruit, regnans secli per secula cuncta.

King Alfrede hauing these helpes of learned men about him,This Ethelwitha builded first the house of Nunnes at Winchester. The children of K. Alfrede. & no lesse learned also himself, past ouer his time not onely to great vtilitie and profite of his subiectes, but also to a rare & profitable example of other Christen kings and Princes, for them to follow. This foresaid Alfrede had by his wife called Ethelwitha, two sonnes: Edwarde and Ethelward, and three daughters: Elflena, Ethelgora, and Ethelguida: Quas omnes liberalibus fecit artibus erudiri. That is, Whome he set all to their bookes and study of liberall arts: as my storie testifieth. First Edward his eldest sonne succeeded him in the kingdome,All hys daughters learned. The second sonne Ethelward died before his father. Ethelgora hys middle Daughter was made a Nunne. The other two were married, the one in Marceland, the other to the earle of Flanders. Thus king Alfrede the valiaunt, vertuous and learned Prince, after he had thus Christianly gouerned the realme the terme of 29. yeares & 6. monethes,The decease of King Alfred. departed this life. v. Kal. Nou. and lyeth buried at Winchester. An Dom. 901. Of whome thys I finde moreouer greatly noted and commended in historie, and not here to be forgotten, for the rare example therof touching this Alfrede: that wheresoeuer he was, or whethersoeuer he went, he bare alwaies about him, in his bosome or pocket, a litle booke cōtaining the Psalmes of Dauid, and certaine other Orasons of his owne collecting. Wherupon he was continually reading or praying when soeuer he was otherwise vacant,An. 901. hauing leisure therunto. Finally what were the vertues of this famous king, thys litle table here vnder written, which is left in ancient writing, in the remembraunce of his worthy and memorable life: doth sufficiently, in fewe lines containe.

In Regem Alfredum, & virtutum illius claram memoriam.

FAmosus, Bellicosus, Victoriosus: Viduarum, pupillorum, & orphanorum pauperumque prouisor studiosus, Poetarum Saxonicorum peritissimus: Suae genti Chatissimus: Affabilis omnibus: Liberalissimus: Prudentia, fortitudine, temperantia, Iustitia praeditus: in infirmitate, qua continuè laborabat pacientissimus: In exequendis iudicijs indagator discretissimus: In seruicio Dei vigilantissimus & deuotissimus: Anglosaxonum Rex Alfredus, pi [...]ssimi Ethelulfi filius. 29. annis sexque mensibus regni sui peractis mortem obijt. Indict. 4. Quinto Kalend. Nouemb. feria quarta, & Wintoniae in nouo monasterio sepultus immortalitatis stolam, & resurrectionis gloriam cum iustis expectat. &c.

Moreouer in the Historie of Henricus Huntingtonensis, these verses I finde wrytten in the commendation of the same Alfrede: made (as I suppose and as by his words appeareth) by the sayd author, whereof I thought not to defraude the reader: the wordes whereof here follow.

Epitaphium Regis Alfredi.

Nobilitas innata tibi probitatis honorem,

Armipotens Alfrede dedit, probitasque laborem.

Perpetuum (que) labor nomen, cui mixta dolori

Gaudia semper erant, Spes semper mixta timori.

Si modò victor eras, ad crastina bella pauebas:

Si modò victus eras, ad crastina bella parabas.

Cui vestes sudore iugi, cui sica cruore.

Tincta iugi, quantum sit onus regnare probarunt.

Non fuit immensi quisquam per climata mundi,

Cui tot in aduersis nil respirare liceret.

Nec tamen aut ferro contritus ponere ferrum,

Aut gladio potuit, vitae finisse dolores.

Iam post transactos vitae regni (que) labores,

Christus ei sit vera quies, sceptrum (que) perenne.

In the storie of this Alfred, Etheredus, Pl [...]imundus, Athelmus, Vl [...]elmus. Odo. Archb. of Canterbury. a little aboue, mention was made of Pleimundus Scholemaster to the sayde Alfrede, and also Byshop of Caunterbury, succeeding Etheredus, there Byshoppe before him. Which Pleimundus gouerned that Sea, the number of xxxiiij. yeares. After Pleimundus succeeded Athelmus; and sate xij. yeares. After him came Ulfe [...]mus xiij. yeares. Then followed Odo a Dane borne, in ye sayd Sea of Caunterb. and gouerned ye same xx. yeares, being in great fauoure with King Athelstane, king Edmund, and Edwine, as in processe hereafter (Christ willing) as place & order doth require, shall more at large be expressed.

As touching the course and proceedings of the Romish Bishoppes there:9. Popes in ix. yeares at Rome▪ where I last entered mention of them pag. 139. I ended wyth Pope Stephen the fifth. After hys time was much broyle,Fermosus first Pope. in the election of the Byshops of Rome: one contending against an other: in so much that wythin the space of ix. yeares, were ix. Byshops. Of the which, first was Formosus, who succeeded next vnto the forenamed Stephen 5. being made pope against the mind of certaine in Rome: that wold rather Sergius then deacon of the church of Rome, to haue bene Pope. Notwythstanding, Mars and money preuailed on Formosus part. This Formosus, of whome partly also is mentioned in other places, of this Ecclesiastical historie, being before bishop of Portuake:Ex Chroni [...]o [...] Sigeberti. had in time past (I knowe not vpon what causes) offended Pope Iohn the viij. of that name. By reason whereof for teare of the Pope, he voided away, and left his Bishopprike. And because hee being sent for againe by the Pope, woulde not returne: therefore was excommunicated. At length comming into France, to make there his satisfaction vnto the Pope, was degraded from a Byshop into a secular mans habite, swearing to the Pope that he would no more reenter into the City of Rome, nor claime his Bishoprike againe: subscribing moreouer with his owne hand to continue from that time in the state of a secular person. But then, Pope Martin (the next Pope after Iohn) released the saide Formosus of his othe, and restored him againe vnto his Bishoprike. Whereby Formosus entred not onely into Rome againe, but also obtained shortly after ye papacie. Thus he being placed in the popedome, arose a great doubt or controuersie among the Diuines, of his consecration, whether it was lawfull or not: some holding against him, that for so much as he was solemnly deposed, degraded, vnpriested, and also sworne not to reiterate the state Ecclesiastical: therefore he ought to be taken no otherwise, then for a seculare man. Other alledged againe, that whatsoeuer Formosus was, yet for the dignitie of that order,Schismes among the Popes. and for the credite of them, whom he ordered: all his consecrations ought to stand in force, especially, seeing the sayd Formosus was afterwarde receiued and absolued by Pope Martin, from that his periury and degradation. &c. In the meane time (as witnesseth Sigebertus) this Formosus sendeth for King Arnulphus for aide against his aduersaries. Who then marching toward Rome, was there resisted by the Romaines from entring. But in the siege (sayeth the author) the Romaines within so playd the Lyons, that a poore Hare (or such a like thing) comming towarde the Citie: the hoste of Arnulphus followed after with such a maine crie, that the valiaunt Romaines vpon the walles for very feare, (where there was no hurt) cast themselues desperately ouer the walles: so that Arnulphus with little laboure scaled the walles, and gate the Citie. Thus Arnulphus obtaining the Citie of Rome, rescueth Pope Formosus, and beheadeth hys aduersaries, whome the Pope, to gratifie wyth like recompence againe, blesseth and crowneth him for Emperoure. Thus Formosus sitting fast about ye space of 4. or 5. yeres followed his predecessours: after whose time (as I sayde) within the space of ix. yeares were ix. Bishops as followeth. But in the meane time concerning the storie of thys Formosus declared by Sigebert, and many other Chroniclers: this thing woulde I gladly aske, and more gladly learne of some indifferent good Catholike person, whyche not of obstinacie, but of simple errour being a papist wold aunswere his conscience. Whether doth he thinke the holy order of Priesthoode, which hee taketh for one of the seuen Sacramentes, to be Character indelebilis or not? If it be not indelebilis, Character ind [...] lebilis. that is, if it be such a thing, as may be put of: why then doeth the Popes doctrine so call and so hold the contrary, pretending it to be indelebile, vnremoueable? If it be in deede, so as they teach and affirme, indelebilis character, why then did Pope Iohn, or could Pope Iohn, adnichilate & cuacuate one of his vij. Popeholy Sacraments: making of a Priest a non Priest, or a layman: vncharactering hys owne order, which is (as he sayeth) a Character, which in no wise may be blotted out, or remoued? Againe, [Page] how soeuer Pope Iohn is to be iudged in this matter, to do either wel or not wel,Whether the pope with hys Cardinals may erre. this wold I know, if he did well in so dispriesting and discharactering Formosus, for suche priuate offences? If yea, how then stādeth his doing wyth his owne doctrine, which teacheth the contrary? If he did not well, how then standeth his doctrine with his doings to be true, which teacheth that the Pope with his Synode of Cardinals can not erre? Moreouer if this Pope Iohn did not erre in his disordering Formosus: howe then did Martinus hys successoure not erre, in repealing the sayd doing of hys predecessour? Or how did not Pope Formosus erre hymselfe, who beyng vnpriested by Pope Iohn: afterwarde wythout reiterating the Character or order of Priesthoode, tooke vppon hym to be Pope, and made actes and lawes in the Churche? Againe, if Formosus nowe Pope did not erre, how then did Pope Stephen hys successoure afterwarde not erre: who did annihilate the consecration, and all other actes of the said Formosus, as erroneous? Or againe, if we say that this Stephen with his Synode of Cardinalles did right: then howe could it be, that Pope Theodore, & Pope Iohn the tenth, which came after the foresayde Stephen, did not plainely erre? Who approuing the consecration of Formosus: did condemne, and burne the acts Synodale, of Stephen and his Cardinals, which before had condemned Formosus: according as in storie here consequently may appeare?

After Formosus had gouerned the Sea of Rome fiue yeres,Bonifacius 6. Pope. Stephen. 6. Pope. Ex Chroni. Martini panitentiarij. Sigebert. Ex Polych. & alijs. succeded first Bonifacius the vj. who continued but 25. dayes, then came Stephen the vj. which so enuyed the name of his predecessor Formosus: that he abrogated and dissolued his decrees: And taking vp his bodye, after it was buried, cut two fingers of his right hande, and commanded them to be cast into Tiber, & then buried the body in a priuate or laymans sepulchre.

Thus Stephen after he had sat in the chaire of pestilēce one yeare: succeeded in the same chaire, Pope Rhomanus, and sate iij. monthes: repealing the actes decreed by Stephen his predecessor, against Formosus. Next to whome came Theodorus 2. who likewise taking parte with Formosus against the foresaid Stephē,Pope Theodorus. 2. Pope Iohn. 10. One councell burneth an others decrees. reigned but 20. dayes. Then sate Pope Iohn the 10. who did fight and repugne against the Romanes. And to confirme the cause of Formosus more surely, did holde a Sinode at Rauenna of 74. Bishops, wt the French king Endo and his Archbishops being present at the same. At the which councel, were ratified all the decrees and doings of Formosus: and the contrary acts of the Synode of Stephen the vj. were burned.Pope Benedictus. 4. Pope Leo. 5. imprisoned and vnpoped by hys own chaplayne. This Pope liued not Pope fully two yeares: after whom succeeded Benedictus the 4. which kept the chaire three yeares. After whom Leo the 5. was next Pope, who with in 40. daies of his papacie, was with strong hand taken & cast in prison by one Christopher his own houshold chaplain, whō he had long norished before in his house. Which thing (sayeth Platina) could not be done without great conspiracie and great slaughter of men.Pope Christoferus. 1. Which Christofer being Pope about the space of seuen monthes, was likewise himselfe hoisted from his Papall throne by Sergius, like as he had done to hys maister before. And thus within the space of 9. yeares, had bene 9. Popes one after an other. Then Sergius after he had thrust downe Pope Christofer, and shorne him Monke into a Monasterie,Pope Sergius. occupied the roume 7. yeares. This Sergius a rude man, and vnlearned, very proude and cruell: had before bene put backe from the Popedome by Formosus aboue mentioned. By reason whereof,Pope Formosus after hys death be headed of Pope Sergius. to reuenge Formosus againe being nowe in his papacie, caused the body of Formosus, where it was buried to be taken vp: and afterwarde set in the Papall sea (as in his pontificalibus) first disgraded him, then commanded his head to be smitten off, wt the other thre fingers that were left (as Sigebertus writeth) which done, he made his body to be throwne into Tiber, deposing likewise all such, as by the said Formosus before had bene consecrated and inuested. This body of Formosus thus throwne into Tiber, was afterward (as our writers say) found & taken vp by certaine fishers,A false fayned myracle vpon the body of Formosus. Popish miracles not to be credited. and so brought into s. Peters temple. At the presence whereof (as they say) certaine images there standing by, bowed downe themselues, and reuerē ced the same, with lie and all. But such deceiueable miracles of stocks and images in monkish and frierly tēples, be to vs no newes, especially here in England: where we haue bene so inured with the like, & so many, that such wily practises cannot be to vs inuisible: though this crownshorn generation, thinke themselues to daunce in a nette. But the truthe is,Bearing of candels on Candlemas day how it came vp. while they thinke to deceaue the simple, these wily beguily most of all deceiue themselues, as they will finde except they repent. By this Pope Sergius, first came vp to beare about candels on Candelmas day: for ye purifying of the blessed virgine. As though the sacred conception of Iesus the sonne of God, were to be purified as a thing vnpure, and that with candell light.

After Sergius,Pope [...] entred pope Anastasius, in whose time the body of Formosus forenamed, is thought to be foūd of fishermen in the riuer of Tiber, & so brought, as is said, into the temple to be saluted of the images, which thing may quickly be tainted as a lie. For how it is to be thought that the body of Formosus so long dead before, and now lying 7. yeares in the riuer: could remaine whole all that while, that Fishers might take it vp, & discerne it to be the same? After Anasius had sate two yeres,Pope L [...]do. 1. folowed Pope Lando, the father (as some stories think) of pope Iohn, which Iohn is sayde to be the paramour of Theodora'a famous harlot of Rome,Pope [...] 11. & set vp of the same harlot eyther against Lando, or after Lando his father to succede in hys roume. There is a storie writer called Liuthprandus, who wryting de Imperatoribus. Harlo [...] this time ruled [...] Rome. Lib. 2 cap. 13. maketh there mention of this Theodora, and Pope Iohn xj. and sayeth moreouer, that this Theodora had a daughter named Marozia: which Marozia had by pope Sergius aboue mentioned, a sonne which afterward was Pope Iohn the 12. The same Marozia afterward it chāced to marry with Guido Marques of Tuscia: through the meanes of which Guido and hys frends at Rome, she brought to passe that this pope Iohn the 11. was smothered with a pillow laid to his mouth, after he had reigned 13. yeares. And so the foresayd Iohn the 12. her sonne, to succede next after him. But because ye clergie and people of Rome did not agre to his election, therfore was Pope Leo the 6. in his place set vp.P. Iohn. 1. P. Leo. 6. P. St [...] [...]. restored. Thus Pope Iohn the sonne of Sergius and Marozia being deiected, reigned Pope Leo 7. moneths. After him Pope Stephen 2 yeares. Who being poysoned, then was Pope Iohn the 12. aboue rehearsed, the sonne of Sergius and Marozia, set vp againe in the Papacie, where hee reigned neare the space of 5. yeres. Of the wickednesse of this strompet Marozia, howe she maried two brethren, one after the death of the other: And howe she gouerned all Rome, & the whole church at that time, I let it passe. Although the latin verses wherewith the sayd Liuthprandus, doeth inuey against such women as marie two brethren,Liuthpran [...]dus. [...] sis. lib. 3. were neither worthy here to be recited, and perhappes might be further applied then to that Marozia of Rome, but for shortnesse I let them also passe.

After Ioan. 12. followed Pope Stephen three yeares.P. Steph. [...]. P. Leo. [...]. P. Mar [...] [...]. P. Agapetus. 2. Pope Leo 3. yeares and 4. monethes. Pope Stephen the eight 3. yeres and 4. moneths. Pope Martine 3. yeres and 6. monthes. After him Pope Agapetus 8. yeres and 6. [...]nethes. About whose time or a little before began first the order of monkes called Ordo Cluniacensis, &c.

But nowe to leaue of these monstruous matters of Rome,Ordo Cl [...] niacensis beginn [...]. and to returne againe to our country of England, where we last left before.

King Edward the elder.

AFter the reigne of the famous king Alfred, hys sonne Edward succeeded,King Edward the elder. surnamed the elder. Where first is to be noted, that before the Conquest of the Normandes, there were in England 3. Edwardes, first this Edwarde the elder. 2. Edward the martyr. 3. Edward the confessor. Whereof hereafter (by the grace of Christ) shall followe in order, as place shall geue to be declared. This Edwarde began his reigne,The Edwardes before the [...] quest. the yeare of our Lord. 901. and gouerned the land right valiantly and nobly 24. yeares. In knowledge of good letters and learning, he was not to be compared to his father▪ Otherwise, in princely renowne, in ciuile gouernment,A comparison betweene Alfrede, and hys sonne Edward. and such like martiall prowesse, he was nothing inferior, but rather excelled him. Through whose valiant actes, first the princedome of Wales, and kingdom of Scotland, with Constantine king thereof were to hym subdued. He adioyned moreouer to his dominion the coū trey of Eastanglia, that is, of Norfolke, Suffolke and Essex. All Merceland also he recouered and Northumberlād out of the hands of the Danes. In all his warres he neuer lightly wēt without victory. The subiects of his prouinces and dominions were so inured, and hardened in continuall practise and feates of warre:Vse and long exercise of things maketh perfectnes. Clyto Ethelwold rebelleth agaynst K. Edward. that when they hearde of any ennemies comming (neuer tarying for any bidding from the king, or from his dukes) straight wayes they encountred wyth them: both in number, and in knowledge of the order of warre excelling alwayes their aduersaries. Guliel. de Regi. Ita hostes militibus contemptui, Regi risui erant. To meane, So was the comming and assaulting of theyr ennemyes to the people and common Souldiours but a trifle, to the king but a ridicle. Among other aduersaries which were busie rather then wise, in assailing this king: [Page] was one called Clito Ethelwoldus a yong man, king Edwardes vncles sonne. Who first occupying the Towne of W [...]nborne (taking thence a Nonne rb him,An. 904. whome then he had maried) fled oc by night to Northumberland, to adioyne himself vnto the Danes, who was made chiefe king and captaine ouer them. Then chased from thence, hee fled ouer into France, but shortly returning againe into England, landed in Eastengland, where the saide Clyto wyth a company of Danes of that countrey gathered vnto him, destroied and pilled much of the countrey about Crekinford and Crikeland. And so passing ouer Thamis after he had spoyled the lande there to Bradeuestocke: returned againe to Northfolke and Suffolke, where he meting with a bushment of Kentish men, which dragged & taried after the maine hoste of Edwarde, contrary to his commaundement, inclosed them in, and slewe the moste parte of them. Soone after the two hostes meeting together, betwene the two diches of S. Edmunds lād, after a long fight, Clyto with many of the Danes were slaine, and the remnaunte were constrained to seeke for peace, which vpon certaine conditions, and vnder a tribute was to them graunted.

An. 913.In processe, about the 12. yeare of his reygne, the Danes repenting them of their couenants, and minding to breake the same: assembled an hoste and met wt the king in Staffordshire at a place called Totenhall, & soone after at wodnefield: at which two places the king slew two kings, two erles, & many thousand of Danes, that occupied the countrey of Northumberland.

Thus the importunate rage of the Danes being asswaged, King Edwarde hauing nowe some leysure geuen from warres,Ches [...]er repayred and enlarged. The Castle of Herford builded. Castles builded vpon the riuer of Auene, and Ouse. The townes of Towcetour and wigmore builded. The newe towne of Nottingham builded. Thilwall. Manchester repayred. to other studies: gaue his minde to the building or repairing of cities, townes, and castles, that by the Danes were rased, shatred, and broken. As first of Chester, which citye he double enlarged to that it was before: compassing the castle within the walles of the same, which before stood without. That done, the king builded a strong castle at Herford in the edge of Wales. Also for the strengthening of the Countrey, he made a Castle at the mouth of the water of Auene, and an other Castle at Buckingham, and the third fast thereby vpon the riuer of Owse. Moreoouer he builded or reedified the townes of Towsetor, and Wigmore, & destroied the castle that the Danes had made at Demes [...]ord. Likewise vpon the riuer of Trent against the old towne of Notingham, he builded a new towne on the southside, and made a bridge ouer the riuer, betweene the said ij. townes. Also by the riuer of Merce, he builded a citie or towne, in the North end of Mercia, and named it Thilwall, and after repaired the citie of Manchester, that sore was defaced with warre of the Danes.

In this renuing and building of townes and Castles for the more fortifying of his Realme: his Sister Elfleda, daughter of king Alfrede, & maried to the Duke of Mercia (as is afore mentioned) was no small helper. Of this Elfleda it is firmely of wryters affirmed that shee being as is sayde maried to Ethelrede Duke of Mercia, after she had once assayed the paines of women in traueling wyth her childe: so much shee abhorred euer after the embracing of her husbande, that it seemed to her (she sayde) not seemely for a noble womā to vse such fleshly liking, wherof so gret sorow and trauaile should ensue. And yet notwithstāding the same Elfleda, for all her delicate tendernesse in eschewing the natural passion, which necessity geueth to women: so hardy she was in warlike daungers, which nature geueth not to women, that fighting against the Danes, so venturous shee was of stomacke,Elfleda. Cittyes, Townes, and Castles builded by Elfleda. that foure of her nexte knights, which were gardeius of her body, were slain fast by her. This Elfleda among her other noble actes, whereby she deserued praise, was a great helper and stirrer vp of her brother Edward: who builded and newly repaired many Castels and townes, as Toniworth, beside Lichfielde, Stafforde, Warwike, Shrowesbury, Watrisbury, Eldisbury, besides Chester in the forrest now destroyed. Also in the North ende of Mercia, vpon the riuer of Merce, a castle called Rimcorne, also a bridge ouer Seuerne named Brimmisbury bridge.

As touching the lawes and statutes of thys Edwarde, as also of his father Alfrede made before him, I omit heere to recorde them for length of matter and wast of time: yet notwithstanding, this admonition by the way I thinke good to note: that in those dayes of these auncient Kinges reigning in Englande, the authoritie then both of conferring Bishoprickes,The lawes of king Alfred and K. Edward. and spirituall promotions, and also of prescribing lawes as well to the church men▪ as to the la [...] tie, and of ordering and intermedling in matters mere spiritual, was then in the hands of kings, ruling in the land, and not onely in the hande of the Pope, as appeareth by these lawes of Alfred.

Si quis fornicetur cum vxore aliena, &c,

Si quis in quadragesima sanctum velum in publico vel in lecto. &c.

Vt Christiani Deum diligant & paganismo renuncient. &c.

Si quis Christianitatem mutet. &c.

Si quis ordinatus sacris furetur. &c.

Si praesbyter ad rectum terminum sanctum Chrisma. &c.

Si duo fratres, vel cognati cum vna aliqua fornicentur. &c.

By these and other such like constitutions of King Alfrede, Note howe kinges of England in tymes past had authoritie in spirituall causes. it may appeare: how the gouernaunce and direction of the church in those daies, depended not vpon Monsieur le Pope of Rome: but vpon the kings which here in their time (vnder the Lorde) did gouerne the land. To this also the example of King Edwardes time geueth testimonie: which Edward wyth Pleimundus (aboue mentioned) Archbishop of Canterbury, and with other bishops in a sinode assembled: assigned and elected 7. Byshops in 7. Metropolitane churches of the realme. Which were, 1. Fridestane. 2. Adelstane. 3 Werstane▪ 4. Adelelme. 5. Edulfus 6 Dernegus. 7 Kenulphus. In which election the kings authoritie semed then alone to be sufficient. &c.

This Edward (as in the beginning was sayd) reigned 24.Anno. 925. yeares. Who had three wiues, Egwine, Elfled, and Ethelwide. Of Egwine hee had hys eldest [...]onne Adelstane, who next succeeded in the kingdom, and a daughter maried after to the duke of Northumberland. Of Elflede, he receiued two ionnes,The Children of K Edward the elder. and vj. daughters, to witte Ethelward and Edwyne. Ethelward was excellently well seene in all knowledge of learning: much resembling both in countenance and conditions his grandfather Alfrede, and died soone after his father.Prince Ethelwald excell [...]nt in learning. Of his vj. daughters, two of them. 1 Elflede and Ethelhilda, were made nonnes. The other foure were maried. Edgina to Charles the French King, in hys fathers time. Ethilda by King Ethelstane was maryed to Hugo, the sonne of Duke Robert. Edgitha and Algina, were both sent to Henricus Prince of Almaines. Of which two sisters the seconde, the sayd Henricus, maried to hys sonne Otho, who was the first Emperour of the Almains. The other sister which was Edgitha, the foresayde Henticus, maried to a certaine Duke about the border of the Alpes, in Italie. Of his thirde wife Ethelwide, he receiued two sonnes, Edmund, and Edred: which both reigned after Adelstane. And two daughters, Egburga whome hee made a Nonne, and Eadguina who was married to Ludouicus, Prince of Aquitania in Fraunce.Galiel. de. Regib. The bringing vp of K. Edwardes Children. These sonnes and daughters Kyng Edwarde thus brought vp: Hys daughters hee set to spinning, and to the needle. Guliel. de Reg. His sonnes he set to the studie of learning, vt quasi Philosophi ad gubernandam remp. non iam tudes procederent: that is, to the ende, that they being as first made Philosophers, should be the more expert thereby to gouerne the common wealth.

¶ King Ethelstane, or Adelstane.

EThelstane or Adelstane, King Ethelstine, or Adelstane. after the death of Edwarde hys father: began his reigne in England, and was crowned at Kingstone. He was a prince of worthy memorie, valyant and wise in all his actes, nothing inferiour to hys father Edwarde, In like worldly renowne of ciuile gouernance, ioyned with much prosperous successe, in reducing this realme vnder the subiection of one monarchie. For he both expelled the Danes, subdued the Scottes, and quieted the Welshinē, as wel in Northwales, as also in Cornwale. The first enemie against this Ethelstane, was one Elfredus: who, with a faction of seditious persons conspiring against the saide Ethelstane at Winchester, continently after the death of hys father, went about to put out his eyes. Notwithstanding the king escaping that danger: through the helpe of God, was at that time deliuered. Elfrede vpon the same being accused, fled to Rome: there before ye Pope to purge himselfe by hys othe. Who being brought to the Churche of S. Peter, and there swearing (or rather forswearing himself to be cleare,Duke Elfrede sodenly stroken by the hand of God for periury. which in deede was guiltie thereof: sodenly vpon his othe fell downe, and so brought to the English house in Rome within 3. daies after departed. The Pope sending worde to king Ethelstane, whether he would haue the sayde Eldred buried among Christians or not: at length through the perswasions of his friendes and kinsfolkes, it was concluded that he should be buryed in Christen buriall. This storie although I finde in no other writers mentioned,Guliel. lib. de Regib. in vita Ethelstani. but only in the Chronicles of Guliel. Lib. de Regi. yet forasmuch as it heareth the witnesse and wordes of the king himselfe, as testified in an old dede of gift, giuen to the monastery of Malmesbury: I thought the same the more to be of credite. The wordes of the king procede in this tenor as followeth.

[Page]

¶The copie of an olde writing of king Ethelstane, testifying of the miraculous death of Duke Elfrede, sodenly stroken by the hande of God for periurie.

SCiant sapientes regionis nostrae, non has praefatas terras me iniustè rapuisse, rapinamque Deo dedisse. Sed sic eas accepi, quemadmodum iudicauerunt omnes optimates regni Anglorum.The copie of an old Cart of K. Ethelstane. Insuper & Apostolicus Papa Romanae ecclesiae Ioannes (Elfredo defuncto) qui nostrae foelicitati & vitae aemulus extitit, nequitiae inimicorum nostrorum consentiens: quando me voluerunt (patre defuncto) coecare in vrbe Wintonia, si non me Deus sua pietate eripuisset. Sed denudatis eorum machinamentis, remissus est ad Romanam ecclesiam, vt ibi se, coram Apostolico Ioanne iureiurando defenderet. Et hoc fecit coram altare sancti Petri. Sed facto iuramento, cecidit coram altare, & manibus famulorum suorum portatus est ad scholam Anglorum, & ibi tertia nocte vitam finiuit. Et tunc Apostolicus ad nos remisit, & quid de eo ageretur a nobis consuluit, an cum caeteris Christianis corpus illius poneretur. His peractis, & nobis renunciatis: optimates regionis nostrae cum propinquorum illius turma efflagitabant omni humilitate, vt corpus illius per nostram licentiam cum corporibus poneretur Christianorū. Nosque flagitationi illorum cō sentientes Romam remisimus: & Papa consentiente, positus est ad caeteros Christianos, quamuis indignus. Et sic iudicata est mihi tota possessio eius in magnis & in modicis. Sed & haec apicibus literarum praenotauimus, ne quando aboleatur, vnde mihi praefata possessio, quam Deo & sancto Petro dedi, donatur. Nec iustiùs noui, quám Deo & sancto Petro hanc possessionem dare, qui aemulum meum in conspectu omnium cadere fecerunt, & mihi prosperitatem regni largiti sunt. &c.

In the second yeare of the reigne of King Adelstane, for an vnitie and a peace to be had betwene the King and the Danes of Northumberlande: hee marryed to Sythericus their king his sister, whereof mention is made before. But shortly after,Anno. 927. within one yeare this Sythericus died. After whose death King Ethelstane seazed that prouince into hys owne hande, putting out the sonne of the foresayde Sythericus called Alanus:Northumberland subdued to king Ethelstane. The Scots subdued to the king of England. It is more honour to make a king, then to be a king. who wyth his brother Godfridus fledde the one into Irelande, the other to Constantine King of the Scottes. And when he had thus accorded with the Danes of Northumberlande, hee shortly made subiect vnto him Constantine King of Scottes. But the sayde Constantine meeked himselfe so lowly to the King, that he restored him to his former dignitie, saying, that it was more honour to make a king, then to be a king.

Not long after, the sayde Constantine King of Scottes did breake couenaunt with king Ethelstane. Wherefore hee assembled his Knights, & made toward Scotland. Where he subduing his enemies, and bringing them againe vnto due subiection, returned into England with victory. Here by the way in some storie wryters (who forgetting the office of historicians, seme to play the Poetes) is written and recorded for a maruell, that the sayde Ethelstane, returning out of Scotland into England, came to Yorke, and so into the Churche of S. Iohn of Beuerly,A fabulous miracle falsely reported of king Athelstane. to redeeme his knife, which before hee had lefte there for a pledge at hys going forth. In the which place he praying to God & to S. Ihon of Beuerley, that he might leaue there some remembrance wherby they that came after, might know, that the Scots by right should be sudbued to the English mē: smote with sword (they say) vpon a great hard stone standing nere about the castle of Dunbar, that with the stroke thereof the stone was cut a large elne deepe (with a lie no lesse deepe also, then was the stroke in the stone.) But of this poetical or fabulous storie, albeit Polychronicon, Fabian, Iornalensis, and other mo constantly accorde in the same: yet in Guliel and Henricus, no mention is made at all. But peraduenture hee that was the inuentour first of this tale of the stone, was disposed to lie for the whetstone: Wherefore in my minde he is worthy to haue it.

Of like truth & credite seemeth also to be this that followeth,Bristanus Byshop. about the same yeare and time, vnder the raigne of King Ethelstane, being the viij. yeare of hys raigne, of one Bristanus Bishop of Winchester,Anno. 933. who succeeded Frithstanus in the same sea, and gouerned that Bishoprike iiij. yeares. This Bristanus being a deuout Bishop in prayer and contemplation:A ridiculous miracle forged vpon Bristanus Byshop of Winchester. vsed much among his solitary walkes, to frequent late the churchyard, praying for the soules there, and all christen soules departed. Upon a time, the sayde Bristanus after hys wonted maner proceding in hys deuotions, when he had done, came to requiescant in pa [...]e. Whereunto, sodainly a great multitude of soules aunswering together with one voyce, said Amen. Of thys miracle, albeit I haue not much to say (hasting to other matters) yet this question wold I aske of some indifferent papist, which were not wilfull, but of ignorance deceiued: if this multitude, which here answered Amen, were the soules of them buried in the churchyard or not?A miracle of soules aunswering Amen. If yea, then howe were they in purgatorie, what time they were hearde in that place answering Amen ▪ Except we shoulde thinke Purgatorie to be in the churchyarde at Winchester, where the soules were hearde then so many answering and praying Amen. And yet thys storie is testified by the accord of wryters of that time, Guliel. Polychron. Houedenus, Iornalensis, and other moe. Much like miracles and Prophecies also wee reade of Elphegus, which succeeded him: but because we haste to other things let these fables passe.

Ye heard a little before, howe king Ethelstane after the death of Sythericus King of Northumberland, seazed that land or prouince into his owne hand, & put out hys sonne Alanus: who after flying into Scotland, maried the daughter of Constantine King of Scots. By whose stirring and exhortation, he gathered a company of Danes, Scots, and other, and entred the mouth of Humber with a strong nauie of 615. ships.

Whereof King Ethelstane wyth his brother Edmunde hauing knowledge: prepared his army, and at length ioyning in fight with him & his people, at a place called Brimābruch or Brimford:A sore battaile sought at Brimford. where he fighting with them from morning to euen, after a terrible slaughter on both sides (as the like hath not bene sene lightly in England) had the victorie. In which battaile were slaine fiue small and vnder kings, with Constantine king of Scots: and xij. Dukes with the more part of all the strangers which at that time they gathered to them.An other vnlike myracle of K. Athelstan [...] sword. Here also our wryters put in an other miracle in this battaile: howe king Ethelstanes sworde miraculously fell into his sheath through the prayer of Odo, then Archbishop of Canterburie.

Concerning this battaile, I finde in a certaine written Chronicle these verses:Odo Archbishop of Cant. which because they shoulde not be lost, I thought not vnworthy here of rehearsall.

Transierat quinos, & tres, & quatuor annos,

Iure regens ciues, subigens virtute tyrannos:

Cum redit illa Lues Europae noxia labes.

Iam cubat in terris fera barbaries Aquilonis,

Et lacet in campis pelago pirato relicto,

Illicitas toruasque minas Analanus anhelans,

Analanus.

Bacchanti furiae, Scotorum rege volente,

Commodat assensum Borealis terrae serenum.

Etiam grande tument, iam terrent aera verbis.

Cedunt indigenae, cedit plaga tota superbis.

Nam quia rex noster fidens alacrisque iuuenta,

Emeritus pridem detriuerat ocia lenta,

Illi continuis foedabant omnia praedis,

Vrgentes miseros iniectus ignibus agros.

Marcuerant totis viridantia gramina campis,

Aegra seges votum deluserat agricolarum.

Tanta fuit peditum, tam barbara vis equitantum,

Innumerabilium, concursus quadrupedantum.

Exciuit tandem famae querimonia regem,

Ne se cauterio tali pateretur inuri.

Quod sua barbaricae cessissent arma securi,

Nec mora, victrices ducentia signa cohortes,

Explicat inuentum vexilla ferocia centum,

Iuncta virum virtus, decies bis milia quina,

Ad stadium belli comitantur prae uia signa.

Hicque clet strepitus armatorum legiones.

Terruit insignis venientum fama latrones.

Vt posita proprias praeda repetant regiones.

At vulgus reliquum miseranda strage peremptum,

Infecit bibulas terris nidoribus auras.

Fugit Analasus de tot modo millibus vnus &c.

After thys victorie thus obtained of the Danes and Scottes:The North Brittaynes brought to tribute. King Ethelstane also subdued (or at least quieted) the North Brytaines. Whome he conuenting together at Herforde (or there about) forced them to graunt vnto him as a yerely tribute, xx. pound of gold: three hundreth poūde of siluer: and of heades of neate xxv. hundred: with haukes and dogs,The South Brittaynes subdued. to a certaine number. This done, he wēt to Exceter, and there likewise subduing the South Brytaines about Exceter and Cornewall: repaired the walles of Exceter with sufficient strength, and so returned.

Among these victorious and noble actes of this King: One blot there is of him written and noted, wherein he is as much worthy to be reprehēded, as in the other before to be commended (that is) the innocent death and murther of his brother Edwyne. The occasion thereof was this: King Edwarde aforenamed their father, in the time of his youth, cōming by a certaine village or grange, where he had bene nursed and brought vp of a child: thought of curtesy to goe [Page] see howe his nurse did. Where hee entring into the house, espied a certaine yong damsel beautifull and right seemely attired, Egwina by name. This Egwina before being a pore mans daughter, had a vision by night, yt of her body sprang such a bright light of the Moone, that the brightnes therof gaue light to the Realme of England. By reason wherof, she was taken into the foresaide house, & daintely brought vp in stead of their owne daughter: for hope of some commoditie to ensue thereby, as afterwarde it came to passe. For King Edward (as it is declared) comming into the house,K. Ethelstane seeketh the death of his owne brother. and rauished with the beautie of the maiden: begate of her the same night this Ethelstane. Wherefore the sayd Ethelstane being thus vasely borne of Egwina, the first wife to Edward (as is sayd) before he was married to her: and fearing his next brother Edwyne, which was rightly borne (especially being stirred therunto through the sinister suggestion of his Butler) did cast such displeasure to the foresayde Edwine hys brother, being yet but young, that (notwtstanding hys innocent submission and purgation made against his accusers) he caused him to be set in an old rottē boate in the broade Sea (onely with one Esquier wt hym) wtout any tackling or other prouision to the same. Where the young and tender Prince being dismaid with the rage of windes and of the floudes, and nowe weary of his l [...]e, cast himselfe ouer board into the sea, and so was drowned. Notwithstanding the Esquire shifting for himselfe as he could, and recouering the body of his master, brought it to Sandwich, where it was buried. Which done, the king afterwarde comming to the remembraunce of himselfe, was stroken with great repentaunce the space of vij. yeares together. And at length was reuenged of him that was the accuser of his brother. This accuser (as is sayde) was the kings cupbearer, who (as God the righteous iudge of all things woulde haue it) vpon a certaine solemne feast, bearing the cuppe vnto the king, chanced in the middle of the floure to stumble with one foote, helping and recouering himselfe with the other, saying in these wordes: Thus one brother (as ye see) helpeth an other.A note to learne not to sowe discorde betwixt brother and brother. These wordes being thus spokē in the hearing of the king, so moued his mind, that forthwith he commaunded the false accuser of his brother to be had out to execution. Whose iust recompence I would wish to be a warning to all men, what it is to sowe discorde betwixt brother and brother.

King Ethelstane (besides his vij. yeares lamentation, for this acte) builded the two Monasteries of Midletone, and of Michelenes, for hys brothers sake (or as the stories say) for his soule. Whereby it may appeare, what was the cause most speciall in those daies,The cause of building Abbeyes examined. of building monasteries, to wit, for releasing the sinnes both of them departed, and them aliue, which cause howe it standeth wyth the grace and veritie of Christes Gospell, and of his passion, let the Christen reader trie & examine with himselfe. This cruell fact of the king towarde Edwyne, caused him afterwarde, to be more tender and careful toward his other brethren and sisters left in his handes vnmarried. Which sisters, as is partly in the Chapter before declared, he richly bestowed, in great mariages: As one to the king of Northumberlād Sithericus: Otho first Emperour of the Germaine. an other he gaue to Lewes King of Aquitania, the thirde to Henricus Duke of Almaine for hys sonne Otho: who was the first Emperour of the Germanes. Whereby it is to be vnderstand, that the Empire at this time began first to be translated from Fraunce (where it remained about C. yeares and halfe) vnto Germanie where it hath euer since continued.

The fourth of his sisters, being a virgine of singulare benty Hugo ye French king required to be geuen vnto him: sending to King Ethelstane pretious and sumptuous presents,Precious iewels sent to king Ethelstane from the French K. such as were not before seene in England. Among the which presents & gifts, besides the rare odours of sondry fauours & fine spices: and besides the precious & costly gemmes, namely of Smaradges of most redolēt grene, besides also many and great coursers and palfries richly trapped, especially of one iewell (as wryters make inention) which was, a certaine vessell finely and subtilly made of the precious stone Onichinus so radiantly wrought, yt in it appeared the liuely corn growing, and mens images walking. &c. Ouer and besides was sent also the sworde of Constantine the great, wt the name of the possessor wrytten in golden letters, where in the hast of the same al beatē in gold,Concerning one of the nayles wherewith our Sauiour Christ was crucified. was one of the yron nailes, wherwith our Sauiour on the crosse was nailed. Of the veritie whereof I am not disposed at thys present muche to say what I suspect, but that this in the Ecclesiasticall storie of Eusebius, is euidēt. That two of the foresaid nailes of Christ, was spēt on the bridle of Constantine: the 3. he cast into the Sea in a raging tempest. Wherfore, if Christ were nailed wt 4. nailes, perhappes this naile might be one. If he were nailed but with iij. I see not how this storie can stand with other stories, neither howe this fourth naile can stand with truthe. Among the rest moreouer, was the speare (as is reported) wherwith the side of our Sauiour was opened: which also the sayd Constātine was wōt to cary in the field against his enemies: with a portion likewise of the holy crosse inclosed in Cristall: Also a part of the crowne of thorne in like maner inclosed. &c. Of the whych Reliques, part was geuen to Winchester, part to the Church of Malmesbury, where king Ethelstane was buried. As this King was indued and enlarged, by the gift of God (the serter vp & disposer of all kings) wt great victories of worldly renowne: hauing vnder hys subiection both the Scottes, and Britons, and the whole Monarchie of the land: So he deuised diuers good and holesom lawes for the gouernment of the same, as wel concerning the state of the orders Ecclesiasticall, as also of the secular or lay people. Whereby it is to be vnderstād, that the vsurped power of the bishop of Rome, did not then extend it selfe so largely, nor so proudly to derogate frō the authority of kings & princes: but that euery one in his owne dominion, had (vnder God, and not vnder the Pope) the doing of all matters within the same his dominion contained: whether they were causes tēporal, or spiritual.Kinges of England gouernors as well in [...] ecclesiastical a [...] [...]mporall. As by the decrees and constitutions of this king (& also of other as well before him, as after him) may euidently be testified: as where hee among other lawes, thus ordeineth [...]ouching the bishop, in wordes as folowe.

Episcopo iure pertinet, omnem rectitudinem promouere Dei videlicet, Extractum on legib [...] Athelstane. ac seculi. In primis, debet omnem ordinatum instruere, quid ei [...]it agendum iure, & quid hominibus secularibus iudicare debeant.

Debet etiam sedulò pacem & concordiam operari cum seculi iudicibus: qui rectum velle diligunt, & in compellationum allegationem edocere, ne quis alij perperam agat, in iureiurando, vel ordalio.

Nec pati debet aliquam circumuentionem iniustae mensurae, vel iniusti ponderis. Sed conuenit vt per consilium & testimoniū eius, omne legis rectum, & burgi mensura, & omne pondus sit secundum alias [...] ditionem eius, institutum valde rectū: ne quis proximum suum seducat, pro quo decidat in peccatum.

Et semper debet Christianis prouidere contra omnia, quae praedicta sunt, & ideo debet se de pluribus intromittere: vt sciat quomodo grex agat, quem ad Dei manum custodire suscepit, ne diabolus cum dilaniet, nec malum aliquod superseminet. Nunquam enim erit populo benè consultum, nec dignè Deo conuersabitur, vbi lucrum impium & magis falsum diligitur. Ideo debent omnes amici Dei quod iniquum est eneruare, & quod iustum est eleuare, nec pati vt propter falsum, & pecuniae questum homines se forisfaciant erga verè sapientem Deum, cui displicet omnis iniustitia.

Christianis autem omnibus necessarium est, vt rectum diligant, & iniqua condemnent & faltem sacris ordinibus euecti iustum semper erigant, & praua deponant.

Hinc debent Episcopi cum iudicibus, iudicia dictitare & interesse, ne permittant (si possint) vt illinc aliqua prauitatū gramina pullulent. Et sacerdotibus pertinet in suo Dioecesi, vt ad rectum sedulò quemcumque muent, nec patiantur (si possint) vt Christianus aliquis alij noceat, non potens impotenti, non summus infirmo, non praelatis alias minoribus. subditis, non Dominus hominibus suis, seruis, aut liberis. Et secundum alias scristes dictionum. ditionem, & per mensuram suam, conuenit per rectum, vt necessaria alias seruitistimentalas. serui operentur super omnem scyram cui [...] sunt. praeest.

Et rectum est vt non sit aliqua mensurabilis virga longio [...] quàm alia, sed per alias seristes mensia [...]. Episcopi mensuram omnes institutae sint, & exequatae per su [...]m in sua scrysiseyra. dioecesin. Et omne pondus constet secundum dictionem eius, & si aliquid cōtrouersiarum intersit, discernat Episcopus.

Vniuscuius (que) Domini proprium est & necesse, vt seruis condescendat, A lawe how that maisters ought to condiscend and beare sometime with their seruauntes. The law of king Ethelstane concerning tythes. & compatiatur, sicut indulgentius poterit: Quia Domino Deo viuenti sunt aeque chari seruus, & liber. Et omnes vno & eodem pretio redemit, & omnes sumus Deo necessariò serui: Et sic iudicabit nos, sicut antè iudicauimus eos, in quos potestatem iudicij in terris habebimus. Et ideo opus est vt eis parcamus qui nobis parere debent & tunc manutenebimur in Dei omnipotentis proprio iudicio. Amen.

The sayde Ethelstane besides, prescribed other constitutions also, as touching tithes geuing: where hee sayeth and proclaimeth. Ego Ethelstanus Rex, consilio V [...]felmi Archiepiscopi mei & aliorum Episcoporum, mando praepositis omnibus in regno meo, in nomine Domini & sanctorum omnium, vt inprimis reddant de meo proprio decimas Deo, tam in viuente capitali, quàm in mortuis frugibus terrae: & Episcopi mei similiter faciant de suo proprio, & Aldermanni mei & praepositi mei, &c. That is, I Ethelstane King, charge and commaund all my officers through my whole Realme, to [Page] geue tithes vnto God of my proper good, as wel in liuing cattel, as in the corne and fruites of the groūd, and that my Byshops likewise of their proper goods, and mine Aldermen, and my officers and headmen shal do the same. Item this I wil: that my Bishops & other headmen doe declare the same,Tythes. to suche as be vnder their subiection, & that to be accomplished at the terme of S. Iohn the Baptist. Let vs remember what Iacob said vnto the Lord: Of all things that thou geuest to me, I wil offer tithes vnto ye Lord. &c. Also what the Lord sayeth in the Gospel of S. Mathewe. To him that hath, it shalbe geuen: and he shall aboūd. We must also cōsider how terribly it is written in bookes, that if we will not offer our tenths, from vs ix. partes shall be taken away, and only the x. part shalbe left vs. &c. And in the same place, after that he hath assigned ye Church rightes to be paide in the place, whereto they belong: it followeth thus.The K. woulde vsurpe no mans goodes wrongfully. Facite etiam vt mihi mea propria cupiatis, quae mihi poteritis recté acquirere. Nolo vt aliquid mihi iniuste cóquiratis. Sed omnia vestra concedo vobis eo tenore, quo mihi mea similiter exoptetis. Cauete simul & vobis, & eis quos admonere debetis, ab ira Dei, & transgressione mea.

Among his other lawes & ordinances, to the nūber of xxxv. diuers things be comprehended pertaining as well to the spirituall,The law of K. Ethelstane concerning fealous stealing aboue xii. d. Epitap. in Ethelst. Sol illustrauit bisseno scorpion ortu. Cum regē cauda percu [...]t ille sua. as also to the temporall iurisdiction.

Out of the lawes of this King, first sprang vp the attachement of theeues, such as stoale aboue xij. pence, and were aboue xij. yeares old, should not be spared.

And thus much briefly concerning the historie of King Ethelstane, & things in his time done: who reigned about the space of xvj. yeares. And because he died without issue, therfore after him succeeded his brother Edmund, the yere of our Lord. 940. who reigned vj. yeares.

King Edmund.

Anno. 940.EDmund the sonne of Edwarde the elder, by his thirde wife (as is declared) and brother of Ethelstane, being of the age of xx. yeares, entred his raigne: who had by hys Queene Elgina,Edmundus kyng of England. two sonnes, Edwyne, and Edgarus, surnamed Pacificus, which both reigned after him, as followeth. This Edmund continued his reigne vj. yeares & a halfe. By him were expulsed the Danes, Scottes, Normandes, and all foreine enemies out of the land. Such Cities and Townes which before were in the possession of strangers: as Lyncolne, Nottingham, Derby, Stafforde, and Leycetour, he recouered out of their hands. Thus the realme being cleared of foreine power, for a time: then the king set his study and mind in the redressing and maintaining the state of the Church: which all stoode then in building of Monasteries, and furnishing of Churches, eyther with newe possessions,Ex historia Cariona. or wt restoring the olde which were taken away before. In the time of thys Edmund, thys I find in an old written story, borowed of W. Cary: a citizen of London, a worthy treasurer of moste worthy Monuments of antiquitie. The name of the author I can not alledge: because the booke beareth no title, lacking both the beginning, and the latter end. But the words therof faithfully recited, be these: Huius regis tempore, facta est dispersio Monachorum Eushmensis coenobij, Monkes put out of Eusham, the yeare of our Lord. 941. cum substitutione Canonicorum per Althelmum, & Vlricum laicos, & Osulphum Episcopum. &c. That is: In the time of this King, there was a scattering or dispersion made of the Monkes out of the Monastery of Eusham, and Canons substituted in theyr place: through the doing of Athelmus, & Ulricus lay men, and of Osulfus Byshop. &c.

Where, as concerning this matter betwene Monkes and other of the clergie, first it is to be vnderstande: that in the realme of England,The difference betweene Monkes and priestes. heretofore before the time of Dunstane: the Byshops seas and cathedrall churches were replenished with no monkes, but wyth priestes and canons (called then clerks or men of the clergy) After this beginneth to rise a difference or a sect betwixt these two parties, in straitnesse of life and in habite:Chastitie wrōgly defined. Holy mariage by the definition of Paphnutius is chastitie. so that they which liued after a straiter rule of holines, were called monkes, & professed chastitie: that was, to liue from wiues, (for so was chastitie then defined in those blinde daies) as though holy matrimony were no chastitie, according as Paphnutius did well define it in the councel of Nice. The other sort whych were no monkes but priests or men of the clergy called, liued more free from these monkish rules and obseruances: and were then commōly (or at least lawfully) maryed,Monkes how they differed from Priestes, and how they first began in England. and in theyr life and habite, came nearer to the secular sorte of other christians. By reason wherof great disdaine & emulation was among them: in so much that in many Cathedral churches, where as priests were before, there monks were put in. And contrary, sometime where as Monkes were intruded, there priests and canons againe were placed, and monkes thrust out: wherof more shal appere here after (by the grace of Christ) when we come to the lyfe of Dunstane. In the meane time, something to satisfie the cogitation of the reader, which peraduenture either is ignorant, or els would know of the first cōming in of monks, into this realme and Church of England in the Saxones time:Guliel. de ponti [...] ▪ this is to be noted, according as I finde in old Chronicles, namely in the latine history of Guliel. de gestis pontificum Angl. recorded, touching the same. That about thys time of king Edmund or shortly after, when hardnes and straitnesse of life, ioyned with superstition, was had in veneration, and counted for great holinesse: Men therefore, either to winne publique same with men, or merites with God, gaue themselues to lead a straite life: thinking thereby, the stranger their conuersation was,The mon [...] stery of F [...]riake. and farther from the common trade of vulgar people, the more perfect to be toward God and mā. There was at that time (and before that) a monastery in France named Floriake, after the order and rule of Benedict: from the which Monasterie did spring a great part of our english mōks. Who being there professed, and afterward returning into England, did cō gregate men daily to theyr profession. And so, partly for strangenesse of theyr rule: partly for outwarde holinesse of their strait life: partly for the opinion of holinesse that many had of them, were in great admiration: not onely with the rude sort, but with kinges and princes: who founded their houses, maintained their rules, and enlarged them with possessions. Among the which order of monks comming from Floriake, especially was one Oswaldus, first a monke of Floriake, then bishop of Wirceter and of Yorke: a great patrone and setter vp of monckery.Oswaldes Byshop of Yorke a great pa [...] of Monkery. Guliel lin. 3. de pontif. Touching the which Oswaldus, William in his booke, De pontific. writing of his historie, hath these woordes: Familiaris per id temporis Anglis consuetudo fuit, vt si qui boni afflati essent desiderio, in beatissimi Benedicti monasterio caenobialem susciperet habitū: a quo, religionis huiusce manauit exordium, &c. That is, It was a common custome at that time amōg English men, that if any good men were well affected or minded toward religiō, they went to the Monasterie of blessed S. Benedict in France, and there receiued the habite of a Monke: Wherupon the first origine of this religion began,The orig [...] of monkery how it first began in England. &c. But of this Oswald bishop of Yorke, and Dunstane bishop of Canterburie, and Ethelwold bishop of Winchester, howe they replenished diuers Monasteries, & Cathedral Churches with Monkes: and howe they discharged maryed Priestes and Chanans out of their houses, to plante in Monkes in their celles: more shall be spoken (by the grace of Christ) heereafter. Nowe let vs returne againe to the matter where we left, of king Edmund: who besides his noble victories against his enemies, and recouering the Cities aboue expressed into his own hāds: did also subdue the prouince of Cumberland. And after he had put out the eyes of the two sonnes of Dunmail king of Cumberland,Dunstane Abbot of Glastonbury. he committed the gouernance therof to Malcolinus king of Scots: vpon promise of his trustie seruice & obedience, when the king should stande in any neede of him. In the time of this king, Dunstane was not yet Archbi. of Canterbury, but onely Abbot of Glastenbury:The sonnes of King Edmund. of whom many fabulous narrations passe among the wryters, importing more vanity then verity. Wherfore this is one of the first: what time Edgarus called Pacificus was borne,The imp [...] dent vanitie of the Popes Churche in forgyng false myracles. Guliel. lib. 1. de pont. The monastery of Glastonbury. Dunstane Abbot of Glostanbury. The Abbey of Glostenbury was first builded by K. Iue, by the coū sell of Adelmus, after beyng destroyed by the Danes. Guliel. lib. 2. de Regib. Dunstane being the same time Abbot of Glastenbury (as the monkish fables dreame) heard a voyce in the ayre of certaine Angels singing after this tenour, and saying: Nowe peace commeth to the church of England in ye time of this child and of our Dunstane, &c. This I thought to recite, that the christian reader might the better pōder wyth himselfe, the impudent and abhominable fictions of this Romish generation. Out of the same mint also haue they forged, how the sayd Dunstane should heare the aungels sing the Kyrieeleyson, vsed to be song at euensong in the church. Guliel de pontif. lib. 1. Which is as true as that the Harpe hanging in a womans house, played by it selfe the time of the Antheme, called Gaudent in coelis, &c. What would not these deceiuers faine in matters something likely, whych in thinges so absurde and so inconuenient, shame not to lie and to forge so impudently & also so manifestly? Through the motion of this Dunstane: King Edmund builded and furnished the monasterie of Glastenbury, & made the sayd Dunstane Abbot thereof.

Concerning the ende and death of this King, sundrye opinions there be, Alfridus and Marianus say: that while this King Edmund endeuored hymselfe to saue his sewer from the daunger of his enemies, which would haue slaine him at Pulcherchurch: the king in parting of the fray was wounded, and died shortly after. But Guliel. de Regibus. lib. 2. sayeth, that the king being at a feast at Pulcherchurch [Page] vpon the day of S. Augustine, espied a fellon sitting in the hall, named Leof, whom he before for his fellony had exiled. And leaping ouer the table did flie vpon him, & plucked the thiefe by the haire of the head to the ground. In which doyng, the fellon with a knife wounded the king to the death, and also with the same knife wounded many other of the kings seruants, and at length was all to hewen, and died forthwith.

The lawes of king Edmunde touching as well the state spirituall as temporall.By the lawes of king Edmund (ordeyned and set forth, as well for the redresse of church matters, as also of ciuile regiment) it may appeare, that the state both of causes temporal & likewise spiritual, appertained then to ye kings right (the false pretensed vsurpatiō of the bishop of Rome notwithstanding) as by these lawes is to be seene: where he by the aduise of his lordes and bishops, did enact & determine concerning the chastitie & pure life of ecclesiastical ministers, and such as were in the orders of the Church, wt the penalties also for them which transgressed the same.

Item, for tithes to be payd of euery christian man, and for the church fees, and alme fees, &c.

Item, for deflouring of womē professed, which we call Nunnes, &c.

Item, for euery bishop to see his churches repaired, of his owne proper charge, and boldly to admonish the king whether the houses of God were well maintayned, &c.

Item, for flying into the church for sanctuary, &c.

Item, concerning cases and determinations spousall, or matrimoniall, &c.

All which constitutions declare, what interest kings had in those days in matters as wel ecclesiastical as other, within their dominion, and that not only in disposing the ordinances and rites, such as appertained to the institutiō of the church: but also in placing and setting Bishops in their sens, &c.

In the tyme of this Edmund, was Ulstanus Archb. of Yorke,Vlstanus Archbishop of Yorke. Odo Arch. of Canterbury. and Odo Archbishop of Canterbury, which Odo beyng a Da [...]e borne (as is before touched) was promoted to that sea by king Ethelstane, for that (as they say) hee being first bishop of Witone, & present with kyng Ethelstane in the field against Analafus before mentioned, what time the said Ethelstane had lost his sword, he thorough his intercession vp to heauen, did see a sworde from heauen, come downe into the sheath of the kyng. Whereof relation beyng made to the kyng by the foresayd Byshop,Guliel. de pont. lib. 1. Polycron. lib. 6. ca. 6. Ethelstane vpon the same was so affected toward Odo, that not onely he counted him for a Patrone of his life, but also made him Primate of Canterbury after the decease of Ulfelmus. This Odo was the first from the commyng of the Saxons, till his tyme which was Archbishop of Canterbury being no mōke.Odo made monke at Floriake, after he was Archb. of Cāterbury. Guliel. de pont. lib. 1. For all the other before him were of the profession of Monkes, of whō a great part had bene Italiās vnto Berctualdus. Notwithstanding this Odo, beyng also a stranger borne, after he was elected into the bishoprike, to aunswer to the old custome of others before him, sayled ouer into France, and there at Floriake (after the vsuall maner aboue mentioned of Englishmen) receiued the profession and habite of monkish religion, as sayth my foresayd author. And like as the sayd Odo first beyng no monke, was made Archbishop of Canterbury. So also Ulstanus the same tyme, beyng bishop of Yorke and of Worcester,Guliel. lib. 3. de pont. Ebor. differed from diuers his predecessours before him in profession and in habite: of whome the forenamed author thus writeth in his iij. booke, speaking of Ulstanus qui sanctitate discrepabat & habitu, that is, he differed in sanctimonie and in habite.The difference of habite and garmentes among men of the Church. Whereby is to be collected, that in those dayes was a difference in habite & garment, not only betwene monkes & bishops, but also betwene one Bishop and an other. Albeit what difference it was yet, I do not finde. But I returne agayne to Odo, who by the description of his maners, might seeme not to be the worste that occupied that place, were it not that our lying histories faining false miracles vpon him (as they do of other) make him in deede to seeme worse then he was.False and lying myracles noted vpon Odo. As where they imagine that he should see from heauen a sworde fall into the scabberd of king Ethelstane. Itē, where he should couer and defend the church of Canterbury with his praiers from raine.A note to the reader. And also where he should turne the bread of the aulter (as the writer termeth it) into liuely fleshe, & from flesh into bread againe, to confirme the people which before doubted in the same. Where note agayn (good Reader) that albeit this miracle were true, as no doubt it is vntrue: yet is it to be noted, yt in those dayes was a great doubt among englishmen of the popish sacrament,Transubstantiation not yet receaued. & that transubstantiatiō was not receiued into the christiā creed. The like iudgement is to be geuē also of that, where our English writers testifieng of the same Odo, say that hee should prophesie long before of Dunstan, to be his successor in the church of Canterbury. But to let these fantasies and idle stories passe, this which we find of Odo, his own writing is certain, that the said Odo in the raigne of kyng Edmund, had a synode commensed of the chiefe Prelates and mē of the clergy in his time, to whom he directed this letter here following: the copy whereof I thought to expresse, for the Reader to see what zelous care raigned in Archbishops then toward the Church of the Lord. The wordes of his epistle proceed in this tenour.

The letter or an Epistle of Odo Archbishop of Caunterbury, sent to the other Bishops and men of the Clergy.

MIrabili cunctipotentis polorum praesulis clementia opitulante: Ego Odo,The letter of Odo Archb. to the prelates ecclesiae Saluatoris Domini nostri Iesu Christi Archiepiscopus, Douerniensis ciuitatis Metropolitanus, coepiscopis fidei catholicae compagatoribus spirituali charitatis rigore meis confratribus. Praesentium prosperitatem aetherei (que) decoris beatitudinem, &c.

The same in English.

By the deuine grace of God, I Odo of the church of our lord and sauiour Iesus Christ, Archbishop & Metropolitane of the citie of Douer, to my fellow bishops, and fellow planters of the catholike fayth, and my fellow brethren in the spirituall bonde of charitie, with greeting, wish prosperitie in this world present, & in the world to come felicitie. If it were so, or by any meanes could be, that all the riches of this world were layd before myne eyes, so that I beyng Emperour had all things vniuersally vnder my subiection, all those things gladly would I geue, yea and my selfe also would offer willingly for the health of your soules, as which also do desire and trust likewise my self to be strengthened with the feruencie of your holynesse, as appertayning to those things wherin the Lord our God hath set vs to be workmen, &c.

And after a few other wordes of like effect, wherein he doth declare the heauy burden of his office, it followeth after this maner.

Wherfore most humbly and one vnworthy, but yet a deuou [...] fellow brother of yours, I beseech and exhort your holines: that you will not shew your selues cold and negligent in the cure and regiment of soules, so that in the tyme of the feareful iudgement, the Lord doe not complaine of you, saying, my shepeheards did not feed my flocke, but they fed thēselues And agayne they were princes of my flocke, and I knew not of it. But rather let vs take heede, and be diligent ouer the houshold of the Lord, ouer which he hath set vs to be the leaders: to geue them meate & true measure of corne in tyme conuenient: that is to say, wholesome doctrine. And although vpon myne owne demerites or worthinesse I do not presume to comfort or exhort any man: but as one beyng vnworthy & faultie in transgressions innumerable, am glad, and stand in neede, rather to be strengthened by your brotherly admonitions: yet for the auncient authoritie of my predecessors as of Augustine, of happy memory, and also of all other saintes by whose industrie the rule of christianitie did first florish and spring from this Metropolitane sea, vnto all quarters of England. Therefore I haue thought good to direct vnto you these my letters to the profit of you all: especially, for that our renowmed & princely king Edmond, with all his people doth ioy to folow that which he heareth in you, and of you: and also, forsomuch as all his subiectes which be vnder his Imperiall dominion, doe loue and delight to follow most ioyfully, the same and report of your sincere conuersation, &c.

This Odo continued bishop the space of 20. yeres. After whom Elsinus was elected and ordained by the kyng to succeede through fauour and money:Elsinus Archb. of Caunt. elect. S. Edmundesbury. but in goyng to Rome for the Popes palle, in his iourney thorough the Alpes, he decayed and died for cold. Whereupon succeeded Dunstane▪ as in tyme and place (by the leaue of Christ) foloweth to be declared.

This Edmund gaue to S. Edmund the Martyr before mentioned, the towne of Bredrich [...]ehworth, which is now called S. Edmondesbury, with great reuenues and lands appertainyng to the same. But concerning the friuolous miracles which our Monkish storywriters here [...]ayne of this good Edmund, by the way (or rather out of the way) I let them passe.

And thus much concerning the raign of king Edmūd,The children of King Edmund. who after he had raigned vj. yeres and half, was slaine as is sayd at Pulchorchurch, and buried at Glastenbury of Dunstane:Anno. 946. leauing behynd him two children, Edwine & Edgar, by his wife Elgina. But because the foresaid children were yet yong & vnder age, therfore Edrede brother to king Edmund, and vncle to the children, gouerned as Protector about the space of 9. yeres and halfe,Edrede gouernour of the Realme. til Edwine the eldest sonne came to age. This Edrede with great moderation, and fidelitie to the young children, behaued himselfe [Page] during the tyme of his gouernement.Dunstane made byshop of Wirceter and after of London. In his tyme, Dunstane was promooted through the means of Odo the Archbishop, from Abbot of Glastenbury, to be Bishop of Wirceter, and after of London. By the counsayle of this Dunstane, Edrede was much ruled, and too much thereto addicted: In so much that the sayd Edrede is reported in stories to submit himselfe to much fond penance, and castigations inflicted to him of the said Dunstane. Such zelous deuotion was then in princes, and more blynd superstition in bishops. And here agayn is an other miracle as fantasticall as the other before, forged of Dunstane. That whē that Edrede beyng sicke, sent for Dunstane to be hys confessor by the way: Dunstane should heare a voyce declaring to him before, that Edrede was already departed, at the declaring wherof Dunstans horse fel immediately dead vnder hym,With lye and all. with lye and all.

* King Edwine.

K. Edwyne. EDwine the eldest sonne of king Edmund afore mētioned, after his vncle Edrede, began his raigne about the yere of our Lord,Anno. 955. 955. being crowned at Kingston by Odo the Archbishop of Caunterbury. Of this Edwine it is reported of diuers writers, that the first day of his coronation, sitting with his Lordes, brake sodainly from them & entred a secrete chamber, to the company of a certaine woman, whom he inordinately retained (being as some say an other mans wife) whose husband he had before slayne, as other say being of his aliance, to the great mislikyng of hys Lordes, and especially of the Clergy. Dunstane was yet but Abbot of Glastenbury, who following the king into the chamber, brought him out by the hand, and accused him to Odo the Archbishop,The king suspensed by the Archbishop. K. Edwyne an enemye to Monkes. causing him to be separate from the company of the foresayd partie, by the which Odo, the king was for his fact suspended out of the Church. By reason whereof the king beyng with Dunstane displeased, banished him his land, & forced him for a season to flee to Flanders where he was in the monastery of S. Amandus. About the same season the Monasticall order of Benedict Monkes or blacke monkes (as they were called) began to multiply and encrease here in England.Monkes put out, and secul [...]r priestes placed in their roomes. In so much, that where before tyme other priestes & Canons had bene placed. there monkes were in their roumes set in, and the secular priests (as they then were called) or Canōs put out, But king Edwine for the displeasure he bare to Dunstan, did so vexe all the order of the said monkes, that in Malmesbury Glastenbury, & other places mo, he thrust out the monkes, and set in secular priestes in their stead.

Notwithstanding it was not long, but these priestes and Canons were agayne remooued, and the said monkes in their stead restored, both in the foresayd houses, and in diuers other Churches Cathedrall besides, as in the next story of Kyng Edgar (Christ willyng) shall at more large appeare.

The death of K. Edwyne.In fiue kyng Edwine beyng hated by reason of certaine his demeanours, of all his subiectes (especially the Northumbrians and Mercians) was by them remooued from his kingly honour, and his brother Edgar in his steade receiued: so that the Riuer of Thamis deuided both theyr kingdomes. Which Edwine after he had raigned about the terme of foure yeares departed, leauing no heyre of hys bodye. Wherefore the rule of the lande fell vnto Edgar his younger brother.

¶ King Edgar.

Anno. 959. EDgar the second sonne of Edmund, and brother to Edwine being of the age of xvj. yeares, began his raygne ouer the realme of England, in the yeare of our Lord, 959. but was not crowned till 14. yeares after:K. Edgar called Pacificus. the causes whereof here vnder follow (Christ willing) to be declared. In the beginning of his raigne he called home Dunstane, whome king Edwine before had exiled. Then was Dunstane, which before was Abbot of Glastenbury,Dunstane made Bysh. of Worceter, and of London. Ex hist. Rog. Houenden. Spirituall liuinges geuen by the king, and not by the Pope. made bishop of Worcester, & then of London. Not long after, this Odo the Archbishop of Cant. deceaseth, after he had gouerned ye Church 24. yeares. After whom Brithelinus bishop of Winchester, first was elected. But because he was thought not sufficiēt to furnish ye roome: Dunstane was ordained Archb. and the other sent home agayne to his old Church. Where note by the way, how in those dayes the donatiō and assignyng of ecclesiasticall dignities remayned in the kings hand, onely they fet their palle frō Rome, as a token of the Popes confirmation. So Dunstane beyng by the kyng made Archb. tooke hys iourny to Rome for his palle of Pope Iohn the 13. which was about the beginning of the Kings raygne. Thus Dunstane obtayning his palle, shortly after his returne agayne from Rome,Oswald [...] byshop of Worceter and after [...] Yorke, Ethelw [...] byshop of Wint. a great [...]tayner of Monkery. An. 96 [...]. Ex Guliel. Malm [...]s [...]rie [...] de gostis pon [...] A [...]g. entreateth King Edgar, that Oswaldus (who, as is said, was made monke at Floriake, and was nephew to Odo late bishop of Cant.) might bee promooted to the bishoprike of Worcester, which thyng to him was granted. And not long after, through the means of the sayd Dunstane, Ethelwoldus (whom stories doe fayne to be the great patrone of Monkery) first Monke of Glastenbury, thē Abbot of Abbendon, was also made Bysh. of Winchester. Of this Ethelwold, Gulielmus libro de gestis pō tificum recordeth, that what tyme he was a Monke in the house of Glastenbury, the Abbot had a vison of him which was this. How that there appeared to him in hys sleepe a certayne great tree, the branches wherof extended through out all the foure quarters of the Realme, which branches were al couered with many little Monkes coules, where, in the top of the tree was one great maister coule, which in spreading it selfe ouer the other coules, inclosed all the rest, which maister coule in the tree top, myne Authour in the interpretation applyeth to the lyfe of this Ethelwold. Monkishe dreames. Of such prodigious fantasies, our monkish histories bee full, and not onely our histories of England, but also the Heathen histories of the Gentiles be stuffed with such kynd of dreames of much like effect.

Of such a lyke dreame we read of the mother of Ethelstane, how the Moone did spring out of her wombe, & gaue light to all England. Also of king Charles the Emperour, how he was led by a threed to see the torments of hel. Like wise of Furceus the Heremite mentioned in the third booke of Bede, who sawe the ioyes of heauen and the 4. fires that should destroy the world: the one of lying, for breakyng our promise made at Baptism. The second fire was of couetous. The third of dissention. The fourth was of the fire of impietie and wrongfull dealing. Item, in like sort of the dreame of Dunstane, and of the same Ethelwold, to whom appeared the three bishops, Bristanus, Birinus, and Swithinus, &c. Itē, of the dreame of the mother of this Ethelwold, who beyng great with him, did see a golden Egle flee out of her mouth, &c. Of the dreame likewise, or the vision of Kyng Edgar concerning the falling of the two apples,Dreames not necessary to be regarded. Difference of dreames. and of the pots, one being full of water, the other empty, &c. Also of king Edward the Confessor, touching the ruine of the lande by the conquest of the Normands. We read also in the history of Astiages, how he dreamed of Cyrus. And likewise of many other dreames in the bookes of the monkes, & of the Ethnike writers. For what cannot either the idle vanitie of mans head, or the deception of the lying spirite worke by man: in foreshewing such earthly euentes as happen commonly in this present world? But here is a difference to be vnderstood betwene these earthly dreames, speaking of earthly things,How and whē monks first began to swarme in England, Dunstane, Ethelwold, Oswald, three setters vp of Monkishe religion. 40. Monasteries builded and repayred by K. Edgar. Priestes thrust out of Cathedrall houses, and monkes set in. and matters of humaine superstition, & betwene other spiritual reuelations sent by God touching spirituall matters of the Church, pertayning to mans saluation. But to our purpose, by this dreame, and by the euent which followed after, it may appeare how & by what meanes the multitude of Monkes began first to swarme in the Churches of England (that is) in the dayes of this Edgar, by the meanes of these three Bishops, Dunstane, Ethelwold and Oswold. Albeit Dunstane was the chiefest ring leader of this race, yet Ethelwold beyng now Bishop of Winchester, & Oswald bishop of Worcester, were not much behind for their partes. By the instigation and counsail of these three aforesaid, king Edgar is recorded in histories to build either new out of the ground, or to reedifie monasteries decayed by the Danes, mo then xl. As the house of Ely, Glastenbury, Abington, Burgh by Stamford, Thorney, Ramsey, Wilton, Wenton, Winchtombe, Thamstock in Deuonshire, with diuers other moe▪ In the settyng vp and building of the which, the foresayde Ethelwold was a great doer and a founder vnder the king. Moreouer, thorough the motion of this Dunstane and his fellowes, kyng Edgar in diuers great houses and Cathedrall Churches, where Prebendaries and priestes were before,Roger Houeden lib. Continuationum, post Bedā. Chronicon Iornalense▪ Guliel. de gestis pontifi. lib. 1. displaced the priests, and set in Monkes. Whereof we read in ye chronicle of Rog. Houeden, in wordes and forme as followeth: Hic nam (que) Ethelwoldus Regem cuius eximius erat consiliarius, ad hoc maximè prouocauit, yt clericos à Monasterijs expelleret, & monachos sanctimoniales (que) in eis collocaret, &c. That is, Ethelwold bishop of Winchester, who was then one of the kings coūsaile, did vrge the K. chiefly to expel Clerks out of Monasteries, and in their rowmes to bestow Monks and Nunnes, &c. whereunto accordeth likewise Historia Iornalensis, containing the like effect in these wordes: Hoc anno Ethelwoldus Wint. & Oswaldus Wygornensis Episcopi, iussu Regis Edgari (clericis de quibusdam maioribus Ecclesijs expulsis) Monachos instituerunt, aut de eisdem clericis & alijs monachos in eisdem fecerunt. Gulielmus also writing of the tyme of Dunstane, maketh the matter somwhat more plain [Page] where he sayth: Ita (que) clerici multarum Ecclesiarum data optione, vt aut amictum mutarent, aut locis valedicerent, melioribus habitacula vacuefacientes. Surgebant itaque in tota insula, religiosorum monasteria, cumulabātur mole pretiosi metalli sanctorum altaria, &c. Thus the secular priests being put to their choise, whether to chaunge their habite, or to leaue theyr roumes, departed out of their houses, geuing place for other better men to come in. Then the houses & Monasterics of Religious men through all the Realme, went vp apace, &c.

After the kings mynd was thus perswaded and incited by these bishops to aduance Monkery, then Oswaldus bishop of Worcester, & also made Archbishop of Yorke, after the decease of Oskitellus, Oswald Byshop of Wytceter. and Archb. of Yorke. The pollicy of Oswald in driuing out priestes to place in Monkes. sui [...] compos effectꝰ (as Houeden writeth) hauing his sea in the cathedrall Church there of S. Peter, began first with faire perswasions to assay the myndes of the Canons and priests, whether they could be content to change their profession, and to be made monks, or no: which when he saw it would not take effect, he practised this pollicie with thē. Nere to the said Church of S. Peter, within the churchyard he erected an other Church of our Lady, which when he had replenished wt Monkes, there he continually frequented, there he kept, there he sat, and was euer there conuersant.An 969. By reason whereof, the other church was left naked and desolate, and all the people gathered there where the bishop was.Galiel. lib. 3. de. Gest. pontifi. Chr. Iornalense. in vita Edgar [...]. The priests seyng themselues so to be left and neglected both of the Bishop and of the people, to whome nothing remayned but shame and contempt, were driuen of shame either to relinquish the house (such as would not enter the Monkish profession) or els to become monkes, such as had nothyng els to stay vpon. After the like superstition (although not after the same subtletie) did Ethelwold also driue out the Canons and priests from the new Monastery in Winchester, afterward called Hida,Prebendaries and Priestes slacke in their duety. and placed his monkes. So in Oxford and in Mildune, with diuers other places moe: the secular Priests with their wiues were expelled to geue place to Monkes. The cause wherof is thus pretended in certaine story writers, whom I see also Fabian to folow, for that the priests and Clerkes were thought slack and negligent in their Church seruice, and set in Uicares in theyr stead, while they liued in pleasure, and mispent the patrimony of the Church after their owne lust. Then king Edgar gaue to the Uicars the same land which before belonged to the Prebendaries, who also not long after shewed themselues as negligent as the other.Priestes voyded of Cathedrall Churches, and monkes set in. Wherfore king Edgar (as mine authors write) by the consent of Pope Iohn, 13. voyded clerely the priests, and ordained there monkes. Although certaine of the nobles, and some of the Prelates were therewith not well contented, as in the chapter following, may partly appeare.

But for so much as we haue entred into the mention of Monkes & Nunnes,The difference order, and institution of Monkes examined. and of their profession, which I see so greatly in our Monkish stories commended: lest perhaps the simple Reader may be deceiued thereby, in hearing the name of monkes in all histories of tymes to be such an ancient thing in Christian life (euen frō the primitiue church after the Apostles tyme) both commonly recited and well receiued: therfore to helpe the iudgement of the ignorant, and to preuent all errour herein, it shall not be vnprofitable in followyng the present occasion here geuen (by way of a little digression) to entermedle somewhat concerning the originall institution of monkes, what they were in the old tyme, which were called Monachi, wherin the monkes of the primitiue tyme, did differ from the Monkes of the middle time, and from these our Monkes now of this latter age. Moreouer, wherein all these three do differ from Priests (as we call them) and frō men of the clergy. Wherfore to aunswer to the superstitious scruple of such, which alledge the old antiquitie of the name and title of monks: first I graunt, the name and order of Monkes to be of old continuance, during neare from the tyme of 300. yeares after Christ. Of whom diuers old authors do record, as Augustinus, Hieronymus, Basillus Magnus, who was also himself one of the first institutors and commenders of that superstition. Chrysostomus, Two sortes of Monkes in the primitiue Church. Cassianus. lib. 2. cap. 4. de canon. N [...]ctor. orat. Nazianzenus, Euagrius, Sozomenus, Dionysius, and diuers other. In the number of these monkes (which then were deuided into Her [...]mites or Anachorites and into Coenobites) wexe Antonius, Paulus, Ioannes, wyth diuers other recluses. Among the which was Hierome, Basile, Macarius, Isidorus, Pambus, Nilammon, Simeon, with infinite other, both in Palestina, Syria, Thebaide, Mesopotamia in Egypt, in Africa and Scythia. In so much that Cassianus, Lib. 2. cap. 4. de Canon. Noctur. orat. maketh mention of a certaine Monastery in Thebaide, wherin were aboue 5000. monks, vnder the gouernment of one Abbot. And here also in England mention is made before of Bangor, wherein were two thousand & two hundred Monkes vnder one mans ruling, in the yeare of our Lord, 596. wherby it appeareth that Monkes were then, and 2000. yeares before in the primitiue tyme of the Church. But what monks these were, is to be considered. Such as either by tiranny of persecution were driuen into solitary and desert places, or els such as not constrained of any, but of their owne voluntary deuotion (ioyned with some superstition among, for the loue they had to spirituall contemplation, and for hatred of the wicked world) withdrewe themselues from all company, either hauyng nothyng to themselues proper,Two sortes of lay men. Monkes in the olde tyme were no other but lay men, leading a stricte lyfe. August. de. mor▪ ecclesia. Hieron. ad Heliodor. Dionysius. Concilium Chalced. Can. A. Monkes forbidden to intermeddle with matters ecclesiasticall. or els all things common with other. And all these were then nothing els but lay men. Of which lay men there were two sundry sortes, one of the vulgare & common people, which onely were pertakers of the Sacraments, the other in folowing a Monasticall kynde of lyfe, were called Monkes (beyng nothing but lay men) leadyng a more seuere and straighter trade of lyfe, then the other, as may sufficiently appeare by August. Lib. de moribus Ecclesiae cap. 13. Item, Lib. de operibus Monachorum. Item Epistola ad Aurelium. Also by Hierome ad Heliodorum, writing these wordes: Alia Monachorum est causa, alia clericorum. Clerici pascunt oues, ego pascor, &c. That is, One thing pertaineth to Monkes, an other thing to them of the Clergy. They of the Clergy feede their flocke. I am fed, &c. Et ex Dionysio. Also the same appeareth likewise by the 4. Canon of the Councel of Chalcedone, where it is prouided, Ne Monachi se Ecclesiasticis negocijs immisceant. That is, That Monkes should not intermedle with matters of the Church. &c. Et Leo Epistola 62 vetat Monachos & laicos, etsi scientie nomine glorientur, admitti ad officium docendi & concionandi.

By these foresayd authors alledged,Monkes differing frō Priests. Monkes in the primitiue tyme differyng from Monkes in the ij. age of the Church. August de institutis monachorum. it is euident: that Monkes in the former age of the church, albeit they lyued a solitary life, yet they were then no other but only lay mē, differing from priests, & differing from the other monkes, which succeeded them afterward in the middle age of the Church, and that in iij. pointes. First, they were tyed and bound to no prescript forme eyther of diet or apparel, or any thing els, as we may see testified by the wordes of S. Augustine, which be these: ‘Ne (que) inter haec nemo vrgetur in aspera, quae ferre non potest: Nulli quod recusat imponitur. Nec ideo contemnitur à caeteris, in quod eis imitandis se fatetur inualidum. Meminerunt enim quantoperè commendata sit in Scripturis charitas. Meminerunt omnia munda mundis, &c Nō quod intrat in os coinquinat hominem, sed quod exit. Ita (que) non reijciendis generibus ciborum, quasi pollutis, sed concupiscentiae perdomandae, & dilectioni fratrum retinendae,’ Zozomen lib. 3. cap. 16. inuigilat omnis industria. And Sozomenus, Lib 3. cap. 16. speaking of the Monkes of the same time, which in cities had seuerall mansions frō other, sayth: Alij in turba ciuitatum conuersabantur, sic seipsos gerentes, vt nullius momenti viderentur, & à multis nihil differrent, &c. 1. Some liued in cities, so behauing themselues, as seeming nothing worth,Monkes of the primitiue time were no clerks, but mere lay men. and they differed nothyng from the multitude, &c. The second point wherin they were discrepant from the latter Monkes: was, in that they remained no other but in the order of lay men (onely beyng of a straighter lyfe then the rest) and had nothing to do in matters & charges Ecclesiasticall.Monkes of the old tyme some marryed, none restrayned from mariage. Which was afterward broken, by Pope Bonifacius the 4. as followeth more (the lord willing) to be sene and sayd. Thirdly, the foresaid monkes of that age (albeit the most part of them liued sole & single from wiues) yet some of them were maried: certes none of them were forbidden or restrayned from mariage. Of such as were maried,Athanasius epistola ad Dracō. speaketh Athanasius in Epistola ad Dracontium, qui ait se nouisse & Monachos & Episcopos coniuges & liberorum patres, &c. That is, which sayth that he knew both Monkes and Bishops maried men, and fathers of children, &c.

And yet the said Monkes of the old tyme,Superstition crept in with monkery. The ignoraunce of our free iustification by Christ, is the cause of all superstition. though they were better then the other which folowed them: yet al that notwithstanding, superstitiō with them and among them begā then to creepe into the church, through the crafty subtilty of Sachan, and all for the ignorance of our free iustification by faith in Iesus Christ. Examples do declare the vaine and prodigious superstitiō of these Monasticall sort of men, which examples do not lacke: if [...] rather did not lacke to bring them in. But ij. or iij. shal suffice for many, which I purpose (the Lord willing) here to insert: to the intent the mind of the godly reader may the better consider and vnderstand,Ex Cassia cap. 17. collat. 2. [...]. how shortly after the tyme of Christ and his Apostles, the doctrine of christian iustification began to be forgotten, true religion turned to superstition, & the price of Christes passion to bee obscured through the vayne opinion of mens merites,Example [...] declaring the blinde superstition of the Monkes of the olde tyme. &c. A certaine Abbot named Moses thus testifieth of himselfe in the Collations of Cassianus, that he so afflicted himselfe with much fastyng and watching, that sometimes for ij. or iij. dayes together, [Page] not onely he felt no appetite to eate, but also had no remē braunce of any meat at all, and by reason thereof was driuen also frō sleepe. In so much, that he was caused to pray to God, but for a little refreshing of sleepe to be geuen him some piece of the night. In the same author, mention is made of a certaine old man an Hermite, who because hee had conceiued in himselfe such a purpose neuer to eat meat without he had some guest or strāger with him, sometyme was constrained to abstaine v. daies together vntil Sonday, while he came to the Church and there brought some stranger or other home with him.

Cassianus lib. de spiritu Gastrimarg. cap. 40.Two other examples yet more will I adde out of the said Cassianus, to declare how the subtiltie of Sathan, thorough superstition and false colour of holynes, blindeth ye miserable eyes of such which rather attend mens traditions, then the word of God. In the xl. chap. of the sayd author in his booke de Gastrimargia, is told of a certain Abbot named Ioannes, in the desert of Scythia, who sent ij. of hys Nouices with figs vnto one that was sicke in the wildernes 18. miles off from the Church. It chaunced these two yong Nouices missing the way, wandered so long in the wild forest or wildernes, and could not find the Celie, that for emptines and wearines they waxed faint & tired. And yet rather would they die then tast the figs committed to them to cary,Superstition. and so dyd, for shortly after they were found dead, their figges lying whole by them.

An other story he also reciteth of two Monasticall brethren, who making their progresse, in the desert of Thebaide: purposed with thēselues,Cassian. lib. 6. cap. 2. to take no sustenance, but such as the Lord should minister himselfe vnto them. It happened, as they were wandering desolate in the desert, and faynting almost for penury, certayne Mazices, a kinde of people by nature fearce and cruel: notwithstanding, being sodenly altered into a new nature of humanitye, came forth and of their owne accord offered bread vnto them. Which bread the one thankfully receaued, as sent of God. The other as counting it sent of man and not of God, refused it, and so for lacke perished.

Hereunto might I also annexe the story of Mucius, who to declare his obedience, did not sticke at the commaundement of his Abbot, to cast his sonne into the water, not knowing whether any were appointed there ready to rescue him from drouning, so far were the Monkes in those dayes drouned in superstition. What is this, but for mans traditions and commaundements, to transgresse the commaundement of God, which saith: Thou shalt do no murther. Thou shalt not tempt the Lord thy God?Monkery mother of superstition and hipocrisie. What man is so blynd, that seeth not by these & infinite examples mo: what pernitious superstition hath begun by reason of this Monkery, almost from the beginnyng to creepe into the Church? Wherfore I cannot maruell inough, seeyng that age of the Church, had in it so many learned and famous Doctors, who not onely did approue and allow these monasticall sectes of life: but also certaine themselues were the authors and institutors of the same, yea and of mens traditions made the seruice of God. In number of whome may be reckoned Basilius Magnus, & Nazianzenus, who with immoderate austeritie did so plucke downe themselues,Basilius Magnus. Nazianzenus. that when they were called to the office of Bishops, they were not able to sustaine the labour therof.

After these foresayd monkes of that time aboue recited, followed other Monkes of the middle age of the Church:Monkes of the middle and latter age of the church described. who as in multitude, so also in superstition increasing, began by little and little from their desolate dens in the vaste wildernes, to approch more neare to great towns, where they had solemne Monasteries founded by Kinges and Queenes, and kings daughters, and other rich Consuls, as is partly before touched. And the causes also touched withall, for the which they were first founded, as these: pro remedio animae meae, Causes of the founding of monasteries and Nunneries tending to the derogation of Christes passion and Christian fayth. pro remissione peccatorum meorum, pro redemptione peccatorū meorum, & pro salute regnorum, qui (que) meo subiacent regimini populorum. In honorem glorlosae virginis, &c. For all these impious, and erroneous titles, and causes, we finde alleaged in storyes, as in Malmes beriensis, Iornalensis, Henricus, and other moe. In which histories I also note, that the most part of these foresayd monasteries were erected first vpon some great murther, either by war in the field, or priuately committed at home: as shall well appeare to them which read the bookes whom I haue alledged. But to returne to our Monks agayn, who (as is sayd) first began to creepe from the cold field into warme townes and cloysters:Most part of monasteries were builded vpon some murther. from townes, then into citties, and at length from their close cellors and citties, vnto Cathedrall Churches (as here appeareth by this storye of King Edgar) where not onely they did abound in wealth and riches (especially these Monkes of our latter tyme) but much more did swimme in superstition, and Pharisaicall hipocrisie, beyng yoked and tied in all their doings, to certaine prescript rules and formal obseruances: in watching in sleeping, in eating, in rising, in praying, in walkyng, in talking, in looking, in tasting, in touching, in handling, in their gestures, in their vestures, euery mā apparailed, not as the proper condition of other would require, nor as the season of the yeare did serue, but as the coacted rules & order of euery sect did inforce them. The number of which sectes was infinitely diuers: some after Basilius rule, went in white: some after Benets rule in blacke: some Cluniacē sis, first set vp by Otho in the tyme of this king Edgar, The order of Monkes Cluniac [...]. by Otho [...] vp in King Edgars time. wearing after the rule of Benets order: some after Hieroms rule leather girdled and coped aboue their white coate: some Gregorians copper coloure [...]: Some de valle vmbrosa, graye Monkes: Some Grand [...]montenses, wearing a coate of mailes vpon theyr bare bodyes, with a black cloake therevpon: Some Cistercianes, who had white rochets on a blacke coate: Some Celestines, all in blew, both cloake, coule, and cap: Some Charter Monkes, wearing hearecloth next their bodyes:Monarch flagellants▪ Some Flagellants, going barefoot in long white linnen shirtes, with an open place in the backe, where they beat themselues with scourges on the bare skinne euery day, before the peoples eyes, till the bloud ranne downe: saying that it was reuealed to them by an Angell, that in so scourging themselues, within 30. dayes and 12. houres, they should bee made so pure from sinne, as they were whē they first receiued baptisme: some starred Monkes: Some Iesuites, with a white girdle & a russet coule. Briefely, who can recken vp the innumerable sectes and disguised orders of their fraternities? Some holding of S. Benet, some of S. Hierome, Some of S. Basill, Some of S. Barnard: Some of S. Bridget: Some of S. Bruno: Some of S. Lewes: as though it were not enough for Christen men to holde of Christ onely: so subiect were they to seruile rules, that no part of Christen liberty remayned among them. So drowned and sunck in superstition: that not onely they had lost Christes religion, but also almost the sense and nature of men. For where men naturally are and ought to be ruled by the descrete gouernment of reasō, in all outward doynges, wherein no one rule can serue for all men:Monkes are subiect and ruled by the knocke of a bell. the circumstaunce of tyme, place, person, and busines being so sundry and diuers. Contrary, among these, not reason but onely the knock of a bell, ruled all their doinges: their rising, their sleeping, theyr praying, their eating, their comming in, their going out, their talking, their silēce, & altogether like insensible people, either not hauing reason to rule themselues, or els as persons vngrateful to God, neyther enioyning the benefite of reason created in them, nor yet vsing the grace of Christes libertie, wherunto he redemed them.

Thus thou seest (gentle Reader) sufficiently declared, what the monkes were in ye primitiue time of the Church,Monkes made spirituall ministers contratrary to the old decrees and custome of the Church.& what were the Monkes of the middle age, and of these our latter dayes of the church. Wherunto ioyne this with all, that where the Monkes of elder tyme (as is sayd) were meere lay men and no spirituall ministers. Afterward Bonifacius the 4. made a decree, an. 606. that Monkes might vse the office of preaching, of Christening, of hearing confessions, & also of assayling them of their sinnes, &c. So thē monkes, who in the beginning were but lay men, and no spirituall ministers, forbidden by the generall Councell of Chalcedon (as is aboue related) to intermeddle with matters ecclesiasticall: afterward in proces of time did so much incroch vpon the office of spirituall ministers, that at lēgth the Priests were discharged out of their Cathedrall churches, & monkes set in their places. Because that Monkes in those dayes leading a straighter lyfe,Priestes is King Edgars tyme had wyues. and professing chastitie, had a greater countenance of holynes amōg the people, then the Priests, who then in the dayes of king Edgar had wiues (at least so many as would) no law forbidding them to the contrary, till the tyme of Hildebrand, now called Gregory the 7. whereof more shall be sayd (Christ willing) in the booke next followyng.

And thus much by the way as touching the order and profession of Monkes.The worthy actes of K. Edgar. Nowe to turne in agayne from whence we digressed (that is) to the matter of kyng Edgar, who followyng the counsaile and leading of Dunstane, and the foresayd Ethelwold Bishop of Winchester, was somewhat thereby inclined to superstition. But otherwyse of his owne nature, well geuen to all vertues and princely actes worthy of much commēdation,The King a good iusticiarie. England reduced into one full and perfect monarchie. and famous memory. So excellent was he in iustice, and sharpe in correctiō of vices (as well in his magistrates, as other subiectes) that neuer before his dayes was lesse felony by robbers, nor lesse extortion or bribery by false officers. Such Prouinces & lordships as were not yet come vnder the kings subiection, he vnited and adioyned to his dominion. And [Page] so made one perfect monarchy of the whole realme of England, with all the Ilelands and borders about the same. Such as were wicked, he kept vnder, he repressed thē that were rebels, the godly he maintayned, he loued the modest, he was deuout to God, and beloued of his subiects, whom he gouerned in much peace and quietnes. And as he was a great seeker of peace, so God did blesse hym with much aboundaunce of peace and rest from all warres: so that as the history recordeth of hym, [...]dgerus Rex Pacificu [...]. Nullas insidias domesticorum, nullum exterminium alienorum sen serit, for the which he was called Pacificus. He neyther tasted of any priuy treson among his subiectes, nor of any inuasion of foraine enemies. So studious he was of the publike profite of hys Realme, and fruitfull in his gouernment, that as the sayd story testifieth of him, Nullus ferè annus in Chronicis praeterijt, quo non magnum & necessarium patriae aliquid fecerit: No yeare passed in all the tyme of his raigne,King Edgar and King Alfrede compared together. wherein he dyd not some singular and necessary commoditie for the common wealth, &c. A great mainteyner he was of Religion and learning, not forgetting herein the foresteps of Kyng Alfred his predecessor. Among his other princely vertues this chiefly is to be regarded, that where as other princes commonly in much peace and quietnes, are wont to grow into a dissolute negligence of life, or obliuiō of their charge committed vnto them. This king in continuance of peace (that notwithstanding) kept euer with him such a watch, & a vigilant seueritie ioyned with a seemely clemency, that I cannot here but recite the witnesse of our story writers, testifiyng of his diligent care ouer the common wealth: which was so great, Vt nullum cuiuscun (que) dignitatis hominé, leges eludere impunè permitteret i. A note for men of nobilitie to marke. That he would suffer no man of what degree of nobilitie so euer he were, to dally out his lawes without condigne punishment, &c. And foloweth more in the same author. Nemo eius tempore priuatus latro, Nemo popularis praedo, nisi qui mallet in fortunas alienas grassari propriae vitae dispendio, A notable example of a prince to admonishe all princes what to do. &c. In all his tyme there was neither any priuy picker nor open thiefe, but he that in stealing other mens goods, would venter and suffer (as he was sure) the losse of his owne lyfe, &c. Guliel. de Reg.

Moreouer, as the studious industrie of this Prince was forward in all other points, so his prudent prouision dyd not lacke in this also,Wolues first driuen out of Englend. in driuing out the deuouring & rauening Wolues, throughout all his land. Wherein he vsed this pollicie, In causing Ludwallus Prince or Kyng of Wales, to yelde to him yearely by way of tribute, 300. Wolues. By meanes whereof, within the space of 4. yeres after in England and Wales, might scantly be founde one Wolfe alyue.

The prouision of kyng Edgar in keeping the seas.This Edgar among other of his politike deedes, had in readines 3600. ships of warre, to scoure the Seas in the Sommer tyme, wherof 1200. kept the East seas, as many to defend the Westside, againe, as many on the Southseas to repulse the inuasion of foraine enemies. Moreouer, in Winter season, the vse and maner of this vertuous Kyng was this: During all the tyme of his life, to ride ouer the land in progresse,A notable example in a prince, for all good princes to marke and to follow. searching and inquiring diligently (to vse here the wordes of mine author.) Quomodo legum iura, & suorum statuta decretorum obseruarentur: & ne pauperes à potentibus praeiudicium passi opprimerentur. That is, How his lawes and statutes by him ordeined were kept, & that the poore should suffer no preiudice or he oppressed any maner of wayes by the mightier, &c. Briefly, as I see many things in this worthy prince to be commended, so this one thing in him I cannot but lament, to see him like a Phenix to flee alone, that of all his posteritie so few there bee that seeke to keepe him company. And although I haue shewed more already of this king, then I thinke will wel be folowed, yet this more is to be added to the worthines of his other acts.The deuise of K. Edgar to auoyde dronkennes. That where as by the multitude of the Danes dwelling in diuers places of Englād much excessiue drinking was vsed, wherupon ensued dronkennes, and many other vices, to the euill example and hurt of his subiects: he therfore to preuent that euill, ordeined certaine cuppes with pinnes, or nailes set in them, adding therunto a law, that what person dranke past that marke at one draught, should forfaite a certaine peny. Whereof one halfe should fall to the accuser, and the other half to the ruler of the borough or towne, where the offence was done.

It is reported of this Edgar by diuers authors, that about the 13. yere of his raign, he bring at Chester, a kings (called in histories Subreguli) to wit petykings, or vnderkings, came & did homage to him. Of whom the first was the king of Scots, called Kinadius: Macolinus of Cumberland. Mackus or Mascusinus king of Moniae, and of diuers other Ilands,Vlij. kinges do homage to K. Edgar & all the kings of Wales, the names of whō were Dufuall, or Dunewaldus; Sifreth, Hu [...]all, Iacob, Vikyll, Iuchell. All which kings after they had geuen their fidelitie to Edgar:The Glory of king Edgar reprehended. the next day following (for a pompe or royaltie) he entred with these aforesaid kings into the riuer of Dee. Where he sitting in a boate tooke the rule of the helme, and caused these 8. kings, euery person taking an ore in hys hand,Wherein kinges ought to glory. to row him vp and downe the riuer to and from the Church of S. Iohn vnto his palace agayne, in token that he was maister and Lord of so many prouinces: whereupō he is reported to haue sayd in this maner: Tunc demum posse successores suos gloriari, se Reges Angliae esse, cum tanta praerogatiua honorum fruerētur. But in my mynd this king had sayd much better, if he had rather said with S. Paule, Absit mihi gloriari, K. Edgar a superstitious vpholder of Monkery. Ex Edmero. nisi in cruce Domini nostri Iesu Christi.

And thus ye haue heard hetherto touching the cōmendation of king Edgar, such reportes as the old Monkish writers thought to bestow vpon him, as vpon the great patron of their monkish religion, who had builded so many monasteries for them, as were Sondayes in the yeare, (as some say) or, as Edmer reporteth, but 48.

Now on the other side,Vices noted in King. Edgar. what vices in him were raigning, let vs likewise consider, according as we find in the sayd authors described, which most write to his aduancement. Wherof, the first vice is noted to be crueltie, as well vpon others, as namely vpon a certaine Erle being of his secret counsaile called Ethelwold. The story is this, Ordgarus Duke of Deuonshire, had a certaine daughter named Elfrida, whose beautie beyng highly commended to the king, he being inflamed therwith, sent this foresaid Ethelwold (whom he especially trusted) to the partie, to see and to bring him word againe, & if her beautie were such as was reported,King Edgar circumuented by one of hys own counsell. willing him also to make the match betwene them. Ethelwold wel viewing the partie, and seing her beautie nothing inferior to her fame, and thinking first to serue his owne turne, tolde all things contrary to the king. Wherupon the king withdrawing his mynd otherwise, in the ende it came to passe that Ethelwold hymselfe did marry her.

Not long after, the king vnderstanding further by the complaints and rumors of certayne, how he was preuented and beguiled, set a faire face vpon the matter before Ethelwold, and merily iesting with hym, tolde hym how he would come and see his wyfe, & in deed appointed the day when he would be there. Ethelwold the husband perceauing this matter to go hardly with hym, made hast to hys wife, declaring to her the comming of the king, and also opening the whole order of the matter how he had done, desired her of all loue, as she would saue his life, to disgrace & deforme her selfe with garmentes and such attyre, as the king might take no delighting in her. Elfrida hearing this what did she, but contrary to the request of her husband, & promise of a wife, against the kings commyng trimmed her selfe at the glasse,Cruelty in king Edgar noted. & decked her in her best aray. Whom when the king beheld, he was not so much enamoured wt her, as in hatred with her husband who had so deceaued him. Wherupon the king shortly after making as though he would goe to hunt in the forest of Harwood, sent for Ethelwold to come to him vnder the pretence of huntyng, & there ran him thorow and slew him. After this the bastard sonne of Ethelwold comming to him, the king asked hym how he liked that hunting. Who aunswered againe, that which pleaseth the king, ought not to displease him. For the death of which Ethelwold, Elfrida afterward builded a Monastery of Nunnes in remission of sinnes.Great detriment happening in this Realme by King Edgar.

An other fault which Malmesbury noteth in hym, was the comming in of strangers into this land, as Saxones, Flemmings, & Danes, whome he with great familiaritie retained, to the great detriment of this land, as the forsaid story of Malmesbury recordeth, whose wordes be these. Vndè factum est, vt fama eius per ora omnium volitante, alienigenae, Saxones, Flandritae, ipsi etiam Dani huc frequenter annauigarent, Edgaro familiares effecti: quo rum aduentus magnū prouincialibus detrimentum peperit. Inde meritò iure (que) reprehendunt eum literae, &c. That is, wherby it happened, that diuers straungers out of foraine countreys▪ W. Malmesb. allured by hys fame, came into the land, as Saxones, Flemmings, and Danes also, all which he retained with great familiaritie. The comming of which straungers wrought great dammage to the realme, and therfore is Edgar iustly blamed in stories, &c. with the which reprehension all the Saxone stories also do agree.

The third vice to him obiected,The incontinent life of King Edgar. Editha base daughter of Wilfrede the kinges lemman. was his incontinent & lasciuious lust in deflouring maides, as first of a Dukes daughter being a Nūne, and a virgin named Wilfrida, or Wilftrude, of which Wilfride was borne Editha, a bastard daughter of Edgar. Also of an other certaine virgin in the town of Audeuar. who was priuily conueied into his bed by this meanes. The lasciuious king commyng to Andeuar, not farre from Winchester, and thinking to haue his [Page] pleasure of a certayne Dukes daughter, of whose beautie he heard much speaking, commaunded the mayde to bee brought vnto him. The mother of the virgine grieued to haue her daughter made a concubine, secretly by night cō ueyed to the kings bed in stead of her daughter, an other mayden of beauty and fauour not vncomely: who in the morning rising to her worke, and so beyng known of the king what she was, had graunted vnto her of ye king such libertie and freedome, that of a seruant she was made mistresse both to her maister, and also to her mistresse. Ex Mat. Paris. lib. de Regib.

Edward borne in bastardie of Elflede. King Edwardes concubine.An other concubine he had also besides these aforesaid, which was Egelfleda or Elfleda, called Candida ye white daughter of duke Ordinere (as Guliel. Malmesb. recordeth) she beyng also a professed Nunne, of whom he begot Edward in bastardy. For the which he was enioined by Dū stane 7. yeares penance. After which penance beyng complete, then he tooke to him a lawfull wyfe (as Malmesbury sayth) Elfritha, the mother of Edmund and Ethelred, or otherwise called Egelred, whereof more shall be sayd (the Lord willing hereafter.

King Edgar a great mayntayner of monkery.Ouer and besides all these vices noted and obiected to king Edgar in our monkish storywriters, I also obserue another no lesse, or rather greater vice then the other afore recited, which was blynd superstition and idolatrous mō kery brought into the church of Christ, with the wrongfull expulsing of lawful maried priests out of their houses. Whereupon, what inconueniences ensued after in this realm, especially in the house of the Lord, I leaue it to the consideration of them which haue heard of the detestable enormities of these religious votaries. The occasiō wherof, first and chiefly began in this Edgar through the instigation of Dunstane and his fellowes, who after they had inueigled the kyng & had brought him to their purpose, they caused him to call a Councell of the Clergy, where it was enacted and decreed,K. Edgar seduced by Dunstane and Ethelwold bishop of Winchester. that the Canons of diuers Cathedral churches, Colleginars, Persons, Uicars, Priests and Deacons, with their wiues and childrē, either should geue ouer that kind of life, or els geue roume to Monkes, &c. For execution of which decree, two principall Uisitors were appointed, Athelwold or Ethelwold, bishop of Winchester, and Oswold bishop of Worcester, as is partly before touched.Ex Osberno in vita Dunstani Fol. 27. Malmesb. Houeden & alijs. Osbernus in vita Dunstani, Malmesb. De vit. pontif. Rog, Houed.

And thus much concerning the history of king Edgar and of such things as in his tyme happened in the church. Which Edgar after he had entred into the partes of Britannie, to subdue the rebellion of the Welchmen, and there had spoiled the coūtrey of Glamorgan, & wasted the country of Ono within x. dayes after, when he had raigned the space of xvj. yeares, died, and was buried at Glastenbury, leauing after him two bastards,The death of K. Edgar. to witte, Editha and Edward, and one sonne lawfully begottē, named Ethelred, or otherwise by corruption called Egelred: For Edmund the elder sonne died before his father.

Ye heard before how king Edgar is noted in all stories to be an incontinent liuer in deflouring maydes and virgines. Of which virgins iij. notoriously are expressed in authors, to witte, Wlftrude or Wlfride: The second, was the dukes maid at Andeuar, nie to Winchester: The third, was Elflede mother of Edward, for the which Elflede he was stayd and kept backe from his Coronation by Dunstane Archbishop of Cant. the space of 7. yeares, and so the sayd kyng beginning his raigne in the 16. yeare of his age beyng the yeare of the Lord,Ex Chronico Saxonico Ecclesia Wigornensis. 959. was crowned at his age 31. An. dom. 974. as is in the Saxon Chronicle of Worcester church to be prooued. For the more euident declaration of which matter concerning the coronation of the kyng, restrained, and the presumptuous behauiour of Dunstan against the king:Ex Osberno in vita. Dunstani. and his penance by the sayd Dunstane enioyned, ye shall heare both Osborne, Malmesb. and other authors, speake in their owne wordes as followeth, Perpetrato ita (que) in virginem velatam peccato, &c. After that Dunstane had vnderstanding of the kings offence perpetrated with the professed Nunne, and that the same was blased amongst the people, with great ire and passion of mynde he came to the king. Who seing the Archb. comming, eftsones of gentlenes arose from his regall seate towards hym, to take him by the hand,Dunstane refuseth to take the king by the hand. The wordes of Dunstane to K. Edgar. and to geue him place. But Dunstan refusing to take him by the hand, and with sterne countenance bending his browes, spake after this effect of words (as stories import) vnto the king: You that haue not feared to corrupt a virgine mayde handfast to Christ, presume you to touch the consecrated handes of a bishop? you haue defiled the spouse of your maker, & thinke you by flattring seruice to pacifie the friend of the bridegrome? No sir, his frend will not I be, which hath Christ to his enemy, &c. The king terrified with these thundring wordes of Dunstan, and compuncted with inward repentance of his crime perpetrated, fel down with weping at the feete of Dunstane. Who, after he had raysed him vp from the ground againe, began to vtter to him the horriblenes of his fact,Penance enioyned [...] K. Edgar [...] Dunstane. and finding the king redy to receiue whatsoeuer satisfaction he would lay vpon him, enioyned him this penance for 7. yeres space, as followeth: That hee should weare no crowne all that space, that he should fast twise in the weeke, he should distribute his treasure left to him of his auncesters, liberally vnto the poore, he should build a Monasterie of Nunnes at Shaftsbury, that as he had robbed God of one virgine through his transgression, so should he restore to him many again in tymes to come: Moreouer, he should expell Clerkes of euil life (meaning such priests as had wiues and children) out of churches, and place Couents of Monkes in their rowme, &c.

It followeth then in the story of Osborne, K. Edward raygned [...] three years crowned king. that whē the 8. yeres of the kings penance were expired: Dunstan calling together all the pieres of the Realme, with Bishops, Abbots, and other ecclesiasticall degrees of the Clergy, in the publike sight of all the multitude,Elflede proued a Nūne and Edward her sonne a bastard. set the crowne vpon the kings head at Bathe, which was the 31. yeare of hys age, and the 13. yeare of his raigne, so that he raigned only but 3. yeares crowned king. All the other yeares besides, Dunstan belike ruled the land as he listed. Furthermore, as touching the sōne of the sayd Elfled, thus the story writeth: Puerum quo (que) ex peccatrice quondam progenitum, sacro fonte regeneratum lauauit, & aptato illi nomine Edwardo in filium sibi adoptauit. i. The child also, which was gotten of the harlot, he baptised in the holy fountaine of regeneration, and so geuing his name to bee called Edward, did adopt him to be his sonne, &c. Ex Osberno.

By the which narration of Osberne, Errours in Malmesbery, and retayne other Monkes [...] r [...]s. The 1. error. The kinges penaunce not enioyned for Edith but [...] Edward. The 2. error. Elflede the mother of Edward proued to be a professed Nunne. agreing also with the story of the Saxon booke aboue mentioned, is conuinced a double vntruth or error, eyther negligently ouerseen or of purpose dissembled in our latter Monkish storywriters, as in Malmesbury, Math. Paris. Math. Westm. & other mo. Who to conceale the fault of king Edgar, or to beare with Dunstans fact, in setting vp Edward for the maintenance of their monkish order, first doe falsly affirme, that Editha the daughter of Ulfride was borne after Edward, & that for her this penance was enioyned to king Edgar, which neither is, nor can be so, as in processe hereafter (the Lorde willing) shall appeare.

Secondly, they are deceiued in this, that they affirme king Edgar to haue two wiues, and that Elfleda the mother of Edward was not a professed Nunne in deede, but dissembled so to be, to auoid the violēce of the king: where as in deede the truth of the story both geueth her to bee a Nunne, and her sonne to be base, and she her selfe neuer to be maried vnto the king.

Now,The lying myracles of Elflede, Dunstane and Editha reproued. forasmuch as we haue hitherto entred mention of Elfleda and Editha, also of Wlfrede and Dunstane, here would not be let passe to speake something of their lying miracles, falsly forged to the great seductiō of christen people by superstitious Monkes, who cared not what fables and lyes they brought into the church, so they might haue the vantage of poore mens purses and oblations. And first here commeth in the fabulous myracles wrought at the tombe of Elfleda the kings concubine, which W. Malmesb. in these verses expresseth:Idolatrous worshipping the tumbe of Alflede.

Nam nonnullis passa annis morborum molestiam.

Defecatam & excoctam Deo dedit animam.

Functas ergo vitae futo beatas exuuias.

Infinitis clemens signis illustrauit Deltas.

Inopes visus & auditus si adorant tumulum.

Sanitati restituti probant sanctae meritum.

Rectum gressum refert domum, qui accessit loripes.

Mente captus redit sanus, boni sensus locuples.

The English of which verses is needelesse here to bee recited. Briefly, the effect is this: That both the blynde, deafe, halte, and such as be mad, receiue their health agayne, if they worship the tombe of this Elfleda, &c.

The like fainings and monstrous miracles we reade also in chronicles of doting Dunstane,The idle phantasies and forged myracles of Dunstane. drowned in all superstition, if he were not also a wicked sorcerer: First, how he beyng yet a boy, chased away the deuil, set about with a great company of dogs, and how the Angels did open the church dore for him to enter.A doubt whether Dunstane was a sorcerer. Then how the Lute or Harpe hanging vpon the wall, did sing or play without any finger these wordes: Gaudent in coelis animae sanctorum, qui Christi vestigi [...] sunt sequuti, & qui pro eius amore sanguinem suum suderunt: ideo cum Christo regnabunt in aeternum. Item where a certayne great beame or maisterpost was [...]ed out of the place:Dunstane a post [...]etter. he with making the signe of a Crosse, set it in right frame agayne. Moreouer, how the sayd Dunstane being tempted vpon a tyme of the deuil with the cogitation [Page] of women,Dunstane caught the deuill by the nose with an hote payre of tonges. Our Lady appeareth t [...] Dunstane. What maruell if certayn bookes and epistles be falsly intituled to the Doctours whē the papistes shame not to ascribe other mens verses also to the virgin Mary her selfe. A foule filthy Monkish myracle in the story of Editha. An other dreame of Dunstane. caught the deuill by the nose with a whore paire of tongs, and helde him fast. Item, how ofte heauenly spirits appeared to him, and vsed to talke with him amiliarly. Item, how he prophesied of the birth of king Edgar, of the death of king Egelred, of the death of Editha, and of Ethelwood bishop of Winchester. Also how our Lady with her fellowes appeared visibly to hym, singing this song: Cantemus Domino sociae, cantemus honorem. Dulcis amor Christi personet ore pio. Agayne, how the Angels appeared to him, singing the Hymne called Kyr [...] Rex splendens, &c And yet these prodigious fantasies with other mo, are written of him in Chronicles, and haue bene beleued in Churches.

Among many other false and lying miracles, forged in this corrupt tyme of Monkery, the fabulous or rather filthy legēd of Editha were not to be ouerpassed, if for shame and honesty it might well be recited. But to cast the dyrt of these Pope holy monkes in their owne face, which so impudently haue abused the church of Christ, and simplicitie of the people with their vngratious vanities, let vs see what this miracle is, & how honestly it is told. Certayne yeres after the death of Editha, saith Will. of Malmes. which yeres Capgraue in his new Legend reckoneth to be thirtene, the said Editha & also S. Denys holding her by the hand, appeared to Dunstan in a vision, willing and requiring him that the body of Editha in the church of Wilton, should be taken vp & shrined, to the entent it might be honored here in earth of her seruants, according as it is worshipped of her spouse in heauen. Dunstan vpon this, comming from Salisbury to Wilton, where Editha was interred, commaunded her body to be taken vp with much honor & solemnitie. Who there in opening her tombe (as both Malmes. and Capgraue with shame enough recorde) found all the whole body of this Editha cōsumed to earth, saue only her thombe, her belly, & the part vnder the belly. Wherof the said Editha expounding the meaning, declared that her thombe remained found, for the much crossing she vsed with the same. The other partes were incorrupted for a testimony of her abstinence, and integritie, &c. Ex Malmes. & Capgrauo. What Sathan hath so enuied the true sinceritie of christian faith and doctrine, so to contaminate the same with such impudent tales, such filthy vanities, & Idolatrous fantasies as this? Such Monkes with theyr detestable houses,Ex. W. Malmesteriensi & Capgrauo in legend [...]oua. where Christes people were so abhominably abused and seduced to worship dead carcases of men and women, whether they deserued not to bee rased, and pluckt downe to the ground, let all chaste Readers iudge. But of these matters enough and to much.

¶ Here followeth the Epitaphe written by Henricus Archdeacon of Huntington,The death of K. Edgar. vpō the prayse and commendation of king Edgar.

An Epitaph commendatorie of king Edgar, written by H. Huntington.

Autor opum, vindex scelerum, largitor honorum,

Septiger Edgarus regna superna petit.

Hic alter Salomon, legum pater, orbita pacis,

Quod caruit bellis, claruit inde magis.

Templa Deo, templis monachos, monachis dedit agros,

Nequitiae lapsum, iustitiae (que) locum

Nouit enim regno verum perquirere falso,

Immensum modico, perpetuum (que) breui.

Sonday first halowed from saterday at ix. of the clocke, to monday morning.Among his other lawes, this king ordained that the Sonday, should be solemnised from Saterday at ix. of the clocke, till Monday morning.

King Edward called the Martyr.

AFter the death of Edgar no smal trouble arose amōgst the Lordes and Bishops for succession of the crowne:An. 975. the principall cause wherof rose vpon this occasion, as by the story of Symon of Durham,The story of king Edward. Ex Simone Durham. Contention amongst the Lordes about the putting in of Monkes. and Roger Houeden, is declared. Immediately after the decease of the king, Alferus Duke of Mercia, and many other nobles, which held with Egelrede or Ethelrede the onely right heyre and lawfull sonne of Edgar, misliking the placing and intrudyng of Monkes into churches, & the thrusting out of the seculare Priestes, with their wiues and children out of their auncient possessions, expelled the Abbots and Monkes, and brought in againe the foresayd priestes with theyr wyues. Against whom, certayne other there were on the contrary part, that made resistance, as Ethelwine Duke of Eastangles, Elfwoldus his brother, and the Erle Brithnothus, saying in a councell togither assembled, that they would neuer suffer the religious Monkes to be expulsed and driuen out of the Realme, which held vp all Religion in the land, and therupon eftsoones leuied an army, whereby to defend by force the Monasteries, such as were within the precinct of Eastanglia.

In this hurly burly amongst the Lordes about the placing of Monkes and putting out of Priests,Contention amongst the Lordes for chasing the king. rose also the contention about the crowne, who should be their king: the bishops and such lordes as fauoured the Monkes, seeking to aduance such a king as they knew would inclyne to their side, so that the lordes thus deuided, some of them would haue Edward, and some consented vpon Egelred the lawfull sonne. Then Dunstane Archb. of Cant. & Oswold Archb. of Yorke, with other their fellowbishops, Abbots, and diuers other Lordes and Dukes assembled in a councel together.Edward the bastarde made K. and the right heyre put back. In the which councell Dunstan cō myng in with his crosse in his hand, & bringyng Edward before the Lords, so perswaded them that in the ende Edward by Dunstans meanes was elected, consecrated, and annointed for theyr kyng.

And thus hast thou (good Reader) the very truth of this story, according to the writing of authors of most antiquitie which liued nerest to that age,Ex Osberne. Nic. Trinet. Ioan. Paris. Vincentio. Antonino. as Osberne and others, which Osberne liuyng in the dayes of William Conquerour, wrote this story of Dunstan through the motiō of Lanfran [...]us, and alledgeth or rather translateth the same out of such Saxon stories as were writtē before his tyme. Besides which Osberne, we haue also for witnesse hereof, Nic Trinet, in his English story written in French, and also Ioannes Paris, in his French story written in the Latine tong, where he plainly calleth Edward, non legitimum filium, that is, no lawfull sonne. Whereunto adde moreouer the testimony of Vincentius and Antoninus, who in playne termes likewyse report the same.

Nowe hauing sayd the foundation for the truth and ground of this matter,Editha proued not to be the childe for whom King Edgar was enioyned penance. let vs come to examine how truely our latter writers do say, which write that Editha, and not Edward was the child for whom Dunstane enioined to the king 7. yeares penaunce, and also how truely they report Edward to be a lawfull heyre, and Elflede to bee a lawfull wyfe to king Edgar.

For first touching Editha, this is confessed by the sayd writers themselues, that she was of good yeares, at what tyme Edgar her father was enioyned his penaunce. After the which seuen yeares of his penaunce expyred, he lyued at the most but in yeares and a halfe. Which seuen yeares and 3. yeares and a halfe, make in all but x. yeres & a halfe. But now the said authors themselues do graunt, that she was made Abbas by her father, he beyng then alyue. And how can this then stand with her Legend, which sayth that she was not lesse then 15. yeares of age? By which account it must needes fall out, that she could not be so little as v. yeres old, before the birth of that chyld for whom the kyng did penaunce.

And thus much touching Editha. Now in like maner, to consider of the tyme of Edward. First, this by all writers is graunted,The yeares of Editha and Edward, cast by the supputation of Legendes and stories. that he was slayne in the 15. yeare of his age. Which yeares do well agree to that chyld which king Edgar begate in bastardy, & for the which he did hys penance. For the more euidence whereof, let vs come to the supputation of yeares in this sort.

First, the penaunce of the king, after the byrth of this child, lasted 7. yeres. Then the king after the same lyued 3. yeres & a halfe. After whose death Edward raigned other 3. yeres and a half, which in all make the full summe of 14. yeres. About the count of which age, the said Edward goyng on his 15. yeres, by their owne reckoning was slaine.

And thus haue ye by manifest demonstration prooued by the right casting of the yeres, after their owne graunt & rekoning, that Editha daughter of Wlfride in no case can be the child which was borne after Edward, & for whom the king was enioyned penance, but that Edward rather was borne after Editha, and was the childe for whom the penance was enioined, contrary to the opinion commōly receiued in the church, which for ignorance of ye story hath hetherto holden Edward to be an holy Martyr,King Edward called martir proued to be a bastard. and right heyre vnto the crowne. Which error and opinion, how it first sprang and by whom, albeit it pertaine not to my story to discusse, yet were it no hard matter to coniecture.

First, after that Dunstane and Oswolde, wyth other Bishops,The cause perpended why thys story of K. Edward is so falsely corrupted in Monkish [...] stories. Abbots, and certayne Lordes & Dukes of that faction, for the maintenaunce of Monkery, had aduaunced Edward to be king against Queene Alfrith mother of Ethelred, & Alferus duke of Mercia, and certaine other Nobles, which held with the contrary side of the Priestes agaynst the Monkes. In processe of tyme the monkes that came after to write stories, perceiuing Dunstane to be reputed in the Church of Rome for an holy Saint, and the sayd king Edward for an holy Martyr, and partly also to bolster vp their owne religion of Monkery so muche as they could: to the intent therfore they would saue the credite both of Dunstane and of the kyng, and especially bearing [Page] fauour to their owne religion, and partly that the reputation of the church of Rome should not be disteined by opening ye truth of this matter, either did not see, or would not confesse herein what they knew, but rather thought best to blanch the story, and colourably to hide the simple truth therof, making the people falsly beleue, that Elfleda the mother of Edward was wife to king Edgar, and Edward to be lawfully borne, and also that Editha was born after Edward, & to be the child for which the king was enioyned penance. All which is false and cōtrary both to the order of tyme aboue declared, and also to the plaine words of Malmesbury, which speaking of king Edgars last concubine, sayth in plaine wordes:Malmesb. in lib. de Regibus. Dilexit vnicè, integram lecto vni deferens sidem, quoad legitimam vxorem accepit Elfthride, filiam Ordgari. That is, he had a concubine whom he loued entirely, keping true faith of his bed to her alone, vntil the tyme he maried for his lawfull wife Elfride the daughter of duke Ordgare, &c. Wherby we haue to vnderstand that whatsoeuer concubine this was which Malmesbury speaketh off, certaine it is, that Edgar liued in whoredome till tyme he maried his lawfull wyfe. Furthermore, and finally to conclude, beside these arguments and allegations aboue recited,Dunstane suborneth Editha the bastard to take the crowne from the right heyre. Ex Capgrauo in vita sanctae Edithae. let this also be perpended, how the said Dunstan with his complices, after the killing of king Edward, leauing the right heyre of the crowne (which was Ethelred) went about, as Capgraue and their owne Legend cō fesseth, to set vp Editha the other bastarde to possesse the crowne, but that she more wise then her brother Edward, refused the same. Wherby what is to be thought of the doyngs of Dunstane, and what should be the cause why hee preferred both Edward and Editha to the crowne rather then the lawfull heyre, I leaue to all indifferent Readers therof to iudge.

After that Dunstane and his fellowes had thus set vp Edward for their king, they were now where they would be, supposing all to be sure on their side, and that they had established the kingdom of Monkery for euer, through the helpe of the young king, and the Duke of Eastangles, and certaine other nobles whom they had drawn to their part. Howbeit this matter passed not so wel with them, as they hoped.Duke Alpherus. For shortly after the coronation of this yong king. Alferus duke of Mercia, who folowed much the deedes of the Queene with other great men, stoutly standing on the contrary side, droue out the Monkes from the Cathedrall churches,Priestes with their wiues restored. which king Edgar before had set in, and restored agayne the Priests (as Ranulphus sayth) with their concubines: but in the historie of the Librarie of Iornall, I find it plainly expressed with their wiues. The wordes of the very author be these: Alferus princeps Merciorum, caeteri (que) plures, eiectis monachis de magnis monasterijs, quos rex Edgarus nuper instituerat, clericos cum vxoribus reduxerunt: That is, Alterus duke of Mercia,Historia Iornaelensis in vitae Edgari. with other great men mo, droue out the Monkes from the great monasteries, whom king Edgar had there set in before, & restored againe the priests with their wyues.

Wherby it doth euidently appeare, that priests in those dayes were maried and had their lawfull wiues.Byshops and Priestes in those dayes, maryed in England. The like before that in king Inas tyme is plaine, that Bishops then had wiues and children, as appeareth by the words of the lawe then set forth, extant in the history of the said Iornalensis, which be these: Si quis filiolum alterius occidat vel patrinum, sit simile cognationi, & crescat emendatio secundum Weram eius Regi, Iornalens. de In eo Rego. sicut cognationi. Si de parentela sit qui occidit eum, tunc excedat emendatio patrini, sicut manbota Domini. Si Episcopi filiolus sit, sit dimidium hoc, &c. And thus much by the way for Priestes wyues and their children.

Now to the purpose agayne of our matter, which is to declare how the Duke and Nobles of England expulsed the Monkes out of the Monasteries after the death of kyng Edgar. Whereof let vs heare what the Monkish story of the Abbey of Crouland recordeth. Monachis de quibusdam Monasterijs eiectis, clerici sunt introducti, qui statim monasteriorum maneria ducibus terrae distribuebant, vt sic in suas partes obligati, eos contra monachos defensarent. Tunc de monasterio Eueshamensi, monachis expulsis, clerici fuerant introducti. Terrae (que) tyranni de terris Ecclesiae praemiati sunt, quibus Regina nouercali nequitia, Ex Chronico Ingulphi Abbatis de Crowland. stans cum clericis in regis opprobrium, fauebat. Cum monachis autem Rex, & sancti Episcopi persistebant. Sed tyranni fulti Reginae fauore & potentia, super monachos triumphabant. Multus inde tumultus in omni angulo Angliae factus est. Ex Chronico Ingulphi Abbatis de Crouland, &c. That is, The Monkes beyng expelled out of certayne Monasteries, the Clarkes agayne were brought in, who distributed the Manors or Fermes of the sayde Monasteries, to the Dukes and Lordes of the land, that they beyng obliged to them should defēd them against the Monkes. And so were the monkes of Euesham thrust out and the seculare Clarkes placed,Great [...]nes in the land abo [...] placing Monkes [...] displacing Priestes. & the landes of the church giuen to the Lordes, with whom the Queene, the Kings stepmother holding the same time, tooke part also with the sayd Clerkes against the king. On the contrary part stood the king & the holy bishops, taking part with the monkes. Howbeit, the lordes & pieres of the Realme staying vpon the fauour and power of the Queene, triumphed ouer the monkes, &c.

Thus as much ado there was through all quarters of the realme,A cont [...] uersie betweene Priestes [...] Monkes. Priestes [...]riage [...] for an [...] custo [...] [...] England. The obie [...]on of prie [...] agaynst the Monkes. Guliel de Regib. lib. [...]. The aunswere of Monkes agaynst the Priestes. about the matter among the Lordes, so arose no lesse contention betwene the priests & monkes of England. The Priestes complainyng to the Kyng and Dunstane, layd for themselues that it was vncomely, vncharitable, yea and vnnaturall, to put out an old known dweller for a new vnknowen: and that God was not pleased, that to be taken from the auncient possessor which by God was geuen him, neither that it could be to any good man accepted, to suffer any such iniury to be done, least peraduē ture the same thing wherein he was preiudiciall to an other, might after reuert & redound vpon himself at length. The monkes on the other side, layd for their part, ye Christ allowed neither the old dweller, nor the new commer, nor yet looked vpon the person, but who so would take ye crosse of penaunce vpon him, and follow Christ in vertuous liuing, should be his disciple.

These & such other were the allegations of the monkes. But whether a monkes coule or a wiueles life, make a sufficient title to enter into other mens possessiōs or no, I referre it to the iudgemēt of the godly. The troublous cares in mariage, the necessary prouision for house keepyng, the vertuous bringing vp of children,Maryed mens liues compared with the lyfe of Monkes. the daily helping of pouertie and bearing of publike charges, with other manifold perturbations and combraunces daily incident to the state of matrimony, might rather appeare to godly wyse men, to come nearer to the right crosse of penance, then the easie & loytring idlenes of monkery. In the end, vpō this controuersie was holden a Councell of Bishops, & other of ye Clergy. First, at Reading or at Winchester as Guliel. saith, where the greater part both of the nobles & commōs iudged the priestes to haue great wrong, and sought by all meanes possible,An. 977. to bring thē agayne to their old possessions and dignities. Iornalensis here maketh rehearsall of an Image of the Crucifixe, or a roode standing vpon the frater wall, where the Councell was holden. To this roode Dunstane requireth them all to pray, beyng belike not ignorant of some spiritual prouisiō before hand.A vayne miracle of Dunstanes roode that spake. In the middest of their prayer the roode, or els some blind monke behynd him in a trūke through the wall, is reported to speak these words: Absit hoc vt fiat, absit hoc vt fiat: iudicastis benè, mutaretis non benè. In remembraunce whereof, these verses were written vnder the roodes feete.

Humano more crux praesens aediditore.

Coelitus affata, quae perspicis hic subarata.

Absit vt hoc fiat,

Here lac [...]e [...] a Thomas Crome [...] to try out false iugling.

vt cae tera tunc memorata.

Of this Dunstanicall, or rather Satanical oracle, Henricus maketh no mention, nor Ranulphus, nor yet Houedenus, nor Fabian in their histories. Gulielmus in his booke de Regibus, reporteth it but by hearesay, in these wordes saying: Aliae literae docent, &c. Wherfore the lesse it seemeth to be of credite. Albeit if it were of credible truth, yet it prooueth in this matter nothing els, but Dunstan to be a Sorcerer, as Polydorus Virgilius, also himselfe seemeth to smell something in this matter.

Notwithstanding for all this, yet the strife ceased not. In so much that a new assembly of the Clergy and other,An other assembly called at Calue. was appointed after at a place called the streete of Calue, where the Councell was kept in an vpper lofte. In this Councell many grieuous complaints were obiected (as Malmes buriensis saith) against Dunstane. But yet he kept his opinion, and would not remooue from that which hee began to maintaine. And while they were there in great contention and argument which way should be admitted and allowed,Dunstane an enemy [...] Priestes wiues. (if it be true that in the stories is written) sodenly the ioyses of the lof [...] failed, & the people with the nobles fell downe, so that certaine were slaine, & many hurt. But Dunstane (they say onely, standing vpon a poast of the sollar,A sodayne fall of the people at the councell of Calue. Henricus. lib 5. Guliel. Ranulph. Iornalensis. Fabian. which remained vnbroken) escaped without dā ger. Which thing, whether it so happened to portend before the ruine of the Realme and of the nobles (as Henry Hunting. doth expoūd it) which after ensued by the Danes, or whether it was so wrought by Dunstanes sorcerie (as was not vnpossible) or whether it were a thing but fained of the monkish writers, and not true, all this I leaue to the Readers, to thinke therein what them liketh. The stories say further, that vpon this the matter ceased, and Dū stan had all his will.

These things thus done at Calue, it hapned not long [Page] after the same, that king Edward, whom the writers describe to be a vertuous and a meeke prince, much pitifull & beneficiall to the poore, about the iiij. yeare of hys raigne, came vpon a season from hunting in the forest alone, with out the company of his seruaunts, to the place in the West countrey,The horrible wickednes of the Queene the mother. where Alfeith his mother, with her sonne Egelred did lye. When the Queene the mother was warned of his comming by her men, anone she calleth a seruaunt of hers, which was of her speciall trust, opening to hym all her conceiued counsaile, & shewyng him all pointes how & what to do for the accomplishing of her wicked purpose. Which thing so done, she made towards the king, and receaued him with all curtesie, desiring him to tary ye night. But he in like curtesie excused himselfe, and for speede desired to see his brother, and to drinke, vpō his horse sitting, the which was shortly brought.

K. Edward traterously murdered by hys stepmother and her seruant.And while the cup was at his mouth, the seruaunt of the Queene (before informed) strake him in the body with a long two edged dagger. After the which stroke the king took the horse with the spurres, and ran toward the way, where he supposed to meete with his company. But he bled so sore, that with faintnes he fell from hys horse, hys one foote beyng in the styrrup.K. Edward found dead, and buried, not knowne to be king. Coref Castle. By reason whereof, he was drawen of his horse ouer fieldes and landes, till he came to a place named Coryfgate, where he was found dead. And for that, neither the maner of his death, nor yet he himselfe, for the king was knowen, was buried vnhonourably at the towne of Warham, where the body remayned ye space of iij. yeares, and then after was taken vp by Duke Al [...]ere aboue mentioned,The body of king Edward after three yeares honorably taken vp and translated to Shaftesbury. and with pompe and honor accordingly, was remoued to the Minster of Shaftsbury, and there bestowed in the place called Edwardstow. Many tales runne (moe perchaunce then be true) concerning the finding and taking vp of his body, which our most common histories ascribe to myracles and great wonders, wrought about the place where the king was buried. As first how a poore woman borne blynde, receyued her sight by the meanes of S. Edward, there where he did lye. Also how a piller of fire from heauen, descended ouer the place of his buriall. Then how the foresaid Queene Alfrith taking her horse to goe to the place, was stopped by the way, that neither her horse could be driuen by any meanes, nor she her selfe on foote was able to approch neare to the place where the corpes of S. Edward was. Furthermore, how the sayd Queene in repentaunce of her facte,Two Nunneries founded vpon murther. afterward builded two Nunneries, one at Amesbury by Salisbury, the other at Werewell, where she kept her selfe in continuall repentaunce all the dayes of her lyfe. And thus as ye haue heard, was this vertuous yong king Edward murthered when he had raigned almost iiij. yeares, leauing no issue behynd him, wherby the rule of the land fell to Egelredus his brother.An. 979.

¶But here by the way is to be noted (vpon the name of this Edward) that there were three Edwardes before the conquest.Three Edward kinges before the conquest. The first, was kyng Edward the Senior. The second, king Edward the Martyr, which was this kyng. The third, was king Edward called the Confessor▪ whereof hereafter shall follow (Christ willyng) to be declared.

In the order and course of the Romain Bishops; mē tion was made last of Agapetus the second. After whome next succeeded Pope Iohn xiij.Continuation of the romish Bishops or Popes. Pope Iohn xiii. a wicked Pope. of whom Dunstane Archbishop of Canterbury receiued his palle, as in the story of King Edgar is before mynded. This Pope is noted to be very wicked and infamous, repleate from his first bringing vp with abhominable vices: a whoremaister, an adulterer, incestuous, libidinous, a gamester, an extorcioner periured, a fighter, a murtherer, cruell, and tyrannous. Of his Cardinals, some he put out their eyes, from some he cut of their tongues, some their fingers, some theyr noses, &c. In a generall councell before the Emperour Otho, she first of that name (who was the first Emperour of the Germaines) after the Empire was translated out of Fraunce to Germany by Pope Agapetus (as is aboue historied) these obiections were articulate agaynst hym.Liuthprandus. lib. 6. First, that he neuer sayd hys seruice, that in saying hys Masse he did not communicate, that he ordained Deacons in a stable, that he committed incest with two of hys sisters, that playing at dice,As merry as pope Iohn, Prouerb. he called for the Deuill to helpe, that for money he made boyes Bishops, that he defloured Uirgins and strangers, that of the palaice of Laterane he made a Stewes, that he lay with Stephana his fathers concubine, likewise with Ramera and with Anna and her neese, that he put out the eyes of the bishop Benedict, that he caused houses to be set on fire,Pope Iohn. xiii. deposed. that he brake open houses, that he dranke to the deuill, that he neuer crossed himselfe, &c. For the which causes (and worthily) he was deposed by the consent of the Emperour with the Prelates,Pope Iohn restored. and Pope Leo was substitute in his place. But after hys departing (thorough the harlots of Rome and their great promises) the said Pope Iohn was restored agayne to his place,Pope Iohn wounded in adultery. and Leo (set vp by the Emperour) was deposed. At length about the tenth yere of the Popedome of this Iohn he beyng found without the citie with another mās wife, was so wounded of her husband, that within viij. daies after he dyed.

After him,Pope Benedictus. 5. the Romains elected Pope Benedictus the fift, without the consent of the Emperour. Wherupon the sayd Otho the Emperour beyng not a little displeased for displacing of Leo,Pope Leo. 8. whom he had before promooted, and for the chusing also of Benedict, came with his army, and said siege to Rome, and so set vp Pope Leo agayne, the viij. of that name.The election of the Byshop of Rome geuen to the Emperour. Which Leo to gratifie his benefactor agayne, crowned Otho for Emperour, and intituled him to be called Augustus. Also the power which Carolus Magnus had geuen before to the Clergy and people of Rome: this Leo by a synodall decree graunted to the emperor and hys successors:The donations of Carolus Magnus and Otho to Rome. Pope Iohn. 14. that is, touching the election of the Byshop of Rome. The Emperor againe restored to the sea of Rome, all such donations and possessions, which either Constantinus (as they falsly pretend) or which Carolus Magnus tooke from the Lombards, and gaue to them.

After Pope Leo had raigned a yeare and iij. moneths, succeeded Pope Iohn the 14. agaynst whom (for holding with the Emperor) Petrus the head captaine of the Citie,Pope Iohn 14. cast into prison. with two Consuls, xij. Alderine, and diuers other nobles, gathering their power together, layd hands vpon him, in the Church of Laterane,The cruell reuenge of the pope. and clapt the Pope in prison, 11. months. The Emperour hearing this, with all speede returned with his army agayne to Rome, who after execution done vpon the authors and chief doers of that fact, among other [...] foresayd Petrus, to the Popes arbitrement. Whom [...] caused first to be stript naked, then his beard beyng shauen, to be hanged by the haire a whole day together, after that to be set vpon an Asse (his face turned backward, and his hands bound vnder the asses tail) and so to be led through the Citie, that all men might see him:Christening of belles first began. that done, to be scourged with rods, and so banished the Citie. Thus ye see, how the holy father followeth the iniunction of the Gospell: Diligite inimicos vestros, Loue your enemies, Luke. 6. &c. From this Pope proceded first the Christening of bels, an. 971.

After him followed Pope Benedictus the sixt,Pope Benedictus. 6. Pope Benedict slayne in prison. Pope Donus. 2. Pope Bonifacius. 7. who in like maner was apprehended by Cynthius a Captayne of Rome, & cast in prison, where he was strāgled, or as some say, famished to death.

Then came Pope Donus the ij. After whom Bonifacius the vij. was Pope: who likewise seeing the Citizens of Rome to conspire agaynst him, was constrained to hide himselfe, And seeing no place there for hym to tary, tooke the treasure of S. Peters Churche,Two Popes together. Pope Iohn. 15. and so priuily stale to Constantinople. In whose stead the Romaines s [...]t vp P. Iohn the xv. Not long after: Boniface returning agayne from Constantinople, by hys money & treasure procured a garrisō or company to take his part: By whose meanes the foresayd Pope Iohn was taken,Pope Iohn slayne. Pope Boniface drawne through the streetes of Rome. his eyes put out, and so throwne in prison, where he was as some say famished: some say he was slayne by Ferrucius. Neither did Boniface raigne many dayes after, but sodenly dyed: whose carkase after hys death was drawne by the feete through the streetes of Rome, after the most despitefull maner of the people shriking and exclayming against him.Pope Benedictus. 7. Otho second Emperour. an. 976.

Next pope after him was Benedictus the vii. by ye consent of the Emperour Otho the 2. and raigned xix. yeares. In the tyme of this pope: Hugh Cappet the French king, tooke Charles (the right heyre to the crowne) by the treason of the Bishop of Laou, and when hee had imprisoned him,Gilbertus a Necromanser made Archb. he also committed to prison Arnoldus Archbishop of Raynes, and placed in hys rowme Gilbartus a monke of Florsake (a Nicromanser) who was schoolemaister to D. Robert the kinges sonne. But this pope Benedictus, calling a Councell at Remis, restored the sayd Arnoldus agayne: and displaced Gilbertus: which after by the help of Otho was made Archbishop of Reuenna, and at length was Pope, as in processe hereafter (Christ graunting) shalbe declared.

After Benedictus succeeded in the sea of Rome Pope Iohn the xvi. & dyed the viij. month of hys Papacy.Pope Iohn the 16. Pope Iohn the xviii. Pope Gregory the v. Next to whom came Iohn the xvii. And after him Gregory the .v. in the yeare of our Lord. 995. This Gregory (called before Bruno) was a Germane borne, and therefore ye more malaced of the Clergy & people of Rome. Wherupō, Crescētus with the people and Clergy, conuenting agaynst ye sayd Gregory: set vp Pope Iohn the xviij. Gregory vpon [Page] the same,Pope Iohn the viii. Two Popes together in Rome. sped himselfe in all conuenient hast to the Emperor, Otho the iij. in Germany. Who hearing the complaint of Gregory, and vnderstanding his wrongs, set forward with his army well appointed, to Italy: gate the Citie, & there tooke both Crescentius the Consull, and Iohn the Pope.Pope Iohn had his eyes put out, and so put to death. Which Iohn first hauing his eyes put out, was depriued after of his life. Crescentius the Consul was set vpon a vile horse, hauing his nose and eares cut off, and so was led through the Citie, his face beyng turned to the horsetayle, & afterward hauyng his members cut off, was hanged vpon a gibbet.

Pope Gregory thus being restored to his former state,Pope Gregory restored. raigned iiij. yeares in his Papacie (although Marianus Scotus and Martinus say, that he sate but ij. yeares) &c. During the which time he assembled a councell in Rome: where, he to stablish the Empire in his owne country (by the consent and counsail of Otho) ordeined vij. Princes of Germany,Vii. electours of themperors ordayned in Germany, and who they be. to be electors of the Emperor: which order, yet to this day remaineth. What be the names of these vij. electors, and what is their office, thus I finde in these verses expressed.

Maguntinensis, Treuerensis, Coloniensis.

Ex Chronico. Martini.

Quilibet Imperij fit cancellarius horum.

Et Palatinus Dapifer, Dux portitor ensis.

Marchio praepositus camerae, Pincerna Bohemus.

These vij. he ordained to be electors, 3. bishops, 3. princes (to wit) the Palatine, the duke of Saxonie, the Marques Brandenburgh. To whom was added also the king of Boheme to geue the odde voice, if the euen voices could not agree. This constitution being first begon, an 997. was after established in Germany by Otho the Emperour, the yeare of the Lord, 1002. And thus much by the way, or rather digression, concerning the rages and tumultes of the Romish church. Now to our matter agayne.

King Egelred, or Elred.

KIng Edward thus being murthered as is aforesayd, the crowne fell next to Egelrede his yonger brother,King Egelred. & sonne to king Edgar by the foresayd Queene Alfrith, as we haue declared. This Egelred had a long raigne geuen of God,Anno. 979. which dured the terme of 38. yeares, but very vnfortunate, and full of great miseries. And he himself (by the histories) seemeth to be a Prince, not of the greatest courage to gouerne a common wealth. Our English stories writing of him, thus report of his raigne: That in the beginning, it was vngracious, wretched in the middle, and hatefull in the latter end. Of this Egelred it is read, when Dunstane the Archbishop should christen him,The life of Egelred. as hee dyd hold him ouer the Fonte, something there happened, that pleased not Dunstan: whereupon he sware, per sanctā Mariam, iste ignauus homo erit. i. By the mother of Christ he wil be a Prince vntoward and cowardlike, Chron. de Croulād. I finde in William of Malmesbury, Lib. 2. de Regi. That this Egelred beyng of the age of x. yeares, when he heard hys brother Edward to be slayne, made suche sorow & weping for him, that his mother falling therewith in a rage, tooke waxe candles (hauing nothing els at hand) wherwith she scourged him so sore (well neare till he swounded) that after the same, he could neuer abide any waxe candles to burne before him. After this, about the yeare of our Lord, 981.Anno. 981. (the day of his coronation beyng appoynted by the Queene, the mother, and the nobles) Dunstan the Archb. of Cant. (who first refused so to doe) with Oswald Archb. of Yorke,The coronation of Egelred. were enforced to crowne the king. And so they did at Ringstō. In doing wherof, the report of stories go, that the said Dunstane should say, thus prophesieng vnto the king: that for so much as he came to the kingdome by the death of his brother,The prophecie of Dunstane as monkishe storyes geue it. and through the conspiracie of the wicked conspirators and other Englishmen: they should not be without bloudsheding and sword, till there came a people of an vnknown tongue, and should bring them into thraldome, neither should that trespasse be clensed with out long vengeaunce, &c.

In the Chronicles of Crouland, I finde these wordes, Quoniam ascendisti ad thronum tuum, per mortem fratris tui, quem occidit mater tua, propterea audi verbum Domini, hoc dicit Dominus. Nō deficiet gladius de domo tua, saeuiens in te omnibus diebus vitae tuae, & interficiens de semine tuo, & de gente tua, vsque dum regnum tuum transferatur in regnum alienum: Cuius ritum & linguam gens tua non nouit, nec expiabitur, nisi longa vindicta, & multa sāguinis effusione peccatum matris tuae, & peccatum virorum pessimorum, qui consenserunt consilio eius nequam, vt mitterent manum in Christum Domini, ad effundendum sanguinem innocentem. Chron. de Crouland.

Not long after the coronation of this king, a cloud was seene throughout the land, which appeared the one halfe like bloud, and the other halfe like fire. And changed after into sondry colours and vanished at the last in the morning.The Danes recoursed to England. Shortly after the appearaunce of this cloud, in the iij. yeare of his raigne, the Danes arriuing in sondry places of the land, first spoyled Southhampton, either slaying the inhabitants, or leading them captiue away. Frō thence they went to the Ile of Thanet, then they inuaded Chester, from thence they proceeded to Cornwall and Deuonshire,Houeden, lib. continuationum. London cō sumed with fire. The king warred against the Byshop of Rochester. & so to Sussex: where, in those coastes they did much harme, and so retired to their ships agayne. Roger Houeden writing hereof, sayth: that London, the same tyme (or as Fabian sayth) a great part of London, was consumed with fire. About this tyme fell a variance betwene the foresayd Egelred, and the bishop of Rochester: In so much, that he made warre against him, and besieged the Citie. And notwithstāding that Dunstan required the king, sending him admonishment to geue ouer, for the sake of S. Andrew, yet continued he his siege, till the bishop offred him an hū dreth pounds of gold, which he receaued, and so departed. The Danes seing the discord that then was in the realme, and specially the hatred of the subiectes against the kyng: rose againe, and did great harme in diuers places of England: In so much, that the king was glad to graunt them great summes of mony for peace to be had.An. 990. For the assurāce of which peace, Analeffe captaine of the Danes, became a christen man, and so returned home to his countrey, & did no more harme.The bloudy flixe and hote feuers reigned in this land. The death of Dunstane. Ethelgarus, Elfricus, Siricius, Elphegus, Archb. of Canterb. Besides these miseries before recited, a sore sicknes of the bloudy flixe, and hote feuers fell among the people, wherof many died, with a like moraine also among the beastes. Moreouer, for lacke of iustice, many thieues, rioters and bribers were in the land, with much miserie and mischiefe.

About the xi. yeare (some say the ix. yeare) of this kings raigne, died Dunstan. After whom succeded Ethelgarus, or as Iornalensis writeth, Stilgarus. After him Elfricus, as affirmeth Guliel. lib. 1. de pontif. But as Polydorus sayth, Siricius. After him Elfricus came, but Siritius after the mynd of William, Lib. 1. But Polydorus sayth Aluritius, thē Elphegus, &c.

About the same tyme in the yeare of our Lord,An. 995. 995. Aldunus Bishop, translated the body of S. Cuthbert from Chester (which first was in a Northren Iland thē at Rochester) to Durelme or Dunoline.The Byshops sea of Dyrham. Wherupon the bishops sea of Duresme first began.

Not long after the death of Dunstane, the Danes agayne entred England, in many and sondry places of the land: In such sorte, that the kyng was to seeke, to which coast he should go first to withstand his enemies. And in conclusion, for the auoyding of more harme, he was compelled to appease them with great summes of mony. But when that money was spent, they fell to new robbyng of the people, and assailing the land in diuers places, not only about the countrey of Northumberland, but also besieged the Citie of London at the last. But being frō thence repulsed by the manhood of the Londoners,London besieged of the Danes. they strayd to other countreys adioyning, as to Essex, Kent, Sussex, and Hampshire, burnyng and killing where so euer they wēt, so that for lacke of a good head or gouernour, many things in the land perished. For the king gaue himselfe to the vice of lecherie,The Dane spoyled the land. and polling of his subiects, and disinherited mē of their possessions, and caused them to redeeme the same agayne with great summes of money, for he payed great tribute to the Danes yerely,Great tribute leuied of the Englishmen. Danegelt. which was called Danegelt. Which tribute so increased, that from the first tribute of x.M. poūd, it was brought at last in processe of v. or vj. yere, to xl.M. pound. The which yearely (during to the comming of S. Edward, and after) was leuied of the subiects of this land.

To this sorow moreouer, was ioyned hunger & penury among the commōs: in so much that euery one of thē was constrained to plucke & steale from other. So that, what for the pillage of the Danes,The sorrowfull affliction of the English nation. and what by inward thieues and bribers, this land was brought into great affliction. Albeit, the greatest cause of this affliction (as to me appeareth) is not so much to bee imputed to the kyng, as to the dissention among the Lordes themselues, who thē did not agree one with another. But when they assembled in consultation together,What dissē tion and discorde doth amōg the nobles in a realme. eyther they did draw diuers ways, or if any thing were agreed, vpon any matter of peace betwene the parties, soone it was broken againe: or els if any good thing were deuised for the preiudice of ye enemy, anone the Danes were warned therof by some of the same counsaile. Of whom, the chiefe doers were Edrike Duke of Mercia, and Alfrike the Admirall or captain of the ships, who betrayed the kings nauy to the Danes. Wherefore the kyng apprehending Alfagarus sonne of the said Alfrike, put out [Page] his eyes, and so did he after to the two sonnes of Duke Edrike in like maner.

The pride and wretchednes of the Danes toward the Englishmen.The Danes thus preuayling more and more ouer the english men, grew in such pride & presumption: that when they by strength, caused the husbandmen to care and sowe the land, and to do all other vile labour belongyng to the house, they would sitte at home, holding the wife at theyr pleasure, with daughter and seruaunt. And when the husband man came home, he should scantly haue of his own, as his seruants had, so that the Dane had all at his will & till, taring of the best, when the owner scantly had his fill of the worst. Thus the common people beyng of them oppressed, were in such feare and dread, that not onely they were constrained to suffer them in their doings, but also glad to please them, & called euery one of them in the house where they had rule, Lord Dane. Which worde after (in processe of tyme,Lord Dane. when the Danes were voyded) was for despite of the Danes turned of the english men to a name of opprobry, that when one English man would rebuke an other, he would for the more part call him Lurdaine.Lurdaine.

And thus hitherto (through the assistaunce of Christ) we haue brought this history to the yere of our lord,Anno. 1000. 1000. During now & continuing these great miseries vpon this English natiō, the land being brought into great ruine by the grieuous tribute of the Danes, and also by sustainyng the manifold villar [...]ies and iniuries,Henrie Archidiat. lib. 6. as wel by them as by other oppressions within the realm. This yere which was the yeare of our sauiour 1000. This Egelred through the counsail of certain his familiars about him,The first ioyning betweene the Norm. and Englishe men. King Egelred marieth Emma the Dukes daughter of Normandy. Richard Duke of Normandy. The Danes by secret cō mission slayne in euery towne of England. Suanus K. of Denmarke ariueth in England. Exeter beat down. in the 21. yeare of his raigne, began a matter which was occasion eyther geuen by the one, or taken by the other, of a new plague to ensue vpon the Saxōs, who had driuen out the Britaines before. That was in ioyning with the Normans in mariage. For the king this yere abouesaid, for the more strēgth (as he thought) both of him and the realm, maried Emma the daughter of Richard Duke of Normandy. Which Richard was the third Duke of the Normains, and the first of that name. By reason of which mariage, king Egelred was not a little enhaunsed in his owne mynd: and by prosumption thereof, sent secret & straight commissions to the rulers of euery towne in England, that vpon S. Brices day at a certayne houre appointed, the Danes should bee sodenly slayne. And so it was performed, which turned after to more trouble.

After that tidings came into Denmarke of the murder of those Danes. Anone after, Suanus king of Denmarke with a great host and nauy, landed in Cornewall: where, by treason of a Normand named Hugh, which by fauour of Queene Emma, was made Erle of Deuonshire: The sayd Suanus tooke Exceter, & after beat downe the wals. From thence proceding further into the land, they came to Wilton and Shireborne, where they cruelly spoyled the countrey and slew the people. But anone Suanus hearing that the king was comming to him with the power of his land, tooke his ships & set about to Norfolke: where, after much wasting of that countrey, and spoyling the citie of Norwich,Norwiche spoyled and wasted by the Danes. and burning the towne of Thetford, and destroying the countrey thereabout, at length Duke Uskatel met him and beat him, & slew many of the Danes. Wherfore, Swanus for that yeare returned to Denmarke, and there made great prouision, to reenter the land againe the next yeare following. And so did, landing at Sandwich about the 25. yere of the raign of king Egelred,Anno. 1004. & there spoiled that countrey. And as soone as he heard of any hoste of englishmen comming toward him, then he tooke shipping againe. So that when the kings army sought to meet him in one coast, then would he sodainly land in an other. And when the king prouided to meete with them vpon the sea, either they would fain to flee, or els they would with gifts blynd the Admirall of the kings nauy.A tribute payd to the Danes of xxx.M. pound to haue peace. And thus wearied they the englishmen, & in conclusion brought them in extreme and vnspeakable misery. In so much that the King was fayne to take peace with them, & gaue to king Suanus 30000. pound. After which peace thus made, Suanus returned agayne to Denmarke.

The persecution of Turkillus a Dane.But this peace continued not long. For the yeare next following, king Egelred made Edricus aboue mētioned, Duke of Mercia, which was subtile of witte, glosing and eloquent of speach, vntrusty, and false to the king and the Realme. And soone after one Turkillus (a Prince of the Danes) landed in Kent with much people, and there dyd such harme, that the Kentishmē were faine to make peace with great gifts,Euill counsell about a king what hurt it doth. and so thence departed. But this persecution of the Danes (in one country or other in England) neuer ceased, nor the king did euer geue to them any notable battaile. For when he was disposed to geue them battail, this Edricus would euer counsaile him to the contrary, so that the Danes euer spoyled and robbed, and waxed rich,The second returne of Suanus into England. and the english men euer poore and bare.

After this Suanus beyng in Denmarke, and hearing of the increase of hys people in England, brake hys couenaunts before made, and with a great army and nauie in most defensable wyse appoynted, landed in Northumberland proclaimyng himselfe to be king of this land. Where, after much vexation, when he had subdued the people, and caused the Erle with the rulers of the countrey to sweare to him feaultie:The persecution of Suanus king of Danes. he passed by the riuer of Trent to Ganisburgh, and to Northwatlyng streete, and subduyng the people there, forced them to geue hym pledges: whiche pledges he committed with his nauy vnto Canutus hys sonne to keepe, whyle he went further into the lande. And so with a great hoste came to Mercia, killing and slaying. Then he tooke by strength Winchester, and Oxford, & dyd there what him liked.Caunterbury besieged. Treason of a false Deacon. That done, he came toward London, and hearing the king was there, passed by the Riuer Thamis, and came into Kent and there besieged Canterbury, where he was resisted the space of 20. dayes. At lēgth by treason of a Deacon called Almaricus (whom the Bishop had preserued from death before) wanne it,Caunterbury takē and brent. The tything of the Monkes of Caunterbury. A cruell murther of the Danes. Elphegus the Archb. of Caūt. stoned to death. and tooke the goods of the people and fired the Citie, and tythed the Monkes of S. Augustines Abbey (that is to meane, they slew ix. by cruell torment, and the tenth they kept aliue as for their slaues.) So they slew there of religious men, to the number of 900. persons: of other men, women, & childrē, they slew aboue 8000. And finally, whē they had kept ye Bishop Elphegus in straight prison the space of 7. monethes, & because he would not cōdescend to geue vnto thē 3000. pound: After many villanies vnto hym done, they brought him to Greenewich, & there stoned him to death.

Kyng Egelred in the meane tyme, fearing the ende of this persecution, sent his wyfe Emma with his ij. sonnes Alphred and Edward, to the Duke of Normandy, with whom also he sent the bishop of Londō. The Danes proceeded still in their fury and rage: and when they had won a great part of Westsaxonie, they returned againe to London. Whereof hearing the Londiners, sent vnto them certayne great giftes and pledges. At last the king about the 35. yeare of his raigne,Anno. 1013. was chased vnto the Ile of Wight, & with a secret company, he spent there a great part of the Winter.King Egelred driuen [...] ile of Wig [...], from then [...] Normandy. And finally, without cattaile or comfort sailed into Normandy to his wyfe. Swanus beyng ascertayned thereof, (inflamed with pride) reared exceeding impositions vpon the people. And amōg other he required a great summe of mony of S. Edmunds lands, which the people there clanning to bee free from kings tributes, denied to pay.The vertue of Christen mens prayer. For this Suanus entred the territory of S. Edmūd, and wasted, and spoyled the countrey, despising the holy Martyr, & manacing also the place of his sepulture. Wherfore the men of that countrey fearing his tiranny, fell to prayer and fasting, so that shortly after Suanus dyed sodenly, crying and yelling among his knightes.The death and end of Suanus. Some say that he was striken with the sword of S. Edmund, wherof he dyed the 3. day after.

In feare whereof, Canutus his sonne which ruled as king after his father, graunted them the freedome of all their liberty,The Abbey of S. Edmundelburie builded. and moreouer ditched the land of the sayde Martyr with a deepe ditche, and graunted to the inhabitaunts thereof, great freedomes, quityng them from all talke or tribute. And after builded a Church ouer the place of his sepulture, and ordained there an house of Monkes, and endued them with rich possessions. And after ye tyme it was vsed, that kings of England when they were crouned, sent their crownes for an offring to Saint Edmūds shrine, and redeemed the same agayne afterwardes with a condigne price.

When king Egelred heard of the death of Suanus,King Egelred returneth into England. Canutus cutteth of the noses and handes of hys pledges. he made prouision & returned into england. Of whose sodain comming Canutus being vnprouided fled to Sandwich, And there cutting of the noses and handes of the pledges, which his father left with him, sayled into Denmarke: who the next yere returned againe with a great nauy, and landed in the South country. Wherfore the eldest sonne of king Egelrede called Edmond Ironside: made prouision with the ayd of Edrike Duke of Mercia to meet him. But Edrike fayning himselfe sicke came not,Canutus taketh Westsaxon. but deceiued him. For as it was after proued, Edrike had promised his allegeance to Canutus. By reason wherof. Canutus entred ye country of Westsaxon, & forced the people to be sworn vnto him, and to geue him pledges. In this season, king Egelred being at london, was taken with great sickenes, & there dyed: and was buried in the Northside of Paules church behind the quire, after he had raigned vnprosperously 36. yeares: leauing after him his sayd eldest sonne Edmond Ironside, and Alphred, and Edward which were in [Page] Normandy, sent thither before as is aboue rehersed. This Egelred although he was miserably impugned and vexed of his enemies, yet he with his counsail gaue forth wholsome lawes. Whereof this is one parcell conteinyng good rules and lessons, for all Iudges and Iustices to learne and follow.

A lessen for all Iudges and Iustices. OMnis ludex iustus misericordiam & iudicium liberet in omnibus, vt inprimis per rectam scientiam, dicat emendationē secundum culpam, & eam tamen admensuret propter indulgentiam. Quaedam culpae reputantur à bonis iudicibus, secundū rectum emendandae Quaedam per Dei misericordiam condonādae. Iudicia debent esse sine omni haderunga, quod non parcatur diuiti alicui, vel egeno, amico, vel-inimico ius publicum recitari. Nihil autem iniustius est, quàm susceptio munerū pro iudicio subuertendo: Quia munera excaecant corda sapientum, & subuertunt verba iustorum,Brybes.Dominus Iesus dixit: In quo iudicio iudicaueritis iudicabimini. Timeat omnis iudex ac diligat Deum iudicem suum, ne in die iudioij mutus fiat, & humiliatus ante oculos iudicis cuncta videntis. Qui innocentem opprimit, & dimittit noxium pro pecunia, vel amicitia, vel odio, vel quacun (que) factione, opprimetur ab omnipotente iudice. Et nullus Dominus, nulla potestas, stultos aut improbos iudices constituāt, quia stultus per ignauiam,Euill Iudges worse in a common wealth, then bloudy enemies.improbus per cupiditatem vitat, quam didicit veritatem. Grauiùs enim lacerātur pauperes à prauis iudicibus, quàm à cruentis hostibus. Nullus hostis acerbior, nulla pestis efficacior quàm familiaris inimicus. Potest aliquoties homo fuga, vel defensione vitare prauos inimicos. Non ita possunt iudices, quoties aduersus subditos malis desiderijs inflammantur. Saepe etiam boni iudices habent malos vicarios & ministros nephādos: quorum reatibus ipsi domini constringuntur, si non [...]os coerceant, & à rapacitate cohibeant.Wicked officers.Quia dominus & minister seculorum ait: Non solùm malè agentes, sed omnes consentientes digni sunt aeterna morte. Saepe etiam praui iudices iudicium pe [...] uertunt, vel respectant & non finiunt causam, donec voluntas eorum impleatur. Et quando iudicant, non opera, sed munera considerant. Impij iudices, iuxta verbum sapientum, sicut rapaces lupi vespere nil residuant vsque mane,Agaynst wicked Iudges.id est, de praesenti solum vita cogitant, de futura nihil considerant. Malorum praepositorum mos est, vt quicquid possunt, auferant: & vix necessarium parum quid relinquant sustentationi. Iracundus iudex non potest attendere rectam iudicij satisfactionem. Nam per furoris excoecationem, non perspicit rectitudinis claritatem. Iustum iudicium, vbi non persona consideratur. Scriptum est: Non attendas personam hominis in iudicio, nec pro aliquo facies, vt à vero declines, & iniustè iudices. Susceptio muneris est dimissio veritatis. Ex historia bibliothecae Iornal.

A wicked Iudge deposed and depriued by the king.Of this king Egelred I find noted in the booke of Rog. Houed. that he deposed and depriued from all possessions, a certayne Iudge or Iusticer named Walgeatus, the sonne of one Leonet, for false iudgemēt and other proud doings, whom notwithstanding he loued aboue all other.

Edmund Ironside a Saxon, and Canutus a Dane, Kings together in England.

Anno. 1016.AFter the death of Egelred, variaunce fell betwene the Englishmen for the election of their king. For the citizens of London with certayne other Lordes: named Edwyne the eldest sonne of Egelred (a yong man of lusty and valiant courage) in martial aduētures,Edmund Ironside sunne of Egelred, king. both hardy & wise, and could very well endure all paynes. Wherfore he was surnamed Irenside. But the more of the Lordes, fauoured Canutus the sonne of Swanus: especially the Abbots Bishoppes,Canutus sonne of Swanus, king. and men of the spiritualtye which before had sworne to his father. By meanes whereof, betwene these two martial princes were fought many great battels, first in Dorsetshyre, where Canutus was compelled to flie the field.The battayles betweene Edmundus and Canutus. And after that they fought an other battayle in Worcetershire, so sore, that none could tell, who had the better: but either for wearines or for lacke of day, they departed one from the other, and on the next morow fought againe: but then Canutus was compelled to forsake the field. After this they met in Mercia, & there fought agayne, where Edmond (as storyes say) by the treason of that false Edrick Duke of Mercia (whom he before had receiued to sauour) had the worse. Thus many great conflicts there were betwene these 2. princes. But vpon a season, when the hosts were redy to ioyne, and a certayne time of truce taken before battayle: a knight of the party of Edmond stode vp vpon a high place, and sayd these wordes.

Daylye we dye, and none hath the uictorye: And when the knightes be dead on either part, A witty oration to stay bloud betweene 2. armyes. then the Dukes compelled by need shall accord: or els they must fight alone. And this kingdome is now sufficient for 2. men, whiche some time sufficed. 7. But if the couetousnesse of Lordship in these twayne be so great, that neither can be content to take part and liue by the other, nor the one vnder the other then let them fight alone, that will be Lordes alone. If all men fight still: at the last all men shall be slayne, and none left to be vnder their Lordship, nor able to defend the king that shall be, agaynst straunge enemies and natiōs.

These wordes were so well allowed of both the hostes and Princes:Two [...] fight [...] to hand. that both were content to try the quarrel betwene thē two onely. Then the place & time was appointed where they [...]oth met, in sight of both hoastes. And whē either had assayd other with sharpe swordes and strokes: first by the motion of Canutus (as some write) hastelye they were both agreed, and kissed each other to the comfort of both hostes. And shortly after they agreed vpon particion of ye land: & after that, during theyr lines they loued as brethren.The [...] murtherd king Edmund. Soone after, a Sonne of wicked Edricus, by the minde (as appeared afterward) of his father: espied, when king Edmond was at the draught: & with a speare (some say with a long knife) thrust him into the fundamēt, wherof the sayd Edmond shortlye after dyed, after that he had raigned two yeres. He left behinde him two sonnes, Edmond and Edward, whom Edricke the wicked Duke, after the death of their father, tooke from theyr mother (not knowing yet of the death of Edmond her husband) & presēted them to king Canutus,Two so [...]ne of Edmund Y [...]onside. saluting him in these words: Aue Rex solus. Thus Canutus after the death of Edmond Irenside, was king alone of the whole realme of englād. And afterward by the aduise of his counsayle, he sent the foresayd sonnes of Edmond Irōside, to his brother Suanus king of Sueueland to be slayne: who abhorring that deed, sent them to Salomon king of Hūgary, where Edmond being maried to the kings daughter dyed. Edward was maried to Agatha daughter of his brother Henry the 4. Emperour.

When Canutus was stablished in the kingdom, he called a parliamentat London,Flattery [...] fidelity [...] vntrueth in English Lordes. where (among other things there debated) it was propounded to the bishops, Barōs, and Lordes of the parliament there present, whether that in the compositiō made betwene Edmund and Canutus, any speciall remembraunce was made for the children, or brethren of Edmund, for any partition of any part of the land. Wherunto the english Lordes falsly [...]latteryng with the foraine kyng, and speaking against their own mynds, as also against their natiue countrey, aunswered and sayd nay. Affirming moreouer with an oth (for the kings pleasure) that they to ye vttermost of their powers, would put of the bloud of Edmund, in all that they might. By reason of which answer and promise, they thought (many of thē) to haue purchased with the king great fauour.False vnfaythfulnes, and vnconstant mobilitie in Englishe Lordes and rewarded. But by the iust retribution of God, it chaunced farre otherwise. For many of them, or the most part (such especially as Canutus did perceiue to be sworne before tyme to Edmund, & his heyres: and also considering that they were natiue englishmen) he mistrusted and disdained euer after. In so much, that some he exiled, a great sort he beheaded, & some by Gods punishment died sodainly. Among whom wicked Edricke also the traytour (although with hys sugred wordes he continued a while in the kings fauour) at lēgth escaped not condigne reward for his deceiuable dealyng. For (as the history of Iornalēsis recordeth) as the king was in his palace beyond Thames, this Edricke (beyng belike accused, or els suspected of the king before) comming vnto him, began to reckon vp his benefites & labours bestowed for his sake. First, in forsaking and betraying Egelred, then in slaying king Edmund his sonne, with many such other deedes moe,Duke Edrike the false traytor and murtherer of [...] king, worthely rewarded for hys wicked falshode. which all for his sake he had done. Well saith the king, thou hast here rightly iudged thy selfe, and worthily thou shalt dye, for slaying thy naturall Prince, & my sworne brother. And so commaunded him to be bound immediately hand and foote, & to be thrown into Thames. Some stories say, that when he had saluted the king with Aue rex solus, and shewed him the slaying of Edmund, Canutus (promising that he would make him therfore higher then all the lordes of the realme) commaunded his head to be striken off, & to be set vpon London bridge, and hys body to be cast in the towne ditche.The end of pernicious traytours. And thus with shame ended he his wretched life, as al they commonly do, which with like dissimulatiō seeke the destruction of their Prince and of their countrey.The brother of Edmund Yronside, banished, reconciled, and lastly slayne. Edmund and Edward two sonnes of Edmund Yronside sent out to be slayne. Canutus K. of Denmarke. Canutus maryeth Emma▪ wife before of Egelred. Lawes of K. Edgar.

This Canutus (shortlye after the death of king Edmond, by the counsayle of Edricke) exiled Edmond, being brother to King Edmund, called Rex rusticorum: the king of Choor [...]es. But afterward, he was reconciled agayne to the kinges fauour: and lastly slayne by certayne of the Kinges Secretaryes or Seruauntes. Also, through the counsayle of the sayd Edricke, and of Emma his wife he sent the two Sonnes of Edmond Ironside (Edmond [Page] and Edward) to his brother Suanus king of Denmark, to be slaine, as is aboue sayd.

In this meane time, Suanus king of Denmarke, brother to Canutus, died. Wherfore that land fel to Canutus: which anon after sailed thether, and tooke thereof possession. And after he had set it in an order, he retourned into England, and maried Emma, late wife before of Egelred: and by her had a sōne called Herdeknight or Hardeknoutus. Moreouer this Canutus assembled a Parliament at Oxford: where it was agreed, that Englishmen & Danes should holde the lawes made by king Edgar, because they were thought so good & resonable aboue any other lawes.

Thus the Danes being in England, began by little & little to be Christen men. And Canutus went to Rome, & so returning againe to England, gouerned that lande the space of 20. yeares, leauing after him two sonnes, Harold & Hardeknoutus: which Hardeknoutus was made king of Denmarke in his fathers time.

Harold (called Harefoote, for his deliuernes and swiftnes) sonne to Canutus by Elgina his first wife:H [...]rold Harefoot K. of Englād a Dane. began his raigne ouer England, an. 1039. Of him is little left in memory, for he raigned but 4. yeres, saue that he banished his stepmother Emma, & tooke her goods & iewels from her.

Anno. 1039.Hardeknoutus, being king of Denmarke, and second sonne to Canutus by his last wife Emma, was next King of England. In the time of these Danish kings, there was one Godwyn an earle in England,Hardecknout king last of the Danes that reigned in England. Erle Godwyn. which had bene before in great fauour with Canutus, for his actes done in Denmarke against the Northwegians: and afterward maryed y• sister (some say the daughter) of Canutus. This Godwyn was of a cruell and subtill wit, as he declared no lesse by the two sonnes of king Egelred: For when these two aforesaid (whose names were Alfride, and Edward) came from Normādie into England, to visit their mother Emma, and brought wt them a great company of Normands: this Godwine (hauing a daughter called Godith, whome he thought to marry to Edward, & set him vp to be King, to bring his purpose about) vsed this practise: yt is, to perswade king Hardeknoue, & the Lordes not to suffer those Normandes to be within the realme for ieoperdie, but rather to punish them for example. By which meanes he gat authoritie to order the matter himselfe:The miserable wretchednes of Godwyn agaynst the Normands. The Normandes tythed: and yet the tenthes retithed agayn. Alfredus sonne of Egelred right heyre of the crowne, tormented with cruell death. The cause expended, why God suffered this land to be conquered by the Normandes. Example of Gods righteous iudgement. wherefore he [...] them on Guild downe, and there most wretchedly murthered, or rather Martyred the most number of the Normandes, and that innocently. For as Swanus before had tithed the Monkes of Canterburie: so he [...] with the cruell cōpany of english soldiors, slew ix. of the saide Normands and saued the x. And yet passing the furie of Swanus (as not contented with that tiranny) he tithed againe the sayde tithe, and slew euery x. knight, and that by cruel tormēt, as winding their guts out of their bodies, as writeth Ranulphus. And among other, put out the eyes of the elder brother Alfridus, and sent him to an Abbey of Elie: where he being fed wyth breade and water, endured not long after. Of some writers it was recorded, that he was there slayne wyth the forenamed torment, and Edward was conueied by some other to his mother. Who fearing the treason of Godwine, sent him soone ouer the sea to Normady againe. This cruell facte of Godwine and his men against the innocent Normandes, whether it came of himselfe, or of the kings setting on: seemeth to me to be the cause, why the iustice of God, did shortly after reuenge the quarell of these Normands, in conquering & subduing the english nation by William Conqueror, and the Normandes which came with hym. For so iust and right it was, that as the Normandes comming with a naturall English Prince, were murthered of English men: so afterwarde the Englishe men shoulde be slaine and conquered by the Normandes, comming with a forraine King being none of their naturall countrey.

The death of K. Hardeknout.Then it followeth in the storie that this king Canute or Hardeknout: when he had reigned ij. yeres (being mery at Lambeth) sodainly was striken dombe, & fell downe to the ground, and within 8. daies after died, without issue of his body. Who was the last that raigned in England of the blo [...]d of the Danes.

This foresaid Godwine, had by the daughter of Canutus his wife,The sonnes of Erle Godwyn. but one sonne which was drowned. Of hys seconde wife he receiued vj. sonnes, to wit, Suanus, Harold, Tostius, Wilmotus, Sirthe, or Surth, and Leofricus, with one daughter Galled Goditha, which after was maried to king Edward the Confessor.

Concerning the story of this Alfred, I find it somthing otherwise reported in our english chronicles:The story of Alfred repeated. that it shuld be after the death of Hardeknout: forasmuch as the Earles & Barons after his death, assembled and made a councell, that neuer after, any of the Danes bloud should be king of England, for the despite that they had done to english mē. For euermore before, if the English men and the Danes, had happened to mete vpō a bridge, the english men shuld not so hardy to mooue a foote,Taken out of the english story or chronicle compiled of certayne englishe Clerkes. but stande still, till the Dane were passed foorth. And moreouer, if the English men had not bowed downe their heades to doe reuerence vnto the Danes, they should haue bene beaten and defiled. For the which despites and villanie, they were driuen out of the land after the death of Hardeknout, for they had no Lorde that might maintaine them. And after this maner auoided the Danes England, that they neuer came againe.

The Erles and Barons, by their common assent and counsaile: sent vnto Normandy for these two brethren, Alphred and Edward: intending to crowne Alphred the elder brother, & to make him king of England. And to thys the Earles and Barons made their othe: but the Earle Godwine of Westsaxe (falsly and traiterously) thought to slea these two brethren, assoone as they came into Englad, to that intēt to make Harold his sonne king: which sonne he had by his wife Hardeknoutes daughter that was a Dane. And so this Godwine went priuily to Southampton, to meete there with the two brethren at their landing. And thus it fell, that the messengers that went (saith mine author) into Normandie, found but onely Alphred the elder brother. For Edward his younger brother was gone to Hungarie, to speake wyth his cou [...]in the outlaw, which was Edward Ironsides sonne.

When Alfrede had heard these messengers and perceiued their tidings:Alfred of Al [...] red sonne of K. Egelred. he thanked God, and in all hast sped him to England, arriuing at Southampton. There, Godwin the false traitor (hauing knowledge of his comming) welcommed & receaued him with much ioy: pretēding to lead him vnto London, where the Barons waited for to make him king. And so they together passed forth towarde London. But when they came to Guild downe, the traitor cō manded all his men to slea all that were in Alphredes cō pany, which came wt him from Normandie. And after that to take Alphrede, & to lead him into the Isle of Ely, where they shuld put out both his eyes: and so they did. For they slew all the company that were there, to the number of xij. Gentlemen, which came wt Alfrede from Normandie: and after that they tooke Alphrede, and in the Isle of Ely they executed their commissiō. That done, they opened his body, tooke out his bowels▪ set a stake into the grounde▪ and fastened an end of his bowels therunto, & with needles of [...]on they pricked his tēder body, therby causing him to go about the stake, till that all his bowels were drawen out. And so died this innocent Alphred or Alured, being the right heire of the crowne: through treason of wicked Godwyne. When the Lordes of Englande heard thereof, and how Alphred, that should haue ben their king, was put to death through the false traitor Godwyne, they were wonderous wroth: and sware betwene God and them, that he should die a worse death then did Edrith which betrayed his Lord Edmund Ironside: and wold immediatly haue put him to death, but that the Traitour fledde thence into Denmarke: and there helde him iiij. yeares and more, and lost all his landes in England.

An other Latin story I haue (bearing no name) which saith that this comming in of Alphred & the Normandes:Ex historia ignati autori [...]. was in the time of Harold Canutus sōne. And how Godwyne (after he pretended great amitie to them) sodenly in the night came vpon them at Gilford: And after he had tithed the Normandes: sent Alfrede to Harold at London, who sent him to the Isle of Ely, and caused his eyes to be put out.

And thus much of Canutus:Gunilda wife to Henricus the Emperour. and of his sonnes, Harold and Hardecanutus. Besides these ij. sonnes Canutus had also a daughter named Gunilda: maried to Henricus the Emperour. Of whome some write, that she being accused to the emperor of spousebrech,Canutus went to Rome. The hospitall builde at Rome for English p [...] grimes. Rome shote confirmed by Canutus. and hauing no champion or Knight that woulde fight for her (after the maner of that coūtrey) for trial of her cause: a certaine litle dwarf or boy, whom she brought with her out of England (stirred vp of God) fought in her cause against a mighty bigge Germain of a monstrous greatnesse: which sel [...]e dwarfe, cutting [...]y chaūce the sinews of his leg, after stroke him to the groūd, and so cut of his head, and saued the life of the Queene, if it be true that Gulielmus and Fabianus reporteth.

Of this Canutus it is storied,The Cathedral Churche of Wintchest▪ inritched by Canutus. S. Benets in Norfolke builded. that he folowing muche the superstition of Achelnotus Archbishop of Cant. went on pilgrimage to Rome: and there founded an hospital for English pilgrimes. He gaue the Pope pretious gifts, and burdened the land with an yerely tribute called the Rome sho [...]e: he shrined the body of Berinus, & gaue great lands and ornaments to the Cathedrall Churche of Winchester: he builded S. Benets in Northfolk, which was before an [Page] Hermitage. Also S. Edmundes bury, which king Ethelstane before ordeined for a Colledge of Priests, he turned to an Abbey of monkes of S. Benets order.

Bury Abbey turned to Monkes.Henricus Archdeacon of Huntyngton, Lib. 6. maketh mention of thys Canutus, as doeth also Polidorus, Lib. 7. That he after his comming from Rome, walking vppon a tune by the porte of Southhampton. (But as Polydorus sayeth) and Fabian affirmeth the same, that it was by Thames side at London. When his flatterers comming about him,Flatterers and clawbackes about Princes. began to exalt him vp with high wordes, calling him a king of all kings (most mighty) who had vnder his subiection both the people, the land, and also the sea. Canutus reuoluing this matter in his minde (whether for pride of his heart exalted, or whether to tr [...]e and refell their flattering words) cōmaunded his chaire of estate to be brought to the sea side, at what time it should begin to flowe. Polydore sayth, that no seate was brought, but sitting vpon his garments being folded together vnder him: there charged and commaunded the floudes arising & comming toward his feete,Canutus chargeth the sea to stand backe, but it would not be. that they shoulde not touch neither him, nor his clothes. But the water keeping his ordinary course, came nearer and nerer: First to his feete, and so growing higher began to wash him welfauoredly. Wherewith the king abashed & partly also afeard starte backe: and looking to his Lordes: Loe (sayth he) ye call me such a mighty king & yet can I not commaunde backe this litle water to stay at my worde,A lesson notable for kinges and Princes. but it is ready to drowne me. Wherfore all earthly kings may know, that all their powers be but vaine: and that none is worthy to haue the name of a king, but he alone: which hath all things subiect to the power & authoritie of his word: which is the Lord of heauen & earth: the creatour aboue of all thinges:God onely the king of all kings and Lord of Lordes. the father of our Christ and Lorde: who with him for euer is to be glorified: him let vs worship and extoll for our king for euer. After this (as histories witnes) he neuer suffred the crowne to come vpon his head, but went to Winchester (or as some say, to Canterbury, but both those may be true) for his going to Cā terbury, was to acknowledge yt there was a Lorde much higher, & of more power then he himselfe was, and therewithal to render vp his crowne for euer. With that, Egelnothes Archbyshop of Canterbury: informed him of the image of the Crucifix before mētioned, which dissolued the matter betweene maried Priests and life of Monkes, and did many other myracles moe, being then at Winchester. Wherewith the King prouoked to go to Winchester to the roode,The kinges crowne put on a roode. there resigned vp hys regall Crowne, and made the roode king ouer all the land.

Here is also to be noted in this Canutus, that although (as is said) he cōdescended in the beginning of his raigne, vpon king Edgares lawes: yet after in proces of time, hee set forth peculiar lawes of his own.Kinges of England haue as much right in causes spirituall as temporall. Among which, diuers there be that concerne as well causes Ecclesiasticall, as also temporal. Whereby it may appeare, that the gouernmēt of spirituall matters not to depende then of the Bishop of Rome: but to appertaine to the lawfull authoritie of the temporall Prince, no lesse then of matters and causes temporall. As for example by these ordinaunces of the foresayd Canutus,Certaine lawes of K. Canutus for the ordering of matters ecclesiasticall. may be well considered as here folowe. Pecunia sepulturae iustum est vt aperta terra reddatur. Si aliquod corpus a sua parochia deferatur in aliam, pecunia sepulturae. &c. In English.

It is mete and right that in funerals, money be geuen for opening the earth.

If anybody, or corse, be caried from his owne Parishe into an other: the money of the buriall shal pertaine by the law to his owne Parish Church.

All ordinaunces and ceremonies of God, let them be obserued, as neede in all things requireth.

Uppon the Sonday, we forbid all publique [...]ayres or markets, all Synodes or conuenticles, huntinges, or any such seculare actions, to be exercised, vnlesse vrgent necessitie compell therunto.

Let euery Christē man prepare himself thrise a yere to approche to the receauing of the Lords body: so to eate the same as not to his iudgemēt, but to his wholsome remedy.

If a minister of the altare doe kill any man, or haue intangled himselfe in any notorious crime, let him be depriued both from his order and dignitie.

If any maried woman (her husband being aliue) haue committed adultery & be proued with the same: to her opē shame in the world,Adultresse woman to loose their eares and noses. let her haue her nose and eares cut of.

Let euery widow after the death of her husband: so remaine sole xij. monethes: or if shee marrye, let her loose her ioynter.

And heere an ende of the Danish kyngs. Nowe to the English kings againe, whose right line cōmeth in againe in Edward here following.

King Edward called the Confessor.

FOr so much as God of his mercye and prouidence, who is onely the maker of heires:Anno. 104 [...]. thought it so good, after the wofull captiuitie of this Englishe nation, to graunt now some respite of deliuerance,King Edward the con [...]ellour. in taking away the Danish kings without any issue left behind them: who reigning here in Englād, kept the english people in miserable subiection,England a [...] flicted by the Danes the space of 255. yeares. about the space of xxviij. yeares, and that from their firste landing in the time of King Brightricus: wasting and vexing this land, the terme of cc. [...]v. yeres: Now their tiranny here comming to an ende, the next election & right of the crowne fell (as appertained) to Edwarde the yonger sonne of king Egelred and Emma, a meere Englishman: who had bene now long banished in Normandy, as is aboue declared. A man of gentle and soft spirite: more appliable to other mens coūsailes, then able to trust to his owne: of nature & condition so geuen from al warre and bloudshed: that being in his banishment, he wished rather so to continue all his life long in that priuate estate, then by warre or bloudshed to aspire to any kingdome. This Edward, after the death of Canutus the seconde, or Hardecanute, being sent for of the Lordes into Normādie to take possession of the Realme, although he something mistrusted the vnconstant and fickle heads of Englishmē (yet hauing sufficient pledges laid for him in Normandie) came ouer, with a few Normands accompanied: and not long after was crowned at Winchester. an. 1043. by Edsius then Archbishop of Cant.K. Edward crowned. And not long after that, he maried Goditha, or Editha daughter of Earle Godwyne: whome he entreated after such sort, that he neither put her from his bed, nor yet delt with her fleshly. Whether it [...] for hate of her kin (as most like it was) or for loue of chastitie, it remaineth vncertaine.Holy king Edward a virgine i [...] maryage. But most writers agree, yt he continued his lyfe without offence with women: [...]or the which he is highly exalted among our story writers and called holy king Edwarde. After he had thus taken vpon him the gouernement of the realme, he guided the same wt much wisedome and iustice, the space of 24. yeres, lacking two monethes: from whome issued (as out of a fountaine) much godlinesse, mercy, pitie, and liberalitie towarde the poore: gentlenes and iustice toward all men: and in all honest life he gaue a vertuous example to his people. He discharged the Englishmen of the great tribute called Dane gelt, which before time was yerely leuied to the great impouerishing of the people. Hee subdued the Scottes and Welshmen, which in their borders began to rebell against him. In much peace he continued his reigne, hauing no forreine enemie to assault him: Albeit, as some Chronicles do shewe,Methe i [...] Greeke signifieth dr [...] kennes. certaine Danes and Norgwaines there were, which entended to set vpon Englande: But as they were taking shipping, there was brought to them first one bowle, then an other, of meede or methe, to drinke vpon a bon viage. Thus one cup comming after an other: after drinke came dronkennes, after dronkennes followed iangling, of iangling came stryfe: and strife turned vnto stripes. whereby many were slayne, and the other returned to their home agayne. And thus the mercifull prouidence of the Lord dispatched that iourny.

In the time of this Edward: Emma his mother, was accused to be familiar with Alwyn the Byshop of Winchester: vpon which accusation (by counsayle of Earle Godwyn) he tooke from her many of her iewels, and caused her to be kept somedele more straightly in ye Abby of Warwel, and the Byshop committed to the examination of the clergy. Polydore sayth, they were both in prison, at Winchester: where she sorrowing the defame both of her selfe and of the Byshop, and trusting vpon her conscience, desireth them of iustice, offering her selfe ready to abide any lawfull triall: yea although it were with the sharpest.

Then diuers of the Byshops made labour to the king for thē both,Aceasation of the Archbish. against Emma, the kinges mother. and had obtayned, had not Robert thē Archbishop of Cant. stopped the sute. Who not well contented with their labour sayd vnto them: My brethren how dare ye defend her which is no woman but a beast? she hath defamed her owne sonne the king, and taken her lecherous leman the Byshop. And if it be so, that the woman will purge the priest, who shall then purge the woman that is accused to be consenting to the death of her sonne Alphred: and procured venim to the poysonyng of her sonne Edward? But whether she be giltie or giltles: if she will goe barefooted for her self foure steps, and for the Bishop fiue, continually vpon ix. plough shares fire hote: then if she escape harmeles, he shalbe assoyled of this challenge and she also.

To this she graunted, the day was appointed at which day, the king and a great part of his nobles were present, except onely Robert the Archbishop. This Robert had [Page] bene a monke of a house in Normandie,False accusation purged by hote yron. & an helper of the king in his exile: and so by the sēding for of the king, came ouer and was made first Bishop of London, after Archbishop of Cant. Then was she led blindfield vnto the place betwene two men, where the yrons lay brenning hot; and passed the ix. shares vnhurt.A straunge thing if it were true. and without false conueyance. At last sayde shee, good Lorde when shal I come to the place of my purgation, whē they then opened her eyes, and shee sawe that shee was past the paine, she kneeled downe geuing God thankes.

Then the king repented (sayeth the story) and restored vnto her, that he had before taken from her, and asked her forgeuenes. But the Archbyshop fled into Normandie.

Neare about this time, about the x. yere of his raigne [...] fell passing great snow,Great snow and mortalitie in England. from the beginning of Ianuary, to the 17, day of Marche. After which insued a great mortalitie of men, morrian of cattel, & by lightning the corne was wonderfully blasted and wasted.

Not lōg after this: a certaine Earle of Bologne, who had married king Edwardes sister,Variaunce betweene the king and Godwyn. came into Englande: through the occasion of whom: when execution should be done vpon the citizens of Douer, for a fray betwene them, and the Earles men: variance happened betweene Kyng Edward and Earle Godwyne. Who perceauing that he could not wstand the kings malice, (although he gathered a great company to worke therein what he could) fled into Flanders,Godwyn with hys v. sonnes outlawed. Godwyn reconciled to the king vpon pledges geuen. & was outlawed with his 5. sonnes. King Edward repudiated his wife, the daughter of the sayde Godwine: but the second yere after, by mediators he was recō ciled to the king againe, and called from banishment: And for his good a bearing, he gaue for pledges his two sōnes, Byornon, and Tostius, which were sent to the Duke of Normandy there to be kept.

During the time of the outlawry of Godwyn: William Bastard Duke of Normandy,William D. of Normandy came into England to king Edward. came with a goodly company into England to see king Edwarde, & was honorably receaued. To whom the king made great cheare, & at hys returne inriched him with great gifts and pleasures. And there (as some wryte) made promise to him, that if he died without issue, the said William should succeede him in the kingdome of England.

In this kinges raigne liued Marianus Scotus the story writer.Marianus Scotus, whē he liued. The end and death of vngodly Godwyn. Ex lorna. Malmesberiensi. Polydor. Fabiano & alijs. Gods iust punishment vpon Godwyn, for the murthering of Alphred. Periurie plagued. Edward the outlawe sonne of Edmund Yronside sent for to England. As concerning the end of erle Godwin, ye cruell murderer of Alphred, and of the Normandes: although diuers histories diuersly do vary: Yet in this the most part do agree, that as he sate at the table with king Edward at Winsor, it happened one of the cupbearers one of erl Godwins sonnes to stumble and recouer againe, so that he did shed none of the drinke: wherat Godwin laughed, & sayd, howe the one brother had sustained the other. With whych wordes the King calling to minde his brothers death that was slaine by Godwine: beheld the erle (saying) so should my brother Alphred haue holpē me, had not Godwin ben. Godwine then fearing the kinges displeasure to be newly kindled, after many words in excusing himselfe, sayde: So mought I safely swalow this morsel of bread as I am giltles of the deede. But assoone as hee had receiued the bread, forthwith he was choked. Then the king commanded him to be drawne from the table, & so was cōueyed by Harolde his sonne to Winchester, and there buried.

About the 13. yere of this kings reigne, the sayde King Edward sent Aldred bishop of Worceter to the Emperour Henricus the 4. praying him, that he would send to ye king of Hungary, that his cosin Edward sonne of Edmund Ironside, might come to England: for so much as he intended to make him King after him, which was called Edward outlawe. The which request was fulfilled, so that he came into Englande with his wife Agatha,Anno. 1056. and with hys children, to witte, Edgar Adeling, Margarete, and Christina. But the yeare after his returne into the realme, thys Edwarde deceased at London,The death of Edward, sonne of Edmond Yronside. and was buryed at westminster: or as Iornalensis sayeth, at Paules church in London. After whose decease, the King then receaued Edgar Adeling his sonne, as his owne childe: thinking to make him his heire. But fearing partly the vnconstant mutabilitie of the Englishmen, partly the pride and malice of Harold the sonne of Godwine, & of other (perceauing therby, that he could not bring that his purpose so wel to passe) directed solemne Embassadors vnto Williā Duke of Normandy,William Duke of Normandy admitted heyre to the crowne. his kinsman: admitting & assigning him to be hys lawfull heire, next to succeede after him to the crowne.

After the death of Godwin, Harolde his sonne waxed so in the kings fauour: that he ruled the moste and greatest causes of the realme, and was liefetenant of the kings army: Who with his brother Toston or Tostius (sent by the king against the Welchmen) subdued their rebellion. But afterward, such enuie grewe betwene these ij. brethren, for that Tostius saw his brother Harold so greatly aduanced in the kings fauour,The enuy and discorde of brethren. that at Herford, the said Tostius slew all his brothers men. Whom when he had cut in pieces, he poudered their quarters and mangled parts, in barrels of salt, vinegre, wine, and other liquors. That done, he made a power against his brother Harold (being king) with the aide of certaine Danes and Norgaines, and fought a battail with him in the North, as after shal follow (God willing) to be seene.Vngracious children of a wicked father. So vngratious were these wicked children of Erle Godwin: that if they had sene any faire mansion or maner place, they woulde slay the owner thereof, withall his kinrede, and enter the possession thereof themselues.

At length it came in the minde of this Harolde to saile ouer the sea (as Polydore sayth) into Normandie to see hys brother Wilnotus,A place of Polydorus Virg. examined. as also his cosin Hacus, whom ye king had sent thither to be kept for pledges, as yee heard before. Polydore sayth these pledges were Tosto & Byornon, but that can not be, for Tostius was then in England. But as Henricus Archdeacon of Huntington sayeth, his iourney was into Flāders, as semeth more like. For it is not to be thought, that Harold who was a doer in ye cruell murther of Alphred, and of the Normanes: wold venter into Normandy, & therefore more like it is,Harold taken of the Normands. that his sailing was into Flaunders. But as the storie proceedeth, he being in the course of his sailing, was weather driuen by tempest into the prouince of Pountith, where he was taken as a prisoner, and sent to Duke William of Normandy. To whome he was made to sweare, that he in time following shoulde marry his daughter: and that after the death of King Edward, he should kepe the land of Englande to his behoue, according to the will & minde of Edward (after some writers) and so to liue in great honor & dignity next vnto him in the realme.Harold promiseth Duke William to marry hys daughter, and to keepe the realme for hys behoofe. This promise faithfully made to the Duke, Harold returneth into Englād (with his cosin Hacus the sonne of his brother Suanus being deliuered vnto him.) But Wilnotus brother of Harold, the duke kepeth stil for performance of the couenāts. Thus Herold I say, returning home, sheweth ye king al that he had done in the foresayde matters. Wherewith the King was well contented. Wherby it may be gathered, that king Edward was right wel willing, that Duke William should reigne after hym, and also semeth not vnlike, but that he had geuen him his promise therunto before.Erle Leofricus euer true and faythfull to hys prince. How Couentry was made free. Godina wife to Leofricus.

Among all that were true and trusty to king Edward of the english nobility, none had like commendatiō as had Leofricus erle of Mercia and of Chester. This Leofricus purchased many great liberties for the towne of Couētry, and made it free of all maner things, except onely of horse. Which fredom there was obtained by meanes of his wife Godina, by riding (as the fame goeth) after a strāge maner through the towne. This Leofricus with his wife Godina, builded also the abbey of Couentrie, & indued the same with great lands and riches.The Abby of Couentry builded by Leofricus.

You hearde a little before, of the comming ouer of Edward called the outlaw, sonne of king Edmund Ironsid: whom king Edward had purposed to haue made king after him. But soone after his comming ouer, he deceased at London. This Edwarde had by his wife Agatha, a sonne & a daughter called Edgar Adelyng, & Margaret. Which Margaret being maried afterward to the king of Scots, was the mother of Matild or Maude Quene of England and of Dauid king of Scots. &c.

This vertuous & blessed king Edwarde, after he had reigned 23. yeres, and 7. moneths, died and was buried in the monastery of Westminster,Edward the outlaw. Edgar Edeling. Margaret Queene of Scottes. Matilde Queene of England. Dauid King of Scots. The death of King Edward. Westminster repayred. Guliel. Malmesber. Ex lornalen. Ex Historia Richardi. 2. iussu composita. The lawes of K. Edward. which he had greatly augmented & repaired, but afterward was more inlarged after this form which it hath now, by Henry the third, sōne of king Iohn.

They that write the historie of this King, heere make mention of a dreame or reuelation that shoulde be shewed to him in time of his sicknes: how, that because the peeres & bishops of the realme were seruantes not of God, but of the deuil: God wold geue this realm to the hād of others. And the king desired vtteraunce to be geuen him, that hee might declare the same to the people, whereby they might repent. It was answered againe, that neither would they so do, or yet if they did, it should be geuen to an other people. But because it is a dreame, I let it passe.

Diuers lawes were before in diuers countreis of this realme vsed, as the lawe first of Dunuallo Molinucius, wt the lawes of Mercia called Mercenelega: then the lawes of Westsaxone kinges, as of Iue, Offa, Alfred, &c. whyche was called Westsaxenelaga. The thirde were the lawes of Canutus & of Danes called Danelaga. Of all these lawes which before were diuersly in certain particuler countreis vsed and receiued: this Edward compiled one vniuersal & commō law for al people through the whole realm, which [Page] were called R. Edwardes lawes: which lawes being gathered out of the best and chiefest of the other lawes, were so iust, so equall, an so seruing the publike profite & weale of all es [...]ates: that mine authors say: the people long after did rebell against their heads and rulers, to haue the same lawes againe (being taken from them) and yet coulde not obtaine them.

Ex Mathaeo pariensi. William Conquerour sworne to K. Edwardes lawes, yet went from it.Furthermore, I read and find in Math. Paris. that when Will. Conquerour at his comming in, did sweare to vse & practise the same good lawes of Edwarde, for the common lawes of this realme: afterward (being established in his kingdome) he forswore himselfe, & placed his owne lawes in their rowme, much worse and obscurer then the other were. &c.

Notwithstanding among the said lawes of Edward, and in the first chapter and beginning therof, this I finde among the auncient recordes of the Guildhal in London. The office of a King, with such other appurtenaunces as belong to the realme of Britaine: set forth and described in the latine stile, which I thought here not vnmete to be expressed in the English tong, for them that vnderstande no Latine. The tenor and meaning wherof thus followeth.

¶ De iure & appendijs regni Britannia, & quod sit officium Regis.

‘REx autem quia vicarius summi Regis est, ad hoc est constitutus, vt regnum terrenum & populum domini, & super omnia sanctam eius veneretur ecclesiam & regat, & ab iniuriosis defendat, & maleficos ab ea auellat & destruat, & penitus disperdat. Quuod nisi fecerit, nomen regis non in eo constabit. Verùm, Papa Ioanne testante, nomen regis perdit, cui Pipinus & Carolus filius eius nec dum reges, sed principes sub rege Francorum stultò scripserunt quaerentes: si ita permanere deberent Francorum reges, solo regio nomine contenti. A quo responsum est, illos decet vocare reges, qui vigilanter defendunt, & regunt Ecclesiam Dei & populum eius, &c.’ In English thus.

Ex libro Reg. antiquorum in praetorio Londinensi. The office of a king described in the lawes of K. Edward.The king because he is the vicar of the hiest king, is appointed for this purpose: to rule the earthly kingdom, and the lords people, and aboue al things, to reuerence his holy church: to gouerne it, and to defende it from iniuries: to plucke away wicked doers, and vtterly to destroye them. Which vnlesse he doe, the name of a king agreeth not vnto him, but he loseth the name of a King, as witnesseth Pope Iohn: to the which Pope, Pipinus & Carolus his sonne (being not yet kings but princes vnder the French King being not very wise) did write, demanding this question, whither the kings of France ought so to continue hauing but onely the name of a king.A king the vicare of God in earth. Unto whome Pope Iohn answereth againe, that it was conuenient to cal thē kings which vigilā ly do defend and gouerne the church of God and his people, following the saying of King Dauid the Psalmograph. He shal not dwel in my house which worketh pride. &c. Moreouer, the king by right & by his office, ought to defend & conserue fully & wholly in all amplenesse wtout diminution, all the lands, honors, dignities, rights, and liberties of the crowne of his kingdome. And further to reduce into their pristine state, all suche thinges as haue bene dispersed, wasted and lost, which appertaine to hys kingdome. Also the whole and vniuersall lande wyth all Ilelands about the same vnto Norwey and Denmarke, be appertaining to the crowne of his kingdome, and be of the appurtenances and dignitie of the King: making one monarchie and one kingdome,The limits of the kingdome of England how farre they doe extend. which somtime was called the kingdom of Britains, and now the kingdom of England: such bonds and limites as is abouesaid, be appointed and limited to the name of this kingdome.

Moreouer, in the foresaid lawes of this king Edward, it followeth in the same booke where the foresaid Edward describing the office of a King,The office of a king farther described. addeth in these wordes. A king sayth he, ought aboue al things to feare God: to loue and to obserue his commaundements: and cause them to be obserued through his whole kingdome. He ought also to kepe, chearish, maintaine, & gouerne the holy church wt in his kingdome, with al integritie and liberty, according to the constitutions of his auncetors and predecessors: and to defend the same against all enemies, so that God aboue all things be honored, & euer be before his eies. He ought also to set vp good lawes and customes, such as be wholesome and approued: such as be otherwise, to repeale them, and thrust them out of his kingdom. Item, he ought to do iudgement and iustice in his kingdome, by the counsell of the nobles of his realme. All these things ought a King in his own person to do, taking his othe vpon ye Euangelist, and the blessed reliques of saintes, swearing in the presence of the whole state of his realme (as well of the temporaltie as of the spiritualtie) before he be crowned of the Archbyshops & Bishops. Three seruants the king ought to haue vnder him as vassals: fleshly lust, auarice, and greedie desire. Whom if he kepe vnder as his seruants and slaues, he shal reigne wel and honorably in his kingdom. [...] and [...] king [...] to haue [...] iec [...]ion. Al things are to be done with good aduisement and premeditation: and that properly belongeth to a king. For hastie rashnes bringeth all things to ruine, according to the saying of the Gospell: Euery kingdome deuided in it selfe, shall be desolate. &c.

After the duetie and office of Princes thus described, consequently followeth the institution of subiects, declared in many good & necessary ordinaunces, very requisite and cōuenient for publique gouernment. Of the which lawes William Conquerour was cōpelled, thorough the clamor of the people to take some: but the most parte he omitted, contrary to his owne oth at his coronation, inserting and placing the moste of his owne lawes in his language: to serue hys purpose: and whych as yet to this present day in the same Normande language do remaine. Nowe (the Lorde willing) let vs proceede in the storie, as in order followeth.

* King Harold.

HArolde the seconde sonne of Earle Godwine,Anno. 1066. and laste king of the Saxons: notwithstanding that diuers of the nobles went with Edgar Adeling, the next heire after Edmund Ironside:Harold [...] K. of Saxons. yet he through force and might contemning the young age of Edgar, and forgetting also his promise made to duke William, toke vpon him to be king of England, An. 1066. When Harolde Harefager, sonne of Canutus, king of Norway & Dēmark, heard of the death of king Edward, he came into England with 300. shippes or mo: who, then ioyning wt Tostius, brother to the sayde Harold king of England, entred into the North partes, & claimed the land after the death of Edwarde. But ye Lords of the countrey arose and gaue them battail, notwithstanding the Danes had ye victory. And therfore Harold king of Englād prepared toward them in all hast, & gaue them an other strōg battel, and there had the victory, where also Harold the Dane was slaine,Harold king of Denmarke and Tostius slayne. by the hand of Harold king of Englande. And Tostius was also slaine in the battell. After this victorie, Harold waxed proude & couetous: and would not deuide the praies to his Knightes that had deserued it, but kept it to himselfe whereby he lost the fauour of many of his knights and people.

In this meane time William Duke of Normādy, sent Ambassades to Harolde king of Englande, admonishing him of the couenauntes that were agreed betweene them: which was, to haue kept the land to his vse after the death of Edwarde. But because that the daughter of Duke William (that was promised to Harolde) was dead: Harolde thought him thereby discharged, and sayd, that such a nice foolish promise ought not to be holden (concerning an others land) without the consent of the Lordes of the same: and especially for that hee was thereunto, for neede or for dread compelled.

Upon these answeres receaued, Duke William, in the while that the messengers went and came: gathered his knightes, and prepared his name, and had the assent of the Lordes of his lande to aide and assist him in his iourney.The Pope sendeth a banner to Duke W. vpon bone v [...]age into England.And ouer that sending vnto Rome to pope Alexander, cō cerning his title & viage into england: the pope cōfirmeth him in the same, and sent vnto him a banner, willing him to heare it in the ship, wherein himselfe should saile. Thus Duke William, being purueied of al things cōcerning his iourney: sped him to the sea side, and tooke shipping at the hauen off. Ualery: where he taried a lōg time, or he might haue a conuenient winde. For the which his souldiours murmured (saying) it was a woodnesse, & a thing displeasing God, to desire to haue an others mans kingdome by strength, and namely whē God was against it in sending contrary wind.Duke William landeth at H [...] stinges. &c. At the last the winde shortly after came about, and they tooke shipping with a great cōpanie, and landed at Hastings in Sussex.

For three causes Duke William entred thys lande, to subdue Harold.Three causes why Duke William entred England. One was, for that it was to him geuen by king Edward his nephew. The secōd was to take wreke, for the cruell murther of his nephewe Alfrede, King Edwardes brother, and of the Normands, which deede he ascribed chiefly to Harolde. The thirde was, to reuenge the wrong done to Robert Archbishop of Canterbury, which was exiled by the meanes & labour of Harold, in the time of king Edward.

Thus, while Harold was in the North: Duke William made so great spede that he came to London before the King: out of which he was holden, till he had made good [Page] surety, that he & his people should passe through the Citie without tarying: which promise he well obseruing, passed the bridge, and went ouer vnto Sussex. From whence he sent a Monke vnto Harold, & profered to him three maner of wayes. 1. Either to render to him the possession of the land, and so to take it againe of hym vnder tribute, raigning vnder him.Three conditions offered to Harold by D. William. 2. or els to abide and stand to the Popes arbitrement betwixt them both: or thirdly to defende hys quarel in his own person against the Duke, and they two onely to trie the matter by dinte of sworde, wythout any other bloudsheding.

But Harold refused all these offers, saying: it should be tried by dinte of swordes, & not by one sworde. And so gathered his people, & ioyned battaile with the Normands, in the place where afterwarde was builded the Abbey of Battaile in Sussex.The fight betweene Harold and Duke William. In the beginning of which fight the englishmen kept them in good array, like to vanquishe the Normandes. Wherefore Duke William caused hys men to geue backe, as though they fled: wherby the englishmē followed fast and brake their array. Then the Normanes fiercely geuing a charge vpon them, in cōclusion obtained the victorie, through the iust prouidence of God. Where king Harolde, who before had murdered Alfrede the true heire of the Crowne, with his company of Normandes so cruelly: was now wounded of the Normandes, in the left eye with an arrow, and therof incontinent died: although Gerardus sayeth,K. Harold slayne. hee fled away to Chester, and liued after that a Monke in the monasterie of S. Iames. Whyche is not like, but rather that he was there slaine, after that he had raigned nine moneths, and was buried at Waltham (which prooueth that he died not at Chester) and so was he the last that raigned in England of the bloud of Saxons: the which continued (to recken from Hengistus his firste raigne in Kent) by the space of 591. yeres. And if it be reckened from the yeares of the Westsaxons, then it endured the space of 565. yeres.

The consanguinitie betweene K. Edward and William Conquerour.This William Duke, and king Edward, were by the fathers side, cousin germaines remoued. For Richard the first of that name, which was the thirde duke of Normandy after Rollo: was father to Duke Richard the second of that name, & brother to Emma mother to king Edward. Which Duke Richarde the seconde, was father to Duke Robert, this Duke Williams father.

Albeit in this matter, other some may gather otherwise and better, perchance, yet if I may say what I thinke, verely I suppose, that there is no consanguinitie so muche here the cause, why God of hys vnknowen iudgementes suffered the Normandes here to preuaile: as was rather the cruell murder of Alfred, & of the innocent Normands, wrought by the cruel despight of Harold and the englishmen, as is before declared.Murther iustly recompensed. The which merciles murther, God here iustly in this conquest recompensed.

Now remaineth also to these forein affaires of kings & Princes, to adde somthing likewise concerning the continuation of the Archbishops of Caunterburie, beginning there where we last left:Archbishops of Caunterb. that is with Elphegus, whome we declared a little before to be stoned by the Danes at Grenewich. After which Elphegus next succeeded Liningus, after him Egelnothus also aboue mentioned. Then Robertus a Normand,Liningus. Egelmothus. Robertus. Stigandus. a great doer (as is declared) about king Edward, and a faithfull counsailer vnto him: but he abode not long. After whom, Stigandus inuaded the sea (as they report) by simony: being both Archbishop of Cāt. Byshop of Winchester, and also Abbot in an other place. Wherin he cōtinued a great space, gathering and heaping goodes together, till at length Duke William clapt him in prison, and there kept him: placing in his roume, Lancfrā cus a Lombard borne, of whom more shall follow (Christ willing) hereafter to be declared.

¶ Although the Church of Christ, and state of religion first founded and groūded by Christ and his Apostles,The decay of the Church. did not continually altogether remaine in his primatiue perfection, wherein it was first instituted: But in processe of time, began from better to worse, to decrease & decline into much superstition & incōuenience: partly through the comming in of Mahumet, partly through ye increase of wealth and riches, partly through the decrease of knowledge & diligence in such as should be the guides of Christes flocke: yet the infection & corruption of that time (though it were great) did not so abounde in such excessiue measure, as afterwarde in the other latter times nowe following, about the thousand yeares expired after Christ: whereof we haue to intreat, Christ so permitting. About the which time and yeare came Siluester the seconde of that name, who next succeeded after Gregorie the v. before mentioned.Pope Siluester. 2. pag. 159. and occupied the sea of Rome about the yere of our Lorde 1000. lacking one or two.

This Siluester was a Sorcerer,Siluester the. 2▪ a soule sorcerer. which after the sorte of them, that worke by familiars (as they cal them) and by cōiuration▪ cōpacted with the deuil, to be made pope. And so he was (through the operation of Sathan) according to his request, Which thing some histories say, he did greatly repent before his death. But for a more ample declaration heereof, I will bring in the wordes of Ioannes Stella, a Uenetian, translated from Latin into English, cōcerning the said Siluester: to the entent that our inchaunters and sorcerers now a dayes (wherof there be to many in England) may the better through his example be admonished. The words of Stella be these,Ioannes Stella. Platina. Petrus Praemostratensis. Nancle [...]us. Antoninus. Robertus Barnus. Ioannes Baleus. agreeing also with the narration of Benno, Platina and many other. Siluester the second of that name, being Pope, and a Frenchman, called Gibertus: sate in his Papacie iiij. yeares, one moneth and viij. dayes. He entred into his Papacie, through wicked & vnlawful meanes: who from his youth being a monke, and leauing his monasterie, gaue himself wholy to the deuill, to obtaine that which he required. And first comming to Hispalis a City in Spayne, there applied his booke and profited there in somuch, yt he was made Doctour, hauing amongst his auditours, Otho the Emperours sonne, and Robert the French King, Lotharius Archbyshop of Senon, with diuers other moe. By whose aduauncement he was promoted, first Bishop of Rheme, afterward Bishop of Rauenna, and at last through the operation of Sathan, was exalted to the Papacy of Rome; vpon this condition, that after his death, he should geue himselfe to the deuil, by whose procuremēt, he came to that promotion. Upō a certaine time he demanded an answer of the deuill, how long he should enioy his Popedome, to whom he answered againe: vntill thou say Masse in Ierusalem thou shalt liue. At length the iiij. yeare of his Popedome, saying Masse at Lent time, in the temple of the holy crosse being called then Ierusalem, there he knewe the time was come, when hee should die. Wherupon being stroke with repentance,Ex Ioan Stella. confessed his fault openly before the people: desiring al men to cut his body al in peeces (being so seduced by deceits of the deuil) & so being hewen in peeces, they woulde lay it vpon a cart, and bury it there, where soeuer the horses wold cary it of their accorde. And so the saying is to be, that by the prouidence of God (whereby the wicked may learne yet hope of remission wt God, so that they will repent them in their life) the horses of their own accord staid at the church of Laterane, and there he was buried: wheras commonly by the ratling of his bones within the tomb, is portended the death of Popes as the common reporte goeth. Thus much out of Ioannes Stella, An admonition for sorcerers and wicked coniu [...]ers. concerning Siluester. By whō our sorcerers and inchanters, or magicians may learne to beware of the deceitfull operation of Sathan: who, at the ende deceiueth and frustateth al them, that haue to do with him: as the ende of all such doth declare commonly, which vse the like art or trade. The Lorde and God of al mercye, through the spirite of Iesus our redemer, dissolue ye works of Sathan, and preserue the hartes of our nobles, and of al other Englishmen from such infection. Amen.

After Siluester succeeded Ioannes .xix. by whom was brought in (as Volateran sayth) the feast of all soules,The feast of all soules brou [...]ht into the church▪ an. 1004. through the meanes and instigation of one Odilo Abbot of Cluniake, to be celebrate; next after the feast of all Saintes. This Monke Odilo, thinking that Purgatory (as he heard) should be in the mount Aetna: dreamed vpō a time in the countrey of Sicile, that he by his Masses had deliuered diuers soules from thēce: saying moreouer, that he did heare the voyces and lamētations of deuils crying out, for that the soules were taken frō them by the Masses & Dirges funerall. Ex Bakenthorpo. in prolo. 4. Lib. Sentent. And not lōg after him came Iohn the xx. and Sergius the iiij. After whom succeeded Benedictus the viij. then Iohn the 21. who being promoted by art magike of Theoyhilact his nephew, Gratianus, Brazutus and other Sorcerers brought in first the fast of the euē of Iohn Baptist and S. Laurēce.Benedictus the 9. After him followed pope Benedictus the 9. likewise aspiring to his Papacy, by like magike, practising inchauntmentes and coniuration in woodes, after horrible maner. Who resisting the Emperor Henricus 3. sonne to Conradus, and placing in his rowme. Petrus the king of Hungarie wyth this verse. Petra dedit Romam Petro, tibi Papa coronam: Afterward for feare of Henricus preuailing in battaile; hee was faine to sell his seate to his successoure Gratianus, called Gregorius vi. for 1500. poundes.Gregorius the 6. At which time were 3. Popes together in Rome, raigning & raging one against an other. Benedictus ix. Siluester 3. & Gregorius vi. For the whych cause Henricus surnamed Niger; the Emperour, comming to Rome: displaced these 3. monsters at one time, placing for them, Clemens 2. and [Page] thereupon inacting,A constitution no pope to be chosen but by the confirmation of the Emperour. that there should no bishop of Rome henceforth be chosen, but by the consent and confirmation of the Emperour. Which constitution though it was both agreable & also necessary for publike trāquilitie of that citie, yet the Cardinals would not suffer it long to stand, but did impugne it afterward by subtile practise and open violence, as in processe (the Lord permitting) shal appeare, in the time of Henricus the 4. and 5. In the time of this Clement, the Romanes made an othe to the Emperour, concerning the election of the Byshops, themselues to entermeddle no farther therein, but as the assent of the Emperour should goe with all.Pope Clemens the. 2. Howbeit the Emperour departing thence into Germanie againe, by and by they forgote their othe, and within 9. monethes after poysoned the Bishop. Which fact some impute to Stephen his successour, called Damasus 2. Some impute it to Brazutus, who (as histories record) within 13. yeares poysoned 6. popes,Pope Damasus the 2. that is, Clemens 2. Damasus. 2. Leo. 9. Uictor. 2. Stephanus 9. Nicolaus the 2.

Thus Clement being poysoned, after him succeeded Damasus 2. neither by consent of the people, nor of the emperour elected: but by force and inuasion, who a [...]so within 23. daies being poisoned. An. 1049. much contention and striuing began in Rome about the Papal seat. Wherupon the Romans, through the counsel of the Cardinals, sent to the foresaid Emperor, desiring to geue them a bishop, and so he did, whose name was Bruno an Almain, and bishop of Colle [...],Pope Leo the 9. afterwarde called Leo 9. This Bruno being a simple man and easie to be led with euil counsel, comming from the Emperour towards Rome in his pontificall apparell like a Pope: meeteth him by the way the Abbot of Cluniake, and Hildebrand a monke. Who seing him so in his pontificalibus, begā to rate him, laying to his charge, that he would so take his authoritie of the Emperour, and not rather of the Clergy of Rome & the people thereof, as other his predecessors were wont to doe: and so counselled him, to lay downe that apparel, and to enter in wt his own habite, till he had hys election by them. Bruno following their counsel, and confessing his fault before the Clergie of Rome, obtained their fauor, and so was nominate Leo 9. wherby Hildebrand was made a Cardinall, & put in high rowme. Under this Pope Leo were two Councels, one kept at Uercellis, where the doctrine of Berengarius against the reall substance in the Sacrament was first condemned, although Berengarius yet recanted not, whych neuerthelesse was done after in the Councel of Lateran [...], vnder Nicolas 2. An. M.lx.Concilium Moguntinum. Nauclerus Crantz. The other was kept at Moguntia, where amongst many other decrees was enacted, priests to be excluded and debarred vtterly from mariage▪ Item, that no lay men might geue benefice, or bishoprick, or any spirituall promotion. &c.

This Leo, being at Wormes wt the Emperour vpon Christmas day, did excommunicate the subdeacon because in reading the Epistle, he did it not in the Romane tune, he being there present. The Archbishop moued therewith, departed from the altare (being then at Masse) saying, he woulde not proceede no farther in his seruice, vnlesse hys subdeacon were restored. Wherupon the Pope commāded him to be released, & so they went forward in their seruice.

Alb. Cranz. Saxo. lib. 4. Cap. 45.After the death of Leo, whom Brazutus poysoned the first yere of his popedome. Theophilactus did striue to be Pope: but Hildebrand to defeat him, went to the emperor, (partly also being sent by ye Romanes for feare of the Emperours displeasure) who assigned an other bishop,Pope victor the 2. a Germaine, called Uictor 2. This Uictor hauing a Councell at Florence, deposed diuers Bishops and Priestes, for simony and fornicatiō. For simony, in that they tooke of secular men their dignities for money:Concilium Florentinum. for fornication, in that contrary to their Canon, they were maried. &c. The 2. yeare of his papacie and little more, this Pope also followed his predecessours being poysoned by the foresaide Brazutus, through the procurement of Hildebrand and his maister.

Here now began the Church and Clergie of Rome, to wring out of the emperours hand the election of the pope: electing Stephen the 9. for pope,Pope Stephan the ix. The Church of Millan first brought vnder the Church of Rome. The Emperour accused of heresie. contrary to their oth and to the Emperours assignement. Here was the Churche of Millan first brought to obedience of the Romish Church, by this Stephanus the 9. bishop of Rome. Who also shamed not to accuse the Emperor Henry (of whom mention is made before) of heresy: for minishing the authority of the Romane sea. So this was their heresie at that time, not to maintaine the ambitious proceedings of the Romish prelate. And simonie they called this, to take & enioy any spirituall liuing at a secular mans hand. Wherefore Stephen hearing this simonie to raigne in diuers places,Hildebrand sent in commission for simonie. namely in the Churches of Burgundy and Italy, sent foorth the Cardinal Hildebrand to reforme the matter: who was no lesse earnest in that kinde of commission to help the matter forwarde.

In the meane time Stephanus ye pope,Hildeb [...] beginne [...] to stune▪ tasting of Brazutus cup fel sick. Hildebrand hearing that, applieth home wt all post speede. So being returned to Rome, assembleth all the companies and orders of the Clergy together, making thē to sweare: that they should admit none to be Byshop, but which should be appointed by the publike cōsent of them altogether. This being done, Hildebrande taketh his iorney to Florēce (belike to fetch the bishop of Florēce) to stal him bishop: the clergy swearing to him, that no bishop shuld be ordained before his returne againe. But the people of Rome not suffering the election to stand so long, after the death of Stephan: elected one of their owne citie, called Benedictus the 10. Hildebrand hearing of this,Pope Benedictus. 10. was not a little offended: wherefore returning to Rome wyth one Gerhardus bishop of Florēce, caused ye clergy to procede to a newe election, saying: that Benedictus was not lawfully called but came in by force & bribing. But ye clergie not daring to attempt any new election at Rome,Pope Nicolaus the 2. Two Popes together at Rome. Pope Ben [...] vnpopeth himselfe. wēt to Sene, and there elected this Garhardus bishop of Florence, whome Hildebrande brought with him. So were 2. popes in Rome together: But Garhardus named Nicolaus 2. holding a councel at Sutrium, through the helpe of Duke Godfride and Guibert, and other bishops about Italie, caused the other Pope to be deposed. Benedictus vnderstanding them to be set against him through ye means of Hildebrand, vnpoped himself, and went to Uelitras, liuing there more quietly thē he shuld haue done at Rome.

Here is to be touched by the way,The glose of the popes decrees [...] futed. the error of the glose vpon the 23. dist. which falsly alledgeth out of the Chronicles, yt Benedictus 10. which succeeded Stephen, was deposed: after whō came Ioannes bishop of Sabine for money, & he againe deposed. Benedictus was then restored, and after displaced againe, and then Ioannes Archdeacon ad portam latinam, was made Pope, and he againe deposed by the Emperor, and all this wtin one yere. Which history neither is founde in any Chronicle, nor agreeth vpon any Benedictus, saue only that Benedictus 9. was deposed, & then reigned 3. popes together, Benedictus 9. Siluester 3. & Gregorius 6.Concilium Lateranū. which before was called Ioannes ad portam latinam, whome the Emperor deposed (all three together.) But that Benedict neither was the 10.Anno 1059. neither did hee succeede pope Stephen, as the glose recordeth. Nicolas thus being set vp without the minde both of the emperour,Dist. 23. cap. In no. & of the people of Rome, after his fellow Pope was driuen away: brake vp the Synode of Sutrium, & came to Rome, where he assembled an other councel, called concilium Lateranum. In which councel first was promulgate the terrible sentence of excommunication mentioned in the decrees, & beginneth: In nomine Domini nostri. &c. The effect whereof is this. First, that he after a subtile practise (as farre and as plainly as he durst speake) vndermindeth the Emperours iurisdiction, and transferreth to a few Cardinals, and certaine Catholike persons, the full authoritie of chusing the Pope.A terrible curse of Pope Nicolaus. Secondly, against all such as do creepe into the seat of Peter, by money or fauoure wtout the full consent of the Cardinals: he thūdreth with terrible blasts of excommunication, accursing them and their children with deuils, as wicked persons to the anger of almighty god, geuing also authoritie and power to Cardinals, with the Clergie and laitie, to depose all such persons, and cal a councel general, wheresoeuer they wil against them.

Item,Berengarius driuen to recantation. in the sayde Councell of Laterane, vnder Pope Nicholas the seconde, Berengarius Andegauensis, an Archdeacon was driuen to the recantation of his doctrine, denying the reall substance of Christes holy body and bloud to be in the Sacrament, otherwise then sacramentally and in mysterie.

In the same councell also was hatched & inuented,Transubstantiation brought into the Church. the new found deuise and terme of Transubstantiation.

It were to long heere to declare the confederation betwixt this Nicholas, and Robertus Guiscardus: whome this pope (cōtrary to all right and good law, displacing the right heire) made Duke of Apulia,Nauclerus. Platina. Eneas Sil. Calabria, Sicilia, and captain general of S. Peters lands: that through his force of armes and violence, he might the better subdue all such as should rebell to his obedience, and so did. Nowe let all men iudge & vnderstand (which be godly wise) howe this standeth wt the doctrine of Christ,Potentia papa Coactina standeth not with the Gospell. the example of Peter, or the spirit of a christen bishop, by ourward armes & violēce to conquer christen men & countreis, vnder the obedience of a bishops sea. Thus Pope Nicolas the 2. well aunswering to his Greeke name: by might and force continued 3. yeres and a halfe. But at length he mette with Brazutus cup,Anno. 1062. and so turned vp his heeles.

At the beginning of this Nicolas, or somewhat before, [Page] about the yere of our Lorde 1057. Henricus the 4. after the decease of Henrie the 3. was made Emperour being but a childe,Henricus. 4. Emperour. & raigned 50. yeres: but not without great molestatiō and much disquietnes, and all through the vngracious wickednesse of Hildebrand, as hereafter (the Lord so permitting) shalbe declared.

Here, by the way commeth to be noted, an exāple, wherby all Princes may learne and vnderstand, how the pope is to be handled, whosoeuer loketh to haue any goodnesse at his hand. If a man stand in feare of his curse, he shall be made his slaue, but if he be despised of you, ye shal haue him as you list. For the Popes curse may well be assimiled to Domicianus thunder:The Popes curse compared to Domicianus thunder. If a man geue eare to the noise and cracke, it semeth a terrible thing: but if ye consider the causes and effect therof, it is a most vaine ridicle.

In the reigne of this Nicolas, An. 1060. Aldredus Byshop of Worcester,Aldredus Archbishop of Yorke. after ye decease of Kinsius his predecessor shuld be made Archbishop of Yorke, who comming to Rome with Tostius erle of Northumberlād, for his palle (as the maner was) could not obtein it, but was depriued of all his dignitie (for some default, I can not tell what) in his aunswer. And furthermore, after his reuersion home, was spoyled also of all that he brought wt him. Whereupon he returning againe to Rome with Tostius the foresayde Erle,Tostius how he perswaded the Pope. there made his complaint, but could not be heard: til Tostius, a man of stout courage, taking ye matter in hand, tolde the Pope to his face, that his curse was not to be feared in farre countre [...]s, which his owne neighbours, yea & most vile vacabonds derided and despised at home. Wherfore he required the Pope, either to restore Aldredus again to his goods lost, or els it should be known, that they were lost through his meanes and subtlery. And furthermore, it would come to passe, that ye king of England hearing this, would debar him of s. Peters tribute, taking it for a great shame to him & his realme, if Aldredus should come from Rome both depriued of dignity, & spoiled also of his goods. &c. In fine, the Pope thus perswaded by the argument of his purse, was content to sende home Aldredus with his palle, according to his request.

After the death of Nicholas, the Lombardes being oppressed before by pope Nicholas, and brought vnder fear, were the more desirous, and thought it good to haue a Bishop of their company:Cadolus a Lombard made Pope by the Emperour. and so elected the bishop of Parniē called Cadolus, to be Pope: sending to the emperour and desiring his fauour and supportation therein. For the election of the Pope (sayd they) most properly apperteined vnto him.

The emperor wel pleased and content, geueth his good leaue and voice wtal. Hildebrandus, no lesse a wicked Necromancer, then a stoute mainteiner of popish liberties against good emperors, hearing this: setteth vp by a cōtrary faction, an other bishop, Anselmus, after called Alexander the 2. Cadolus thus elected by the emperor & the Cardinals,Pope Alexander the .2. setteth forwarde to Rome with a sufficient army & strength of mē. Alexander also no les prepared, there receiueth him with an other army,Two battayles betwixt two Popes for S. Peters seate. where they had a great conflict, & many slaine on both sides. But Cadolus as he had the better cause, so had he the worse fortune: who being repelled, yet repaired himself and came again with a greater power. Albeit, he preuailed not. The Emperor seeing this hurly burly: to take vp the matter, sent thither his embassador Otho, Archbishop of Colen: who cōming to Rome, beginneth sharply to chide the pope for taking so vpō him without the leaue or knowledge of the emperor, declaring how ye election of that sea ought chiefly to appertein to the right of the emperor, as it hath done for ye most part in the time of his predecessors tofore. But Hildebrande all set on wickednes and ambition, and also puft vp not a litle, with his late victories: not suffering the embassador to tel to the end, interrupted him in the middle of his tale, affirming, yt if they should stand to law and custome, the libertie of that election shuld rather belong to the clergy, then to the Emperor. To make short, Otho the embassador bearing (belike) more with the Clergie, then with the emperour, was content to be perswaded: onely required this in the emperors name, a coūcell to be had, to decide the matter: wherat the emperor should be present himselfe. And so he was: In the which councel being kept at Mantua,Concilium Mantuanū. Alexander was declared pope, the other had his pardon graunted. In this councell amongst many other cōsiderations, was concluded concerning priests to haue no wiues: such as haue cō cubines to say no masse: priests children not to be secluded from holy orders: no benefices to be bought for mony. Alleluya to be suspended in time of Lent out of the church.Alleluya suspended in the time of Lent. &c. This also was decreed (which made most for Hildebrandus purpose) that no spirituall man, whatsoeuer he be, shoulde enter in any Church, by a secular persone, & that the Pope should be elected onely by the Cardinals, &c. Benno Cardinalis wryteth thus of Alexander,A decree that no secular man should geue a spirituall promotion. Benno Cardinalis. that after he perceiued the frauds of Hildebrande, and of other the Emperours enemies: and vnderstanding that he was set vp and inthronised, but onely for a purpose: being at his Masse, as he was preaching to the people, told them, he wold not sit in ye place, vnlesse he had the licence of the Emperour. Which when Hildebrandus heard, he was stroken in suche a furie, that scarsly he could keepe his handes of him, while Masse was done. After the Masse being finished, by force of soldiours & strength of men he had him into a chamber, and there all to be pomild Pope Alexander with his fistes, rating and rebuking him for that he would seeke for fauoure of the Emperor.Pope Alexander knockt about the pa [...]e by Hildebrand. Thus Alexander being kept vp in custody, and being stinted to a certaine allowance, as about v. groates a day. Hildebrand incrocheth all the whole reuenues of the Church to him selfe, procuring thereby muche treasure. At length Alexander vnder the miserable endurance of Hildebrand, died at euentide after 11. yeares & half▪ of his popedome. And thus much of Romish matters.

These things thus discoursed concerning the matters of Rome (now returning againe to our owne country story) the order therof would require to enter againe into the reigne of William Conqueror, the next king following in England. But as a certain oration of K. Edgarus, which should haue bene placed before, chanced in the meane time to come to my hands, not vnworthy to be read: I thought by the way in the ende of this booke, to insert the same (although out of order) yet better I iudge it out of order, then out of the booke.

The oration of king Edgar to the Clergie.

BEcause God hath shewed his great mercy to worke with vs: it is meete (most reuerend Fathers) that with worthy works we should answer his innumerable benefites.Psal. 43. For we possesse not the land by our owne sworde, and our owne arme hath not saued vs: but his right hande and his holy arme, because he hath bene delighted in vs. Therfore it is meete that we should submit both our selues and our soules to him that hath subiected all these thinges vnder our gouernement: and that we ought stoutly to laboure, that they whome he hath made subiect to vs, might be subiect to his lawes. It belongs to me to rule the lay people with the lawe of equitie, to doe iust iudgement betwene man and his neighbour, to punish Church robbers, to holde vnder rebelles to deliuer the helplesse from the hande of the stronger, the needye also and the poore from them that robbe them. It belongs also to my care to prouide necessary things to the ministers of the Churches, to the flockes of the Monkes, to the company of virgins, and to prouide for their peace and quiet. The examining of all whose maners belongeth vnto vs: whether they liue chastly, if they behaue themselues honestly towarde them that be without, whether they be diligent at Gods seruice, if they be earnest to teache the people if they be sober in eating and drinking, if they keepe measure in apparell, and if they be discreete in iudgement. If ye had regarded these thinges with a triall of them (O reuerende fathers, by your leaues I speake) suche horrible and abhominable thinges of the Clearkes, shoulde not haue come vnto our eares. I omit to speake how their crowne is not broad, nor their rounding conuenient, the wantonnesse in your life, your pryde in your gesture, the filthinesse in your wordes, doe declare the euill of the inward man.

Furthermore what negligence is in Gods seruice, when scarce they will be present at the holy vigils? And when they come to masse, they seeme rather to be gathered to play and laugh, then to sing. I will tell that, that good men be sory for, and the euil laugh at. I will speake with sorrow (if so be I may expresse it) how they be riotous in banquetings, in chambering dronkennes, and vnshamefastnes: that now clerkes houses may be thought to be a stewes of harlots, and a couent of players. There be dice, there is dancing, and singing, there is watching to midnight, with crying and shouting. Thus the goods of kinges, the almes of princes, yea (and that more is) the price of that precious bloud is not esteemed. Haue our fathers thē spent their treasures for this purpose▪ Hath the kinges cofers decayed by taking awaye many reuenues, for this cause? Hath the kinges liberalitie geuen landes and possessions to Christes Churches for this intent, that Clarkes harlots shoulde be decked with the same? that riotous feastes might be dressed? that houndes and haukes and such other toyes might be gotten? The souldiours crye out of these thinges, the people grudge minstrels sing and daunce, and yet ye regard it not, ye spare it, ye dissemble it. Where is the sworde of Leuy, and the zeale of Simeon, whiche killed the Sichemites, and the Circumcised, which bare the figure of them that defile Christes Churche,Gene [...]4. Exod. 32. with filthy deedes, because they abused Iacobes daughter as a harlot? Where is Moyses spirite whiche spared not hys owne kinsfolke that worshipped the head of the Calfe?

[Page]Where is Phinies the priestes dagger, which pacified Gods anger by his holy zeale,Nume. 25. Actes. 5.8. when he killed him that plaied the harlote with the Madianite? Where is Peters spirite, by whose power couetousnes is destroied, & simonical heresie is condemned? Be earnest ye Priests, be earnest, to followe the waies of the Lord, & the righteousnes of our God. It is time to doe against them that haue broken the law of God.Deut. 33. I haue Constantines sword, and yee haue Peters sworde in your hands, let vs ioyne right hands, let vs couple sword to sword, that the lepers may be cast out of the tēples, that the holy place of the Lord may be purged, and the sonnes of Leuie may minister in the temple, who said to his father and mother I know you not, and to his brothers I know not you. Goe to diligently I pray you, least we repent to haue done that, that we haue done, & to haue geuen that, that we geue. If we shall see that to be spent not in Gods seruice, but on the riotousnes of wicked men, through vile and corrupt liberty of life for lacke of chastisement: let the reliques of holy saintes which they despise, and the holy altars, before which they play the madde men, mooue you. Let the great deuotion of our ancetours moue you, whose almes the madnesse of the Clearkes doeth abuse. My great graundfather (as yee know) gaue the tenth parte of all hys landes to Churches and Abbeys. My greate greate graundfather Alfredus of holy memorie, thoughte it not meete to spare hys Treasures, his goodes, no costes, nor rentes, that he might enriche the Church. My grandfather the elder, Edward, your fatherhoode is not ignoraunt, howe great things he gaue to the Churches It becommeth you to remember with what gifts my father & his brothers did enrich Christes altars. O father of fathers Dunstane, beholde I pray thee the eyes of my father looking on thee, from that bright place of heauen. Harken his complaining words, sounding in thine eares thus pitifully lamenting. O father Dunstane, thou, thou I say, geuest me counsell to builde Abbaies and Churches, thou wast my helper and fellow worker in all things. I chose thee as a shepheard and bishop of my soule, and a keper of my maners. Whē did I not obey thee? what treasures did I preferre in respect of thy counsels? What possessions did I not despise, if thou badde me? If thou thought meete to geue any thing to the poore, I was ready. If thou thought meete to geue any thing to Churches, I deferred not. If thou complained that Monkes or Clearkes wanted any thing, I supplied. Thou saidest that almes lasted for euer, and that there was none more fruitfull then that which was geuen to Abbeis or Churches. For with that, both Gods seruaunts are sustained, and that which remaineth is geuen to the poore. O worthy almes. O worthy price of the soule. Oh wholesome remedie for our sinnes, which nowe doeth stincke in the sweete furres of priests lemmans, wherwith they adorne their eares & decke their fingers, apparelling their delicate bodies with silke and purple. O father, is this the fruite of mine almes, is this the effect of my desire, and of thy promise? What wilt thou answer to this complaint of my fathers? I know, I know, when thou didst see a thiefe, thou runnest not with him, neither hast thou put thy portion with adulterers. Thou hast rebuked, thou hast exhorted, thou hast blamed them, but wordes haue bene despised. Nowe we must come to stripes of correction, thou hast here with thee the worshipfull father Edward bishop of Winchester. Thou hast the reuerend Prelate Oswold bishop of Worcester, I commit this businesse to you, that both by Bishoply correction, and the kings authority the filthy liues may be cast out of the Churches, and they that liue orderly may be brought in. &c.

The ignora [...]nce and superstition of the tyme of K. Edgar noted.In this Oration of K. Edgar aboue prefixed, 3. things are chiefly to be noted & considered, to them yt haue iudgements to marke and vnderstand, to witte: The religious zeale and deuotion of kings, both in geuing to the church, & also in correcting the maners of churchmen. 2. Secondly, the dissolute behauiour and wantonnesse of the clergie, then abusing the great donatiōs and patrimonies of princes bestowed vpon them. 3. Thirdly, the blinde ignorance and superstition of that time in both states, as well Ecclesiastical as temporal, in esteeming Christes religion chiefly to consist in geuing to Churches, and in maintaining of Monkery, falsly being perswaded that remission of theyr sinnes,The doctrine of iustification vnknowne. & remedy of their soules therein did lie in building monasteries, erecting churches and cloysters, and in placing monks in the same, and such other almes deedes, and workes of deuotion. Wherin appeareth how ignorāt that time was of the true doctrine of Christes faith, and of free grace of the Gospell, which promiseth life, remedy, and iustification, not by any deuout merits of oures,Iustification by fayth in Christ. nor by any workes either of the lawe of God, or of the inuentions of man, but onely and freely by our faith vpon Christ Iesus the sonne of God, in whom only consisteth al the promises of God. Amen.

Nowe remaineth as in the former booke before, so in this likewise, to prosecute the order & race of Archbishops of Canterbury, as we haue done the race of kings, beginning with Etheredus, who succeded next after Celnocke, the seuententh Archbishop of that Sea mentioned, where we last left before, Pag. 131.

The names and order of the Archbishops of Caunterburie, from the time of king Egbert to William Conquerour.

18. Ethelredus. 18

19 Pleimūdus. 29
This Pleimundus was scholemaster to king Altrede.

20. Athelmus. 12.

21. Vlfelmus. 23

22. Odo. 20.
By the players of thys Oddo, the Monkish stories say, that the sworde of King Ethelstane was brought again into his scabberd. As touching the Epistle of thys Odo, sent to other Byshoppes, vide pag. 251.

23. Elfius, or Elfinus. 1
This Elfius first bishop of Winchester, came to the sea of Cant. by the commaundement of King Edgar, some say by bribes, contrary to the mind of Odo. Wherupon in the first day of hys consecration, he insulting vppon the tomb of Odo, with despite, shortly after wēt to Rome for his pal, where in his iorny vpon the alps he died for colde, in so much that his horses being killed, & he put in their warme bellies, yet could get no heate. Malms.

24 Dunstan. 20.
Of this Dunstane many monkish miracles be fained,

S. Dunstanes harpe vpon the wall, fast by a pinne did hang [...] Without mans helpe with lye and all, and by it self did twang [...].

as of the harpe vpon the wall playing by it self, Gaudent in Coelis, &c. of our ladie with her companie appearing to him singing, Cantemus domino sociae, Cantemus honorem. Dulcis amor christi personet ore pio. Also of the Angels singing Kyrieleyson, &c. Item, of holding the Deuill by the nose with a paire of tonges, tempting him with women. Malmes. Item of seeing the holy Ghost at his masse in likenesse of a Doue. Item, in deliuering the soule of Edwine from the Deuill. Item, in foreseeing the death of King Edred, by the death and falling of his horse. Item, of his mother being great with Dustane, when all the candels of others went out, her onely candle remained light, & many other like fables, &c.

¶Polydorus maketh Dunstane to be the 23. archb.

25. Ethelgarus. 1
This Siricus was the counseller to king Egelred, to redeme peace of the Danes, with a great tribute.

26. Elfricus. 11

27. Siricius. 5

28. Elphegus. 6
Elphegus because he denied to paye to the Danes a tribute, was stoned to death at Greenewich, & of some is called a martyr.

29. Liuingus. 7

30. Egenoldus. 17

31. Edsius. 11

32. Robertus. 2
This Robertus caused Godwine and his sonnes to be banished, accusing them of Treason. But afterward they being restored, he went to Rome, and at his returne died.

33. Stigandus. 17
Stigandus being an English man, in the time of W. Conquerour the Normane, was by the craft of the sayd William conueied into Normandie, where a while with great honour he was entertained. At length the sayde William procured secreately the popes letters to depose him, that hee might place Lanfrancus in his roume. This Stigandus died at length in prison.

34 Lanfrancus. 19

The ende of the thirde Booke.

THE FOVRTH BOOKE CONTEINING other 300. yeares from William Conquerour, to the tyme of Iohn Wickliffe, wherein is described the proude and misordered raigne of Antichrist, beginning to stirre in the Church of Christ.

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William Conquerour. WILLIAM Duke of Normandie, surnamed Conqueror, base sonne of Duke Robert, the sixth Duke of Normandie, & nephew vnto king Edward: after the foresaid victorie against Harold & the Englishmen obtained, was receiued king ouer the Realme of Englande, not so much by the assent, as for feare and necessitie of time. For els the Londiners had promised their assistance to Edgar Atheling to the vttermost of their power. But being weakened & wasted so greatly in battailes before, and the Duke comming so fast vppon them, fearing not to make their partie good, submitted themselues. Whereupon the saide William (of a Duke made a King) was crowned vpon Christmas day the yeare of our Lorde 1067.Anno. 1067. by the handes of Aldredus Archb. of Yorke. Forsomuch as at that time Stigandus Archb. of Canterb. was absent, or els durst not, or woulde not come in the presence of the king.A blasing staire. A litle before the comming in of this Duke, a terrible blasing starre was seene, the space of 7. daies, which was the yere before. In record wherof, as well of the conquest of the Duke, as of the blasing starre, these verses yet remaine.

Sexagenus erat sextus millesimus annus.

Cum pereunt Angli, stella monstrante cometa.

Which king thus being crowned, did reigne ouer the realme of England the space of 21. yeres, and one moneth, with great seuerity & cruelnes, towarde the Englishmen, burdening them with great tribute and exactions, which was to pay of euery hide of grounde, containing 20. acres 6.Tribute. shillings. By meane wherof certaine parties of the land rebelled, and specially the citie of Exceter. But at last William ouercame them,Rebellion. Erle Marcarus, and Eerle Edwyne, Edgar Atheling, with hys mother, & ij. sisters. Margaret, and Christian fled into Scotland. New king new lawes. King William forsworne in abolishing King Edwardes lawes. and wan the city and punished them grieuously. But for that & for other sterne deedes of William, diuers of the Lordes departed to Scotland: wherfore he kept the other Lordes that taried the straiter, and exalted the Normanes, geuing to them the chiefe possessions of the land. And for so much as he obteyned the kingdome by force and dent of sword, he chaunged the whole state of the gouernance of this common weale: and ordeined new lawes at his owne pleasure, profitable to himself, but greuous & hurtful to the people: abolishing the lawes of king Edward. Wherunto notwtstanding he was sworn before, to obserue & maintaine. For the which great commotions and rebellions remained long after among the people, as hystories record: to haue the sayd lawes of king Edwarde reuiued againe.

Ouer and besides this, he builded 4. strong castles, 2. at Yorke, one at Notingham, another at Lincolne, which garrisons he furnished with Normanes.

About the third yere of his reigne, Harold & Canutus sonnes of Suanus, King of Denmarke, entered into the North countrey. The Normanes wythin Yorke fearing that the Englishmen woulde aide the Danes, fired the suburbes of the towne▪ wherof the flame was so big, and the winde so strong,Yorke with the minster of S. Peter brent. that it tooke into the city, and brent a great part therof, with the minster of S. Peter. Where no doubt many worthy workes and Monuments of bookes were consumed. In the time whereof, the Danes by fauour of some of the citizens entred the citie, and slew more then iii▪ M. of the Normanes. But not long after King William chased them out and droue them to the ships, & tooke suche displeasure with the inhabitaūtes of that countrey, that he destroied the land from Yorke to Durham so that 9. yeres after, the prouince lay wast and vnina [...]red, onely except S. Iohns land of Beuerley, & the people theroft so straitly being kept in penurye by the warre of the king, that (as our English storie sayeth) they eate rats, cats, and dogs, and other vermine.

Also in the fourth yeare of this king, Malcolyn king of Scots,The north countrey wasted. Horrible famine in the north partes. Slaughter of Northumbland men. Scots subdued to K. William. The continuall affliction and disquietnes of this Realme of England. Fiue conquestes which haue bene in this Realme. Romaines, Scots and pictes, Saxons, Danes, Normandes. entred into Northumberland & destroyed the coū trey, & slew there much of the people both of men, women and children after a lamentable sorte, and tooke some prisoners. But within 2. yeares after, king William made such warre vpon the Scottes, that he forced Malcolyn theyr king to doe him homage.

And thus much concerning the outwarde calamities of this Realme, vnder this forreine Conquerour. Whych is nowe the fifth time that the sayd land, with the inhabitaunce thereof hath bene scourged by the hande of God. First by the Romaines in the time of Iulius Cesar. Then by the Scottes and Pictes (as hath bene shewed) afterwarde by the Saxons. Againe, the Saxons or Englishmen did not enioy the possession of Britain with long quiete, but were brought in as much subiection themselues vnder the Danes, as they had brought the Britaines before (and that muche more) in so muche that throughe all England, if an Englishe man had mette a Dane vppon a bridge, he might not stirre one foote, before the Lord Dane (otherwise Lurdane) were past. And then if the Englishe man had not geuen lowe reuerence to the Dane, at hys comming by, he [...]as sure to be sharpely punished (wyth more) as aboue hath bene declared. And this subiection almoste continued from the reigne of Kinge Ethelwolfus 230. yeares, till the reigne of king Edwarde. And yet the indignation of God thus ceased not: but stirred vp ye Normandes against them, who Conquered and altered the whole Realme after their owne purpose, in somuche that besides the innouation of the lawes, coignes, and possessions: there was in no Church of England almoste anye English bishop,Ex Henr. Huntington. Lib. 6. but only Normands & forreiners placed through all their Dioces. To suche miserie was this lande then brought vnto, that not onely of all the English nobilitie not one house was standing: but also it was thought reprochfull to be called an English man. This punishmēt of God against the English nation, writers do assigne biuersly to diuers causes (as partly before is touched) of whō some assigne this to be cause, as foloweth in the wordes of the storie: In primitiua Angliae Ecclesia religio clarissimè splenduit, Ex histor. lornalens. ita vt Reges & Reginae, Duces & Episcopi, vel Monachatū, vel exilium pro Dei amore appeterent: processu verò temporis adeo omnis virtus in eis emarcuit, vt gentem nullam proditione & nequitia sibi parem esse permitterent.England afflicted and scourged for iniquitie.&c. The meanyng whereof is, that whereas Kings and Queenes, Dukes, and Prelates in the primitiue time of the English church, were ready for Religion, to forsake either liberty or countrey, and giue themselues to a solitarie life: In processe of time they grew to such dissolutenes, that they left no other realme like vnto them in iniquity.The vision of K. Edward. &c. Again some writing of the vision of king Edward a litle before the inuasion of the Normāds: testify, how the king reporting of his owne vision, should heare, that for the great enormitye and misbehauior of the heade Dukes, Bishops, and Abbats of the realme: the kingdome should be geuen to the hand of their enemies, after the decease of him, for the space of a C. yeres, and one day. Which space was also seene by William conquerour, to be a hundreth yeres & fiftie: and that his progenie so long should continue.Englishmen scourged for their vniust oppression of the Britaines. Againe, some wryters entreating of this so great wrath of God vpon the Englishe people, declare the cause therof, as foloweth. Nam ficut Angl, Britones, quds Deus disterminate proposuerat (peccatis suis exigentibus) humiliuerant, & a term Angliae minus iniustè fugauerant: sic ipsi duplici persecutione. &c. Like as the Englishmen did subdue the Britons (whom God proposed, for theyr deseruings, to exterminate) and them vniustly did dispossesse of their land: so they should likewise be subdued and scourged with a double persecution, first by ye Danes and after by the Normanes. &c. Moreouer to these iniuries and iniqnities done, and wrought by the English men [Page] hetherto recited, let vs adde also the cruell villanie of this nation,Englishmen iustly scourged for their vniust cruelty against the Normands. in murdering and tything of the innocent Normans before: who comming as straungers wyth Alfrede the lawfull heire of the Crowne, were despitefully put to death. Which seemeth to me no little cause, why the Lorde (whose doings be alwaies iust & right) did suffer the Normans so to preuaile. By the cōming in of the which Normans,Three thinges in this conquest to be noted. Gods iust iudgement. Lacke of succession. Foreine mariage. and by their quarel vnto the Realme, iii. things we may note & learne. First to consider and learne the righteous retribution, and wrath of God from heauen, vpon all iniquitie and vnrighteous dealing of men. Secondly, we may thereby note, what it is for Princes to leaue no issue or sure succession behinde them. Thirdly, what daungers often do chaunce to Realmes publiquely by foreine mariage with other Princes. &c.

In the same fourth yeare of this king, betwene Easter and Whitsontide, was holden a solemne councell at Winchester of yt clergy of England.Anno. 1070. At the which counsell were present two Cardinals, sent from Pope Alexander 2. Peter, & Iohn. In this counsell the king being there himselfe present,A councell holden at Winchester. Might ouercommeth right. were deposed diuers bishops, Abbots, and priors (by the meanes of the king) wtout any euident cause: to the intent his Normans might be preferred to the rule of the Church as he had preferred his knightes before to ye rule of the tēporaltie, therby to stand in more surety of the land. Amongest whō also Stigandus Archb. of Cant. was put downe,Diuers Bishops, Abbots, and priours deposed in England. Stigandus Archb. of Cant. depriued, and the causes why. for 3. causes against him pretended.

The first was, for that he had holden wrongfully that byshoprike, while Robert the Archbishop (aboue mētioned, pag. 156.) was liuing.

The seconde was, for that he had receiued the palle of Benedict byshop of Rome the fifth of that name. Whyche Benedict, for buying his Popedome, had bene deposed, as is shewed before.

The thirde cause, for that he occupied the said palle wt out license and lawfull autoritie of the court of Rome.

Then Stigandus wel proued the beneuolence of king William.Faire countenaunce not to be trusted. For where before the king seemed in frendly coū tenance to make much of him, and did vnto him great reuerence: then he chaunged all his mildenes into sternes, & excused himselfe by ye bishops of Romes autority: So that in the ende, Stigandus was depriued of his dignitie, and kept in Winchester,A couetous Byshop. as a prisoner during his life. This Stigandus is noted for a man so couetous and sparing, that when he would take nothing of his owne, and swearing that he had not a penie, yet by a key fastned about his necke, was found great treasours of his vnder the groūd.

At the same time was preferred to the Archbishoprike of Yorke,Thomas made Archb. of York. Lanfrancus an Italian Archb. of Canterb. Thomas a Normand, and Chanon of Baion.

At which time also Lanfrancus Abbot of Cadomonencie (a Lumbard, and Italian borne) was sent for, and made Archbyshop of Cant. betweene which two Archbyshops about their cōsecration, first began a contention, for geuing & taking the othe of obedience, but that contention was at that time appeased by the king. And Thomas contented to subscribe to the Archbishop of Cant. obedience.

After this it followed within short space, that the sayde Lanfrancus and Thomas Archbyshop of Yorke,The minster of Yorke builded. who first builded the minster of Yorke, & gaue possessions therunto: came to Rome with Remigius Byshop of Dorcester, for their palles, as the maner was: without which, no Archbishop nor bishop could be cōfirmed, although their election were neuer so lawfull.The geuing of the palle. This palle must be asked no where but of the Pope or his assignes, and that wythin 3. monethes: also it must be asked not faintly but mightely: Dist. C cap. prisca. Dist. 100 Cap. Prisca. Which, as it was a chargeable thing to other nations (especially suche as were far from Rome) so it was no small gaine to the Romish sea, so as they did order it: for although at the beginning the palle was geuē without money,Dist. 100. cap. Nouit. Ex Lib. grauaminum nationis Germanicae. according to the decree. Dist. C. or for litle, as percase in this time of Lanfrank: yet in processe of yeres it grew to such excesse, that where the bishoprik of Mentz was wonte to geue to Rome but x. M. Florences: afterward it arose so, that he that asked to haue his confirmation, coulde not obtaine it, without xx. M. And from thence it exceded to xxv. M. and at length to xxvii. M. Florences [...] which summe Iacobus Archbyshop of Mentz was prest to paie,Iacobus Archb. of Mentz. a little before the councell of Basill: in so much that the sayde Iacobus, at his departing (which was wythin foure yeares after) sayde, that his death did not so muche grieue hym, as to remember hys poore subiectes, whyche shuld be constrained to pay so terrible a fine for the Popes palle.Eneas Siluius writeth to be 50. Bishoprickes n Germany. Nowe by this what did rise to the Pope in whole Germanie, containing in it aboue 50. By shopprickes, it may be easely coniectured. Lanfrancus thus comming to Rome, with the other two Byshops: he for the estimation of his learning, obtained of Alexander two palles, one of honour, the other of loue. Item, he obtained for the other two Bishops also their confirmation. At which time, they being there present before Alexander: the controuersie began first to be mooued (or rather renewed) for the primacie betwixt the two metropolitanes, that is betwixt the archbishop of Canterburie, and Archbishop of York, whether of them shoulde haue preeminence aboue the other: for Canterburie chalenged to himselfe preroragatiue and the primacie, ouer whole Britanie, and Irelande: the whiche contention continued a long season, betwixt these ii. churches, and was often renued in the daies of diuers kinges after this: as in the reigne of Henrie the firste, betwixte Thurstinus of Yorke, and Radolphus of Canterburie. And againe in the 27. yeare of the sayd king, at his seconde coronation: for Radolphus woulde not suffer the first coronation to stande, because it was done by the Byshop of Yorke, without his assent. Also in the reigne of Henry the second, where Alexander Pope made a letter decretall betwixt these ii. Metropolitanes, for bearing the crosse. An. M. Clix. Also an other time, in the raigne of the said king, betwixt Richard of Canterburie, and Roger of Yorke: againe about the yere of the Lord. M. Cixx. when Thomas Becket, hearing the king to be crowned of Roger byshop of Yorke: complained thereof grieuously to Pope Alexander the third. Item an other time. An. M. Cixxvi. betwixt Richard, and the sayde Roger, whether of them should sit on the right hande of Cardinall Hugo, in his Councell at London. Moreouer, in the beginning of the reign of king Richard, An. M. Cxc. betwixt Baldwinus of Canterburie, and Godfridus of Yorke. &c.

Now to procede in the story hereof. After this question was brought as is said, to the Popes presence (he not disposed to decide the matter) sent them home vnto Englād, there to haue their cause determined. Wherupon they speding thēselues frō Rome, to Englād an. M. lxx. and the 6. yeare (as is sayd) of this William: brought the matter before the king and the clergy, at Windsore. Whereas Lancfrank first alledging for himselfe, brought in, from the time of Austen, to ye time of Bede (which was about 140. yeres) how that the Byshop of Cant. had euer the primacie ouer the whole land of Britaine, and Ireland: how he kept his Coūcels diuers times within the precincts of Yorke: how he did call and cite the Byshops of Yorke thereto: whereof some he did constitute, some he did excōmunicat, & some he did remoue: besides also he alledged diuers priuileges grā ted by princes and prelates to the primacie of that sea. &c.

To this Thomas Archbish. of Yorke replieth againe, and first beginning with the first originall of the Britains Church, declareth in order of time, how the Britanes. &c.

¶ The Britaines first possessioners of this kingdome of Britaine, which endured from Brutus & Cadwalader 2076. yeares vnder an hundreth and ii. Kynges, at length receaued the Christian faith. Anno. Clxii. in the tyme of Lucius their king.Lucius the first king [...] Britanie christened Theonus first Archb. of London. Eleutherius Byshop of Rome, sent Faganus and Damanus, preachers vnto them, at which time after theyr conuersion, they assigned and ordeined in the Realme 28. Byshops, with two Archbishops Theonus the Archbyshop of London, and Theodoceus Archbishop of Yorke. Under those Byshops and Archbishops the church of Britaine was gouerned, after their conuersion, almost. 300. yeares, till at length the Saxons being then infidels, with Hengistus their king, subdued ye Britans by fraudulēt murder, and inuaded their land: which was about the yere of the Lorde. 440. After this the Britans being driuen into Cambria (which we now cal wales) the Saxons ouerrunning the land,Ex Chron [...], Sigeber [...]. deuided thēselues into 7. kingdomes. And so being infidels and Paganes, cōtinued, til the time that Gregory Byshop of Rome, sent Augustinus, to preach vnto them: which Austen comming first to Douer, being then the head Citie of Kent,Douer the head citie Kent. called in Latine Dorobernia, and there planting himselfe, conuerted first the king of Kent, called Edilbertus: who had thē subdued certaine other kings vnto Hūber. By reason wherof Augustine was made Archbishop of Douer, by the appoyntment of Gregorius, who sent him certaine Palles, with his letter from Rome, which before is expressed,This was about 150. yeares after the comming of the Saxons. pa. 158. Which letter being recited, then Thomas exposiding vpon the same, beginneth to declare for himselfe, howe the meaning of Gregory in this letter, was to reduce the new Church of Saxons, or Englishmen, to the order that was in the old time among the Britanes: that is, to be vnder 2. Metropolitanes, one of London, the other of York: for so the Church was ordered in the tune of the Britanes, as is before declared. Notwtstanding, he geueth to Austen thys prerogatiue during his life time, to haue authoritie & iurisdiction, not onely ouer his 12. Byshoppes, but vpon all other Bishops and Priests in England. And after his decease, [Page] then these 2. metropolitanes, London and Yorke, to ouersee the whole Clergie, as in times past, amongest the Britaines: whō he ioyneth together after the death of Augustine, to constitute Bishops, and to ouersee the Church. And that he so meaneth, London to be equall in authority with Yorke, it appeareth by 4. argumentes: First, that he wil London to be consecrate by no Bishop, but of his own Sinode. Secondly, in that he willeth no distinction of honor to be betwixt London and Yorke, but according only, to that as eche of them is elder in time. Thirdly for that he matcheth these two together in common coūsell, and with one agreement to consent together in doing and disposing such things, as they shall consult vpō in the zeale of Christ Iesus: and that in such sort, that one should not dissent nor discorde from the other. What meaneth thys, but that they should gouerne together, whome he woulde not to dissent together? Fourthly, where he wryteth, that the bishop of Yorke should not be subiect to the bishop of London: what meaneth this, but that the Bishop of London should be equiualent with the Metropolitane of Yorke, or rather superiour vnto him?

And thus he expounded the meaning of Gregory, to be in the foresaid letter.Lancfrancus replyeth. To whom Lanc [...]rancus, again aunswereth, that he was not the Byshop of London, and that the question pertained not to London. Thomas replieth, hauing on his part many fautours, yt this priuiledge was graūted, by Gregory, to Augustine alone, to haue al other Byshops subiect to him: but after his discease, there should be equalitie of honor, betwixt London, and York, without all distinction of pryoritie saue the onely prioritie of time shuld make superiority betwene them. And although Augustin translated the seat from London to Kent, yet Gregory, if his mind had bene, to geue the same prerogatiue to the successors of Austen (which he gaue to him) would expresly haue vttered it in the words of his Epistle,Thomas argueth. writing thus to Austen. That which I geue to thee Austen, I geue also and graunt to al thy successors after thee. But in that, he maketh heere no mention of his successors, it appeareth thereby, that it was not his minde so to do.

To this Lancfrancus argueth again. If this authority had bene geuen to Austen alone,Lancfrancus replyeth. & not to his successors, it had bene but a smal gift, proceeding from the Apostolike seate, to his speciall and familiar freno: especially seeing also that Austen, in all his life, did constitute no Byshop of Yorke, neither was there any such Bishop to be subiect to him.The dignitie of Cant. confirmed by priuileges. Againe we haue Priuileges from the Apostolike sea, which confirme this dignitie in the successors of Austen, in the same seat of Douer. Moreouer, all Englishmen thinke it, both right and reason, to fetch the directiō of wel liuing, from that place, where first they tooke the sparkle of right beleuing. Farther, where as you say, that Gregory might haue confirmed with plaine wordes, the same thing, to the successours of Austen, which he gaue vnto him: all that I graunt: yet notwithstanding, this is nothing preiudiciall to the fear of Canterburie. For, if you know your Logike, that which is true in the whole, is also true in the parte: And what is true in the more,Well replyed of an Italian. is also true in the les. Now the Church of Rome is, as the whole, to whome all other Churches be as partes thereof. And as Homo. i. mankinde is Genus i. the general, in a certaine respect to al his Indiuidua. i. to all particular persons, and yet in euery particular person lieth the propertie of the generall: so in like maner, the sea of Rome, in a certain respect, is the general and the whole, to other churches, & yet in euery particular church is contained the whole fulnes of the whole christian faith. That Church of Rome is greater then all Churches, that which is wrought in it, ought to worke in the lesse Churches also: so that the authority of euery chiefe head of the church, ought to stand also in thē, yt do succede: vnles there be any precise exceptiō made by name.If this similitude were formed into a silogisme, neyther were the Maior true. And specially the minor were vtterly false. Wherfore, like as yt Lord said, to al bishops of Rome, the same thing, which he said to Peter: so Gregory in like maner said to all the successors of Austen that which he said to Austen. So thus I conclude, likewise as the bishop of Canterburie is subiect to Rome, because hee had his Faith from thence, so Yorke ought to be in subiection to Cant. which sent the first preachers thether. Now, where as you alledge, that Gregorie would Austen to be resident at Lōdon: that is vtterly vncertaine. For how is it to be thought that suche a Disciple, wold do contrary to the mind of such a master? But graūt, as you say, that Austen remoued to London: what is that to me, which am not bishop of London? Notwithstāding, all this cōtrouersy ceasing betwixt vs, if it shal please you, to come to some peaceable composition with me (all contention set apart) you shall finde me not out of the way, so farre as reason and equitie shall extend.

With these reasons of Lancfranke, Thomas gaue ouer, condescending that the first of his prouince shoulde begin at Number.

Whereupon it was then decreed,Order [...] betw [...]n [...] [...] [...] Canterbury [...] Thomas [...] of Yorke. that Yorke from that time, should be subiect to Caunterbury, in all matters apperteining to the rites & regiment of the catholike church: So that wheresoeuer within Englād, Canterbury shuld or would hold his Councel, the Byshop of Yorke shoulde resort thether, with his Byshops, and be obedient to hy [...] decrees canonicall.

Prouided moreouer, that when the bishop of Canterbury should decease, Yorke should repair to Douer, there to consecrate with other, the Byshop that shoulde be elect. And if Yorke should decease, his successor should resorte to Cāterbury, or els, where the byshop of Cāterbury should appoint, there to receiue his cōsecration, making his profession there wt an othe of Canonicall obedience. Thomas being content wtall, Lancfrancus the Italian triumpheth with no small ioy: and putte [...]h the matter forthwt in wryting, that the memory therof might remain to the posterity of his successors. But yet that decree did not long stand. For shortly after, the same scar so superficially cured, brast out againe. In somuch yt in the reigne of king Henrie the first. An. Domini 1121. Thurstinus Archbyshop of Yorke could not be cōpelled to sweare to the Archbishop of Canterbury: and yet notwithstanding, by the letters of Calixtus 2. was consecrate without any profession made to the sayde Byshop, wyth much more matter of contention: all which to recite it were too long. But this I thought to commit to historie, to the intent men might see the lamentable decay of true Christianitie amongest Christen Byshops: who inflamed with glorious ambition, so contended for honor, that without mere forcemēt of law, no modestie could take place.

Of such like contentions among Prelates of the Clergie, for superioritie, we read of diuers in olde Chronicles: as in the history intituled Chronicon Hirsseldense, where is declared a bloudy conflict, which twise hapned in ye church of Boslaria, betwene Hecelon bishop of Hildesheime, and Wederatus bishop of Fulda: and all for the superior place, who should fit next to the Emperour, the Emperour hym selfe being there present, and looking on them, and yet not able to stay them.

Thus I haue described the troublous contention betwene Lancfrancus, & Thomas Metropolitane of Yorke in the daies of Alexander, of which controuersie and of the whole discourse thereof: Lanfrancus writeth to Pope Alexander beginning thus.

Domino totius Christianae religionis summo speculatori Alex. Papae. Lancfrancus sanctae Dorobernensis Ecclesiae antistes, debitam cum omni seruitute obedientiam. A letter of Lanfrancus sent to Pope Alexander. In concilio quod Angliae per vestram autoritatem coactum est, vbi querelae Thomae Archiepiscopi prolatae & ventilatae sunt, allata est Ecclesiastica gétis Anglorum historia, quam Eboracensis Ecclesiae praesbyter, & Anglorum Doctor Beda composuit: and so foorth in a [...]ong processe of wordes which followe. Among whiche in the middle of the epistle, speaking of Douer and Canterbury, he hath these words. Vrbs namque, quae nunc Cātuarberia nominatur, antiquis temporibus, ab ipsius terrae incolis Dorobernia vocabatur, &c. with many other wordes in the said Epistle, which for breuitie here I ouerpasse.

In the story before of king Egelrede, was declared about the yeare of our Lord.Byshops seates translated into England. M. xvi. how the Bishoprik of Lindaffarne otherwise named holy lande, in the floude of Twede, was translated to Durham: so likewise in the dayes of this Lancfrancus Archbishop of Cant. Anno M. lxxvi. diuers Bishops seates, were altered and remooued from towneships to greater Cities. As the Byshoprike of Selese was remooued to Chichester, out of Cornewall to Exeter, from Welles to Bathe: from Shyreburne to Salesbury: from Dorcester to Lincolne, from Lichfield to Chester: which Byshoppricke of Chester, Robert being then Byshop reduced from Chester to Couentrie. Likewise after that in the raigne of William Rufus. An. 1095. Herbert Bishop of Thetford, from thence reduced the fear to Norwige. &c.

As concerning Douer and Caunterbury, whether the sea, was likewise translated frō the towne of Douer to the City of Cant. in the time of Theodorns: or whether Canterbury by old time had the name of Dorobernia (as ye letter of Lancfrancus to Pope Alexander, aboue mentioned, doth pretend) I finde it not in histories expressely defined. Saue that I read by ye words of William bring yet Duke of Normandie, charging then Harolde to make a welle of water for the kings vse in the Castel of Dorobernia: that the said Dorobernia then was taken for that which nowe we call Douer: but whether Dorobernia and the Citie of Cant, be both one or diuers, the matter is not great. Notwithstanding [Page] this I read in the epistle of Pope Bonifacius to king Ethelbert,Dorobernia and Canterbury takē both for one. as also to Iustinus Archbish. Item in the epistle of pope Honorius, to bishop Honorius. Itē, of Pope Uitalianus, to Theodorus: of Pope Sergius to king Ethelred, Alfred, and Adulphus, and to the Bishops of england. Likewise of pope Gregory the 3. to ye Bishops of England. Item of Pope Leo to Atherlard Archbyshop of Cant. Of Formosus to the bishops of England: and of Pope Iohn to Dunstane, that the name of Dorobernia & of Canterbury indifferently are taken for one matter.

In this time (and by the procuring of this Lancfrancus) the 9.A councell holden at London, and what were the actes thereof. yere of this king: a councel was holden at London, where among the actes thereof, these were the principall things concluded.

1. For the order of sitting: that the Archbishop of Yorke should sit on the right hand, and the Byshop of London of the left hand: or in the absence of Yorke, London shoulde haue the right, and Winchester the left hand of the Archbyshop of Cant. sitting in counsell.

2. The seconde, that Bishops shoulde translate their sees from villages into cities: whereupon those sees aboue named were translated.

3. That Monkes should haue nothing in proper. And if any so had, he dying vnconfessed, shoulde not be buried in the Churchyard.

4. That no Clerke or Monke of an other diocesse, should be admitted to orders, or retained without letters cōmendatorie or testimoniall.

5. That none should speake in the Coūcel except bishops and Abbots, without leaue of the Archmetropolitanes.

6. That none should marry within the 7. degree, with any either of his owne kinred, or of his wiues departed.

7. That none shoulde either buy or sell any office wythin the Church.

8. That no sorcerie nor any diuination, should be vsed or permitted in holy Church.

9. That no bishop nor abbot, nor any of the clergy: should be at the iudgement of any mans death or dismembring, neither should be any fautor of the sayd iudicantes.

Bishops of England about to driue out Monkes and to place priestes agayne in their steede.Moreouer, in the dayes of this Lancfrancus, diuers good bishops of the realme, began to take part with priests against the monkes, in displacing these out of their Churches, and to restore the maried Priests againe: in so much that walkelmus bishop of wint. had placed aboue 4.0. canons in stede of monkes for his part: but this godly enterprise was stopped by stout Lancfrancke the Italian Lombard. This lustie Prelate sate 19. yeares, but at latter end, he was not so fauored of William Rufus, and [...]ed for sorrowe. Although this Italian Franke being A [...]hbishop: had litle leisure to write, yet something he thought to doe, to set out his famous learning, and wrote a Booke against Berengarius,Opus Scintillarum Lanfranci. intituling it: Opus Scintillarum. The olde church of Cant. he plucked downe & builded vp the new.

After the death of Pope Alexander aboue mentioned, next to him folowed Hildebrād surnamed Gregory the 7. This Hildebrand as he was a sorcerer,Anno. 1074. so was he the first and principal cause of all this perturbation that is nowe & hath bene, since his time in the Church: by reason that through his example, all this ambition, stoutnes & pride, entred first into the church of Rome,Hildebrandus seu Gregor. 7. Hildebrand the cause of all this stoutnes and pride in prelates. & hath euer since continued. For before Hildebrandus came to Rome, working there his feares: setting vp and displacing what Byshops he lifted: corrupting them with pernicious counsell, and setting them against Emperors: vnder pretence of chastitie destroying matrimonie: and vnder the title of libertie, breaking peace and resisting authoritie: before this (I say) the church of Rome was in some order, & bishops quietly gouerned vnder christen Emperors, and also were defended by the same. As Marcellus, Meltiades, and Siluester were subdued, and vnder obedience to Constantinus. an. 340.The obedience of Bishops in auncient tyme to Emperours. Syricus to Theodosius. Anno. 388. Gregorius to Mauritius. An. 600. Hilarius to Iustinian. An. 528. Adrianus and Leo to Carolus Magnus: An. 801. Paschalis and Ualentius to Ludouicus Pius. an. 830. Sergius 29. vnto Lotharius. An. 840. Benedictus the 3. and Ioannes the 9. vnto Ludouicus sonne of Lotharius. an. 856. But against this obedience and subiection Hildebrād first began to spurne, and by his example taught all other Bishops to do the like.

In somuch, that at length they wrought and brought to passe, to be lawful for a fewe curtisans & Cardinals (cō trary to auncient ordinance and statutes decretal) to chuse what Pope they list, without any consent of the Emperor at all. And where as before it stoode in the Emperors gift, to geue and graunt Byshoprikes, Archbishoprikes, benefices and other Ecclesiasticall prefermentes within theyr owne limites,What Popes haue done. to whom they lift: now the Popes through much wrastling, warres, and contention, haue extorted al that into their owne hāds, and to their assignes: yea, haue pluckt in,Popes [...] then Princes. all the riches & power of the whole worlde. And not cōtent with that, haue vsurped and preuailed so much aboue Emperors: that, (as before) no Pope might be chosen wtout the cōfirmation of the Emperor: so now no Emperor may be elected wtout the confirmation of the Pope, taking vpon them more then Princes, to place or displace Emperours at their pleasure, for euery light cause: to put downe, or to set vp when, & whom they lifted: as Fridericus Primus, for holding the left stirrup of the popes sadel, was persecuted almoste to excommunication.Fridericus primus, shent for holding the Popes left stirrup. The which cause moueth me to straine more diligence here, in setting out the history, actes, and doings of this Hildebrand: from whom, as the first patron and founder, sprang al this ambition & contention, about the liberties & dominion of the Romane church: to the intent, that such as cānot read the Latine histories, may vnderstand in English, the original of euils: howe, and by what occasion they first began, and how long they haue continued.

And first howe this Hildebrand hetherto had behaued himselfe before he was Pope, I haue partly declared. For though he was not yet Pope in name, yet he was there Pope in deede, & ruled the Pope and all their doinges, as him listed. Item what waies and fetches he had attempted euer since his first comming to the Courte of Rome, to magnifie and maintaine false libertie, against true authoritie: what practise he wrought by Coūcels, what factions and conspiracies he made, in stirring vp Popes against Emperours, striuing for superioritie: and what warres followed therof, I haue also expressed. Now let vs see further (by the helpe of Christe) the worthy vertues of this princely prelate,Ex [...] no & al [...]s. after he came to be Pope, as they remaine in histories of diuers and sondry writers described.

The tragicall historie of Gregorie the vij. otherwise named Hildebrand.

THe words of the latine historie be these:Gregory 7. Ex [...] Hactenus pontifices Rom. comitijs curiatis, calatis, a sacerdotibus, equitatu, plebe, Senatu. &c. In English: Hetherto the Byshoppes of Rome haue bene elected by voyces, and suffrages, of all sortes and degrees, as well of the Priests and the Clergy, as of the nobilitie, people, and Senate, all conuenting and assembling together. And this election so I finde to stande in force, if so be it were ratified and confirmed, by the consent of Romane Emperors: who had authoritie to call and to assemble all these, as well, as Byshops together, vnto councels,The state and maner of the olde Church in tymes past. as case required. Under the authoritie and iurisdiction of these Emperours, were contained both in Germany, Fraunce, Italy, and through the whole dominion of Rome, all Patriarches, Bishops, masters of Churches and Monasteries, by the decree of Councels, according to the olde custome of our aunceters, as is declared in a certaine storie, in the life of Carolus Magnus. The holy and auncient fathers (like as Christ our Lorde with his disciples and Apostles both taught and did) honoured and esteemed their Emperours, as the supreame potestate next vnder God in earth, set vp, ordained, elected and crowned of God, aboue all other mortall men, and so counted them, and called them their Lords.Reuerend and obedience in old time geuen to princes. To them they yelded tribute, and paide their subsidies. Also prayed euery day for their life. Such as rebelled against them, they tooke as rebelles and resisters against God his ordinance, and christian pietie. The name of the Emperor then was of great maiestie, and receiued as geuen from God. Then these fathers of the Church neuer intermedled,The maners and vertue of the forefathers described. nor intangled themselues with politike affaires of the common weale: muche lesse they occupied Martiall armes, and matters of cheualrie. Onely in pouertie and modestie, was all their contention with other Christians, who shoulde be poorest, and most modest amōgst them. And the more humblenes appeared in any, the higher opiniō they cōceiued of him. The sharpe and two edged sworde they tooke, geuen to the Churche of Christ, to saue, and not to kill: to quicken, & not to destroy: and called it the sworde of the spirite, which is the word of God, the life and light of men, and reuoketh from death to life, making of men, Gods: of mortall, immortall. Farre were they from that, to thrust out any Prince or Kyng (though he were neuer so farre out of the way, yea an Arrian) from his kingdome: or to curse him, to release hys subiects from their oth and their allegeance, to change and translate kingdoms, to subuert empires, to pollute themselues with Christen bloude, or to warre with their Christian brethren for rule & principalitie. This was not their spirite & maner then, but rather they loued & obeyed their Princes. Again Princes loued them also, like fathers and fellow princes with them of the soules of men. Now this [Page] Gregorius the seuenth, otherwise named Hildebrandus, trusting vpon the Normains which then rufled about Apusia,The ambitious presumption of Hildebrand. Calabria, and Campania, trusting also vpon the power of Machtilda, a stout woman thereabout Rome, & partly again, bearing himself bold for the discord among the Germains: first of all other (contrary to the maner of elders) contemning the authoritie of the emperour, inuaded the Cathedrall sea of Rome, vauncing himselfe as hauing both the ecclesiastical and temporal sword committed to him by Christ, & that fulnes of power was in his hande to bind and loose what so he listed. Wherupon thus he presumed to occupy both the regiments, to chalenge all the whole dominion, both of the East & West church, yea and all power to himself alone, abiding none to be equal, much lesse superior to him, derogating from other, and arrogating to himselfe their due right and honor, setting at light Cesars, kings, and Emperours, and who raigned but by his owne godamercy? Bishops and Prelates as his vnderlings, he kept in awe: suspending and cursing, & chopping of their heads, stirring vp strife and warres, sowyng of discord, making factions, releasing othes, defeating fidelitie and due allegeance of subiects to their princes. Yea and if he had offended or iniured the Emperour himselfe, yet notwithstanding he ought to be feared, as he himselfe glorieth in a certain epistle, as one that could not erre, and had receiued of Christ our sauiour,Ex Auentino, qui inuenit in instrumentis donationū. Priestes wiues called praesbiterissae, in old chapter seales. and of Peter, authoritie to bynd and vnbind at his will and pleasure. Priestes thē in those daies had wiues openly and lawfully (no law forbidding to the contrary) as appeareth by the deede and writings of their chapter seales & donations, which were geuen to temples and monasteries, wherein their wyues also be cited with them for witnes, and were called praesbiterissae. Also for Bishops, Prelates, Persons of Churches, gouernors of the Clergy, maisters of monasteries, & religious houses, all these were then in those times in the emperors ordination, to assigne by voice or consent to whom he would. Now these two things Gregorius this Pope could not abide.Hildebrand a mortall enemy agaynst Priestes mariage. For the which two causes onely, was all his striuing and driuing from his first beginning, to abolish the mariage of Priests, and to translate the authoritie Imperiall to the Clergy. For to this scope only tended all his labour, practises and deuises, as appeared before in the councell of Lateran, vnder Pope Nicolas, and also in the councell of Mantua, vnder Alexander, making their mariage heresie, and the other to be simonie. And that which before he went about by other, now he practiseth by hymself to condemne ministers that were maried,Priestes maryage made heresie. for Nicolaitans, and to receiue any spirituall regiment of secular persons for simonie. Directing forth his letters vpō the same to Henricus the Emperour, to Dukes, Princes, Potestates, Tetrarkes: namely, to Berchtoldus, to Rodulphus of Sweuia, to Whelpho, Adalberon, & their wines. Item, to bishops, Archbishops, to Priests, and to all the people, in the which letters he denounceth them to bee no priests, so many as were maried, forbidding men to salute them, to talke, to eate, to company with them, to pay them tithes, or to obey thē, if they would not be obedient to him. Amongst all other, he directed special letters to Ottho bishop of Constance, concerning this matter. But Ottho perceinyng the vngodlye and vnreasonable pretence of Hildebrand,Ottho Bishop of Cō stance. would neyther seperate them that were maried from their wyues, nor yet forbid thē to marrie, which were vnmaried, &c.

The copy of the letter of Hildebrand, sent to the bishop of Constance against priests mariages.

GRegorius bishop, seruaunt of seruants of God, to the Clergie and laitie, both more and lesse within the Dioces of Constancie, salutation and benediction. We haue directed to our brother Ottho your bishop, our letters exhortatory: wherin we enioined him, according to the necessitie of our duetie, by the authoritie Apostolicall, that he should vtterly abolish out of his Church the heresie of simonie, and also should cause with all diligence to bee preached the chastitie of priests. But he neither moued with reuerence of S. Peters precept, nor yet with the regard of his duty, neglected to do these things, whereunto we so fatherly haue exhorted him, incurring thereby a double offence, not onely of disobedience, but also of rebellion, in that he hath gone and done cleane contrary to our commaundement (yea rather the commaundement of blessed S Peter) so that he hath permitted his clergy not onely such as had wiues,Ottho cited to appeare for suffering priestes with their lawfull wyues. not to put them away, but also such as had none, to take vnto them. Whereupon, we beyng truely informed thereof, and agrieued therewith, haue directed to him an other letter, declaring the motion of our displeasure and indignation. In which letters also we haue cited him vp to our Councell at Rome, there to appeare and geue account of his disobedience, in the audience of the whole Synode. And nowe therefore we thought it best to signifie this to you (our deare children) whereby in this behalfe we might the better prouide for your health & saluation. For if your bishop shall continue so obstinately to repugne aud resist against our commaundement, he is not meete to sit ouer you, &c. Wherfore these shall be to commaund you, & all them that be obedient to God,The Pope dispenseth for disobedience. and to blessed S. Peter, by our Apostolicall authoritie, that if this your Bishop shall persist in his obstinacie, you that be his subiects, hereafter geue to him no seruice, nor obediēce. For the which thing doyng, we here discharge you before God and your soules. For if your bishop shall seeme contrary to the decreements & iniunctions Apostolicall. We through the Apostolicall authoritie of S. Peter, discharge and absolue you frō the band of your allegeāce to him. So that if you be sworne to him, so long as he is a rebell against God, and the Apostolike seat, we lose you from the peril of your othe, that you shall not need to feare therein no daunger, &c.

Ottho bishop of Constance thus being cited, whether he did appeare personally himselfe, I doe not reade. This I read and find, that in the sayd councel holden at Rome, Hildebrand with other bishops of Rome, Three thinges enacted by Hildebrand. Here commeth in the vow of chastitie. did then enacte amongst many other, these three things most special. First that no Priest hereafter should marrie wiues. Secondly, that all such as were married should be diuorst. Thirdly, that none hereafter should be admitted to ye order of priesthood, but should sweare perpetual chastitie, &c. This coū cell of Rome beyng ended, forthwith the act of Hildebrād, concerning the single life of Priests, was proclaymed and published in all places, and straight commaundement geuen to bishops to execute the same.

The Copy of his Bull sent into Italie and Germanie, was this.

GRegory the Pope, otherwise Hildebrand, the seruaunt of the seruaunts of God, sendeth the Apostles blessing to all them within the kingdoms of Italy and Germany, that shew their true obedience to S. Peter. If there be any Priests, Deacons and Subdeacons, that still will remayne in the sinne of fornication. We forbid them the Churches entrance, by the omnipotent power of God, and by the aucthoritie of S. Peter, till tyme they amend and repent. But if they perseuere in their sinne, we charge that none of you presume to heare their seruice For their blessing is turned into cursing, and their prayer into sinne, as the Lord doth testifie to vs by his Prophets. I will turne your blessing, &c.

The bishops of France being called vpon daily, with the popes letters, The Clergy of Fraunce repugning for deuorcing from th [...] wyues. were compelled to obey the decree of the councel, but the residue of the clergy manfully and stoutly withstanding the Popes decree, and inforcement of theyr bishops would not agree, but repined thereat, & sayd, that the councell did manifestly repugne agaynst the worde of God, & that the Pope did take from Priestes, that whiche both God and nature had geuen them, and therefore that person to be an heretike, and Author of a wicked doctrine, which ruled and gouerned not by the spirit of God, but by Sathan. The decree and act set forth, to tende directly against the word of God, and the saying of Christ: Non omnes capiunt verbum hoc, all men haue not the gift and capacitie of the word. Item, to be against the sound doctrine of S. Paule writing these wordes: As concerning virginitie, I haue no commaundement of the Lord, &c. Agayne, he that cannot otherwise liue continently, let him marrie. Item, that it was agaynst the Canons both of the Apostles, and of Nicene councell. Moreouer, that it was against the course of nature whiche he required, that men beyng sequestred from their naturall wiues, and women, shoulde be coacted to liue as aungels, that is, to performe that which nature doth not geue. And therefore the bishop therin did open a peruicious windowe to vncleannes and to fornication. In summe, geuing vp theyr answer, thus they concluded, that they had rather geue vp their benefices, then to forsake their naturall and lawfull wiues, against the worde of Christ. And finally, if maried priests could not please them, they should call downe Angels from heauen to serue the Churches. But Hildebrand nothing mooued, neither with honest reason, nor with the authoritie of holy Scripture, nor with the determinatiō of Nicene councell, nor any thing els: followeth this matter, calleth vpon the bishops stil, with his letters and Legats doth sollicitate their mindes, accuseth them of negligence and dastardnes, threatneth them with excommunication, vnles they cause their priests to obey his decree enioyned them. Whereupon, a great number of bishops for feare of the Popes tiranny, laboured yt matter with their priests, by all means possible to bereaue them of their accustomed matrimony.

Amongst other the Archbishop of Mentz, perceyuing [Page]this acte of taking away Priestes mariage, might breede him no little trouble: By [...]hop of Mentz. Ex Lambeyto Scaf [...]abut gensi. in Histo. Germanorum. talketh with his Clergy gently, admonisheth them of the Popes minde & decree, and geueth them halfe yeres respite to deliberate vpon the case, exhorting them diligently to shewe themselues obedient to the Pope and to him, and to graūt with good will that, which at length, will they, nill they, needes they must bee forced vnto, and therefore of their owne accord to stande, content therewith, least the Pope should be compelled to attempt wayes of sharper seueritie. The time of deliberation expired, the Archbishop assembleth his clergy at Erspford, the month of October, and there willeth them according to the pontificall decree, The Priestes of Germany stout agaynst the popes vnlawfull proceedinges. either to abiure for euer all matrimony, or els to abrenounce their benefices and Ecclesiasticall liuings. The clergy agayne defend themselues, against the Popes decree with scriptures, with reason, with the actes of generall councels, with examples of auncestors, by diuers strong arguments, declaring the Popes decree not to be consonant, nor ought to take effect. But the Archbishop sayd, he was compelled so of the Pope, and could not otherwise do, but to execute that was enioyned him. The clergy seeyng that no reason, nor prayer, nor disputation would serue, layd their heads together cōsultyng among themselues what was best to be done. Some gaue counsail not to returne agayne to the Synode. Some thought it good to returne and to thrust out the Archbishop frō hys seat, & to geue him due punishment of death for his deseruing, that by the example of him, other may bee warned hereafter, neuer to attempt that thing any more to the preiudice of the church, and the rightfull liberty of ministers. After that this was signified to the Archbishop, by certaine spies that were amongest them, what the clergy entended to do. The Archb. to preuent and salue the matter, sendeth to the priests as they were comming out, certaine messengers, bidding them of good hope, and to returne againe to the Metropolitane, and they should haue that should content their myndes. So beyng perswaded, they come again to the Councel. The bishop promiseth he would doe hys indeuour what he could, to reuoke & turne the mind of the Bishop of Rome from that sentence, willing them in the meane tyme to continue as they had done in their cure and ministery. The next yeare followyng, Hildebrand y• souldiour of Sathan, sendeth his Legate (a certaine Bishop called Curiēsis) vnto the Archb. of Mentz, and assembled there a Councell. In the which councel, the Archb. againe proposeth the matter, commaunding all the clergy vnder payne of the Popes curse, there, perpetually eyther to abrenounce their wyues, or their liuings. The clergy defended their cause againe with great constancy. But when no defension could take place, but all went by tiranny & mere extortiō, it burst in the end to an vprore and tumult, where the Legate and the Archbishop beyng in great daunger, hardly escaped with their lyues, and so the Councell brake vp. By this schisme and tumult it followed, that the churches after that in chusing their priests, would not send thē to the bishops (the enemies and suppressors of Matrimony) to be confirmed and inducted, but did elect them within themselues, and so put them in their office, without all leaue or knowledge of bishops, who then agreed & were determined to admit no priests, but such as should take an othe of perpetuall singlenesse, neuer to marrie after. And thus first came vp the othe and profession of single Priesthood. Notwithstanding, Single priesthoode how it began. if other nations had followed the like constancie & concord of these Germain ministers, the [...]iuelish drift and decre of this Hildebrand (or rather Helbrand) had bene frustrate and auoyded. But this greedines of liuings in weak priests, make them to yeld vp their godly liberty to wicked tiranny. Yet this remayneth in these Germains to be noted: what concord can doe in repressing vnordinate requests of euil bishops, E [...]emples of [...] and [...]. if they constantly stand to truth, and hold together. And thus much for banishing of matrimony. Now let vs proceede to the contentions betwixt wicked Hildebrand, and the godly Emperour. But before by the way of digression it shal not be much wide from the purpose, to touch a little of the properties of this Pope, as we find them described in certaine epistles of Benno a Cardinall, writing to other cardinals of Rome. Which Benno lyued in the same tyme of Hildebrand, and detecteth the prodigious actes and doings of this monstrous Pope.

First, declaring that he was a Sorcerer most notable, and a Nicromanser, Ex Benno Cardinali. an olde companion of Siluester, of Laurentius, and Theophilactus, called otherwise Benedictus nonus. Amongst other Benno Cardinals writeth this history of him. How vpon a certaine tyme this Gregorius comming from Albanus to Rome, had forgot behynd him his familiar booke of Nicromansie, which he was wont commonly to cary alwayes with him. Whereupon remembring himselfe, entered the port of Laterane, he calleth two of his most trusty familiars to set the booke, charging them at no hand to looke within it. But they beyng so restrayned, were the more desirous to open it, & to peruse it, and so did. After they had read a little the secrets of the Sathanicall booke, sodenly there came about them the messengers of Sathan, the multitude and terrour of whom, made them almost out of their wittes. At length they comming to themselues, the spirites were instant vpon them to know, wherefore they were called vp, wherfore they were vexed: Quickly (said they) tell vs what ye would vs to do, or els we will fall vpon you, if ye retaine vs longer. Then spake one of the yong men to them, bidding thē go and plucke downe yonder walles, pointing to certayne high wals there nigh to Rome, which they did in a moment. The yong men crossing them for feare of the spirites (scarse recouering thē selues) at length came to their maister. And it followeth moreouer in the epistle of the sayd Benno to the Cardinals.

We haue made mention to you before of diuers colledges of the church of Rome,Pope Hildebrand forsaken of diuers of [...] Cardinals. which refused to communicate with him. As Leo then Archpriest of the Cardinals, Benno, Vgobaldus, Iohannes the Cardinal, Peter Chauncellor and Cardinall, beyng all instituted before this Hildebrand. These three also beyng consecrated by him, that is, Natro, Innocentius and Leo, forsoke him, cursing the detestable errours which he held. In like case Theodinus whom he constituted Archdeacon, and other Cardinals mo, Ioannes surnamed Primicerius, Petrus oblationarius with all that appertayned vnto them, sauing one onely man. And now when this Hildebrand saw that the bishops also would forsake him, he called vnto him the lay men, and made them priuy of his counsail, thinking thereby to separate the bishops, that they should haue no cō ference with the Cardinals.Pope Hildebrand compelle [...] the Bishop [...] and priestes of Rome to sweare vnto him. After that he called together those bishops, and beyng garded with bandes of lay men, he enforced the bishops partly for feare, and partly for his manacing wordes, to sweare vnto him, that they should neuer disagre vnto that, which he would haue done, that they should neuer defend the Kynges quarell, and that they should neuer fauour or obey the Pope, that should in his stead be instituted. Which thing beyng done, he sent them by meanes of the Prince of Salernites, into Campania, and thus did he separate them, from the company of the Cardinals, & from the citie of Rome. And not onely the bishops, but also the Priests of the citie, and clarkes of inferior orders, as also the laye men, he bound by their othes, that at no tyme nor for any cause, they should condiscend vnto the king.

As soone as Pope Alexander was dead, which dyed somwhat before night,Pope Hildebrand vnorderly made Pope. the same day contrary to the Canons, he was chosen Pope of the laymen. But the Cardinals subscribed not to his election. For the Canons prescribe (vnder payne of cursing) that none should be chosen Pope before the third day, after the burial of his predecessours. But he (by sinister meane thus clyming to the seat) remoued the Cardinals of the sayd seat, from being of the counsail. But with what persons he consulted night & day, Rome well heard and saw. And he now puttyng the Cardinals from hys counsaile, his lyfe, fayth, and doctrine, no man could accuse or beare witnesse off: where as in the Canons is commaunded, that in euery place where so euer the Pope is, should be with him iij. Cardinals beyng priests, & ij. Deacons, because of his Ecclesiasticall testimony and stile of veritie, of whiche Canonical decree, looke gentle Reader before. He violently wrested the sacred scriptures to couer his falshood, which kynd of Idolatry, how great it is, manifestly throughout all the Scripture it appeareth. Contrary to the myndes and counsaile of the Cardinals, and besides the determinate order of pronouncing iudgement by the Canons, he rashly did excommunicate the Emperour,The Emperour wrōgfully excommunicated. beyng in no Synode solemnly accused before. The sentence of which excommunication after rehersal of these presents, shal also be manifested (Christ willing) to the which excommunication saith Benno, none of the Cardinals would subscribe. As soone as he arose out of hys seate papall, to excommunicate the Emperour, the same seate (beyng made but a little before,The Popes chaire brake vnder him as he rose to excommunicate the Empeperour with big tymber) sodainly by the appointment of God was rent and shiuered in pieces: so that all men might plainly vnderstand, what, and how great and terrible schismes: that lubber had sowne against the Church of Christ, agaynst the seat of S. Peter: and how cruelly he had dispersed the chayre of Christ, in defilyng the lawes of the Church, ruling by might and austeritie, in that hys so perillous and presumptuous excommunication.

In the description of the same excommunication,The Pope deuideth the vnitie of the Church. he inserteth those things, wherin he himselfe erred, when he absolued the Emperour, being vniustly excommunicate, and the bishops also communicating with him, & to the vttermost thus cutting & mangling the vnitie of the Church and those that communicated with them, did as much as in him lay to make two churches.

Also the same bold merchaunt, commaunded that the Cardinals should fast, to the intent that God would reueale whose opinion was better (eyther of the Church of Rome, or of Berengarius) touching the controuersie of the Lordes body in the Sacrament. And hereby he prooued himselfe to be a manifest Infidell: [Page] for that in the Nicene Councell it is written, he that doubteth is an Infidell.

Further, he sought after a signe to establish his fayth, concerning the Article of the Lordes body, as did Gregory to confirme the womans fayth,Of this miracle we read in no approued history. when the consecrated bread was transubstantiated into the forme of a fleshly finger. He also sent two Cardinals (Attones and Cunones) vnto Anastasie, that with the [...] Archpriest of the same Church, they should begin a fast of three dayes space. And that euery of them (euery day during those iij. dayes) should say ouer the Psalter, & sing Masses, that Christ would shew vnto them some such like signe of his body, as he did to the foresayd Gregory, which thing they could not see.

The Emperour was oftentymes woont to goe to S. Maries church in the mount Auentine to pray. Hildebrand when he had by his espials searched out, and knew all the doyngs of the Emperour, caused the place where the Emperour was accustomed (eyther standing,The pope hyreth one to slay the Emperour. or prostrate on his face to pray) to be marked, and for money he hired a naughty pact (like himselfe) to gather and lay together a heape of great stones, directly ouer the place, in the vault of the Church, where the Emperour would stande, that in throwyng the same downe vpon his head, he should slay the Emperour. About which purpose as the hireling hasted, and was busie remouing to the place, a stone of great hugenes & waight: it broke the planke whereon it lay, and the hirelyng standyng thereupon, both together fell downe from the roofe, to the pauement of the church, and with the same stone was dasht all in pieces. And after the Romaines had vnderstanding of the handlyng of this matter, they fastened a rope to one of the feete of this hire lyng, and caused him to bee drawen through the streetes of the Citie three dayes together in example of others. The Emperour notwithstanding according to his woonted clemencie, caused hym to be buried.

Iohannes the bishop of Portua (beyng one of the secret coū sail of Hildebrand) came vp into the pulpit of S. Peter, & amongst other things in the hearing, both of the Clergy and people, sayd: Hildebrand and we haue committed such a fact and so horrible,Hildebrand casteth the sacrament of the Lordes body in the fire, because it woulde geue him no answere. for the which we are all worthy to be burned alyue (meanyng of the Sacrament of the body of Christ) which Sacrament, Hildebrand when he thereof inquired a diuine aunswer agaynst the Emperour, and would not speake, threw into the fire and burned it contrary to the perswasion of the Cardinals, that were present and would haue resisted the same.

In the second holy day in the Easter weeke, when the clergy & the people were assembled at S. Peters Church to heare masse, after the Gospell, he went vp into the pulpit as he was in his pontificall attire, and in the presence of diuers bishops & Cardinals (a great company both of the Senate and the people of Rome, beyng gathered together) openly preached (among manye other wordes of diuination) that the kyng whose name was Henry, should die (without all peraduenture) before the feast of S. Peter next ensuyng: or els at least wise, that he should bee so deiected from his kingdome, that he should not be able any more to gather together aboue the number of vj. knights.The Pope a false prophet. This he preached to the bishops and cardinals, and all that were present, crying out of the pulpit in these wordes: Neuer accept me for Pope any more, but plucke me from the aulter, if this prophesie be not fulfilled by the day appointed. About the same tyme he went about by helpe of priuy murtherers to kill the Emperour, but God preserued him.The Pope seeketh agayne to murther the Emperour. And many there were euē at that tyme, which thoght Pope Hildebrand to be guiltie, and to bee the deuiser of the treason, because that then he (before the deed put in execution) presumed of the death of the kyng, beyng by him falsly prophesied of before, which wordes of his, wounded many mens hartes. And it came to passe that Hildebrand by his wordes, was openly condemned in the congregation, which (as is sayd) gaue iudgement of himselfe to be no Pope, neither that he would be counted for Pope any longer, but thought to be both a belyer and a traitour, vnlesss that before the feast of S. Peter next comming,The Pope by hys own mouth condemned for an heretick. the Emperour should dye, or els should bee depriued of all kingly honour: In so much he should not be able to make aboue 6. knights on his part. And thus by the appoyntmēt of God it came to passe that by his owne mouth he was condemned for an heretike.

Thus sayth the Lord: The prophet which of arrogancie will prophesie in my name, those things I haue not commaūded him, or els will prophesie in the name of other Gods, let him be slaine. And if thou shall say with thy selfe, how shall I know what thyng it is that the Lord hath not commaunded to be spoken? This token shalt thou haue to know it by. Whatsoeuer thing the Prophet in the name of God shal prophesie, & the same come not to passe, that mayest thou be sure the Lord hath not spoken, but the Prophet hath imagined through the hautinesse of his owne mynde, & therfore thou shalt not be afrayd of him.

The Emperour preserued by the power of God frō the Pope.When the tyme was expired that Hildebrand in his diuination had set, and that neither the king was dead, neither the power of the Empire empayred: and fearing least by the wordes of hys owne mouth he should be reprehended and condemned, subtle [...]y turned his tale, saying, and perswading the ignorant people, that he ment not of the body of the king, but of his soule, as though the soule of the king had lost all,A suttle shift of Hildebrand to saue hys lying prophesie. sauing 6. of his knights or souldiours, or els had bene dead during that space, and thus by these sleights he beguiled the ignorant people. Against such Prophets S. Gregory vpon Ezechiel sayeth: Betwene true Prophetes and false, this difference there is, that true Prophets, if they speake any thing vpon their owne mynd, they be soone rebuked, but the false prophets, both they tell lies, and not hauyng the spirite of truth, they perseuere in their falsitie.

Ouer and beside, the sayd Hildebrand iudged to death 3. men before they were conuict, or els confessed their crime wythout the sentence of any secular iudge, and caused them to bee hanged vpon a paire of gallowes,Three persons before they were conuict, put to execution by Hildebrand agaynst all law. ouer against the Church of S. Peter in a place called Palatiolum, without any delay or aduisement, contrary to the lawes, which commaund that euery publike offender should haue 30. dayes space, before he be put to execution. Which thing euen amongst the Paganes is in vre and obserued, as teacheth the authoritie of S. Ambrose, and the Martyrdome of holy Marcelianus and Marcus.

He cast Centius the sonne of Stephen the Alderman into prison,Centius taken by the Pope, and put into a barrell of nayles. The Pope taken of Centius. Centius executed by the pope contrary to p [...]omise and fayth. beyng before his trusty friend, and in a vessell being thick set with sharpe nayles, he tormented him to the poynt of death: who after that he was escaped, apprehended the sayd Hildebrand. Of this apprehension, before he was let at liberty, he openly forgaue all the conspiratours. Which thing afterwardes, contrary to his fidelitie, he brake and reuenged, & caused Centius, to whome he had forgeuen all offences, to be taken, and hanged him, & 9. of his men vpon the gallowes before S. Peters porch.

There was at the apprehension of Pope Hildebrand, a certain widowes sonne, to whom (and others moe for their penaunce) he enioyned a yeares banishment. Which tyme beyng explete or run out, the widow in tokē of more ample satisfaction, thinking therby to haue appeased the mynd of Hildebrand, put a halter about her sonnes necke, and drawyng her sonne by the rope to the foot of Hildebrand, sayd: My Lord Pope at your hands will I receaue agayne my sonne, which one whole yeare hath endured banishment, and other penaunce by your holynesse enioyned. Then the sayd Hildebrand, for that instant, because of those which were with him in company (dissembling his wrath) deliuered her, her sonne very churlishly, saying, get thee hence woman I bid thee, and let me be in rest. After this he sent his officers & apprehēded the widowes sonne, and gaue commaundement to the Iustices, to put him to death, who altogether makyng aunswer, sayd, that they could no more condemne or meddle with him,The villany of the pope in killing a widowes sonne whiche before had done hys penance. for that hee had for his crime committed, appealed once to the Pope, & abidden the banishment, and done the penaunce by him enioyned. Hereupon this glorious Hildebrand beyng displeased wyth the Iudges, caused the foote of the widowes sonne to be cut off: makyng neyther repentaunce, nor the lawes and ordinaunces to be of any estimation with hym. And thus his foote beyng cut off, he dyed within three dayes after with the payne thereof. Many other wicked deedes did this Hildebrand, vpon whom the bloud of the church cryeth vengeance, shed by the sworde (that is) the miserable trecherie of his tong. For which things (and that iustly) the church refused to communicate with him. Haec Benno.

An other Epistle of Benno to the Cardinals.

TO the reuerend fathers of the Church of Rome,Another letter of Benno. and to hys beloued in Christ, and to his brethren that shall for euer be beloued: Benno the Cardinall of the Churche of Rome, wisheth faythfull seruice, health and communion with the seruaunts of the catholicke Church. Of the which communion, discipline and power, he vaynely braggeth, y• by the presumption of hys authoritie shal vniustly bynd or lose any maner of persō. And he doth vniustly bynd what soeuer he be, that curseth any man, (being willing to make satisfaction, and bewayling hys boldnes, beyng also vnco [...]et, and not confessing the crime) but rather cursing that party in vayne: he curseth and condemneth himself, turning his weapon vpō his own persō to destructiō. O straunge and new found trechery, proceeding from the sanctuary: nay rather from [...] whiche as high Priest seemeth to rule the church, & to be a Iudge ouer the Iudges.

Hildebrand was earnestly in hand with the Emperor, that he should depriue those Bishops which came in by simonie. The Emperour (thinking as a zelous Prince,A deuilish practise of Hildebrand in setting the Bishops agaynst the Emperour. that this commission had proceeded from the throne of God) without delay obeyed the same, and forthwith without any consideration, or iudiciall order, depriued certayne Bishops, and thought that by this his obedience to Hildebrand be [...] an acceptable sacrifice to God, not knowyng the [...]. But Hildebrand then agayne placed those, whom the Emperour for [...] at his commaundement had before deposed, and those whom by that meanes he made to bea [...] a hatefull heart to the [Page] Emperour, he reconciled agayne vnto himselfe in great familiaritie, and by many and great othes taken of thē, for their fidelitie towards him, he promoted aboue al the rest. And thus by these prankes, the Imperiall seat of the king beyng shortly after empaired, & destitute almost of frends, he craftily purchasing the friendship and fauor of the greatest princes, the better to bring his matters to passe: sodainly agayne, without any lawfull accusation, without any canonicall vocation, without all iudiciall order, excō municated the Emperor (so obedient alwayes vnto him) & set the Princes of the Empire all agaynst him. And notwithstandyng (as the Apostle sayeth) that no man ought to circumuent his brother in his busines, as much as in him lay, he rather mortified and killed him, then brotherly corrected him. Thus the Emperor beyng many wayes circumvented: as, excommunicate besides the canonicall order,The Emperour caused by Hildebrand to accuse himselfe. and by the consent and counsail of Hildebrand, spoiled of the greatest part of his Imperiall honour, and ouercharged with great warres and slaughters of hys owne subiects, in vayne desired he and sued for, to haue the Canon read and heard, causing him by force and violence at Canusium, in the presence of Hildebrand, to accuse himselfe by his owne confession.

Say you now (I pray you) all such as loue iustice, and loue not to leane either vpon the left hand, or els the right hand, in the fauour of any person. Say your mindes, whether that such a confession beyng inforced vpon neuer so poore a man (much lesse vpon an Emperor) ought at such a tyme to be preiudiciall or not. Or whether he which extorted the same confession, is guilty of the Canon? Or els he, which beyng so peruersly iudged, suffered the iniury of a most peruerse iudge?The great patience of the godly Emperour. Which also most paciently and publikely suffred this violence with lamentable affliction vpō his bare feete, clothed in thinne garments, in the sharpe winter, which neuer was vsed, and was three dayes together at Canusium, made a spectacle both of angels and men, and a ludibrious mocking stocke to that proud Hildebrand. Neuer trust me, if that 14. Cardinals, the Archdeacon himselfe, and he that is called Primicerius, beyng all wise and religious men, besides many other of y• clarks of Laterane, to the iudgement and priuiledge of whose holy seat the whole world is obedient (waying and considering his intollerable apostasie) departed not from participating, and refused from communicating with him.

This glorious Hildebrand & his affinitie by their new authoritie, breaking the decrees of the Calcedone Councel not onely in wordes, but also in publike writings haue agreed, that it is tollerable both to baptise and communicate beyng out of the church of God, and how blynd these men were, and also what heretikes they be, their own writings do declare. What a mischiefe is this (saith Benno) they presume to iudge of the Church, which swarme them selues in all errours, who also esteeme the veritie, but as a lye, and least their poysoned falshood both in words & writings should appeare, they haue (like subtill poysoners, the sooner to deceiue) mixed hony therwithall. A lye sayth S. Augustine,Mēdaciū quid. is euery thing pronounced with the intent of deceauing other.

It were too long and tedious here to recite all the detestable doyngs, and diabolicall practises, of coniurings, charmes, and filthy sorceries, exercised betwene hym and Laurentius, & Theophilact, otherwyse named Pope Benedict the 9. wherof a long narration foloweth in the foresayd epistle of Benno to the cardinals to be seen,Pope Hildebrand a worker of sorcery and coniuring. to whom the reader may repaire, who so hath either laisure to read, or mynd to vnderstand more of the abhominable partes, and diuelish artes of this Hildebrand.

Thus hauing sufficiently alledged the wordes and testimonies of Benno and Auentinus, concerning the actes and factes of this Pope. Now let vs proceed (in the order as followeth in his story) to set forth the miserable vexation which the vertuous and godly Emperour sustayned by that vngodly person.

About what time Hildebrand was made Pope, Henricus the 4. Emperour was incombred and much, vexed with ciuill dissention in Germany, by reason of certayne greuances of the Saxons against him & his father Henricus the 3. Whereupon, the matter growyng to sedition, sides were taken, & great warres ensued, betwixt [...] Duke of Saxony, & Henricus the Emperour. This [...] tyme seemed to Hildebrand very opportune, to worke his feates, whose study & drift was euer [...] the beginning to aduaunce the dominion of the Romish fear aboue al other bishops, and also to presse down the authoritie of the temporall enters, vnder the [...] men of the Church. And although he went about the same [...] traynes and actes set forth to [...] he thought more effectuously to accomplish his purposed intent, after that he was exalted thether where he would be. And therefore now bearing himselfe the bolder, by the authority of S. Peters throne,Much [...] made of Peters throne, [...] his life they let alon [...]. first he began to pursue the acte set out by his predecessor as touching simonie, cursing and excommunicating, whosoeuer they were, that receiued any spirituall liuing or promotion at lay mens hands, as all such as were the geuers therof. For this he called than Simonie, that vnder that colour he might defeat the temporal potestates of their right, and so bring the whole clergy at length to the lure of Rome. And forasmuch as y• emperour was the head, thinking first to begin with him, he sendeth for him by letters and Legates to appeare in the councel of Laterane at Rome. But the Emperour busied in his warres against the Saxones, had no laysure to attend to councels. Notwithstanding Gregorius the Pope, procedeth in his councel, rendring there the cause and reason before the bishops, why he had excommunicate diuers of the clergy, as Herman bishop of Bamberge, counsellor to the Emperour,Herma [...] excommunicate of Hildebrād. and other priests mo for Simony. And there moreouer in the sayd Councell, he threateneth to excommunicate likewise the Emperour himselfe, and to depose him from his regall kingdom, vnlesse he would abrenounce the heresie of simonie, and do penance. The councel being ended, Guibertus Archbishop of Rauenna, perswadeth with one Centius (a Romaine,Centius. the captains son, whom the Pope had excommunicate) to take the Emperours part against the Pope. Who watching his tyme in the temple of S. Mary, vpon Christmas day in the morning, taketh the Pope & putteth him fast in a strong tower. The next day the people of Rome hearing this,Hildebra [...] cast in the tower. harnes themselues with all erpedition to helpe the bishop, whom when they loosed out of prison, they besieged the house of Centius, and pluckt it downe to the ground. His familie hauyng their noses cut off, were cast out of the Citie. Centius himselfe escaping, fled to the Emperour. Guibert the Archbishop pretending good will to the Pope,Guibert [...] Archbishop of Rauenn [...]. departed from Rome, who likewise had wrought with Hugo Cā didus Cardinall, and with Theobaldus Archb. of Millaine, also with diuers other bishops about Italy, to forsake the Pope and take the Emperors part. Gregory the Pope called Hildebrand, hearing the conspiracie, layeth the sentence of excommunication vpon them all, and depriueth them of their dignitie. The Emperor beyng mooued (and worthily) with the arrogant presumption of the proud prelate, calleth together a Councell at Wormes. In which Councell all the bishops not onely of Saxonic, but of all the whole Empire of Germaines, agree & conclude vpon the deposition of Hildebrand, and that no obedience hereafter should be geuen to him. This being determined in the Councel, Roulandus a Priest of Parmen, was sent to Rome with the sentence, who in the name of the councell should commaund Gregory to yeld vp his seate, & also charge the Cardinals to resort to the Emperour for a new election of an other Pope. The tenor of the sentence sent vp by Rolandus, was this.

The sentence of the Councell of Wormes against Hildebrand.

FOr so much as thy first ingresse and comming in,The counsell of Wormes agaynst the Pope. hath bene so spotted with so many periuries, and also the Church of GOD brought in no little danger, through thine abuse and newfanglenes. Moreouer, because thou hast diffamed thine owne lyfe and conuersation, with so much and great dishonesty, that we see no little perill or slaunder to rise therof: therfore the obediēce which yet we neuer promised thee, hereafter we vtterly renounce, & neuer entend to geue thee. And as thou hast neither taken vs yet for Bishoppes (as thou host openly reported of vs) so neither will we hereafter take thee to be Apostolike. Vale.

Gregory the Pope tickled with this sentence, The counsel of Rome against the councell of Wormes. first condemneth it in his councell of Laterane with excommunication. Secondarily, depriueth Sigifridus Archbishop of Mentz of his dignities, and ecclesiastical liuings, with all other bishops, Abbots and Priests, as many as tooke the Emperors part, Henricus the Emperour excommunicated by Hildebrand. Thirdly, accuseth Henricus the Emperour himselfe, depriueth him of his kingdome and regall possession, and releaseth all his subiects of their oth of allegeance geuen vnto him, after this forme and maner.

The tenour of the sentence Excommunicatorie, agaynst Henricus the Emperour, by Hildebrand.

O Blessed S. Peter Prince of the Apostles, bowe downe thyne eares I beseech thee, Ex Plati [...]. and heare me thy seruaunt, whom thou [Page]hast brought vp euen from myne infancie, and hast deliuered me vnto this day from the handes of the wicked, which hate & persecute me, because of my fayth in thee. Thou art my witnesse, and also the blessed mother of Iesu Christ, Ma [...]ke this, [...] papistes that [...]ay the Pope cannot erre. and thy brother S Paule, fellow partener of thy martyrdome, how that I entred this function (not willingly) but inforced against my will: not that I take it so as a robbery, lawfully to ascēd into this seat: but because that I had rather passe ouer my lyfe, like a pilgrime or priuate person, then for any fame or glory to clime vp to it. I do acknowledge (& that worthily) all this to come of thy grace, The pope threatneth kindenes of S. Peter. and not of my merites, that this charge ouer christen people, and this power of binding and loosing is committed to me. Wherefore, trustyng vpon this assurance for the dignitie and tuition of holy church. In the name of God omnipotent, the father, the sonne, & the holy ghost, I do here depose Henry, the sonne of Henry once the Emperour, from his Imperiall seat, and princely gouernment, who hath so boldly and presumptuously layd handes vpon thy Church. And furthermore, all such as tofore haue sworne to be his subiectes, I release them of their othe, whereby all subiects are bound to the allegeaunce of their princes. For it is meete and connenient that he should be voyd of dignitie, whiche seeketh to diminish the maiestie of thy Church. Moreouer, for that he hath contemned my monitions, tending his health and wealth of his people, and hath separate himselfe from the fellowship of the Churche (which he, Quis tulerit gracchos de seditione querentes? luuen. through his seditions, studieth to destroy) therefore I binde him by vertue of excommunication, trusting and knowyng most certainly, that thou art Peter (in the rocke of whom, as in the true foundation Christ) our king hath built his church.

The Emperour thus assaulted with the Popes censure, sendeth abroad his letters thorough all nations, to purge himselfe, declaring how wrongfully, & agaynst all right he was condemned. The princes of Almany partly fearing the cracke of the Popes thunderclap,The Saxons take the popes part agaynst the Emperour. partly again reioycing that occasion was renued to rebell agaynst the Emperour, assembled a commencement, where they did consult and so conclude, to elect another Emperor, and to fall from Henry, vnlesse the Pope would come to Germany, and he there content to submit himselfe and obtayne his pardon.

Wherein is to be considered the lamentable affections of the Germains in those dayes, so to forsake such a valiant Emperor, and so much to repute a vile Bishop. But this was the rudenes of the world thē, for lack of better knowledge. The Emperor seyng the chiefe princes ready to forsake him, promiseth them with an othe, that if the Pope would repayre to Germany, he would aske forgeuenes.

Upon this the bishop of Triers, was sen [...] vp in commission to Rome, to entreat the Pope to come into Germany. The bishop (at the instance of the Legate, & of the Princes) was content. He entred into Germany, thinking to come to Augusta.Peace disturbed through wicked counsell. After he was come to Uercellos (the bishop of that city beyng the Chancellor of Italy, and desirous to disturbe peace, for the old grudge he had to the Emperour) falsly perswadeth with the Pope, that he was certayn, the Emperor was comming with a mighty great army against him, counsailing him therfore to prouide betimes for his owne safegard in some stronger place. Wherby the Popes mynde beyng altered, hee retyred backe to Canusium or Canossus, a Citie being subiect to Matilda, a Countesse of Italy, where he should not need to feare the Emperour.

Henricus vnderstanding the false feare of the Pope, & of his retire to Canusium, incontinent (commyng out of Spires with his wife and his young sonne, in the deepe & sharp of Winter) resorteth to Canossus. All his pieres and nobles had left him for feare of the Popes curse,A wonderous submission of a valiaunt Emperour to a vile Pope. neyther did any accompany him. Wherfore the Emperour beyng not a little troubled (laying apart hys regall ornamentes) came barefooted with hys wyfe and childe, to the gate of Canossus: where he from morning to night (all the day fasting) most humbly desireth absolution, crauing to be let in, to the speech of the Bishop. But no ingresse might be geuen him once within the gates. Thus he continuing 3. dayes together in hys petition and sute: at length answer came, that the Popes maiesty had yet no leysure to talke with him. The Emperour nothing moued therwith, that he was not let into the Citty, patient and with an humble minde abideth without the walles,Notable patience in a noble Emperour. with no litle greuance and paynefull labour: for it was a sharpe winter, and all frosen with cold. Notwithstanding, yet through his importunate sute, at length it was graunted through the intreating of Matilda the Popes paramour, and of Arelaus Erle of Sebaudia, and the Abbot of Cluniake, that hee should be admitted to the Popes speach. On the 4. day beyng let in, for a token of his true repentance, he yeldeth to the Popes handes, his crowne, with all other ornaments Imperiall: and confessed himselfe vnworthy of the Empire, if euer he doe against the Pope hereafter, as he hath done tofore, desiring for that tyme to be absolued and forgeuen.

Henricus the Emperour with his wife and chyld, barefoote and barelegd, waiting on Pope Hildebrand, three dayes, and three nightes, at the gates of Canusium, before he could be suffred to come in.

[Page]The Pope answereth he will neither forgeue hym, nor release the bande of his excommunication, but vpon conditions.Proud conditions of the Pope. First, to promise, that he shall be content to stand to his arbitrement in the councell, and to take such penance as he shall enioyne him, also that he shall be prest and redy to appeare, in what place or tyme the Pope shall appoint him. Moreouer, that he beyng content to take the Pope iudge of his cause, shall aunswer in the sayd councel to all obiections and accusations layd against him, & that he shall neuer seeke any reuengement herein.Pope both accuser and iudge. Item, that he (though he be quit and cleared therin) shall stand to the Popes mynd and pleasure, whether to haue his kingdom restored, or to loose it. Finally, that before the triall of hys cause, he shall neither vse his kingly ornaments, scepters, or crowne,Here the beast of the Apocalips appeareth in his colors. nor to vsurpe the authoritie to gouerne, nor to exact any othe of allegeaunce vpon his subiects, &c. These things beyng promised to the bishop by an oth, and put in writing, the Emperour is onely released of excommunication. The tenour of the writing is this.

The forme and tenour of the othe, which Heniicus made to the Pope.

I Henricus King, after peace and agreement made to the mynde and sentence of our Lord, Gregorius the 7. promise to keepe all couenants and bandes betwixt vs, and to prouide that the Pope go safely wheresoeuer he will without any daunger eyther to him or to his retinue. Especially in all such places as be subiect to our Impery. Nor that I shall at any tyme stay or hinder him, but that he may doe that belongeth to his function, where & whensoeuer his pleasure shalbe. And these things I bynd my selfe with an othe to keepe. Actum Canos. 5. Calend. Februarij. indic. 15.

Thus the matter beyng decided betwixt them after the Popes owne prescribement, the Emperour taketh hys iourney to Papia. The Pope with his Cardinals, dyd vaunce and triumph with no little pryde that they had so quailed the Emperor, & brought him on his knees, to aske them forgeuenes. Yet notwithstanding mistrusting themselues & misdoubting tyme, what might befall them hereafter, if fortune should turne, & God geue the Emperour to enioy a more quiete kingdome: therfore to preuent such dangers betime, they study and consult priuily with them selues, how to displace Henry clean frō his kingdom. And how that deuise might safely be conueyed,The crafty conspiracy of the Cardinals agaynst the Emperour. they conclude and determine to deriue the Empire vnto Rodolphus, a man of great nobilitie amongst the chiefest states of Germany, and also to incite and stirre vp all other princes and subiects (beyng yet free and discharged from their othes) against Henry, & so by force of armes to expulse the emperour out of his kingdom. To bring this purpose the better to passe, legates were sent downe from the Pope. Sigehardus Patriarch of Aquilia, and Altimanus Byshop of Padway, which should perswade through all Fraunce, that Henry the Emperor was rightfully excommunicate, and that they should geue to the bishop of Rome their consents in chusing Rodolphus to be Emperor. This beyng done, there was sēt to the said Rodolphus duke of Swenia, a crowne from the Pope with this verse.

Petra dedit Petro,

The verse.

Petrus diadema Rodolpho.

The rocke gaue the crowne to Peter,

Peter geueth it to Rodolph.

Here by the way of digression (to make a litle glose vpon this barbarous verse) two notable lyes are to be noted. One,The glose vpon the verse of Hildebrand. where he lyeth vpon Christ, the other where he lyeth vpon S. Peter. First, that Christ gaue any temporal diademe to Peter, it is a most manifest lye, and against the scriptures, when as he would not take it, beyng geuen to himselfe, and sayth his kingdome is not of this world. Agayne, where he saith that Peter geueth it to Rodulph: Here he playeth the Poet,The Pope proued a double lyer. for neither had Peter any suche thing to geue, and if he had, yet he would not haue geuen it to Rodulph from the right heyre, neither is it true that Peter did geue it, because Hildebrand gaue it. For it is no good argument. Hildebrand did geue it: Ergo, Peter dyd geue it: except ye will say, Hildebrand stirred vp great warres & bloudshed in Germany, Ergo Peter stirred vp great warres in Germany. So Peter neyther could, nor would, nor did geue it to Rodolphus, but only Hildebrād the Pope: who after he had so done, he gaue in commaundement to the Archbishop of Mentz and of Collen, to elect this Rodulphus for Emperour, and to annoynt hym kyng, and also to defend him with all force & strength they might.

While this conspiracy was in hand, Henricus the emperor was absent, and the Popes ambassadors with hym also. In the meane space Rodulphus was elected Emperor vnknowing to Henry. Upō this commeth the bishop of Strausborough vnto the emperor, certifiyng him what was done. He suspecting & seing the stomack and doyngs of the Saxōs so bent against hym, mustreth his men with expedition, & marcheth forward to defend his right. But first sendeth to Rome (trusting vpon the league betwixt hym and the Pope) and requireth the bishop to proceede with his sentence agaynst Rodulphus, for the rebellious inuasiō of his Imperye. But the bishop minding nothing lesse, sendeth word againe, not to be right to condemne any person (his cause beyng not heard) thus vnder the pretence of the law, colouring his vnlawfull treatory. Henricus thus disappointed and forsaken on euery side,The Pope traytor to the Emperour. with his men about him, attempteth battayle against Rodulphus. In which battaile, a meruailous great slaughter was on both sides, but the victory on neither part certain. So that both the Captaines yet chalenged the Empire. After the battayle & great murder on both sides, they sent to Rome both to know of the Popes determination, to whether of them two, he iudged the right title of the empire to appertayne. The Bishop commaundeth them both to break vp their armies, and depart the field, promising that he shortly will call a councell where this matter should be disputed. In the meane time they should cease from warre. But before the messengers returned agayne (their armies beyng refreshed) they had an other conflict together,Great [...] stirred vp by the pope. but no victory got on either part. Thus both the Captaines beyng weried in warres, the Romish beast the bishop which was the cause therof, perceiuing whether these cruel wars would tend, to the great calamitie not onely of the Germains, but also of other nations (trusting to find another way to helpe Rodulphus and his adherentes) sendeth downe a commission by Ottho Archbishop of Treuers, Bernardus Deacon, and Bernardus Abbot of Massilia: to whom he gaue in charge that they should call together a Councell or sitting in Almany, and there to be defined to whether part the Empire should pertayne, by most right and publicke consideration. Promising that what they should therein determine, he (looking vpon the matter, through the authoritie of God omnipotent, and of S. Peter, and Sainct Paule) would ratifie the same. Moreouer, for that, no let nor impeachment should happen to the Legates by the way, he geueth with them letters, to the princes and nations of Germany. Whereof, the contents be declared briefly in Platina, if any list to read them.

But the Emperour would not so permit the Legates to haue any Councel within Germany, except they would first depriue Rodulphus of his kingdome. The Legates considering that to be against the drift and intention of the Pope, returned agayne frō whence they came. The Pope hearing this and seing his purpose so disappointed by the Emperour, draweth out another excommunication against him, and agayne bereaueth him of his kingdome: sending about his letters excommunicatorie, throughout all places, thinkyng therby to further the part of Rodulphus the better. Platina hath in his booke the whole effect of the writing, which tendeth after this sort.

The copy of the second excommunication of Hildebrand against the Emperour.O pestiferous hipocrite. The Pope prayeth S. Peter to dishonor hys king. And S. Peter byndeth the Pope to honour hys king. Crocodili lachryma. Scripture well applyed. A figure called [...] Cuius contrarium verum est. Vim faciunt scripturis, vt plenitudinem accipiant potestatis.

BLessed S. Peter, prince of the Apostles, and thou Paule also the teacher of the Gentiles geue eare vnto me. I beseech you a little, and gently heare me, for you are the disciples and louers of truth, the things that I shall say, are true. This matter I take in hand for truth sake that my brethren (whose saluation I seeke) may the more obsequiously obey me, and better vnderstand, how that I trusting vpon your defence (next to Christ and his mother the immaculate virgin) resist the wicked, and am ready to helpe the faythfull. I did not enter this seate of myne owne accorde, but much agaynst my will, and with teares, for that I accounted my selfe vnworthy to occupy so high a throne. And this I say, not that I haue chosen you, but you haue chosen me, and haue layed this great burthen vpon our shoulders. And now where as by this your assignement, I haue ascended vp this hill, crying to the people, and shewing them their faults, & to the children of the church their iniquities, the members of Sathan haue risen vp agaynst me and haue layd hands together to seeke my bloud. For the kings of the earth haue risen vp against me, and the Princes of this world, with whom also haue conspired certaine of the Clergy subiectes against the Lord, and against vs his annointed, saying: let vs break a sūder their bands, & cast off from vs their yoke. This haue they done agaynst me, to bring me either to death, or to banishmēt. In the number of whom is Henricus, whome they call kyng, the sonne of Henry the Emperour, which hath lift vp so proudly hys [Page] hornes and heele against the church of God, making conspiracie with diuers other bishops, both Italians; French & Germains. Against the pride of whom,Let all Pap [...] marke here well the holines of their holy father. hetherto your authoritie hath resisted, who rather being broken th [...]n amended, comming to me in Cisalpina, made humble sute to me for pardon & absolution. I thinking nothing els but true repentance in him, receaued him again to fauour, & did restore him to the communion only, from which he was excommunicate, but to his kingdome (from which in the Synode of Rome he was worthily expulsed) I did not restore, nor to the rentes and fruites therof (that he might returne to the faith againe) that I graunted not vnto him. And that I did for this purpose, that if he should deferre to fall to agreement with certaine of his neighbours, whom he hath alwayes vexed, and to restore agayn the goods both of the church and otherwise, thā he might be compelled by the censures of the Church and force of armes therunto Wherby diuers and sundry bishops and princes of Germany (such as he had long troubled) being helped by this opportunitie, elected Rodolphus their Duke to be king in the place of Henricus, whom they for his transgressions had remooued & dispatched from his empire. But Rodolphus first in this matter vsing a princely modestie and integritie, sent vp his messengers to me, declaring how he was constrained (wild he, nild he) to take that regall gouernment vpon him, albeit he was not so desirous therof, but that he would rather shew himselfe obedient to vs, then to the other that offied him the kingdom, and whatsoeuer our arbitrement should be therin, he would be vnder obedience, both of God and of vs. And for more assurance of his obedience, he hath sent his owne children hither for pledges. Vpon this Henricus began to snuffe, and first entreated with vs, to restraine and inhibite Rodolphus through the paine of our curse,As though he were not set vp by you, rather then by them. from the vsurpation of his kingdom. I aunswered againe, I would see whether of them had more right and title thereunto, & so send our Legates thither vpon the same, to know the whole state of the matter, and thereupō I would decide betwixt thē, whither of them had truer part. But Henricus would not suffer our Legates to come to take vp the matter, and slew diuers both secular men, and of the Clergy, spoiling and prophaning churches, and so by this meanes hath; indangered himselfe in the bandes of excommunication. I therefore trusting in the iudgement and mercy of God, and in the supportation of the blessed virgin, also vpon your authoritie, do laye the sentence of curse vpon the said Henricus, & all his adherents: and here againe I take his regall gouernment from him, charging and forbidding all christen men that haue bene sworne vnto him (whom I discharge here of their oth) that hereafter they obey him in nothing,The more to blame Emperours to suffer you to be so saucie with them. but to take Rodolphus to their king, who is elected by many princes of the Prouince. For so right it is and conuenient, that as Henry for his pride & stubburnes, is depriued of his dignitie and possession: so Rodolphus being gratefull to all men, for his vertue and deuotion be exalted to the Imperiall throne & domination.

Therfore O you blessed prince of the Apostles, graunt to this, and confirme with your authoritie that I haue sayd, so that all mē may vnderstand, if you haue power to bynd and loose in heauen, you haue also power in earth to geue & take away Empires, kingdoms, principallities, and whatsoeuer here in earth belongeth to mortall men. For if yov haue power to iudge in such matters as appertain to God: what then should we thinke you haue of these inferior & prophane things?Nego argumentum. And if it be in your power to iudge the angels, ruling ouer proud princes, what then shall it be seen [...] you to do vpon their seruants? Therfore let the kings vnderstand by this example, & all other princes of the world, what you be able to do in heauen, & what you are with God, that thereby they may feare to contemn the commaundement of holy church. And now doe you exercise this iudgement quickely vpon Henricus, whereby all men may see this sonne of iniquitie to fall from hys kingdome,Confer this clause with the history of the story hereafter following. O double hipocrite. Guibertus Archbishop depriued. not by any chaunce, but by your prouision and onely worke. Notwithstanding, this I would craue of you, that he being brought to repentance through your intercession, yet in the day of iudgement, may finde fauour and grace with the Lord. Actum Romae. Nonis Martij, indictione, 3.

Furthermore, Pridebrand Driveur and not yet content with this, interditeth & deposeth also Guibertus Archb. of Rauēna, for taking the Emperors part, commaunding all priestes to geue no maner obedience to him, and sendeth thether to Rauenna an other Archb. with full authoritie.

After & vpon this, Henricus & Rodulphus to try the matter by the sword, coped together in battaile, not without bloudshed, where Henricus by the fauour of God against the iudgement of Hildebrand, had the victory. Rodulphus there greatly wounded in the conflict, was had out of the army, and caried to Hyperbolis, where he commaunded the bishops & chief doers of his conspiracy to be brought before him, The 4. battell betwixt Henry and Rodulph. Henricus rectors. when they came, he listed vp his right hand, in which he had taken his deadly wound, and sayd: This is the hand which gaue the oth and sacrament vnto Henricus my Prince, and which through your instigatiō, so oft hath fought against him in vaine. Now go and performe your first othe & allegeance to your king, for I must to my fathers, Rodulphus at hys death repenting. The Pope geueth war but God geueth victory. and so dyed. Thus the Pope gaue battaile, but God gaue the victory.

Henricus (after his enemy beyng thus subdued, and warres being ceased in Germany) forgate not the old iniuries receiued of Hildebrand by whom he was twise excommunicate, & expulsed from his kingdom, and iii. daies making humble sute (yea & that in sharpe winter) coulde find no fauour with him. Besides that, he incited moreouer & aided his enemy against him, wherfore calleth together a councell or assembly of diuers bishops of Italy, Lō bardy and Germany at Brixia, an. 1083. where he purged himself, Conciliam Brixonse. Anno. 1083. & accused the bishop Hildebrand of diuers crimes, to be an usurper periured, a Necromanser & Sorcerer, a lower of discord, complaining moreouer of wrongs & iniuries done by the bishop and church of Rome, in that the church of Rome preferred the bishop before him, whē that his father being emperor before him, had inthronised & set in diuers & sundry bishops there by his assignment, with out all other electiō. And now this bishop contrary to his oth & promise made, thrust in himself, without the wil and knowlege of him, being their king and magistrate, For in the time of his father Henricus 3. This Hildebrand wyth other, bound themselues with a corporall oth, that so long as the Emperour and his sonne now beyng kyng, No Bishop of Rome to be chosen without. the assent of the Emperour. should liue, they should neither themselues presume nor suffer any other to aspire to the Papal seat, without the assent and approbation of the foresayd Emperours, which now this Hildebrand contrary to his corporal oth had done, wherfore the foresaid councel with one agrement condēned this Gregory, that he should be deposed. The tenor of which condemnation is thus expressed in Abbate Vrspergensi.

The Sentence of the Councell of Brixia, against Hildebrand.

BEcause it is not vnknown, this bishop not to be elected of God but to haue intruded himselfe by fraud and money, who hath subuerted all Ecclesiasticall order,Abbas Vrspergensis.who hath disturbed the gouernment of the Christian Empery, manasing death of body and soule against our catholike & peaceable king, who hath set vp & maintayned aperiured kyng, sowyng discorde, where concorde was, causing debate amongst friends, slāders, & offences amongest brethrenne; diuorcementes and separation amongest the maried (for he tooke away the mariage of priests, as Henricus Mutius witnesseth) and finally disquieting the peaceable state of all quiet lyfe: therefore we here in the name & authoritie of God congregate together,Henricus Mutius.with the Legates & handes of 19. Bishops, the day of Pentecost at Mentz, doe proceed in Canonicall iudgement, against Hildebrand, a man most wicked, preaching sacriledge and burning, maintaining periury and murthers, callyng in question the Catholike fayth of the body and bloud of the Lord, a follower of diuination and dreames, a manifest Necromancer, a Sorcerer, and infected with a Pythonicall spirite,Note here the Pope iudged and deposed of the councell.and therefore departed from the true fayth, we iudge hym to be deposed & expelled. And vnlesse he hearyng this, shall yelde and depart the seate, to be perpetually condemned. Inacted vij. Calend. Iulij. feria. 5. indictione. 3.

This being enacted & sent to Rome, they elected Guibertus Archbishop of Rauena in the place of Hildebrand, to gouerne the Church of Rome, named Clemens 3. But when Hildebrand neither would geue ouer his hold, nor geue place to Clement, the Emperour gathering an army to send to Italy,The Pope seeketh succour of hys paramour. The first example to fight for remission of sinnes, began in Hildebrand. came to Rome to depose Gregory, and to place Clement. But Hildebrand sendyng to Matilda the Countesse before in ētioned, required (in remission of al hee sinnes) to withstand Henry the Emperor, and so she did. Notwithstanding Henricus preuailyng came to Rome, where he besieged the Citie all the Lent, and after Easter got it, the Romaines being compelled to open the gates vnto him: so he comming to the temple of S. Peter, there placeth Clemēt in his Papacy, Hildebrand straight flieth into Adrians tower with his adherents, where he beyng beset round about, at length sendeth for Robert Guiscardus his frend a Norman, in the mean time, while Robertus collecteth his power, the Abbot of Chiniake, couferryng with Gregory, exhorteth him to crowne Henricus emperor in Lateran, which if he would do, the other promiseth to bring about, that Den. shuld depart we his army into Germany, whereunto the people of Rome also did lykewise mooue him. To whom Gregory answered, that he was content so to do (but vpon condition) that the emperor would submit himself to aske pardon, to amend hys fault, and to promise obedience. The Emperour not agreyng to those conditions went to Senas, taking Clement, new stalled Pope with hym.

After the returne of the Emperor, the foresayd Robert Buiscardus approching we his souldiours, brast in at one [Page] of the gates, and spoileth the Citie. And not long after deliuereth Hildebrand out of his enemies hands,Platina. Nauclerus. Sabellicus. Crantzius. Benno, &c. and caried him away to Campana, where he, not long continuyng, after dyed in exile.

Antoninus writeth, that Hildebrand, as he did lie a dying, called to hym one of his chief Cardinals, be wailing to him his fault & misorder of his spirituall ministery, in stirring vp discord, warre & dissension: wherupon he desired the Cardinall to go to the Emperor, and desire him of forgeuenes, absoluing from the danger of excommunication both him and all his partakers both quicke and dead.

Thus hast thou (gentle Reader) the full history of pope Gregory 7. called Hildebrand, which I haue laid our more, at large,Hildebrand, the first author and patrone of all misrule that followed in Popes. & desire thee to marke, because that frō this Pope (it thou marke wel) springeth all the occasion of mischiefe, of pride, pompe, stoutnesse, presumption & tiranny, which since that tyme hath raigned in his successours hetherto, in the cathedral church of the Romish clergy for here came first the subiectiō of the temporal regiment, vnder the spiritual iurisdictiō. And Emperors, which before were their maisters, now are made their vnderlings. Also here came in the suppression of priests mariage, as is sufficiently declared. Here came in moreouer the authoritie of both the swords spiritual & secular, into spiritual mens hands. So that christian magistrates could do nothing in election, in geuing bishoprikes or benefices, in calling Councels, in hearing & correcting the excesses of the clergy, but only the Pope must do all. Yea moreouer, no bishop nor Pastor in his owne parish could excommunicate or exercise any discipline amongst his flocke, but onely the Pope chalenged that prerogatiue to himselfe. Finally, here came in the first example to persecute Emperors & kings, with rebellion & excommunication, as the clergy themselues hereafter doe testifie and witnes in proceeding against Paschalis. Thus these notes beyng well obserued, let vs (by the grace of Christ) now repaire again to our coūtry history of englād.

About the death of Pope Hildebrād (or not long after) folowed the death of king William Conqueror, in the yere of our Lord,The death of William Conquerour. 1090. after he had raigned in Englād the space of 21. yeares and 10. moneths. The cause of his sicknes and death, is said to be this: For that Phillip the French king vpon a tyme (iesting sayd) that king William lay in child bed and nourished his fat belly. with this the foresaid william hearing therof, aunswered againe and sayd, when he should be Churched, he would offer a thousand candels to hym in Fraunce, wherewithall the kyng should haue litle ioy. whereupon king William in the month of Iuly (when the corne, fruite, & grapes were most flourishing) entered into Fraunce, & set on fire many Cities and townes in the westside of Fraunce. And lastly commyng to the Citie of Meaux, where he burning a woman beyng as a recluse in a wall inclosed (or as some say, two mē Anachorites inclosed) was so seruent and furious about the fire, that with the heate partly of the fire, partly of the tyme of yeare, therby he fell into sicknes, and dyed vpon the same.

By the life & actes of this king, it may appeare true, as stories of him report, that he was wise but guilefull, riche, but couetous, a faire speaker, but a great dissembler, glorious in victory, & strong in armes, but rigorous in oppressing whom he ouercame, in leuiyng of tasks passing all other. In so much that he caused to bee enrolled & numbred in his treasury euery hide of land, and owner therof: what fruit & reuenewes surmounted of euery Lordship, of euery township, castel, village, field, riuer, & wood, within all the realme of England. Moreover, how many parish Churches, how many liuing cattell there were, what and how much euery Baron in the realme could dispend, what fees were belonging, what wages were taken, &c. The tenour & contents of which taskment,Pestilence in England, and [...] of beastes yet remaineth in rolles. After this tasking or nūbring, which was the yere before his death, folowed an exceding moreine of cattell, & barennes of the ground, with much pestilence and hote feuers amōg the people,London with the Church of Paules brent. so that such as escaped the feuer, were cōsumed with famine. Moreouer, at the same season among certain other Cities, a great part of the City of London, with the church of Paules was wasted with fire, an 1085.

In hunting and in parkes, the foresayd king had such pleasure, that in the country of Southhamptō by the space of 36. miles, he cast downe churches and Townships, and there made the new forest, louing his Decre so dearely, as though he had bene to them a father, making sharp lawes for the increasing thereof, vnder payne of loosing both the eyes. So hard he was to Englishmen, and so fauorable to his owne country,Wolstane Byshop of Worcester. that as there was no English Byshop remainyng, but onely wolstane of Worcester, who beyng commaunded of the king and Lancfrank to resigne vp his staffe, partly for inhabilitie, partly for lacke of the French tongue, refused otherwise to resign it, but only to him that gaue it, and so went to the tombe of king Edward, where he thought to resigne it, but was permitted to enioy it stil: so likewise in his daies there was almost no English mā, that bare office of honour or rule.

In so much, it was half a shame at that tyme, to be called an English man. Notwithstanding he some deale fauoured the citie of London, & graunted vnto the Citizens the first charter that euer they had, written in the Saxon, with greene waxe sealed, and conteined in few lynes.

Among his other conditiōs,England peaceable frō thee [...]. The Abbey of battayle. this in him is noted, that so geuen he was to peace and quiet, that any maiden being laden with gold or siluer, might passe thorough the whole realme, without harme or resistance. This William in his tyme builded two monasteries, one in England, at Battail in Suffex, where he wan the field against Harold, called the abbey of Battail:The Abbey of Barmo [...] desay. an other beside, named Barmōdsey, in his countrey of Normandy.

After the life & story of K. William thus briefly described, with the acts & order of battail betwene him & K. Harold (although much more might haue bene written of yt matter, if the booke had come sooner to my hands which afterward I sawe) now remaineth in the end of his story to describe the names of such Barons & nobles of Normandy, which enterd with him into this land, as well of them which were embarked with him, & slaine also (as appeareth) in the battaile, as also of thē who were planted & aduanced by the said Conqueror, in the lands & possessiōs of English Lordes, whome he either expulsed or els beheaded. The names of which Normands here folow vnderwritten.

¶ Out of the Annales of Normandie in French, wherof one very Auncient written Booke in Parchment, remayneth in the custody of the writer hereof.

THe day after the battaile, very early in the Morning, O do bishop of Bayeux song Masse for those that were departed. The Duke after that desirous to know the estate of his battaile, and what people he had therein lost, and were slaine, he caused to come vnto him a Clarke that had written their names when they were embarked at S. Valeries, and commaunded him to call them all by their names, who called them that had bene at the battaile, and had passed the seas with Duke William. And hereafter followeth their names.

The names of those that were at the Conquest of England.

O Do Bishop of Baycuix.

Robert, Conte de Mortaign. These two were brethren to Duke William by their mother.

Baudwin de Buillon

Roger Conte de Beaumont, surnamed with the beard, of whom descēded ye lign of Meullent.

Guillaume Malet.

Le Sire de Monfort, fin Rille.

Guill de Viexpont.

Neel de S. Sauueur le Viconte.

Le Sire de Fougiers

Henry Seigneur de Ferieres.

Le Sire Daubemare.

Guillaume Sire de Romare.

Le Sire de Lithehare

Le Sire de Touque.

Le Sire de la Mare.

Le Sire de Neauhou.

Le Sire de Pirou.

Rob. Sire de Beaufou

Le Sire Danou.

Le Sire de Soteuille.

Se Sire de Margneuille [...]

Le sire de Tacaruille

Eustace Dābleuille.

le sire de Māgneuille.

Le Sire de Grantmesnil.

Guillaume Crespin.

Le Sire de S. Martin.

Guill. de Moulins.

Le Sire de Puis.

Geoffray Sire de Mayenne.

Auffroy de Bohon.

Auffroy & Maugier de Cartrait.

Guill. de Garennes.

Hue de Gournay, Sire de Bray.

Le Conte Hue de Gournay.

Euguemōt de l'aigle

Le vicōte de Touars

Rich. Dauuerēchin.

Le Sire de Biars.

Le Sire de Solligny.

Le Bouteiller Daubigny.

Le Sire de Maire.

Le Sire de Vitry.

Le Sire de Lacy.

Le Sire du val Dary.

Le Sire de Tracy.

Hue Sire de Mōtfort

Le Sire de Piquegny

Hamon de Kayen.

Le Sire Despinay.

Le Sire de Port.

Le Sire de Torcy.

Le Sire de Iort.

Le Sire de Riuiers.

Guillaume Moyōne

Raoul resson de ringueleiz.

Roger Marmion.

Raoul de Guel.

Auenel des Byars.

Paennel du Monstier Hubert.

Rob. Bertran le Tort

[Page]Le Sire de Seulle.

Le Sire de Doriual.

Le Sire de Breual.

Le Sire de S. Iehan.

Le Sire de Bris.

Le Sire du homme.

Le Sire de Sauchoy.

Le Sire de Cailly.

Le Sire de Semilly.

Le Sire de Tilly.

Le Sire de Romell [...]

Mat. de Basqueuille.

Le Sire de pruaulx.

Le Sire de Gonis.

Le Sire de Sainceaul [...].

Le Sire de Moulloy.

Le Sire de Mōceaulx

The Archers du [...]al de Reul, & Bresheul, & of [...] other places.

Le Sire de S. Saen, i. de S. Sydonio.

Le Sire de Kiulere.

Le Sire de Salnaruille.

Le Sire de Rony.

Eude de Be [...]ugieu.

Le Sire de Oblie.

Le Sire de Sacie.

Le Sire de Nassie.

Le Visquaius de Chaymes.

Le Sire du Sap.

Le Sire de Glos.

Le Sire de Mine.

Le Sire de Glāuille.

Le Sire de Breen [...]

Le Vidam de Baitay.

Raoul de Mor [...]mont

Pierre de Baillend, Sire de Fiscampi

Le Sire de Beansault

Le Sire de Tillieres.

Le Sire de Pacy.

Le Seneschalde. Torcy.

Le Sire de Gacy.

Le Sire Doully.

Le Sire de Sacy.

Le Sire de Vacy.

Le Sire de Tournecut.

Le Sire de Praeres.

Guillaume de Coulombieres.

[...] Sire de Bollebec

Rich Sire Dorbec.

Le Sire de Bōneboz.

Le Sire de Tresgoz.

Le Sire de Montsiquet.

Huerle Bigot de Maletor.

Le Sire de la Haye.

Le Sire de Brecy.

Le Sire de Mombray

Le Sire de Saye.

Le Sire de la Ferte.

Bouteuillain.

Troussebout.

Guillaume Patric de la Laund.

Hue de Moltemer.

Le Sire Danuillers.

Le Sire Donnebaut.

Le Sire de S. Cler.

Rob. le filz Herneys Duc d'Orleans.

Le Sire de Harecourt.

Le Sire de Creuecoeur.

Le Sire de Deyncourt.

Le Sire de Brimetot.

Le Sire de Combray

Le Sire Daunay.

Le Sire de Fontenay

Le Conte Deureux.

Le Sire de Rebelchil.

Alain Fergant Conte de Bretaigne.

Le Sire de S. Vallery

Le Conte Deu.

Gaultier Giffard cō te de Longueuille.

Le Sire Destouteuille.

Le Conte Thomas Daubmalle.

Guill. Cōte de Hoymes & Darques.

Le Sire de Bereuille.

Se Sire de B [...]eante.

Le Sire de Frean uille.

Le Sire de Pauilly.

Le Sire de Clere.

Toustan du Bee.

Le Sire de Maugny.

Roger de Montgomery.

Amaury de Touars.

Ouer and besides the great number of Knights and Esquiers that were vnder them. In the same battail betwene the sayd William the bastard, Duke of Normandy on the one part, and King Harold on the other part, there were slain on King Harolds side of Englishmen, 66654. And on Duke Williams side there were slaine, 6013. men, as it is to bee found in the Chronicles of S. Peter of Westminster, besides those that were drowned in the Riuer of Thames.

When as the aboue named and many other great Lordes were so called, some of them appeared, other some did not: For some of them were slayne there in the held, and others so wounded, that they could not come forth to shew themselues. Then gaue the Duke commaundement that the dead should be buried, and those that were sicke, comforted and eased the best that myght be, &c.

Out of the Auncient Chronicles of England, touching the names of other Normands which seeme to remayne aliue after the bat taile, and to be aduaunced in the Seignories of this land.

IOhn de Maundeuile.

Adam Vndenile

Bernard de Freuile.

Rich de Rochuile.

Gilbard de Frakuile.

Hugo de Douile.

Symōd de Roteuile.

R. de Euyle.

B. de Kneuuile.

Hugo de Moruile.

R. de Coleuile.

A. de Waruile.

C. de Karuile.

R. de Roteuile.

S. de Stoteuile.

H. Bonum.

I. Monum.

W. de Vignoum

K de Vispount.

W. Bailbeof.

S. de Baleyne.

H. de Marreys.

I. Aguleyne.

G. Agilon.

R. Chamburlayne.

N. de Vendres.

H. de Verdon.

H. de Verto.

C. de Vernon.

H. Hardul.

C. Cappan.

W. de Camuile.

I de Cameyes.

R de Rotes.

R. de Boys.

W. de Waren.

T. de Wardboys.

R de Boys.

W. de Audeley.

K. Dynham.

R. de Vaures.

G. Vargenteyn.

I. de Hastings.

G. de Hastank.

L. de Burgee.

R. de Butuileyn.

H. de Malebranche.

S. de Malemain.

G. de Hauteuile.

H Hauteyn!

R. de Morteyn.

R. de Mortimere.

G. de Kanouile.

E. de Columb.

W. Paynel.

C. Panner.

H. Pontrel.

I. de Riuers.

T. Reuile.

W. de Beauchamp.

R. de Beaupale.

E. de Ou.

F. Louel.

S de Troys.

I. de Artel.

Iohn de Montebrugg.

H. de Mounteserel.

W. Trussebut.

W. Trussel.

H. Byset.

R. Basset.

R. Molet.

H. Malouile.

G. Bonet.

P. de Bonuile.

S. de Rouile.

N. de Norbec.

I. de Corneux.

P. de Corbet.

W. de Mountague.

S. de Mounfychet.

I. de Geneuyle.

H. Gyffard.

I. de Say.

T. Gilbard.

R. de Chalons.

S. de Chauward.

H. Feret.

Hugo. Pepard.

I. de Harecourt.

H. de Haunsard.

I. de Lamare.

P. de Mautreuers.

G. de Ferron.

R. de Ferrers.

I. de Desty.

W. de Werders.

H de Borneuyle.

I [...]de Saintenys.

S. de Seucler.

R. de Gorges.

E. de Gemere.

W. de Feus.

S. de Filberd.

H. de Turberuyle

R. Troblenuer.

R. de Angon.

T. de Morer.

T. de Roteler.

H. de Spencer.

R. de Saintpuinten.

I. de Saint Martin.

G. de Custan.

Saint Constantin.

Saint Leger & Saint Med.

M. de Cronu & de S. Viger.

S. de Crayel.

R. de Crenker.

N. Meyuell.

I. de Berners.

S. de Chumli.

E. de Charers.

I. de Grey.

W. de Grangers.

S de Grangers.

S. Raubenyn.

H. Vamgers.

E. Bertram.

R. Bygot.

S. Treoly.

I. Trigos.

G. de Feues.

H. Filiot.

R. Taperyn.

S. Talbot.

H. Santsauer.

T. de Samford.

G. de Vandien.

C. de Vautort.

G. de Mountague.

Tho. de Chambernon.

S. de Montfort.

R. de Ferneuaux

W. de Valence.

T. Clarel.

S. de Cleruaus.

P. de Aubermarle.

H de Saint Aruant.

E. de Auganuteys.

S. de Gant.

G. de Malearbe.

H. Mandut.

W. de Chesun.

L. de Chandut.

R Filz vrs.

B. viconte de Low.

G. de Cantemere.

T. de Cantlow.

R. Breaunce.

T. de Broxeboof.

S de Bolebec

B Mol de boef.

I. de Muelis.

R de Brus.

S de Brewes.

I. de Lylle.

T. de Bellyle.

I. de Wateruile.

G. de Neuyle.

R. de Neuburgh

H. de Burgoyne

G de Bourgh.

S. de Lymoges

L de Lyben.

W. de Helyoun

H. de Hildrebron

R de Loges

S. de Seintlow

I de Maubank

P. de Saint Malow

R. de Leoferne

I. de Louotot

G. de Dabbeuyle

H. de Appetot

W. de Percy

H. de Lacy

G de Quincy

E Tracy

R de la Souche

V. de Somery

I. de Saint Iohn

T. de Saint Gory

P. de Boyly

R de Saint Valery

P. de Pinkeni

S. de Pauely

G. de Monthaut

T. de Mountchesy

R. de Lymozy

G. de Lucy

I. de Artoys

N de Arty

P de Grenuyle

I. de Greys

V. de Cresty

F de Courcy

T. de Lamar

H. de Lymastz

I de Monbray

G. de Morley

S de Gorney

R. de Courtenay

P. de Gourney

R. de Cony

I. de la Huse

R. de la Huse

V de Longeuyle

P. Longespye

I. Pouchardon

R. de la Pomercy

I. de Pountz

R. de Pontlarge

R. Estraunge

Tho. Sauage.

[Page]A little aboue, mention was made of the Bishops sea of Shireborne,The first byshop of Salisbury. Osmund Bishop of Sarum. Ordinale ecclesiastici officy. Secundū [...]sum Sarum. translated from thence to Salisbury. The first bishop of Salisbury was Hermannus & Normand, who first began the new church and minster of Salisbury. After whom succeded Osmūdus, who finished the worke and replenished the house with great liuing, & much good singing. This Osmundus first began the ordinarie, which was called Secundum vsum Sarum. an. 1076. The occasion whereof was this (as I find in an old story booke intituled Eulogium) a great contention chanced at Glastenbury betwene Thurstanus the Abbot,Ex Eulogio historico, Lib. 3. The vse and ordinary of Sarum, how and when it was deuised. and his couent in the days of William Conqueror, which Thurstanus the sayd William had brought out of Normandy, frō the Abbey of Cadonum, and placed him Abbot of Glastenbury. The cause of this cōtentious battaile, was for that Thurstanus conteinning their Quier seruice, then called the vse of S. Bregory, cōpelled his monkes to the vse of one Williā a monk of Fiscam in Normandy. Wherupon, came strife & contentions amongst them: first, in wordes, then from words to blowes, after blowes then to armor. The Abbot with his gard of harnest men, fell vpon the monkes, & draue them to the steps of the high aulter: where ii. were slayne, viii. were wounded with shafts, swords & pikes. The monkes then driuen to such a straight & narow shift, were compelled to defend themselues with fourmes and candlestickes, wherwith they did wound certain of the souldiours. One monke there was (an aged man) who in stead of his shield tooke an Image of the Crucifice in his armes, for hys defence, which image was woūded in the brest by one of the bowe men, wherby the Monke was saued. My story addeth more, that the striker incontinent vpon the same fell mad, which sauoreth of some monkish addition besides the text. This matter being brought before the king, the Abbot was sent agayne to Cadonius, and the monks by the commaundement of the king were scattered in farre countreys. Thus by the occasion hereof, Osmundus bishop of Salisbury, deuised that ordinary, which is called the vse of Sarum, and was afterward receiued in a maner through all England, Ireland and Wales. And thus much for this matter, done in the time of this king William.

Which William after his death, by his wife Matildis or Maulde, left iii. sonnes, Robert Courtley to whom he gaue the Duchie of Normandy: William Rufus his secōd sonne, to whom he gaue the kingdome of England: And Henry the third sonne, to whom he left and gaue treasor, and warned William to be to his people louing & liberall, Robert to be to his people sterne and sturdy.

Example of Gods iust iudgment vpon a Byshop, who being unmercifull to the poore, was eaten with rattes and myse.In the history called Iornalensis, is reported of a certain great man, who about this tyme of kyng William, was compassed about with Mise and Rattes, and flying to the middest of a Riuer, yet when that would not serue, came to the land agayne, and was of them deuoured. The Bermaines say, that this was a Byshop, who dwellyng betwene Colen and Mentz, in tyme of famine and dearth, hauyng store of corne and grayne, would not helpe the pouertie crying to hym for reliefe, but rather wyshed hys corne to be eaten of Myse and Rattes. Wherefore beyng compassed with Mise and Rattes (by the iust iudgement of God) to auoyd the annoiance of them, he builded a tower in middest of the Riuer of Rheine (which yet to this day the Dutchmen call Rattes tower) but all that would not helpe: for the Rattes and Myse swamme ouer to hym in as great aboundaunce as they did before. Of whome at length he was deuoured.

William Rufus.

Anno. 1088.William Rufus the second sonne of William Cōquerour beganne his raigue, an. 1088. And raigned 13. yeares, beyng crowned at Westminster by Lanfrancus, who after his coronation released out of prison, by the request of his father,William Rufus. diuers of the English Lords, which before had bene in custody. It chaunced that at the death of William Conquerour, Robert Courtsey his eldest sonne was absent in Almany. Who hearing of the death of hys father, and how William his yonger brother had taken vpon him the kingdome, was therwith greatly amoued, in so much that he laid his dukedome to pledge vnto his brother Henry, and with that good, gathered vnto him an army, and so landed at Hampton, to the intent to haue expulsed his brother from the kyngdom. But William Rufus hearing thereof, sent to him sayre and gentle wordes, promising him deditiō and subiection as to the more worthy and elder brother, this thing onely requiring, that seeyng he was now in place and possession, he might enioy it during his life, paying to him yerely iii. thousand markes, with condition, that which of them ouerlyued the other, should enioy the kingdome. The occasion of this variance betwene these brethren, wrought a great dissentiō among the Normaine Lordes and Bishops, both in England & in Normandy. In so much that all the Normain bishops within the realm almost rebelled against the king (takyng part with Duke Robert) except onely Lanfrancus, and Wolstane Bishop of Worcester, aboue mentioned an English man: who for his vertue and constancie was so wel liked and fauoured of his citizens,Wolstane Byshop of Worcester. that (emboldned wyth his presence & prayer) they stoutly maintained the City of Worcester agaynst the siege of their enemies, & at last vanquished them wyth vtter ruine. But Duke Robert at length by the aduise of his counsaile (hearing the wordes sent vnto him, and wagging his dead thereat, as one conceiuing some matter of doubt or doublenes) was yet content to assent to all that was desired, & so returned shortly after into Normandy, leauing the bishops and such other, in the briers, which were in England taking his part against the kyng.

This Rufus was so ill liked of the Normaines, that betwene him and his Lords was oft dissention. Wherfore (well nere) all the Normains tooke part agaynst him: so that he was forced of necessitie to drawe to hym the Englishe men. Agayne, so couetous he was, and so unmeasurable in his taskes and takings; in selling benefites, Abbeys, and Bishoprickes, that he was hated of all English men.

In the third yere of this king, died Lancfrancus Archbishop of Cant.Anno. [...] 1091. from whose commendation and worthines as I list not to detract any thing (being so greatly magnified of Polidorus his countreyman) so neyther doe I see any great cause,The death of Lanfras cus Archb. of Canter [...] why to adde any thing therunto. This I thinke, vnlesse that man had brought with him lesse superstition, and more sincere science into Christes Church, he might haue kept him in his countrey still, & haue confuted Berengarius at home. After ye decease of Lanfranke, the sea of Cant. stoode emptie iiii. yeares.

After the counsaile of Lancfrancus aboue mentioned: wherin was concluded for translating of Bishops seas,Remigios Byshop of Lincolne. from villages into head cities: Remigius bishop of Dorchester, who (as ye heard, accompanied Lancfrancus vnto Rome) remooued his Bishops sea from Dorchester vnto Lincolne,Lincolne minster builded. where he builded the minster there situate vpon an hill within the sayd citie of Lincoln. The dedication of which church, Robert Archbishop of Yorke did resist, saying that it was builded within the ground of his precinct. But after,Stow Abbey builded. it had his Romish dedication by Robert Blocet, next bishop that followed. By the same Remigius also was sounded the cloister or monastery of Stow, &c.

In the iiii.Anno. 1092. yeare of this king, great tempest fell in sondry places of England, specially at Winchcombe, where the steeple was burned with lightning, the Church walle brast through,Wynchecombe steeple brent with lightning. Vi. hundreth houses blowne down with wynde. The roofe of Bowe Church ouerthrown. Robert Bleuet paydv. thousand markes for hys Bishoppricke. Herbert Losinga Byshop of Norwiche. Losinga. 1. adulator. the head and right leg of the Crucifixe, with the Image of our Lady, on the right side of the Crucifixe throwen downe, and such a stench left in the Church, that none might abide it. At London the force of the weather & tempest ouerturned vi. hundreth houses. In which tempest the roofe of Bowe church was whurled vp in ye wind, and by the vehemence thereof was pitched downe a great deepenes into the ground.

King William (as ye heard an exceding piller or rauener rather of Church goods) after he had geuen the Bishoprike of Lincolne to his Chauncellor Robert Bleuet (aboue minded) began to cauil, auouching the sea of Lincoln to belong to the sea of Yorke, till the Bishop of Lincolne had pleased him with a great summe of money of v. thousand markes, &c.

And as nothing could come in those dayes without mony from the king, so Herbert Lolinga paying to the kyng a peece of money, was made bishop of Thetford, as he had payd a little before to be Abbot of Ramesey. who likewise the same time, remouing his sea from Thetford to the Citie of Norwich, there erected the Cathedrall Church with the cloister in the said citie of Norwith, where he furnished the Monkes with sufficient liuing and rentes of his owne charges, besides the Bishops landes. Afterward repentyng of his open and manifest simonie,Norwiche mynster builded by Herbert. he went to Rome: where he resigned vnto the Popes hands his bishoprike: but so, that incontinēt he receiued it againe. This Herbert was the sonne of an Abbot called Robert, for whō he purchased of the king to be bishop of Winchester, wherof runneth these verses.

Filius est praeful, pater Abba, Simon vter (que)

Quid non speremus si nummos possideamus:

Omnia nummus habet quod vultfacit, addit & aufert

Res nimis iniusta, nummus fit praeful & Abba, &c.

[Page]Ye heard a little before of the death of Pope Hildebrād, after the tyme of which Hildebrand, the Germain Emperors began to loose their authoritie and right in the Popes electiō, and in geuing of benefices. For next after this Hildebrand,Pope victor the 3. came Pope Victor by the setting vp of Matilda, and the Duke of Normandy, with the faction and retinue of Hildebrand,Pope victor poysoned in his chalice. A comparisō betwene Hildebrand Pope of Rome: and Ieroboam king of Israell. who likewise shewed himselfe stout against ye emperor. But God gaue the shrewd Low short hornes: For Victor beyng poysoned (as some say in his chalice) late but one yeare and a halfe. Notwithstanding the same imitation and example of Hildebrand continued still in thē that followed after. And like as the kings of Israel folowed most part the steps of Ieroboam, till the tyme of theyr desolation: so for the greatest sort all Popes followed the steps and proceedings, of this Hildebrand their spirituall Ieroboam, in maintaining fals worship, and chiefly in vpholding the dignitie of the sea, against all rightfull authoritie,The order of Charter monkes began. and the lawful kingdom of Sion. In the time of this Victor, began the order of the Monkes of Charterhouse, through the meanes of one Hugo bishop of Gracionople, and of Bruno bishop of Colen.

Next to Victor sate Urbanus the ii. by whom the acts of Hildebrand were confirmed, & also new decrees enacted against Henricus the Emperour. In this time were two Popes at Rome, Urbanus and Clemens iii. whome the Emperor set vp.Pope Vrbanus 2. Under Pope Urbane came in the white Monkes of Cistercian order, by one Stephen Harding a monke of Shireborne (an Englishman) by whom this order had his beginning in the wildernes of Cistery,Two Popes in Rome. within the prouince of Burgoyne, as witnesseth Cestrensis. Other write that this Harding was the ij. Abbot of that place, & that it was first founded by the meanes of one Robert Abbot of Molisine in Cistercium,The order of Cistercian or whyte monkes beganne. a Forest in Burgundy, an. 1098. (perswaded perchance by Harding) and afterward in the yere of our Lord, 1135. it was brought into England by a certaine man called Espek, which builded an Abbey of the same order called Merinale. In this order ye monks did liue by the labour of their hands. They paid no tithes, nor offrings: they weare no furre nor lyning: they weare red shoes, their coules white, and coate blacke, all shorne saue a little circle: they eate no flesh but only in their iourney. Of this order was Bernardus, &c.

Synodus Romana vel Placentina.This Urbanus held diuers Councels: one at Rome, where he excommunicated all such lay persons as gaue inuestiture of any Ecclesiasticall benefice. Also all such of the Clergy as abiected themselues to be vnderlings or seruants to lay persons for Ecclesiasticall benefices, &c.

An other Councell he held at Cleremount in France. Where among other things the bishop made an Oration to the Lords,Synodus Claromantana. being there present concerning the voiage & recouering of the holy land from the Turkes and Sarazens. The cause of which voiage first sprang by one Peter a monke or Hermite, who being in Ierusalem, & seing the great misery of the Christians vnder the Paganes, made therof declaration to Pope Urbane, & was therin a great sollicitor to all christian Princes. By reason whereof, after the foresaid Oration of pope Urbane 30000. men (takyng on them the signe of the crosse for their cognisaunce) made preparation for that voiage,The viage vnto the holy land. The number that went. The captaynes of thé whiche went to the holy land. whose Captains were Godfrey Duke of Loraine with his two brethren, Eustace, and Baldwine, the bishop of Pody, Bohemund duke of Puell and his nephew Tancredus, Raymund Erle of S. Egidius, Robert Erle of Flaunders, and Hugh le Graund, brother of Phillip the French king. To whome also was ioyned Robert Courthoyle duke of Normandy, with diuers other noble men, with the foresayd Peter the Deremite, who was the chiefe causer of that voiage.

At that tyme many of the sayd Noble men layed theyr lands & lordships to morgage, for to prouide for the forenamed voiage: as Godfrey duke of Lorayne, who sold the Dukedome of Boloine to the Bishop of Eburone for a great sumine of money. Also Robert Courthoyse Duke of Normandy layd his Dukedome to pledge to his brother William king of England for x. thousand pounds, &c.

Anno. 1096.Thus the Christians which passed first ouer Bosphorus, hauing to their captaine Peter the Heremite (a man perchance more deuout then expert to guide an army) beyng trapped of their enemies, were slaine & murthered in great number among the Bulgars, and nere to the towne called Ciuitus.

The actes of the Christians in their viage to win Hierusalem.When the nobles and the whole army met together at Constantinople (where Alexius was Emperour) passing ouer by Hellespontus goyng to Ierusalem, they tooke the cities of Nicea, Eraclea, Tarsis, and subdued the country of Cicilia, appointing the possession thereof to certayne of their Captaines.

Antioch was besieged, and in the ix. month of the siege it was yelded to the Christians by one Pyrrhus: about which season were sought many strong battayles to the great slaughter and desolation of the Sarazens,Antioch taken of the Christians. and not without losse of man [...] Christian men. The gouernance of this Citie was committed to Boamund Duke of Pucil,Anno. 1098. whose martiall knighthood was often prooued in tyme of the siege thereof.

And not long after, Corbona, maister of the Persians Chiualry,The slaughter of the Persian infidels. was vanquished and slayne, with an hundreth thousand Infidels. In which discomfiture were taken 15000. camels.

Ierusalem the 39. day of the siege was conquered by the Christians.Hierusalem conquered by the Christians. Robert Duke of Normandy was elect to be king therof. But he refused, hearing of the death of king William of Eng. wherfore he neuer sped in all his affaires well after the same. Then Godfrey captaine of the christian army was proclaimed the first king of Ierusalem. At the taking of the City was such a murder of men,Ex Henrie. li. 7. that bloud was congeled in the streete the thicknes of a foote. Then after Godfrey raigned Baldwine his brother. After hym Baldwine the second nephew. Then Gaufridus duke of Gaunt, and after him Gaufridus his sonne, by whom many great battails there were fought against the Sarazens and all the countrey thereabout subdued saue Ascalon, &c. And thus much hetherto touching the voyage to the holy land. Now to our owne land agayne.

About this tyme (as Mathaeus Parisiensis writeth) the kinge of England fauoured not much the sea of Rome, because of their impudent and vnsatiable exactiōs,The king of Englands iudgment agaynst the Pope. Ex Math. paris. which they required, neither would he suffer any of his subiectes to go to Rome, alleaging these wordes in the author thus expressed: Quòd Petri non inhaerent vestigijs, praemijs inhiantes, non eius potestatem retinent, cuius sanctitatem probantur non imitari: that is, because they follow not the steppes of Peter, hunting for rewardes; neither haue they the power and authoritie of him, whose holinesse they declare themselues not to follow, &c.

By the same Urbanus,Decrees of pops Vibanus. the seuen Houres whiche we call septem horas Canonicas, were first instituted in the Church.

Item, by this pope was decreed, no bishop to be made but vnder the name and title of some certaine place.Ioan Stella.

Item, that Martins and Houres of the day, should euery day be sayd.

Also euery Saterday, to be sayd the Masse of our Lady,Nauclerus. and all the Iewes Sabboth to be turned to the seruice of our Lady, as in the Councell of Turon, to the which seruice was appointed the Antheme, Ora pro populo, interueni pro clero, intercede pro deuoto foemineo sexu.

Item,Dist. 31. Eos qui 15. 9.6 Iuratos. all such of the clergy as had wyues to be depriued of their order.

Item, to be lawfull for subiectes to breake theyr othe of allegeaunce, with all such as were by the Pope excommunicate.

Item,30. q. 8. quod autem. not to be lawfull both for husband and wyfe to christen one child both together, with matters many moe.

By the same Pope thus many chapters stand written in the Canon law. Dist. 7. Sanctorum, dist. 31. Eos qui 1. q. 1. Si qui dist. 56 praesbyterorum, 11. q. 3. quibus 15. q. 6. Iuratos, 16. q. 7. congregatio, 19 q. 2. Statuimus, 23. q. 8. Tributum. 30. q. 4. quod autem &c.

In the 6. yere of this kings raigne, Malcoline king of Scots which foure times before had made great slaughter of old & yong in the North partes,Example of Gods rightfull iudgement in punishing cruel murther. as is before shewed, braste into Northumberland with all the power he could make, and there by the right iudgement of God was slain with his sonne Edward, and also Margaret his wife, sister to Edgar Adeling aboue mynded, a vertuous and deuout Lady, within 3. dayes after.

The same yeare he gaue the Archbishoprike of Caunterbury (after that he had detayned the same in hys owne bandes 4.Anselmus made Archbishop of Cant. yeares) to Anselmus Abbot of Becke in Normandie

This Anselme was an Italian in the Citie of Augusta borne, and brought vp in the Abbey of Becke in Normandy: where, he was so straight a folower of vertue, that (as the story recordeth) he wished rather to bee without sinne in hell,The saying of Anselme pondered. then in heauen with sinne. Which saying and wish of his (if it were his) may seeme to proceede out of a mynde neither speaking orderly according after the phrase and vnderstanding of the scripture, nor yet sufficiently acquainted with the iustification of a christen man. Further, they report him to be so farre from singularitie: that hee should say it was the vice which thrust the angels first out of heauen,The vice of singularitie. and man out of paradise.

Of this Anselme it is moreouer reported, that he was so ilwilling to take the Archbishoprike, that the kyng had [Page] much adoe to thrust it upon him: and was so desirous to haue him take it,Anselme ill willing to take the Archbishop prick. Canterbury first geuen to the Archbishop wholy. Strife and contention betweene the king and Anselmus. that the Citie of Caunterbury (which before Lanfrancus did holde but at the kings good wyll and pleasure) he gaue now to Anselme wholy, which was about the yere of our Lord, 1093. But as desirous as ye king was then to place the sayd Anselme, so much did he repent it afterward, seeking all maner of meane to defeate hym if he might. Such strife and contention rose betweene them two for certayne matters, the ground and occasion whereof, first was this.

After that Anselmus had bene thus elected to the see of Canterbury, before he was fully consecrate, the king commoned with him (assaying by all gentle maner of wordes to entreat him) that such lands & possessions of the church of Cant. as the king had geuen and granted to his friends since the death of Lanfrancus: they might still enioy the same,Anselme stopped from hys consecration. as their owne lawful possession, through his graunt and permission. But to this, Anselme in no case would agree. Wherupon the king conceiuing great displeasure against him, did stop his consecration a great season, till at length in long proces of time,Anselme consecrated. the king enforced by the daily complaintes and desires of his people and subiects for lacke of an Archbishop to moderate the church, was constrained to admit and autorise hym vnto them. Thus Anselme with much ado,Anselme doth homage to K. William. takyng his consecration, and doyng his homage to the king, went to his see of Cant. And not long after, the king sailed ouer to Normandy.

About this time there were two striuing in Rome for the Popedome,Vrbanus and Clemens striuing for the papacie. England fauoured Clemens. Anselmus holdeth with Vrbanus. Anselme denied leaue to goe to Rome. Anselme appealeth from the K. to the Pope. Anselme charged for a traytour. as is afore touched. Urbanus & Guibertus. Diuers realmes diuersly consenting, some to the one, some to the other. England taking part with theyr kyng was rather enclined to Guibertus, called Clemens the 3. but Anselmus did fully go with Urbanus, making so hys exception with the king, entring to his bishopricke. After the king was returned againe from Normandy, ye Archbishop commeth to him and asketh leaue to goe to Rome, to set his palle of Pope Urban: which when he could not at the first obtaine, he maketh his appeale from the king to the Pope. Whereat the king beyng iustly displeased, chargeth the Archbishop with breach of his feaultie, contrary to his promise made: that is, if he, without his licence, would appeale eyther to Urbane or to any other Pope. Anselme aunswereth agayne, that was to bee referred to some greater councell, where it is to be disputed, whether this be to breake a mans allegeance to a terrene Prince, if he appeale to the vicar of S. Peter. And here much arguyng and contending was on both sides.The kinges argument agaynst Anselme. The custome of England, from William Conquerours time not to Appeale to the Pope. Anselmus reply against the king. The reasons of Anselme to proue the popes authority aboue other kings. Anselme here ignorauntly calleth the Pope the vicare of S. Peter, where the Cānon lawe calleth him but the successour of Peter and vicare of Christ. The kings reason proceeded thus: The custome (sayth he) from my fathers time hath bene in England, that no person should appeale to the Pope without the kings licence. He that breaketh the customes of the realme, violateth the power and crowne of the kingdom. He that violateth and taketh away my crowne, is a traitour and enemy against me, &c. To this Anselme replieth agayne: The Lord (sayth he) easilie discusseth this question, briefly teachyng what fidelitic and allegeaunce we ought to geue to the vicar of S. Peter, where he sayth: thou art Peter, and vpon this rocke will I build my church, &c. And to thee I wyll geue the keyes of the kingdom of heauen, and whatsoeuer thou shalt bynde in earth, it shall be bound in heauen, and whatsoeuer thou loosest in earth, shall be loosed in heauen, &c. Agayne to them all in general, he saith: he that heareth you, heareth me, and who despiseth you, despiseth me. And in an other place, he that toucheth you, toucheth the apple of myne eie. On the other side, what duety we owe to the king, he sheweth also. Geue (sayth he) to the Emperour, what belongeth to the Emperour, and to God, geue that to God belongeth. Wherefore in such things as belong to God, I will yeld and must yeld by good right and duetie, my obedience to the vicar of S. Peter, and in such thinges as belong agayne to terrene dignitie of my prince, in those I will not deny to him my faithfull helpe and counsell, so far as they can extend.

All the Bishops of the Realme stoode of the kinges side agaynst Anselmus. William Byshop of Duresine.Thus haue ye the grounded arguments of this Prelate, to stand so stifly agaynst his prince, wherunto peraduenture was ioyned also some piece of a stubburne hart. But in this conclusion, none of his fellow bishops durst take his part, but were all against him: namely, William Bishop of Duresine. To whom Anselme thus protesteth, saying: who so euer he were that would presume to proue it any breach of allegeaunce of feaulty to his soueraigne, if he appealed to the vicar of S. Peter, he was ready to aunswer at all tymes to the contrary: the bishop of Duresine aunswering againe, that he which would not be ruled by reason, must with force be cōstrained, &c. The king hauing on his part the agreement of the Bishops, thought to depriue the Archb. both of his pastorall sea, and to expell him out of the realme. But he could not performe his purpose, for Anselme as he was ready to depart the realme, he sayd: whensoeuer he went, he would take his office and authoritie with him, though he tooke nothing els. Whereupon, that matter was deferred till a longer tyme. In the meane season the king had sent priuily two messengers to Pope Urbane, to intreat him to send his pall to the king for him to geue it where he would, which messengers by this time were returned againe, bringing with them from Rome Gualter bishop of Albane the popes Legate,Gualter [...] the Popes legate cummeth to England. with the pall to be geuē to Anselme. This Legate first landing at Douer, from thence came priuily (vnknowing to Anselme) to the king, declaring and promising, that if Urbane was receyued pope in England, whatsoeuer the king required to be obtayned, he by his priuiledge from the Apostolicall sea would ratifie and confirme the same, saue onely that when the king required of the Legate that Anselme might be remoued,Anselme could not be remoued by the king. The pope taketh this no fault, for a subiect to repugne agaynst hys king. the Legate therunto would not agree, saying: that was vnpossible to be obtained, that such a man as he, beyng lawfully called, should bee expelled without manifest cause. In conclusion so it folowed, that although he could not obtain his request of the Legate, yet ye Legate wroght so with the king, that Urbane was proclaymed lawfull Pope through all the realme.

Then were sent to Anselmus certain bishops to moue and prooue his mynd, declaring what charges and paynes the kyng had bene at in his behalfe, to procure the pall for hym from Rome, which otherwyse would haue stood him in great expences, and that all this the king hath done for his sake. Wherfore it were good reason and conueniēt, that he (to gratifie the king) should something condescend to his request againe.The stoatnes of Anselme standing agay [...] hys king. But with all this, Anselme the stoute Archbishop would not be moued, wherefore the kyng seeyng none other remedy, was compelled to graunt vnto him ye full right of his Archbishoprike. And so ye day apointed when the palle should be brought to Canterbury (being caried with all solemnitie in a thing of siluer) the Archbishop with a great concourse of people, came forth barefoot,The mane [...] of bringing in Anselme palle into Cant. with his priestly vestiments, after a most goodly maner to meete the same. And so beyng brought in, was layd vppon the aulter, whilest Anselme (spreading ouer hys shoulders his popish vestiments) proceeded vnto his popish masse.

Thus agreement beyng made betwene the kyng and the bishop, so long as it would hold. It happened the yere following, the kyng with his army entred into Wales to subdue such as there rebelled against him. After the victory gotten, the king returned home agayne with triumph. To whom Anselme thought to haue come,An other quarrell of the king against Anselme. to congratulate his prosperous successe. But the king preuented hym by messengers, laying to the bishops charge both the smal number & euil seruice of his souldiours sent to him at hys need. At the hearing hereof, all the hope of Anselme was dasht, who at the same present had thought to haue obtayned & done many great matters with the king touching the state of the Church. But here all turned contrary to his expectation.Anselme agayne appealeth to Rome. The king [...] aunswere to Anselme for hys appealing to Rome. In so much, that he was charged against the next court of parliament, to make his aunswer. But he auoided that by appealing to Rome. Wherfore he made his sute and friendes to the king for lisence to go to the Pope. Unto the which sute, the king aunswered agayne, that he should not go, neither was there any cause for him so to do for that both he knew him to be of so sound a lyfe, yt he had done no such offence where of hee needed to craue absolution at Rome, neither was there any such lacke of science & knowledge, that he neded to borrow any counsel there. In so much (sayth the kyng) that I dare say. Pope Urbane, rather hath to geue place to the wysedome of Anselme, then Anselme to haue neede of Urbane. Wherefore as he hath no cause to goe, so I charge hym to tary. And if he continue in his stubburnnes still,The custome of England, no prelate or noble man to goe to Rome with out the kinges sending. I wil assuredly season vpon his possessions, and conuert his Archbishoprike vnto my cofers: for that he transgresseth and breaketh hys fidelitie and obessaunce, promising before to obserue all the customes of my kyngdome. Neyther is it the fashion in this Realme, that any of my Nobles should goe to Rome without my sending. And therefore, let him sweare vnto me, yt he shall neyther for any greuance, appeale hereafter to the sea of Rome, or els let him voyde my realme.

Against these wordes of the king, Anselme thinkyng not best to reply agayne by any Message, but by worde of mouth, comming himselfe personally to the kyng, placeth himselfe (after his order) on the right hand of the Prince, where he made his reply vnto the message sent to hym by the kyng.The answer of Anselme to the king. Where as ye say, I ought not to goe to Rome either for lacke of any trespasse, or for aboundance of counsaile and knowledge in me (albeit I graunt to neither of them as true) yet what the truth is therein, I referre it to [Page] the iudgement of God. And whereas ye say that I promised to kepe and obserue your customes: that I graunt, but with a condition: so farre to keepe them, and such of them to obserue, as were consonant to the lawes of God, & ruled with right and equitie. Moreouer, whereas ye charge me with breach of my fidelity and allegeance, for that contrary to your customes I appeale to the Sea Apostolicke (my reuerence and dutie to your soueraigntie reserued) if an other would say it,Note the bye reasons of Anselm. that is vntrue. For the fidelitie and obeisaunce that I owe to thee (O King) I haue it of the faith and fidelitie of God, whose Vicare S. Peter is: to whose seat I do appeale. Farther, whereas ye require me to sweare, that I shal for no cause hereafter at any time appeale to Rome: I pronoūce openly that a christian Prince requireth such an othe of his Archbishop vniustly. For if I should forsweare S. Peter, I should denye Christ. And when I shall at any time deny Christ, then shall I be content and ready to stand to my satisfaction of my transgression to you, for asking license to goe to Rome. And peraduenture when I am gone, the goodes of the Churche shall not so serue your temporal desires and commodities as ye wene for. At these wordes of the Bishop, the king and his nobles were not a little incensed: defending againe, that in obseruing the kinges customes, there was neither condition nor any clause put in, either of God or right. No was, sayde Anselme? If so be that in your customes was neither mention made of God nor of right, whereof was there mention then? For God forbid that any Christian shoulde be bound to any customes, which goe contrary to God and to right: Thus on both sides passed much altercation betwene thē. At length, the king after many threatning wordes, tolde him he should cary nothing out of the realme with him. Well sayde the Bishop, if I may neyther haue my horse, nor garmentes with me, then will I walke on foote.The Byshops left Anselme alone. And so addressed him toward his iourney (all the other bishops forsaking him) wherof none would take his part: but if he came to them for their counsaile, they sayd he was wise inough, and needed not their counsaile, as who for his prudence knewe best what was to be done, as also for his holines was willing and able to prosecute the same that he did know. As for them, they neither durst nor wold stand against the king their Lord: whose fauour they could not lacke, for the peril that might happen both to thēselues and to their kinrede. But for him because he was both a stranger, and void of such wordly corruption in him: they willed him to goe forwarde as he had begon, their secrete consent he shoulde haue, but their open voice they woulde not geue him.Anselme flying out of England. Thus Anselmus remaining at Douer 15. daies tarying for winde: at last sped him towarde his passage. But his packing being secretly knowen in the court: the kings officer (William Warlwast) preuented hys purpose:Anselme searched by the kinges officer for letten. searching by the kings commaundement al his trusses, coffers, satchels, sleeues, purse, napkin and bosome for letters, and for mony, and so let him passe. Who sailing into Fraunce, first rested a while at Lions, from thence came to Rome to complaine to Pope Urbane, according to the tenor and forme of a certaine Epistle of his, wherin among many other thinges in the same Epistle conteined: these wordes he wryteth to Pope Paschalis, the third yere after his banishment, after the death of Urbane, and a little before the death of the king.

To the Lord and reuerend father Paschalis, high bishop: Anselme seruant of the Churche of Cant. offereth due subiection from his heart, and prayers, if they can stand in any stede. Ex Epist. 36. Paulò post initium.

A fragment or portion of a letter of Anselme to Pope Paschalts. Et ex legenda Ans. aut Edmero. Ex Epistol. Anselm. 36.I See in Englād many euils, whose correction belongeth to me, and which I could neither amend, nor suffer without mine owne fault. The king desireth of me, that vnder the name of right I shuld consent to his pleasures, which were against the lawe and wil of God. For he woulde not haue the Pope receaued nor appealed vnto in Englande, without his commaundement: neither that I should send a letter vnto him, or receaue any from him: or that I shuld obey his decrees. He suffered not a Councell to be kept in his realme, now these 13. yeares since he was king. In all these things, and such like, if I asked any counsaile, all my suffragane Byshops of his realme, denied to geue me any counsaile, but according to the kinges pleasure. After that I sawe these and such other thinges,The king would not haue the pope receaued, nor appealed vnto in England. that are done against the will and lawe of God: I asked license of him to goe to Rome, vnto the sea Apostolicall, that I might there take counsaile for my soule, and the office committed to me. The king sayd, that I offended agaynst hym for the onely asking of license: And propounded to me, that eyther I should make hym amendes for the same as a trespasse (assuring hym neuer to aske this license any more to appeale to the pope at anye tyme hereafter) or els that I shoulde quickly depart out of hys land.Anselme complayneth of the K. & of hys suffragane Byshops. Wherefore chosen rather to goe out of the land [...] then to agree to so wicked a thing: I came to Rome, as ye know, and declared the whole matter to the Lord Pope. The king by and by (as soone, as I went out of England) inuaded the whole Archbishoprike, and turned it to hys owne vse: taxing the monkes onely with bare moate, drinke, and clothe. The king being warned and desired of the Lord Pope to amend this, he contē ned the same: and yet continueth in his purpose still.The king contemneth the Popes warning. And now is the third yere since I came thus out of Englande and more. Some men not vnderstanding, demaund why I did not excommunicate the king. But the wiser sort, and such as haue vnderstanding counsayle me, that I doe no: this thing: because it belongeth not to me both to complayne, and to punish. To conclude, I was forewarned by my frendes that are vnder the king, that my excommunication (if it should be done) would be laughed to scorne and despised &c.

By these here aboue prefixed, appeareth how Anselme the Archbishop comming to Rome, made hys complaynt to the Pope Urbane of the king: and how the Pope writing to the king in the behalfe of Anselme: hys letters and commaundementes were despised. And now to our story. In the meane tyme while the popes letters were sent to the king, Anselme was byd to wayte about the Pope to looke for an aunswere backe. Who perceauing (at length) how little the king reputed the popes letters, began to be weary of hys office: desiring the pope that he might be discharged thereof. But the Pope in no case woulde thereto consent, chargying hym vpon hys obedience, that where soeuer he went, he shoulde beare with him the name and honour of the Archbishop of Cant. Whereunto, Anselmus agayne sayd, hys obedience, he neyther durst nor woulde refuse, as who for Gods cause, was ready to suffer, what soeuer should happen (yea though it were death itselfe) as he thought no lesse would follow thereof. But what shold we think (sayth he) is there to be done, where not onely iustice taketh no place, but is vtterly oppressed? and where as my suffraganes not onely doe not helpe (for dread) the righteous cause: but also for fauour do impugne the same. Well (sayth the Pope) as touching these matters, we shal sufficiently prouide for at the next Councell at Baron: where as I will you the same tyme and place to be present.Concilium Baronēse. Anselme and hys successours of Cant. placed at the right foot of the pope in generall councels.

When the tyme of the Councell was come, Anselme among other was called for. Who first sitting in an vtter side of ye Byshops, afterward was placed at ye right foote of the Pope, with these wordes: Includamus hunc in orbe nostro tanquam alterius orbis Papam. Wherupon the same place after hym was appoynted to the successours of the sea of Cant. (in euery general Councel by the decree of Urbane) to sit at the right foote of the pope. In this Councell, great sturre and much reasoning there was agaynst the Grecians, concerning the matter and order of proceeding of the holy Ghost.De processione spiritus sancti. Where is to be noted that the Greeke Church hath of long tyme dissented from the Latine church in many and sondry poyntes, to the number of xx. or almost xxi [...]. Articles,The difference betweene the greeke Church and the latine. as I haue them collected out of the Register of ye Church of Hereford. Whereof, lyke as occasion hereafter may serue (God willing) for a further & more ample tractation to be made: so here by the waye partly I meane to touch some. The first is.

Wherein the Greeke Church differeth from the Latine.

THe first article wherein the Greeke Churche altereth from the Latine or Romish Church is this,Ex Registro eccles. Herefordensis. Quòd sunt extra obedientiam Romanae ecclesiae, pro eo quòd ecclesia Constantinopolitana non est subiecta, sed ei aequalis. 1. Dicunt Dominum Apostolicum non habere maiorem potestatem, q̄ iiii. Patriarc hae. Et quicquid sit praeter scientiam eorum per Papam, vel sine eorum approbatione, nullius est valoris &c. In Englishe. First they are not vnder the obedience of the Churche of Rome, because that the Church of Constantinople is not subiect, but equall to the same.

2. They hold that the Bishop of the Apostolicke Sea of Rome,The articles and opinions of the greeke Church differing from the Latine church of Rome. hath greater power then the 4. Patriarches. And whatsoeuer the Pope doth beside their knowledge, or without their approbation, it is of no valor.

3. Item they say, whatsoeuer hath bene done or concluded since the second generall Councell, is of no full authoritie, because from that time they recount the Latines to be in errour, and to be excluded out of the holy Church.

4. Item Dicunt Eucharistiam consecratam per Romanam Ecclessam non esse verum corpus Christ:. 1. They hold the [Page] Eucharist consecrated by the Churche of Rome, not to be the very body of Christ. Also where the Romish Churche doth cosecrate in vnleauened bread, they cōsecrate in bread leauened.

5. Item they say, that the Romish church doth erre in the wordes of Baptisme for saying, I baptise thee, when they should say: let this creature of God be baptised. &c.

6. They hold moreouer, to be no Purgatory, nor that the Suffrages of the Church do auaile the dead, either to lesse the paine of them, that be destinate to hell, or to increase the glory of them that be ordained to saluation.

7. Item they hold, that ye soules out of the bodies departed (whether they haue done good or euill) haue not their perfect paine, nor glory: but are reserued in a certain place, till the day of iudgement.

8. Item they condemne the church of Rome, for mixting cold water in their sacrifice.

9. Item they condemne the Church of Rome, for that as wel women as priests annoynt children (when they baptise them) on both shoulders.

10. Item Dicunt panem nostrum panagiam. i. They call our bread Panagia.

11. Item they blame the Church of Rome, for celebrating their Masse on other daies beside Sondaies, and certaine other feastes appoynted.

12. Also in this the Greeke Church varieth from the Latine, for they haue neither creame, nor oyle, nor sacrament of confirmation.

13. Neither do they vse extreme vnction, or anoyling after the maner of the Romane church, expounding the place of S. James of the spirituall infirmitie, and not corporall.

14. Item they enioyne no satisfaction for penance, but only that they shewe themselues to the Priests, annoynting them with simple oyle in token of remission of sinnes.

15. Item onely on maundy Thursday they consecrate for the sicke: keeping it for the whole yeare after, thinking it to be more holy vpon that day consecrate, then vppon any other. Neither doe they fast any saterday through ye whole yeare, but onely on Easter euen.

16. Item they geue but onely 5. orders as of Clearkes, Subdeacons, Deacones, Priestes, & Byshops, when as the Romaine Church geueth ix. orders after the ix. orders of Aungels.

My copy here seemed to want somewhat.17. Moreouer, the Greciās in their orders make no vow of chastitie, alledging for them the 5. Canon of N. *Ego praesbyter vel Diaconus, vxorem causa honestatis non reijciam. &c. i. I. N. Priest or Deacon will not forsake my wife for honestie sake.

18. Item, euery yeare the Grecians, vse vpon certaine dayes to excommunicate the Church of Rome, and all the Latines, as heretickes.

19. Item, among the sayde Grecians they are excommunicate, that beate or strike a Priest. Neither doe their religious men liue in such Priestly chastitie, as the Romane Priests doe.

20. Item, their Emperour among them, doeth ordaine Patriarches, Bishops, and other of the Clergy, and deposeth the same at his pleasure, also geueth benefices to whō he lusteth, and retaineth the fruites of the same benefices, as pleaseth him.

This article seemeth not to be rightly collected, out of the Grecians.21. Item, they blame the Latine Churche because they cate not flesh, egges, and chese, on Friday, and do eate flesh on Saterdaies.

22. Item, they holde against the Latine men, for celebrating without the consecrated Churche, either in the house or in the field: And fasting on the Sabboth day: And for permitting menstruous wemen, to enter into the Church before their purifying: Also for suffering dogges, and other beastes, to enter into the Church.

23. The Grecians vse not to knele in all their deuotions, yea not to the body of Christ (as the register termeth it) but one day in the whole yeare: saying and affirming, that the Latines be goates and beastes, for they are alwayes prostrating themselues vpon the ground in their praiers.

24. The Grecians moreouer permit not the Latines, to celebrate vpon their altars. And if it chaunce any Latine Priest to celebrate vpon their altar, by and by they washe their altare, in token of abomination & false sacrifice. And diligently they obserue, that whē soeuer they do celebrate, they do but one Liturgie or masse vpon one altar or table, that day.

25 Item, they dissent from the Church of Rome, touching the order and maner, of the proceding of the holy Ghost.

These Articles wherein is declared the difference betwene the East and West church, of the Grecians and Romanes, as I found them articulate and collected in an ancient & autentical register of the churche of Hereforde: so I thought heere to inserte them, & leaue them to the consideration of the Reader. Other foure articles moe in the same Register be there expressed, concerning sunonie, vsurie not we them forbidden, and touching also their Emperour, and how they teach their children to hurt or danify by any maner of way the Latine priestes, &c. Which articles, for that either they seme not truly collected out of their teachings, or els not greatly pertinent to the doctrine of Religion, I ouerpasse them. To the purpose now of our storie againe.

When certaine of these aboue prefixed, were mooued in the foresaid Councel to be discussed, namely concerning the assertion of proceeding of the holy Ghost: and concerning leauened bread in the ministration of the Lords Supper. Anselme,Anselme stout champion aga [...] the Grecians. as is aboue sayd, was called for, who in the tracration of the same Articles so besturred him in that councell, that hee well liked the Pope, and them about him, as mine author recordeth. Wherupon, touching the matter of vnleauened bread how indifferētly he seemed there to reason: and what he writeth to Valerane Byshop of Nurenburgh, therof ye shal beare by a pece of his letter sent to the sayd Byshop, the copie whereof here insueth.

¶ Anselme Seruant to the Church of Canterburie, to Valtram Bishop of Nurenburgh. Epistola 3 25. post initium.

AS concerning the sacrifice in which the Grecians thinke not as we doe:A letter of Anselme sent to Valtrā Bishop of Nurenburgh. Ex Epi [...]. Adsel [...]. it semeth to many reasonable Catholike men: that which they do, not to be against the Christian faith, for bothe he that sacrificeth vnleauened and leauened sacrificeth breade. And where it is red of our Lord (whē he made his body of bread) that he tooke bread and blessed: it is not added vnleauened, or leauened. Yet it is certaine that he blessed vnleauened bread (peraduenture) not because the thing that was done required that, but because the supper in which this was done, did geue that. And wher as in an other place he called himselfe and his flesh bread, because that as many as liue tēporally with this bread, so with that bread he liueth for euer. He sayth not vnleauened or leauened, because both alike are breade. For vnleauened & leauened differ not in substance as some thinke: like as a new man afore sinne, & an olde rooted man in the leanen of sinne, differ not in substance. For this cause therefore only, he might be thought to call himselfe and his flesh, bread, and made his body of breade, because that this breade (vnleauened or leauened) geueth a transitorie life: and his bodie of bread, because that this bread (vnleauened or leauened) giueth a transitorie life: and his body geueth euerlasting life, not for that it is either leauened or vnleauened. Although it be a cōmandement in the lawe, to eate vnleauened breade in the passeoner, where all things are done in a figure: that it might be declared, that Christ whom they loked for, was pure & cleane: and we that should eate his body were admonished to be likewise pure from al leauen and malice and wickednesse.Bread in the communion to be vnleauened is not necessary. But nowe, after we are come from the olde figure to the newe trueth, and eate the vnleauened flesh of Christ: that olde figure in breade (of which we make that flesh) is not necessary for vs. But manifest it is, to be better sacrificed of vnleauened then of leauened, &c.

To this letter I haue also adioyned an other Epistle of his to the sayd Valtrame, appertaining to matters not much vnlike to the same effect: Wherein is entreated touching the varietie and diuers vsages of the sacraments in the church. Wherby such as cal and cry so much for vniformitie in the Churche, may note peraduenture in the same, something for their better vnderstanding.

¶ A piece of on other letter of Anselme to the said Valtram bishop of Nur.

To the reverende father and his frend Valtram, by the grace of God the worshipful bishop of Nurenburgh, Anselme the seruant of the Church of Canterbury greeting. &c.

YOur worship complaineth of the Sacraments of the Church, Ex Epist. Anselme. 327. An other letter. Diuersitie of vsages is the Church to be borne with peace, rather than to be condemned with offēce. Diuers customes in the Church hurt nothing. that they are not made euery where after one sorte, but are handled in diuers places after diuers sortes. And truelie, if they were ministred after one sorte and agreeing through the whole church, it were good and laudable. Yet notwithstanding, because there be many diuersities which differ not in the summe of the sacrament, in the strength of it, or in the saith, nor els can be gathered into one custome: I thinke that they are rather to be borne with in agreement of peace, than to be condemned with offence. For we haue this from the holy fathers, thai if the vnitie of charitie be kept in the Catholique faith, the diuersitie of customes hurt nothing. But if it be demanded whereof this diuersity of customes doe spring: I perceiue no other cause thereof, but the diuersitie of mens wits. Which although they differ not in strength and truthe[Page]of the thing: yet they agree not in the fitnesse and comelinesse of the ministring. For that which one iudgeth to be meeter, oftentimes an other thinketh lesse mete: wherefore not to agree in such diuersities, I thinke it not to swarue frō the truth of the thing. &c.

Excommunication denounced agaynst the Grecians. Excommunication bent agaynst K. William. First breake hys head, and then geue him a playster.Then in the story it followeth, after long debating and discussing of these matters in the councell, when they had geuen foorth their determination vpon the same: And the Pope had blasted out his thundring excommunications against the Grecians, & all that tooke their parte: at length was brought in, touching the complaintes and accusation against the king of England. Upon the hearing whereof, Pope Urbane with his adherents was ready to proceede in excommunication against the king. But Anselme kneeling before the Pope, after hee had first accused his King, then after obtained for him longer time to be geuen vpon further triall.

Thus the councell breaking vp, the Pope returning againe to Rome, directeth downe his letters to the King, commaunding him that Anselme with all his partakers (in speedy wise) should be reuested againe into his archbishoprick,Message betweene the K. and the Pope. and al other possessions therunto appertaining. To this the king sendeth answere againe by messengers, who comming to the Pope, declared in the kings behalfe on this wife. That the King their maister did not a little meruaile, what came in his minde to commaund Anselme to be reuested and relaised againe into his former Archbyshopricke,A loude cracke of thunder, but without a thunderbolt. seeing he told him before plainly, that if he went out of England without his leaue, he woulde so doe vnto him. Well saith the Pope, haue ye no other matter against Anselmus but onely this? No, quod they. And haue ye taken all this trauel (sayth the Pope) to come hether so farre to tell me this, that the Primate of your countrey is therefore seased and dispossessed, because he hath appealed to the sea and iudgement Apostolicall? Therefore if thou louest thy Lord speede thee home and tell him, if he wil not be excommoned, that he quickly reuest Anselme againe, to all ye he had before. And least I make thee to be hanged for thy labour, looke to thy terme, and see that thou bring me aunswer againe from him into this citie,A bribing mistery handled at Rome. against the next coū cel the third weeke after Easter. The messenger or speaker being somewhat astonied at the hearing of this so ragicall aunswere: thinking yet to worke something for his King & master: came secretely to the Pope, saying that he would conferre a certaine mysterie from his king priuately wyth his holinesse betwene them two. What mysterie that was or what there passed from the king to the Pope & the court of Rome,Concilium Romanum. [...]ptimus [...]ansidicus [...]ummus. mine author doth not shew. But so cunningly ye mysterie was handled: that with a full consent both of the Pope and all the court of Rome, a longer day was geuen (from Easter to Michaelmas) and the popes cholericke heate so asswaged: that when the councel came (which then was holden in S. Peters Church in Rome) albeit great complaintes were then denounced against the King:Actes of the councel of Rome. yet such fauour was found, that he toke no harme. Onely the sentence of excōmunication was there pronounced against such lay persons as gaue inuesture of Churches, and them yt were so inuested. Also against them that doe consecrate such, or which geue themselues in subiection to lay mē for ecclesiastical liuings, as is before touched, &c.

The hardnes or rather rashnes of K. Wil.This Councell being finished, the Archbishop seeing the vnstedfastnesse of the Pope (which pleased him but a little) tooke his iourney to Lions: where he continued his abode a long time, till the death first of pope Urbane, then after of the king.

Of this king William, many things be diuersly recorded, some to his commendation, & some to his discommē dation: whereof this is one which some will ascribe to hardines, but I rather to rashnes in him. As this king vpon a time was in his disport of hunting: sodenly worde came to him, that Cenourona (a Citie in Normandy) was besieged. The King without longer tarying or aduisement, tooke the straight way towarde the sea side, sending to his lordes, that they should followe after. They being come to hys presence, aduised him to staie, till the time his people were assembled, but he would not be stayed: saying, that such as him loued (he knew) wold follow him shortly, and so went to take ship.The saying of K. Wil. how he neuer knew any K. drowned. The shipmaster seeing the weather so darke and cloudie, was afraide, and counsailed the king to tarrie till the winde did turne about, and the weather more fauourable. But the King persisting in his iourney, commaunded him to make all the speede he might for his life (saying) that he neuer hearde, that any King yet was euer drowned. And so passed the sea in safetie, and came to Normandie.

The 13. yeare of his reigne the saide King William hauing the same time in his hand three byshoprickes, Cant. Wint. and Saruin [...] also 12. Abbeyes in farme: As he was in his disport of hunting in the new forest, by glaunsing of an arrowe (shot of a Knight named Walter Eyrell) was wounded to death:The death of William Rufus. and so speachlesse was caried to Westminster, and there was buried. Where also is to be noted, yt Richarde the cosen Germaine of K. William, and sonne to duke Robert his brother, was likewise slaine in the forsaid forest.Walter Tirrell. The new forres+. See the iust hand of god vpon kings, vsurping wrongfully vpon other mennes grounds, as did William Conqueror their father, in making this newe forest: plucking downe diuers churches and towneships,Example of the iust hand of God reuenging the faultes of Kinges in their posteritie. the cōpasse of 30. miles about. Here therefore apeareth, that although men can not reuenge, yet God reuengeth either in thē, or in their posteritie, &c. This king as he alwaies died Concubines, so left he no issue legitimate behinde him. His life was suche, that it is harde for a storie that shoulde tell truth, to say, whether he was more to be commēded, or reprooued. Among other vices in him,Couetousnes noted in king William. A famous example of bribes refused. especially is to be rebuked in him vnmeasurable and vnreasonable couetousnes: in so much ye he coueted (if he might) to be euery mans heire. This one example of a liberal and princely nature I finde in him: that vpon a time, when a certaine Abbot of a place was deade, there came to his court two Monkes of the same house: who before had gathered much mony, and made their frendes to the king,Two bribing monkes both disapoynted. and offered large offers either of them to be promoted to that dignitie. There was also the third monke of the same place, which of meekenes and humility folowed the other two: to the intent that vpon him ye the king had admitted for Abbot, he should geue attendance, and as his chaplaine to haue with him returned. The king called before him the two mōkes seuerally, of whom the either outprosered the other. As the king cast his eye aside, he espied the third Monke standing by, supposing that his comming had bene also for the like cause. Then the King calling him, asked what he wold do, whether he would geue more then his brethren had offered, to be Abbot. He answered to the king, and saide: that he neither had (nor woulde if he might) offer any panic for it, by any such vnlawfull meane.

When the king had well pondered this third Monkes answere,Vrbane excommunicated Henry the 4. Emperour. he said that he was best worthy to be Abbot, and to haue the rule of so holy a charge: and so gaue vnto him that benefice without taking any penie.

Urbanus B. of Rome (who, as is saide succeeded after Victor) ruled the Churche of Rome, about the space of 12. yeres: and among his other actes, he excommunicated the Emperor Henricus the fourth of that name, as a man not much deuoute to that sea of Rome: But yet a worthy and victorious prince he was, in whome albeit some vice perchaunce might be noted: yet none such, wherefore any prelate or minister of Christ,Henry the 4. Emperour, by 4 [...] Popes excommunicated. ought to excite his subiects to rebell against publike authoritie of God appointed. This Emperour Henricus the iiii. was by 4. Popes seuerallye excommunicate: first by Hildebrand, by Victor, Urbanus, and Paschalis. Which excommunicatiō wrought so in the ignorant & blinde hearts of the people,Ludouicus erle conspiring and rebellious agaynst the Emperour. that many (as well of the nobles as of the multitude, contrary to their sworne alleageance) rebelliously conspired against their king and Emperor. In number of whom, among the rest, was one certaine Earle named Ludouicus: to whom Waltramus bishop of the Church of Mergburgh (a godly and a faithfull man, as appeareth) doeth write letters of fatherly admonition, exhorting and instructing him in the office of obedience. Unto the which letters he likewise doth answer againe, by cauilling sophistication, and by mere affection, rather disposed to discord, then seeking sinceritie of trueth. And forasmuch as in these two letters, ye argument of christian obedience on both sides is so debated by proofes and reasons, as may be profitable for the Reader to peruse and vnderstande: I thought therfore not to defraud the English reader of the same, whereof peraduenture some vtility might be taken. The tenour of the Byshops letter to the Earle here foloweth.

¶ The Epistle of Waltramus B. of Mergburgh, to the earle Ludouicus, exhorting to concorde and obedience.

VAltramus dei gratia id quod est,Anno. 1090. Ludouico serenisimo principi, cum instantia orationum, semetipsum ad omnia deuotissimum. Omni regno vtilis est concordia, desiderabilis est iustitia. &c. In English.

Valtrame by the grace of God being that he is:Ex appendica Mariani Sc [...]ts. to Ludouike the noble prince, with instance of praier offreth himselfe seruiceable to all things. To euery realme concord is a thing profitable, and iustice muche to be desired. For this vertue is the mother of godlines and the consecration of all honestie. Whosoeuer seeking after ciuile dissention, and incenseth other to effusion of bloude: [Page] he is a murtherer, and partaker with him: who euer gaping and thrusting for an others bloud, goeth about seeking whom he may deuoure. You therefore, considering with your selfe (moste noble Prince) howe God is the God of peace,Concorde and iust obedience necessary in a common wealth. and not of dissention (so much as in you doth lie) haue peace with all men. God is charity, the deuil is hatred. The whole law and Prophets consist in loue & charitie. He that hateth and maligneth his brother, is a murtherer & hath no part with Christ in the kingdome of God. This we read testified and protested both by him which is the truth himselfe, & by him which was the scholer of the truth: who vpon the brest of the Lorde (drinking a more full draught of the gospel) reioyceth the citie of God with aboundance of plentiful floods. In like maner the worthy vessell of election, who being rapt vp to the thirde heauen (not by man but by reuelation of Iesu Christ) protesteth also, saying: let euery soule submit himselfe to higher powers. There is no power sayeth he, but of God. He that resisteth power, resisteth the ordinaunce of God. If that be true therefore, which certaine of our frendes do iangle among women, and the vulgare sort, that we ought not to be subdued to kingly power, then is it false which the Apostle teacheth, that euery soule must submitte himselfe vnder power and superioritie. But can the veritie lie? Or do we seke for experimēt of him, who spake in the Apostle, Christ the Lorde? Or do we prouoke the Lorde? Be we stronger then he? For what doth he but thinketh himselfe stronger then the Lorde, that resisteth the ordinance of God? for there is no power but of God. But what sayeth the Prophet? Confounded be all they that striue against thee O Lorde, and the men which repugne against thee, shall perish. Rodolphus, Hildebrandus, Egbertus, with many other Princes, resisted the ordinance of God in Henry the Emperour.Disobedience punished of God. And lo, euen as they had neuer bene, so are they nowe perished, & as their end was euil, so their begīning could not be good.

Nowe therefore, for so much as they which be contrary to vs do earnestly striue against vs with their owne arguments, wheras of right (I dare referre me to your iudgemēt) we ought to vse the authoritie of Christ & ancient fathers, before that, which our aduersaries take out of their owne treasurie. And because I will not refuse the order of lawe in this behalfe, let it be the ende of the strife: that either I may be openly shamed before the people, either els (the victory falling on my side) we may winne you to the obedience of our soueraigne Lord the Emperour. Also take you hede to this saying, If any man do preach otherwise then that which is preached,Gal. let him be of you accursed. This curse, I say doeth not proceede from any newe prophane authoritie, but is thundered downe from the third heauen. And of them which knowe not the righteousnes of God, but goe about to stablish their owne righteousnes, and therfore be not subiect to the righteousnes of God: I may boldly say, let such be accursed. So may you well say, confounded be al they that proudly rise vp against the Lorde but thy seruant (oh Lord) shall reioyce, for as thou hast wel saide, without me you can doe nothing,Iohn. so in iudging of the wicked, thou doest not condemne the iust. Who art thou that iudgest another mans seruant to his owne Lord whether he doth stand or fall?Rom.

The answere of the Earle Lewes, to Bishop Waltram.

THe Earle Lewys to the Lord Waltram, howsoeuer vnworthy or vnmeete he be for the name.A rayling aunswere to the former letter of Byshop Waltram. Like as a good man from the good treasure of the hart bringeth forth good fruit, so doeth the euil man from the euil treasure of the heart bring forth euil fruit. What arrogācie hath so possessed you, to prouoke my displeasure, with such iniurious contumelies? for in dede, those my good lords and spirituall fathers, which strengthen me in the way of righteousnes: you railingly, call them, bloudy men like vnto Sathan, and the wholesome lessons which they teache, you say they are but dreames of the common people amongest foolish women. Hath God any nede of your iudgement that you should speake leasings for him? Iniquity hath taught your mouth to folow blasphemous tonges, so that wel may the Prophet say of you, he would not vnderstand to do wel, he hath deuised wickednesse vpon his bed. Although therfore you being altogether froward, haue only spoken frowarde things: yet we haue determined to set a watche before your mouth, like as if a shameles person shoulde stande vp before vs: and the worde of GOD dothe prouoke vs saying. Answere a foole according to his owne foolishnesse, least hee shoulde seeme wise in his owne opinion. Shall folly speake and wisedome holde his peace? Shall lies be freely vttered, and trueth compelled to kepe silence?Well said, when ye are not able to withstand hys wisedome, call him a foole. Note howe the earle here calleth light darcknes, and darcknes light. Shall darkenes couer the earth, & shall not the Lorde arise and shine? yea rather the light hath lightened the darknes, and darknes hath not comprehended it. In consideration hereof our harts haue melted, and our zealous meditation hath set vs on fire. We therefore speake and crie, and the little foxes which vndermine the Lords vineyards (as much as in vs is) we driue away, fearing the threatning prophecie. You haue not withstanded our aduersaries, neither haue you made a bulwarke for the defence of the house of Israel, that you might be able to stand in battaile in the day of the Lorde. Let them heare (I speake not to you which haue cares and heare not, eyes & see not, which haue made darke the light that is in you) but let them heare (I say) that be wel disposed, and haue eares to heare withall As for you, you haue no vnderstanding,He hath vttered more [...] then you are able euer [...] aunswereth and if you haue you cloke it. Neither haue you any thing to say or to proue, by what reason we should be subiect to the Lord Henry whome you call Emperour. And yet (as it is giuen vs to vnderstand) you goe about to perswade, that of necessity we ought to be subiect to him, & that by the argumēt of S. Paule. Let euery soule be subdued to the higher powers, for there is no power but of God, he therefore that doth withstande power, doth resist, Gods ordinance. The which sentence of the Apostle, we say that you do euil conceiue, and therefore euil interprete: for if euery power be of God (as you vnderstande) what is meant by that, that the Lord doth speake of some by the Prophet? They did raigne and were not made Princes by me,Whether euery powe [...] is to be obeyed or no [...] Osee. [...]. and I knewe them not. If euery power be of God as you take it, what is to be thought of that, that the Lorde doth say, If thine eye offende thee, pluck it out, and cast it from thee. For what is power, but the eie? Certainly, Augustine in the exposition of this sentence of the Apostle, let euery soule, &c. doth say that if the powers do commād any thing against God, then haue them in contempt: but yet neuertheles feare thē. Is there any iniquitie with God? Is Christ the minister of sinne? God forbid. What shal we therfore say? doth the Apostle preach contrary to the truth? Augustinus sayeth no: one winde filleth many pipes of diuers tunes.If euery power which offendeth on subiectes is to be call out, then hath this Earle [...] a fayre argument. Therfore let vs hear the Apostle agreeing and expounding himselfe, and destroying his enemie and auenger. There is (sayeth he) no power but of God. What followeth? He therfore (sayth he) that doth resist the power, &c. God forbid? doeth nothing followe? But what doeth followe? Those powers which be ordeined of god truely: that is it we look for. O craftie tongue, O heart imagining mischiefe, O consuming breath that shall not returne, why hast thou lied to the holy ghost? Thine owne conscience shall accuse thee. Behold the wicked fleeth and no man doth pursue him. Why woulde you suppresse the truth to the intēt to deceiue? Why haue you stolne away the pith and effect of this sentence? For if these wordes should be taken away from the midst of the sentence, it shuld lie contrary to it selfe, inconuenient and halfe dead. The worde of the Lord is herein fulfilled. He that diggeth a pit for his neighbour, shal fall therein him selfe. Verely you can neither excuse you of theft, neither auoid the punishment due for the same. What (O vnhappy man) what shall you answer to the iudge,How [...] these Papistes describe themselues in their owne colours. when he shall require an accompt of his seruaunts whome he putteth in trust seeing you shal be set before him in the midst, and prooued a picker of your maisters treasure? Wherefore did you not feare the iudgement & executiō, whē as the giltines of offence doth require condigne punishment? The Apostle through the holy Ghost did foresee that you and such heretikes as you are should spring in the Church, which should call good euil, and euil good: and that should put darknes in place of light, and light in place of darknes, which also should take occasion by the sentences of truth to bring in error:But Paule iudged the Emperour to be an ordinary power, when he appealed to him. When as he did set this before, there is no power but of God: to the intent that hee might take away the coniecture of false vnderstanding, for (sayeth he) those powers that be, are ordeined of God. Geue therefore an ordinarie power, and we doe not resist, yea we will forthwith doe our homage. But I do maruell (if at the least there remaine in you any one drop of bloud) that you are not ashawed, to call the Lord Henry a king, or to allow him any ordinarie place.

Is this a seemely order thinke you to geue place to wickednes, and to make a generall confusion in mixing good and euill, Gods and mans deuises together? Either do you thinke this good order,This is [...] ly that the Emperour would [...] his owne wife a common [...]. for man to sinne against his owne body, as (Oh shamefull wickednes) to make his owne wife a common harlot, a mischiefe not heard of at any time since the beginning of the world before now: or do you alow this for good order, when as the Lord sayth, defend the widowes, especially such as require equitie of Iustice, and then them to send away most filthely defiled? Madde Orestes doth protest him to be out of his wit that will say these things to be orderly or well done. Vntill this most miserable time, nature hath euer loued secrecie, but your king geuē vp into a reprobate sense, hath vncouered the priuities of nature, who hath not let to lay abroade all shamefastnesse: we wil not speake of other thinges which cannot be numbred, that is to say, burning of Churches, robberies, fiering of houses, manslaughters, murders & such like, the number whereof he knoweth and not we: for let vs speake chiefly of those things which most greue the Church of God. Harken therfore to true & not fained things.Euill will neuer sayd well. Hearken I say to matters of earnest and to no trifles. Euery one that doth tell spirituall dignities, is an hereticke: But the Lord Harry, whom they cal a king, doth sell both Byshoprikes and Abbathies: for truely he solde for money the Byshoprikes of Constance, Babemberge, Mens. & many others. The Byshopprikes of Ratisbone, Augusta, and Strafebrough, he sold for a sword: and the Abbey of Fulda for adulterie. And for filthy sodomitry he sold the byshopprike of Mon. A wickednes it is to speake or heare of such a fact. The which things if without shame ye wil deny, he is to be condemned by the witnes of heauen and earth: yea and of the selie poore idiotes that come from the smithes forge. Wherfore the Lord Harry is an hereticke. [Page] For the which most wicked euils he is excommunicate from the sea Apostolike, so that he may not exercise either kingdome or power ouer vs which be Catholicke And whereas you burden vs with hatred of our brethren,A zeale, but fa [...]e from knowledge. knowe you that we purpose not to hate any of affection, but of a godly zeale. God forbidde that we should thinke Harry worthy to be accompted amongst our christian brethren, who in deede is reputed for an Ethnike and Publicane, in that he refused to heare the Church which so oft hath reproued him.And when they shall slay you, they shall thinke they doe God great seruice. Iohn. 16. The hatred of whome we offer vnto God for a great sacrifice, saying with the Psalmist: Lord shall not I hate them that hate thee▪ and shall not I triumph ouer thine enemies? I hate them with an inward hatred that be ennemies to me for thy sake. The truth it selfe commending the worthines of this hatred, doth say: If any do not hate father and mother, brethren and sisters for my sake, he cannot be my disciple. We are not therefore iustly to be reproued of hatred,Yea true, if he had cópelled you to forsake the name of Christ, which hee neuer did. which doe geue ouer our owne soule to be in the way of God: who in deede are commanded to hate father and mother, and euery affection which doth withstād vs for walking in the path of God. Hereof it commeth, that we labor withall our studie and endeuour to beware of the enemies of the church▪ and them to hate. Not for that they be our enemies, but gods. Father, where you doe perswade peace to be had with all men: you must remember what the Apostle doth put before, if it may be. But if it can be that we can haue peace with them, who can be contrary to God? who doth not know the Lord our Sauiour, to commend not onely peace, when as he sayth: my pe [...]ce I geue vnto you, my peace I leaue vnto you? but that he is the peace, as sayeth the Apostle: he is the peace which made of both one: For he calleth him our peace, speaking in commendation of the peace: Thincke not (sayeth hee) that I came to sende peace. For I came not to send peace,Oh how craftely doth Sathan here shape himselfe to an Angell of light. but the sworde. What is meant by this? Why is peace called a sword? Or doth peace bid battel? Yea truely, to destroy the peace of the deuill. For the deuil hath his peace, whereof the Lord speaketh: When as the strong man keepeth his house, he doth possesse all his substance in peace. Oh howe mightely doeth the deuil kepe his souldiours and his house in this time: who with the shield of falshood, and the helmet of vntruth, so doth defend him, that he will not suffer either arrow or dart of truth to pearse him. Neuertheles, our Lord being more strongly armed, & fiercely comming vpon your Giaunt, is able to ouercome him, and to take away his weapons, wherein he putteth his trust. We are not therfore to be blamed, if we do detest that peace, more cruel then any warre▪ The which the truth it selfe did reproue, weeping ouer Hierusalem, and saying: Truely, it grieueth me this day to see sinners in peace, being like vnto that peace, wherat the Psalmist was offended. Whereas you condemne Pope Gregory, king Rodolphus, and Marques Eggerbertus, as men that haue died of an vnhappy death, & do magnifie your Lord, because he doth ouerliue them: it doth plainly (forsoth) appeare that you remaine voide of all spiritual consideration. Is it not better to die well, then to liue ill? They be truely happy, who suffer persecution for righteousnes sake▪ by the same reason may you esteme Nero, Herod, and Pilate happy, in that they ouerliued Peter, Paul, Iames Apostles, & Iesus Christ. What can be said more foolish and wicked then this opinion? Wherfore refraine your babling toung from this blasphemie, least that you place your selfe in the number of them, which seeing the end of the iust to be glorious (themselues doing late & vnfruitfull penance, bewailing in the anguish of the spirite) shall say: These be they whom sometime we had in derision, & laughed to scorne: we being out of our wits, thought their liues madnes; and their end to be without honor. Behold howe they be allowed to be amongst the children of God, and their portion is amongst the Saints. Wherfore we haue erred from the way of truth, & the brightnes of righteousnesse did not shine vpon vs. What did out pride auaile vs? And what profit did the boasting of our richesse bring vnto vs? They are all vanished away like a shadowe. The which wordes we haue registred vp into perpetual memorie, & we do despise euery attēpt that shal lift vp it self against the truth of God. And reioycing in troubles, we may be reprooued, put to shame and rebuked, yea and finally be slaine and killed, but we wil neither yeeld, nor be ouercome. And with great triumph will we reioyce in our fathers doings: of whom, you (as a beardles boy, & of smal knowledge) haue not rightly conceiued: who in dede despising Princes comandements, haue deserued euerlasting reward.

Wherby is to be noted what difference is to be sent betweene the hose of Princes then, and the hose of seruingmen now.

Exvetusto chronico. There is a certaine Chronicle in olde English meter, which among other matters speaking of William Rufus, declareth him to be so sumptuous & excessiue in poinpous apparel, that he being not contented with a paire of hose of a lowe price which was iii. shillings: caused a paire to be bought of a marke, whereupon his chamberlaine procuring a paire much worse then the other before, sayd: That they costenid a marke, and vnneth he them so bought, Ye belamy (quoth the king) these are well bought.

Appendix Historiae.

After the tune of this king William,Kinges ceased in Wales. the name of kings ceased in the country of Wales among the Britaines, since king Ris. who in the raigne of this king, the yeare of oure Lorde 1093. was slaine in Wales. Ex continuatione Roger. Houeden.

King Henry the first.

HEnry first of that name, the third sonne of W. Conquerour;Anno. 1100. succeeding his brother Rufus: began his raigne in England; the yere of our Lord 1100. who tor his knowledge & science in the 7. liberal arts, was surnamed Clerke or bewclerke.Henry Beuclerk the first, king of England. What learning doth in a prince? Lawes of King Edward reduced. The measure of England made after the length of King Henries arme. Wanton persons remoued out of the court. In whome may wel appeare, howe knowledge and learning doth greatly conduce, to the gouernement and administration of any realme or country. At the beginning, he reformed the state and condition of the clergie: released the grieuous paiments: reduced againe king Edwards laws, with emendation therof: he reformed the old and vntrue measures, & made a measure after ye length of his arme: he greatly abhorred excesse of meats & drinks: many things misused before his time he reformed: and vsed to vanquish more by counsaile then by sworde. Suche persons as were nice and wanton, he secluded from hys court. This man as appeareth, litle fauoured the vsurped power of the Bishop of Rome. Soone after he was King, he maried Matilde or Maude: daughter of Malcolin king of Scots, and of Margaret his wife: daughter of Edward the Dutlaw, as is before specified: being a profesied Nunne in Winchester,Ex Math. Paris. Flor. Hist: whom notwithstanding (wont the popes dispensation) he maried by the consent of Anselme: By the which Maude he receaued 2. sonnes, William, and Richard: & 2. daughters, Maude & Mary, which Maude afterward was maried to Henry the v. Emperour. &c.

In the second yere of his reigne, Robert his elder brother Duke of Normādy, who being occupied in the Christen warres against the Turkes, and being elect (as yee heard) king of Hierusalem,Example what it is to leaue of the Lordes busines. hearing of the death of Rufus, refused the kingdom therof. For the which (as is thought) he neuer sped wel after. Thus the saide Robert, leauing of the Lordes busines, and returning into Normandy, made there his preparation, and came ouer into England; with a great hoste to chalenge the Crowne. But by mediation of the Lordes it was agreed; that Robert shoulde haue yearely during his life iij. M. markes, as was likewise promised him before, by R. Rufus his brother. And whether of them ouer liued the other, to be others heyre. And thus Robert departed again vnto Normādy, to the great discontentation of his Lords there. But in few yeares after, the forenamed tribute of iij. M. Markes, through the meanes of Queene Maude, was released to the King his brother. In proces of time, variance falling betwene king Henry, and the sayd Robert his brother: at length Robert in his warre was taken prisonner and brought ouer into England,Duke Robert taken prisoner. & was put into the Castel of Cardise in Wales, where he continued as prisoner while he liued.

In this time, as about the iij. yeare of this king: the hospitall of S. Bartholomewe in Smithfield was founded (by meanes of a minstrell belonging to the King) named Rayer.The hospitall of Bartholomew founded. Rayer; and Richard Whittington founders of S. Bartholomewes: in London. And after was finished by Richard Whittyngton, Alderman and Maior of London. This place of Smithfield was at that day, a lay stowe of all ordure or filth, & the place where the felones & other transgressors of the kings lawes were put to execution.

Diuers strait lawes were by this king prouided, especially against theeues and felones: that who so were taken in that fault, no money should saue him from hanging.

Item, that who so did counterfait false money, shoulde haue both his eyes, and nether partes of his body cut off.

Item, in the same Councell was decreed, an order for Priestes to be sequestred from their wiues, whych before were not forbidden; according as the wordes of mine author doe purporte,Ex Henr. lib. 7. Anselmus. whose wordes be these: Anselmus prohibuit vxores sacerdotibus Anglorum, ante non prohibitas. Quod quibusdam mundissimum visum est, quibusdam periculosum, ne dutrimundicias viribus maiores appeterent, in immundicias horrib [...]les ad Christiani nominis summum dedecus inciderent &c. Hen. Hunt.

Item, it was then decreed, that Monkes and Priests should beare no rule ouer lay persons.

Item, it was then decreed, concerning broydering of heare, and wearing of garments.

Item, that the secrete [...] act betwene a yong lad and a yong maid should not stand: with other things mo concerning the excommunication of Sodomites. &c.

In the storie of William Rūfus before, was declared how Anselmus Archbishop of Canterbury departing out [Page] of the realme, went vnto the Pope, who after the death of King William, was sent for againe by the foresayde King Henrie,The king ordayned and inuested Byshops without the Pope. and so returned againe, and was at the Councell of the King at Westminster: where the king in the presence of the Lordes as well temporall as spiritual, ordeined and inuested 2. Bishops, Roger Bishop of Salisburie, & Roger bishop of Hereford. During which parliament or coū cel of the king. Anselmus in his conuocation deposed and displaced diuers Abbots and other Prelates, from their roumes and dignitics: eitherfor that they lawfully came not by them, or vprightly did not administer the same.

After this councel, and the other before set forth by Anselmus. Herbert bishop of Norwich,Herbert bishop of Norwich dinorsing hys priestes from their wiues had much a doe. had much adoe with ye priests of his diocesse. For they would neither leaue their wiues, nor yet geue ouer their benefices. Whereupon, hee wrote to Anselme the Archbishop for counsaile, what was to be done therein. Which Anselme required him (as he did other mo the same time, by wryting) to perswade the people of Norfolke and Southfolke: that as they professed Christianitie,Anselmus cruell and fierce agaynst maryed Priestes. Ex epist. Ansel. 176. they shoulde subdue them as rebels against the church, and vtterly to driue both them and their wiues out of the countrey: placing Monkes in their rowmes, as by the Epistles of the said Anselme doth appeare. Whereof certaine parcels shall hereafter (by the grace of Christ) ensue for the better euidence of this and the other his actes aboue recited.

The like businesse also had Gerarde the Archbishop of Yorke, in depriuing the priestes of his prouince from their wiues: which thing with all his excommunications and thundrings he coulde hardly bring about. Upon this ruffeling of Anselme with maried priestes, were runing verses made to helpe the matter withall, when reason coulde not serue. Which verses for the folly therof, I thought here to annexe.

O malè viuentes, versus audite sequentes,

Versus malò feriati. ex biblio Ramsey.

Vxores vestras, quas odit summa potestas:

Linquite propter eum, tenuit qui mortetro phaeum,

Quod si non facitis, inferna claustra petetis.

Christi sponsa iubet, ne praesbyter ille ministrer:

Qui tenet vxorem, domini quia perdit amorem.

Contradicentem fore dicimus insipientem,

Non ex rancore loquor haec, potius sed amore.

Anno. 1103.About the end of the third yere of this king, which was the computation of our Lord 1103. a variance fell betweene king Henry and Anselme: the occasion whereof was this. Ye heard a little before how Henry the foresaid king had of his owne authority inuested 2. bishops, our Roger which was his Chauncelour,A strife betwene K. Henry and Anselme the Archbish. of Cant. bishop of Salisbury: and another Roger bishop of Herford. Besides them diuers also he invested, and diuers other like things tooke he vpon him in the ecclesiastical state, which he might lawfully doe, Gods worde allowing wel the same: but because it was restrained by the bishop of Rome for him so to doe: this Anselme swelled, fretted, and waxed so mad, that he woulde neither consent to it, neither yet confirme them: nor communicate nor talke frēdly with them, whome the king had instituted and inuested: but opprobriously called them abortiues, or children of destruction: disdainefully rebuking the gentle king as a defiler of Religion and polluter of their holy ceremonies: as witnesseth Polydorus. With thys vncomely outrage the King was much displeased (as he myght full well) and required Gerard the Archbishop of Yorke,Gifford Bishop of Wint. refuseth to be consectrate by the Archbishop of Yorke. (as he ought him allegeance) to consecrate them: who wythout delay did so, well performing the same, saning that one William Gifford to whom the king had geuen the Bishoprike of Winchester, refused to take his consecration by the hands of the Archbishop of Yorke. For the which cause the King worthely with him offended, depriued him both of bishoprike and goods, and banished him the realme.

Moreouer, the king required of Anselmus the Archb. of Canterbury,A strife betwene King Henry and Anselmus, Archb. of Cant. Ex Guli. lib. 1. de Gestis. to do vnto him homage after the maner of his auncetours, as witnesseth Guliel de gestis pontif. Anglo. Also, it was asked of the sayde Anselme, whether that yee wold be with the king in geuing inuestures as Lanfrancus his predecessor was with his father. To whome Anselme said, that he promised not in any time, that he would enter into this order, to kepe the law or custome of his father, as Lanfrancus did. Moreouer, as cōcerning homage to be done to the King, that he refused, alledging the Censures of the Popes excommunication: whom his councel of Rome a little before, had geuen foorth open sentence of excommunication, vpon all such lay persons (whatsoeuer they were) that shoulde from hencefoorth conferre or geue any spirituall promotions: also vpon them that receiued them at their hands, either yet should consecrate any suche receiuers,A. [...] Romanes Councel agaynst [...] men [...] any [...]. Moreouer, he accursed at them that for benofices or other Ecclesiasticall promotions, shoulde subiect themselues vnder the homage or seruice of any great mā, king, Prince, Duke, or Erle of the laitie. For it was vnseemely (sayd the Pope) and a thing very execrable: that the hands which were conuerted into so high working, as was grā ted to no Angell (that is, to create him with their Crosses, which created all, and to offer vp the same before the sighte of the father,Nospir [...] person to it vnderlo [...] ction to [...] lay personage. Ex lor [...] lensis [...] others [...]ihistoria. Anselme resuseth to do homage to his King. Messenge [...] sent to Rome. Ex Math [...] Paris. Ex Gul [...], lib. 1. de. gestis [...] Ang. for the saluation of the whole world) shoulde be brought to such a slauerie, as to be subiect to those filthye hands, which both day and night are polluted in shamefull touchings, robberies, and bloudshed. &c. This decree of Pope Urban, Anselmus alleaging for himselfe: denyed to subiect himself to the kings homage, fearing (as he said) the Popes excommunication. Upō this, messengers were sent to Rome on both partes, vnto the Pope (then paschalis) who stoutly standing to the steps and determinations of Urbane his predecessor, woulde in no case decide to the kings inuesting.

In the meane time while there was long disputation on both sides for inuesting: the nobles of the realme cōtended, that inuestings did belōg to the kings dignity: wherfore the King calling for Anselmus againe, required him either to do homage to him, or els to voide his kingdome. To whom Anselmus replying again, required the popes letters to be brought forth: and according to ye tenor thereof, so the matter to be decided. For now the messēgers were returned from Rome with the Popes answer, altogether bearing with Anselmus: Then sayde the king: what haue I to do with the Popes letters.The king hath nothing to do with the Pope hys letters. I wil not forgo the liberties of my kingdome for any Pope. Thus the contention continued betwene them. Anselmus sayeth, he would not out of the realme, but depart home to his church: and there see who wold offer him any violence, and so did. Not long after, message came from the King to Anselme, requesting him after a gentle sort, to repaire to the Kings presence againe, to set an ende of the controuersie begun: whereunto Anselme graunted and came.Messenger sent agayn to Rome. Then were newe Ambassadours sent againe to the Pope, that he woulde something qualifie and moderate (or rather abolish) ye streitnesse of the Romaine decree before mentioned. On the part of Anselmus went two monkes, Baldwinus and Alexander. On the kings behalfe were sent two bishops, Robert bishop of Lichfield, and Herbert bishop of Norwich, to the kings letters wrytten vnto the Pope, containing in forme as followeth.

Patri venerabili Paschali summo pontifici, Henricus dei gratia rex Anglorum, Salutem. Promotioni vestrae in sedem sanctae Romanae ecclesiae plurimum congaudeo, petens vt amicitia quae patri meo cum antecessoribus vestris suit, inter nos quoque illibata permaneat. Vnde, vt dilectio & benignitas a me videatur sumere initium, beneficium quod ab antecessoribus meis beatus Petrus habuit, vobis mitto: eosque honores & eam obedientiam quam tempore patris mei antecessores vestri in regno Angliae habuerunt, tempore meo vt habeatis volo, eo videlicet tenore, vt dignitatis vsus & consuetudines, quas pater meus tē pore antecessorum vestrorum in regno Angl. habuit ego, tempore vestro in eodem regno meo integrè obtineam. Notum (que); habeat sanctitas vestra quod me viuente (deo auxiliante) dignitates & vsus regni Angl. non minuentur. Et si ego (quod absit) in tanta me deiectione ponerem: optimates mei (imo totius Angl. populus) id nullo modo pateretur. Habita igitur (charissime pater) vtillori deliberatione ita se erga nos moderetur benignitas vestra, ne quid inuitus faciam & a vestra me cogatis recedore obedientia.

In English.

To the reuerende father Paschal the chiefe bishop,The letter of K. Henry the first vnto the Pope. Henrie by the grace of God, king of England, greeting. For this your promotion into the see of the holy Church of Rome, as I am heartily glad: so my request is to you, that the friendship and amitie, which hath bene tofore betweene my father and your predecessours in times past, may now also betwene vs in like manner continue vndeminished. And that loue and gentlenes may first beginne of my part: heere I sende vnto you that gift that S. Peter had in foretime of my predecessors. And likewise the same honors & obedience, which your predecessours haue had in the realme of England before in the time of my father, I will you to haue the same in my time also: after this forme I meane, and tenour, that the vsage and maner of dignitie and such customes which my father hath had in this realme of England in the time of your auncetors,Spoken like a king. I in like ample maner also nowe in your time, may fully enioy the same in this the saide realme of England. Thus therefore be it knowen to your holines, that during this life of mine (God almighty abling me to the same) these aboue named dignities, vsages, & customes of this realme of England, shall in no part be lessoned. Yea, and if that I (as God forbid I should) would so much deiect my selfe into such cowardnes: yet my Nobles, yea the whole people of England [Page] in no case would suffer it.The [...]ing is a point to [...] the [...]opes obe [...]ince. Wherfore (deare father) vsing with your selfe a better deliberation in the matter, let your gentlenesse so moderate it selfe toward vs, least ye compell me (which I shall doe against my will) to receade and depart vtterly from your obedience.

At the same terme also be sent an other letter or Epistle to the sayde Pope, crauing of him the passe for Girardus Archb. of Yorke, the forme wherof, here also followeth.

Reuerendo & diligendo patri vniuersali Papae Paschali. Henricus dei gratia Rex Anglorum, salutem. Amor quem plurimum erga vos habeo, & benignitas quae multum vestros actus exornat. &c.

In English.

Another [...]tter of K. Henry the [...] sent to [...]he Pope.To the reuerend and welbeloued father, vniuersall Pope Paschalis, Henry by the grace of God, king of England, greeting. The great loue which I beare to you, and the no lesse gētlenes in you, which not a little beautifieth your doings, ministreth to me boldnesse to write. And where as I thought to haue reteined still this Gerardus with me, and to haue craued your palle for him by letters: yet, notwithstanding, when his desire coulde not otherwise be satisfied, but woulde needes present himselfe before your presence, by his owne hart to craue of you the same, I haue sent him vp vnto you. Desiring your benigne fatherhoode in this behalfe, that he obtaining the palle at your hands, may be sent home again to me. And thus requiring the assistance of your prayers, I praye the Lord long to conserue your Apostleship.

This second letter of the king in sending for the Palle, was well taken of all the court of Rome, which (as mine author sayth) procured such fauor to Girardus archbishop of Yorke, and bringer thereof: that no complaint of his aduersaries afterward could hurt him with the Pope. Notwithstāding he was accused grieuously for diuers things, and specially for not standing to the consecration of Anselitic Archbishop of Cant.

Polidorus in his 11. booke of his English history, affirmeth, that Anselmus also went vp to Rome with Birardus,A place of Polydorus Virg. found [...]aultie. about the same cause. But both the premisses, and sequele of the story argueth that to be vntrue. For what needed the 2. Monks to be sent vp on Anselmus side, if he had gone vp himselfe.Ex Guliel. lib. 1. de [...]ont. Anglo. Againe, howe coulde the Pope wryte downe by the saide messengers to Anselme, if he had there bene himself present? For so procedeth the story by the narration of Malmesbury and others.

After the Ambassadours (thus on both sides sent vp to Rome) had laboured theyr cause with instante sute, one against the other:The pope othe to go agaynst hys owne pro [...]it. the pope glad to gratifie the king (yet loth to graunt his request, being against his owne profite, and therefore more inclining to Anselmus side) sendeth downe his letters to the sayde Anselme, signifying that he woulde not repeale the statutes of his holy fathers for one mans pleasure: charging him moreouer, not only not to yeide in the cause of inuesting, but constantly to adheare to ye foresaid decreemēt of Pope Urban his predecessor. &c. Besides this letter to Anselme, he directed also an other to the king himselfe: which letter, mine author saith, the king suppressed, and did not shewe: onely declaring by word of mouth, what the ambassadors had saide vnto him from the Pope. Which was, that he permitted vnto him the licence of Inuesting vpon condition, that in other things he would execute the office of a good Prince. &c. To this also ye testunony of the 2. bishops aboue minded, did accord, which made the matter more probable. But the 2. monkes on the other side replied againe, bringeth foorth the letter of Anselme to the contrary. &c. To thē was answered againe, that more credite was to be geuen to the degree and testimonie of the Bishops, then to theirs: And as for monkes, they had no suffrage nor testimonie (saide they) in secular matters, and therefore they might hold their peace. But this is no secular matter, sayd Baldwine abbot of Ramesey. Whereunto the nobles again of the kings part, answered, saying: that he was a good man, and of such demeanor, as they had nothing to say against him, neither so woulde if they might: but yet both humane and diuine reason taught them so, to yelde more credite and confidence to the testimonie of 3.He meaneth beside the two bishops Gi [...]ardus whiche made the third. bishops then of 2. monkes. Whereby may well appeare, that Anselme at that time wēt not with them. Then Anselmus seeing the king and his peres how they were set: and hearing also the testimonie of the 3. bishops, against which he saw, he could not preuatle: And also hauing ye popes seale, which he sawe to be so euident on the contrary side: made his answer again, that he would send to Rome, for a more certaintie of truthe.Anselme a deuout chaplaine to the Church of Rome. Adding moreouer, that he neyther would nor durst geue ouer his cause, though it should cost him his life, to do or proceede against the determination of the Churche of Rome, vnlesse he had a perfect warrant of absolution from thence, for his discharge. Then was it agreed by the king and his nobles, that he should not send, but go himselfe to Rome.Anselme iournieth ag [...]yne to Rome. And much intreatie was made, that he wold take that iorney himself, in his owne person, to present himselfe to the Pope, for the peace of the Church and of his country. And so at the length by persuation was content, went to Rome, and spake with the pope. In short time after followeth also, the kings Ambassador (William Warlwast) new elect bishop of Exetor: who ther pleading on the kings side,The effect of the oration of W. Warlwast, at the popes court: for the ancient customes of the realme, & for the kings right of Inuesting. &c. First declared: howe England of a long continuance, had euer bene a prouince peculiar to the Church of Rome, and howe it paied dewly his yerely tribut vnto the same. Inferring moreouer how the king, as he was of nature very liberall, so also of courage a prince stout and valiant. Then what a shame wold hee thinke it be to him (as it were in deede) if hee, who in mighte and dignitie farre exceeded all his progenitours, should not defend and maintaine the liberties & customes by them procured? wherefore he desired the Pope to see to the matter, so as might stande both with the kings honor, and also with his owne profite and aduātage: who otherwise no doubt, shoulde loose a great peece of money out of the realme, vnlesse he did remit some thing of the seueritie of his canons and lawes decretall.

With these and such other perswasions like to the same effect, the court of Rome was well cōtented: agreeing that the kings request ought with al fauor to be graunted. But the Pope & Anselme sate still marking their doings. The ambassadour supposing their silence to be halfe a yeelding to him,Ex Galial De gestis pont of [...] lib. 1 [...] Ex Math. Paris. lib. 3. A proud aunswere of the pope. added moreouer and sayd: that the king, no not for the crowne of his realme, would loose the authority of Inuesting or admitting his Prelates, within his Dominion: Whereunto the proude Pope answering againe, brast out in these wordes: Nor I (sayde he) for the price of his heade (as thou sayst) wil lose the geuing of spirituall promotiōs in Englande, and confirming it with an othe (before God sayth he I speake it) know it for a certaine. &c. Then it followeth in the storie of Malmesberie: with this word of the P. the mindes of the rest were chaunged, saying: Benedicta fit cordis tui constantia, benedicta oris tui loquela. The kings attourney also was therewith dashed: who notwithstanding, yet brought to passe, that certaine of the Kinges customes vsed before of his father, were released vnto hym. At the which tune, in the same court was decreed, that (the king onely, which had inuested them, being excepted) the other which were inuested by the king,Excommunication abused. to be excommunicated: the absolution and satisfaction of whome was left to Anselme the archbishop.

Thus Anselme being dismissed from Rome, tooke his iorney toward England. But the ambassador pretending to go to S. Nicholas remained behinde, to see whether he could winne the popes mind to the kings purpose. Which when he saw it would not be, he ouertaketh Anselmus by the way, at Placentia, and opened to him the kings pleasure. The king (sayth he) geueth to you in charge and commaundement, that if you will come to England and there behaue your selfe to him, as your predecessours did to his father,Anselme restrayned from comming to England. Ex Redulph, Londimensi: you should be receiued and retained in the Realme accordingly: if not you are wise inough (sayth he) ye know what I meane, and what will followe, &c. And so to these wordes parting from him, retourned againe to the King. Anselmus remained at Lions a yeare and a halfe, writing diuers letters to the King, after this effect and wordes as followeth.

¶ To his reuerend Lord Henry king of England, Anselme Archbishop of Canterburie, faithful seruice with prayers. Epist. 224.

Although ye vnderstand by WilliamA letter of Anselme to kyng Henry.Warlwast what we haue done at Rome: oyet I shall shortly shewe you that belongeth to me. When I came to Rome, I declared the cause wherefore I came to the Lorde Pope. He answered that he woulde not swarue from the statutes of his predecessours. Furthermore, he commanded me that I should haue no fellowship with them that receiued inuestings of Churches at your hands after the knowledge of this prohibition, except they woulde doe penaunce and forsake that they had receiued, without hope of recouerie, nor that they shuld not communicate with the other Byshoppes that had consecrated suche menne, except they woulde present them selues to the iudgement of the Apostolike sea. The foresayde William can be a witnesse of all these things if he will. This William when we departed a sonder (reconing vp in your behalfe the loue and liberalitie which yee haue had alwayes towardes me) warned mee as your Archbyshoppe, that I shoulde shewe my selfe such a one; that if I would come into Englande, that I might be wyth you as my predecessoure was wyth your Father: and ye might entreate mee wyth the same honoure and liberalitie, that youre father entreated my predecessor. By which wordes I vnderstand,[Page]that except I woulde shewe my selfe suche a one, you woulde not haue me come into England. For your loue & liberalitie I thanke you: but that I shoulde be with you as my predecessour was with your father, I cannot do it. For I dare not do homage to you, nor dare communicate with them that take inuestings of Churches at your hands: The proude stoutnes of a prelate in a wrong cause. because of the foresaid inhibition made, I my selfe hearing it. Wherfore I desire you to send me your pleasure herein (if it please you) whether I may returne into England (as I sayde) with your peace and power of mine office.

In the meane while, great businesse there was, & much posting went to and fro, betwene ye king, the archbishop, and the Pope, but nothing was done: for neither woulde the Pope agree to the king, neither woulde the King condescende to the Archbishop. At last, the Archbishop seeing by no meanes he could preuaile against the king: thought to reuenge himselfe by excōmunication,Anselme about to excommunicate the king. and so went about the same. The king hauing word thereof by the Countesse Adala his sister, desireth her to come to him to Normādie, and bring Anselmus with her: whereupon (through the meanes of the Countesse) reconcilement was made, & the archbishop was restored to his former possessions againe. Only his returne into England was differred,Reconcile [...]ent made betweene the king and Anselmus. because he would not communicate with those whome the King had inuested. So ye king tooke his passage ouer into England, and Anselme made his abode at the Abbey of Becke.

Then were ambassadors againe directed vnto Rome W. Warlwast, & Baldwin aboue named Abbot of Ramesey: who at length cōcluded the long controuersy betwene the king & the Pope,Ambassage to Rome. vpon this agreement, that the King should take homage of the Bishops elect, but shoulde not deale with inuesting them by staffe and ring. &c. While the Embassadours were thus in their sute at Rome, diuers complaintes were daily brought from Englande to Anselme, against the Priestes and Chanons: who in his absence, contrary to the late councel holden at London, receiued their wiues vnto their houses againe, & so were permitted by the king,Guliel. Malmes. lib. 1. de gestis pontisi. Priestes receaued their wiues agayne by the Absence of Anselme. The faultes of ecclesiasticall ministers long to none but to byshops to correct, quod Anselme. paying him certaine mony for ye same. Anselme (the fore enemie against lawfull mariage) agreeued therwith: addresseth his letters vnto the King, requiring hym to refraine from any more taking of suche exactions: declaring moreouer and affirming, that the offences of all such Ecclesiasticall ministers must be corrected by the instance of Byshops, and not of lay men. To this the king answereth gently againe by letters, tempering himselfe: howe he purposed shortly to come ouer into Normandie, and if he had done any thing amisse, either in these or other things he would reforme it by his obedience.

It was not long after (the messengers being nowe returned from Rome) but the king as he had promised, sped him into Normādy: wher he warring against his brother Robert, brought both him & the Countrey of Normandie at last vnder his subiection.The K. brought vnder the Archbishop. But first meting wt Anselmus at the Abbey of Becke, he cōuented & agreed with him in al such poyntes as the Archb. required. As first, that all hys Churches which before were made tributarie vnto King William his brother, now should remaine free from al tribute. Item, yt he should require nothing of the sayd Churches or Prouinces,Conditions graunted by the king to Anselm. in the time of the seate being vacant. Moreouer, concerning such Priestes & Ministers, as had geuē money to the king for their company we their wiues: it was agreed that they shoulde surcease from all Ecclesiastical function, the space of 3. yeeres: and ye the king shoulde take no more after such maner.Lawfull matrimony punished. Item, that all such goodes, feuitēs, and possessions, as had bene taken away before frō the Archbyshoppricke, should be restored at his comming againe into England. &c.

This Anselmus the stout champion of Poperie & superstition, after this victorie gotten vpon the King, for the which he so long fought:Anselme returneth into England. with ioy and triumph faileth into England, hauing al his Popish requests obtained. Where first, he flieth like a Lion vpon the maried Priests, contrary to the woorde of God, diuorsing and punishing that by mans authority,Priestes driuen agayne from their wiues. which the eternal and almighty God had coupled. Next he looketh to them, which did holde any Church by farme vnder the king. Against Simonie likewise, and against them that married within the 7. degree, he proceedeth with his full pontificall authoritie.

Anno. 1106.Shortly after, as king Henry had finished his warre in Normandy, & with victory returned againe into England, about the 6. yere of his raigne: Anselme Archbishop of Canterbury (by the permission of the king) assembled a great Councell at Westminster in London, of the Clergie and Prelates of England.

In the which (by the Byshop of Romes authoritie) he so wrought with the king, that at length, albeit (as the storie sayth not without great difficultie) it was newly cō firmed and enacted: that no temporall man after that day, shoulde make inuesture with crosse or with ring, or wyth pastoral hoke. In this Councel sondry and diuers iniunetions were geuen forth to priests and Deacons: as diuers other sinodall acts also by the same Anselme had bene concluded in other Councels before. And because heere falleth in mention of the actes Synodall concluded in the time of this Anselme: I thought here good to packe them al in one general heape together, as I finde them in Malmesburie, and in other sondry authors scatteringly recited.

The first thing decreed by this Anselme in his synodal Councels,Exlib. [...] liel. de [...] lib. 1. c [...] [...]. was touching the fault of Simonic: whereby diuers both Byshops and Abbotes (as is aforesayd) were at the same time deposed. And lay men forbidden to coufer any Ecclesiastical promotion.

Also it was decreed, that no Byshop should beare any office in secular mens businesse or meetings. And that such should not go apparelled as the lay mē did, but shuld haue their vestures decent,Priests [...] parres., Archb [...]. concie [...] to be [...] med. and mete for religious persons. And that in all places they shoulde neuer goe without some to beare witnes of their conuersation.

Item, yt no Archdeaconries should be let out to ferme.

Item, that no Archdeacon should be vnder the degree of a Deacon.

Item, yt no archdeacon,Marriaged Priestes forbid [...]. priest, deacon, subdeacon, colligener, nor Chanon, should from thence forth mary a wife, nor yet keepe her, if he had bene maried to one before.

Item,Vowe of chasti [...] brought in Benefice not to [...] hesitate. How he was [...] Gates. [...] Lord Ch [...] celer [...] Queen Maries [...] that euery subdeacon, being vnder the degree of achanon (after the profession of chastitie, marrying a wife) should be subiect to the same rule.

They ordeined also that a Priest keeping cōpany with his wife, shuld be reputed vnlawful: and that he shuld say no Masse: and if he said Masse, it should not be heard.

They charged that none were admitted to orders from that time forward, from the degree of a subdeacon, vnlesse he did professe chastitie.

That Priestes sonnes shoulde not claime by heritage the benefices of their fathers, as the custome had alwaies bene before.

Item, that no spiritual person should sit in any secular office: as to be procurators or iudges of bloud.

Item,Priestes crownes Tythes Bying of prebendes Building of Chappels. Euery Churches finde hys own Priest Abbot to mayntayne no want Monkes admitted in geuing penaunce. that Priestes shoulde not resort to tauernes, or banquets, nor sit drinking by the fire side.

That the garmentes of Priestes shoulde be of one colour, and that their shoes should be decent.

Item, that Monkes or any other of the Clergy (if they forsooke their order) eyther to come againe, or to be excommunicate.

Itē, that mē of ye clergy should weare broad crownes.

Item, that no tythes should be geuen, but to ye church.

Item, that no Churches or prebends shold be bought.

That no new Chapels shoulde be made without consent of the Byshop.

That no Church should be hallowed, before the necessary prouision were made for the priest, and for the Church to be mayntayned.

That Abbots should set forth no men to warre, & that they must both sleepe, & eate in the same house with their monkes, vnlesse some great necessitie do let.

Item, that Monkes do inioyne no penaunce to anye man without the knowledge of hys Abbot. And that their Abbots may geue no licence therein,Monke [...] Godfather nor nunce godmothers. but onely for suche persons whose charge they haue of soule.

That no monkes should be Godfathers: Nor Nūnes Godmothers.

That Monkes should haue no Lordships to ferme.

Item, that Monkes should take no Churches but by the Byshop,Abbey landes. Improperptions restreyned. neyther should so spoyle and oppresse ye churches geuen to them, with their rentes, that sufficient were not left for the ministers of the same.

That priuy contract betwene man and women without witnes should not stand,Priuy concontractes. but be frustrate if each party doe goe from the contract.

Item, that such as were long heare of the clergy, be so roūded,Rounding. that part of their eare appeare, and that their eyes be not couered.

Item,Mariage within the 7. degree restrayned. that there be no matrimoniall copulation, wtin the vij. degree of kindered: nor so to cōtinue if they be maryed: but the maryage to be broken. And if any being priuy to that incest, doe not detect the same, he to be giltye of the same cryme.Buryinges.

Item,No holines to be geuen to shrines and places. that no funerall or buryenges be without theyr owne Parishe Church, so that the priest therof do lose that which to him is due.

Item, that no man vpon any new fangled rashnes, do attribute any reuerence or opiniō of holines,Selling and buying of men. to dead mens bodyes: to fountaynes, or to any other thing (as the vse hath bene in tyme past) without authoritie of the Bishop.

[Page]Item, yt no buying and selling be vsed hereafter in England of men, as of other cartell.

Sodometry.Item, after the restreint of Priests mariage: when filthy Sodomitry begā to come in the place therof, then were they forced also, to make an act for that, which was this.

With a greuous curse we condemne both them that occupy the vngratious vice of sodomitry, and them also that willingly assist them,A flap with a soxe tayle for sodomitry. or be wicked doers with them in the sauie: till such time, as they may deserue absolution by penance and confession.

So that whatsoeuer he be, that is noised or prooued to be of this wickednesse (if he be a religious person) he shall from thence foorth be promoted, to no degree of honor: and that which he hath, shalbe taken from him.

If he be a lay person, he shalbe depriued of all his freedome within the land, and be no better then a foreiner.

And because it shalbe known, the absolution of such as be secular to belong onely to byshops, it was therefore enacted: that on euery sonday, in euery parish church of England the said excommunication should be published. &c.

But marke in this great matter what followed. For as Ranulphus Lestrensis witnesseth:Ranulph. Cestrensis. lib. 7. Note the preposterous proceding of Anselme in ceasing the vice of Sodomitry. this grieuous general curse was soone called backe againe, by the sute of certaine: which persuaded Anselme, that the publication or opening of that vice, gaue kindlings to the same in the heartes of lewde persons: ministring occasion of more boldnes to thē to do the like. And so to stop the occasiō of filthie Sodomitry, the publication thereof was takē away, but the forbidding and restreinement of Priestes vnlawfull mariage (which chiefly was the cause thereof) remained still. And thus euer since, horrible Sodomitry remained in the clergic, both for lacke of mariage more vsed, and for lack of publication, lesse punished.

Besides all these Synodall acts aboue comprehended, and geuen out by Anselmus in his Councels before: heeralso in this present Coūcell at Westminster, and in the yere of this king aforesaid, he also directed other newe Iniuncetions to the Priests.

Penalties and forfaits agaynst priestes that kept their wiues.First, that they and their wiues shoulde neuer more meete in one house, neither yet haue dwelling in their territories.

Item, that the Priests, deacons, and subdeacons, shuld keepe no women in their house, vnlesse they were of their next kinne.

Item, for suche as had disseuered themselues from the societie of their wiues: yet for some honest cause they had to common with them, they might: so it were without doore, and with ij. or iij. lawfull witnesses.

Item, if any of them should be accused by ij. or iij. witnesses,In the latter dayes shall come false teachers forbidding mariage, and eating of meates, &c. and could not purge himselfe againe by sixe able mē of his owne order (if he be a Priest, or if he be a Deacon by iiij. or if he be a Subdeacon by ij.) then he should be iudged a transgressor of the statutes, depriued of his benefice, & be made infamous, or be put to open reproche of all men.

Item, he that rebelled, as in contempt of this new statute held still his wife, and presumed to say masse: vpon the viij. day after (if he made not due satisfaction) should be solemnly excommunicated.

Item, all Archdeacons and Deacons to be straightly sworne, not to wink or dissemble at their meetings, nor to beare wt them for money. And if they would not be sworne to this, then to loose their offices without recouery.

Purificatiō of priestes, that had bene maried.Item, such priests as forsaking their wiues, were willing to serue still and remaine in their holy order: first must cease 40. dayes from their ministration, setting Uitars for them in the meane time to serue: and taking such penaunce vpon them, as by their Bishop should be enioyned them.

Thus haue ye heard the tedious treatise of the life and doings of Anselmus: how superstitious in his Religion, how stubburne against his Prince he was, what occasion of warre and discorde he ministred by his complaintes (if they had ben taken) what zeale without right knowledge, what feruencie without cause he pretended, what paines without profite he tooke. Who if he had bestowed that time and trauel in preaching Christ at home to his flock, which he tooke in gadding to Rome, to complaine of his countrey: in my minde he had bene better occupied. Moreouer, what violent and tyrannical iniunctions he set forth of inuesting and other thinges, ye haue heard: but specially against the lawfull and godly mariage of Priests. Wherin, what a vehement aduersary he was: here may appeare by these minutes or peeces extracted out of his letters, which we haue here annexed in forme and effect as followeth.

A letter of Anselme.

Anselme archbishop, to his brethren and dearest sonnes the Lord prior, and other at Canterburie.

AS concerning Priests,K. Henry permitted priestes to haue both churches and wiues. Ex Epist Ansel. 77. &. 377. Pope Paschal hath so decreed it at Rome. Ergo prieste: must haue no wiues. of whom the king cōmanded that they should haue both their Churches & their women as they had in the time of his father, and of Lanfrancus Archbishop: both because the king hath reuested & reseazed of the whole Archbishopricke: and because so cursed a mariage was forbidden in a Coū cel in the time of his father and of the saide Archbishop: Boldely I command by the authoritie which I haue by my Archbishoprike, not onely within my Archbishoprike, but also throughout England: that all Priests which keepe women shalbe depriued of their Churches, and Ecclesiastical benefices.

A letter of Pope Paschalis to Anselme.

Paschal Bishop, Seruaunt of Gods Seruants, to his reuerend brother Anselme Archb. of Cant. greeting and Apostolical blessing.

WE beleue your brotherhode is not ignorāt,Ex Epist. Ansel. 33. what is decreed in the Romish Church concerning Priests children. But because there is so great multitude of such within the Realme of England, that almost the greater and better part of the Clerks are reckened to be on this side: therfore we commit this dispensation to your care.If profite of the Church may come by priestes children, what hurt then were it to the church for priestes to haue wiues. For we graunt these to be promoted to holy offices by reason of the need at this time, and for the profit of the church (such as learning and life shal commēd among you) that yet notwithstanding the preiudice of the Ecclesiasticall decree be taken heede to hereafter. &c.

An other letter of Anselme for Inuesting.

To the reuerend Lord and louing father Paschal high bishop, Anselme seruant of Canterbury church, due subiection and continual prayers.

AFter that I returned to my bishopricke in Englande, I shewed the Apostolicall decree: which I being present, heard in the romish Councel. 1. That no man should receiue inuesting of churches of the kinges hand, or any lay person, or shoulde become his man for it, and that no man shoulde presume to consecrate him, that did offend herein. when the K. and his nobles, and the bishops themselues and other of the lower degree hearde these things:K. Henry and hys nobles ready to forsake the romish [...] Church. they tooke them so grieuously, that they sayde: they woulde in no case agree to the thing, and that they woulde driue me out of the kingdome, and forsake the Romish Churche, rather than keepe this thing: wherefore reuerende father I desire your counsell by your letter. &c.

An other letter of Anselme.

Anselme Archbishop to the reuerend Gudulphus Bishop, and to Ernulphus Prior, and to William Archdeacon of Canterburie, and to all in his Dioces greeting.

WIlliam our Archdeacon hath writtē to me, that some priests that be vnder his custodie (taking againe their women,A letter of Anselme agaynst priestes, receauing agayne their wiues. Ex Epist. 37. Priestes excommunicated for receauing agayn their wiues. that were forbidden) haue fallen vnto the vnclennesse from the which they were drawne by wholesome counsel and commaundement: when the Archdeacon would amende this thing, they vtterly despised with wicked pride his warning and worthy commādement to be receiued. Then he calling together many religious men and obedient Priestes, excommunicated worthely the proud & disobedient, that beastly despised the curse and were not afraid to defile the holy Ministerie, as much as lay in them, &c.

Unto these letters aboue prefixed, I haue also adioyned an order of the sayde Anselmus, touching a great case of conscience, of a Monkes whipping of himself. Wherein may appeare both the blind and lamētable superstition of those religious men, and the iudgement of this Anselmus in the same matter.

An other letter of Anselmus.

Anselmus Archbishop, to Bernard Monke of the Abbey of S. Warburg greeting, and prayer.

I Heard it sayde of your Lorde Abbot that thou iudgest it to be of greater merite, A letter of Anselmus. Ex Epist. 255. Whether is more merite for a monke to cause himselfe in the chapter to be whipped: or to suffer obediently the whippinge [...] of his Abbot. when a Monke either beareth himselfe, or desireth himselfe to be beaten of an other: then when hee is beaten (not of his owne will) in the chapter, by the commaundement of the prelacie. But it is not so as you thinke. For that iudgement that any man commaundeth to himselfe is kingly. But that which he suffreth by obedience in the chapter is Monkish. The one is of his owne will, the other is of obedience, and not of hys owne will. That which I cal kingly, kings & rich proud men cō mād to be done to themselues. But that which I call mōkish, they take (not commaunding, but obeying) The kingly is so much [Page] easier, by how much it agreeth to the will of the sufferer. But the monkish is so much the grieuouser, by how much it differeth frō the wil of the sufferer. In the kingly iudgement, the sufferer is iudged to be his own: In the monkish he is proued not to be his own. For although the king or riche man when he is beaten, willingly sheweth himselfe humbly to be a sinner: yet he woulde not submit himselfe, to this humblenesse at any other commaundement, but would withstand the commander with all his strength. But when a Monke submitteth himselfe to the whippes humbly in the chapter at the wil of the prelate: the truth iudgeth him to be of so much greater merite, by howe much he humbleth himselfe more, and more truely then the other. For he humbleth himselfe to God only, because he knoweth his sinnes. But this man humbleth himself to man for obedience. But he is more lowly that humbleth himselfe both to God and man for Gods cause, then he which humbleth himselfe to God only, and not to Gods commandement. Therfore if he that humbleth himselfe shall be extolled, Ergo, he that more humbleth himselfe shall be more exalted. And where I sayde that when a monke is whipped, that it differeth from his wil: you must not so vnderstande it, as though he woulde not paciently beare it with an obedient wil: but because by a natural appetite, he would not suffer the sorrow. But if ye say, I do not so much flie the open beating for the paines (which I fele also secretly) as for the shame: know then, The iudgement or conclusion of Anselme vpon the case. False opinion of merite. that he is stronger that reioyceth to beare this for obediēce, sake. Therfore be thou sure, that one whipping of a monke by obedience, is of more merite then innumerable whippings taken by his owne minde But where as he is such that alwaies he ought to haue his heart ready without murmuring obediently to be whipped: we ought to iudge him then to be of a great merite, whether he be whipped priuily or openly. &c.

Anno. 1105.And thus much concerning Anselmus archb. of Cant. whose stout example gaue no litle courage to Thurstinus and Becket his successors: and other that folowed after to doe the like against their kings and princes, as in processe hereafter by the grace of Christ shall appeare.

About this time An. 1105. two famous Archbishops of Mentz, being right vertuous and wel disposed Prelates: were cruelly and tirannously delt withall, and intreated by the B. of Rome. Their names were Darry and Christian. This Darry hauing intelligence, that he was complained of to the pope, sent a learned man (a special frend of his) to excuse him, named Arnolde: one for whome he had much done, and promoted to great liuing and promotiōs. But this honest mā Arnold, in steede of an excuser became an accuser,Iudges corrupted. bribing the two chiefest Cardinalles with good gold: by which meanes he obtained of the Pope, those two Cardinals to be sent as inquisitors and only doers in that present case. The which (comming to Germany) somoned the sayd Henry, and deposed him of his Archbyshoppricke (for all he could doe) either by lawe or iustice: substituting in his place the foresaid Arnolde, vpon hope (truely) of the ecclesiastical gold. Whereupon that vertuous & honorable Henry (as the storie telleth) spake vnto those his peruerse iudges on this wise. If I shuld appeale vnto the Apostolik see for this your vniust proces had against me: perhaps the pope wold attempt nothing any more therein, then ye haue: neither should I win any thing by it, but only royle of body, losse of good, affliction of mind, care of heart, & missing of his fauour. Wherfore I do appeale to the Lord Iesus Christ, as to the most highest & iust iudge, and cite you before his iudgement, there to answere me before the high iudge. For neither iustly nor godly (but by corruption as it pleaseth you) you haue iudged. Whereunto they scoffingly answered: Go you first, and we wil folow. Not long after (as the storie is) the saide Darry died:A terrible example for corrupt iudges to beware. whereof the 2. Cardinals hauing intelligence, sayd one to the other testingly: behold he is goue before, and we must follow according to our promise: and verely they sayde truer then they were aware off, for win a while they died in one day. For the one sitting vpon a [...]akes to ease himselfe, voyded out all his intrails into the draught, and miserably ended his life. The other gnawing of the fingers off his handes, and spitting them out of his mouth (al deformed in deuouring himself) died. And in likewise, not long after the ende of these men, the foresaid Arnold (most horribly) in a sedition was slaine and certaine daies (lying stinking aboue the groūd vnburied) was open to the spoyle of euery rascall & harlot. The Hystoriographer in declaring hereof, crieth vpon the cardinals in this maner: O ye Cardinals, ye are ye beginning and authors hereof. Come ye hether therefore, come ye hether, and heape and cary vnto your coūtries the deuil:Pope Paschalis the 2. and offer yourselues to him with that money whereof ye haue bene most gluttonous and insatiable.

About the same time and yeare when king Henry began his raigne, Pope Paschalis entered his papacie, succeding after Urbanus: about the yeare of the Lorde 1100▪ nothing swaruing from the steps of Hildebrand his superiour. This Paschalis, being elected by the Cardinals, after that the people had cried thrise,The pope tyrem [...]. S. Peter hath chosen good Raynerus: He than putting on a purple vesture, & atice vpon his head,The seuenfold power of the pope. was brought vpon a white palsray into Laterane: where a scepter was geuen him, and a girdle put about him (hauing vii. keyes, with vii. scales hanging there vpon) for a recognisance or token, of his vii. fold power, according to the vii. folde grace of the holy Ghost: of binding, loosing, shutting, opening, sealing, resigning, & iudging, &c. After this Paschalis was elected Pope: Henricus 4. the foresaid Emperour (of courage most valiant, if the time had serued thereto) thought to come vp to Italic to salute the newe Pope. But vnderstanding the Popes minde bent against him, he chaunged his purpose. In the meane time, Paschalis to shew himselfe inferior to Hildebrand in no poynt: began first to depose all such Abbates & byshops whome the Emperour had set vp. Also banished Albertus, Theodoricus, and Maginulphus striuing the same time for the papacie. I spake before of Guibert, whō Henricus the Emperour had made Pope against Hildebrād. Against this Guibert Paschalis made out an armie: who being put to flight, not long after departed.

About the same time,Of Antichrist, borne and manifest. The bishop of Fluence [...] martyr. Sabellicus. A councell at Trecas. An. M. Li. the bishop of Fluence began to teach and to preach of Antichrist then to be borne & to be manifest, as Sabellicus restifieth: wherupon Paschalis assembling a coūcell, put to silence the sayde bishop, and condemned his bookes. In this councell at Trecas: priestes that were maryed, were condemned for Nicolaitanes. Item, according to the decree of Hildebrand, al such of what degree or estate soeuer they were (being lay men) yt gaue any ecclesiasticall dignities, were cōdemned of Symonie. Furthermore, the statute of priestes tithes, there he renued: coūting the selling away therof as a sinne against the holy ghost. Concerning the excommunicatiō and other troubles,A tragicall history of the Pope Paschalis setting the sonne agaynst the father. that Hildebrand wrought against Henricus the 4. Emperour: it is declared sufficiently before. This excommunication, Paschalis ye Pope renued a fresh, against the saide Henry. And not onely that, but also conuenting the Princes of Germanie into a generall assemble: set vp his owne sonne against him: causing the bishop of Mentz, of Colen, and of wormes, to depriue him of hys Imperiall crowne, and to place his sonne Henricus the fift, in his fathers kingdome, and so they did. Comming to the place at Hilgeshem,Ex historia Helmold [...]. first they required his Diademe, hys purple, his ring, and other ornaments pertaining to the crowne, from him. The Emperor demandeth the cause, being ther excommunicate and voide of frendes. They pretending againe (I cannot tell what) for selling of Bishopricks, Abbases, and other ecclesiasticall dignities for money: also alledging the popes pleasure, and of other princes. Then required he first of the Bishop of Mentz (and likewise of the other two whom he had preferred to their bishopricks before) asking them in order, if he had receiued of them anye peny for his promoting thē to their dignities. This when they could not deny to be so: wel saith he, & doe you require me againe with this? With diuers other wordes of exhortation, admonishing them to remember their othe & alleageaunce to their Prince.The prelates set the sonne agaynst the father. But the periured Prelates, neyther reuerencing his maiestie, nor mooued with his benefites, nor regarding their fidelitie, ceased not for this, but first plucked from him (sitting in throne) his crowne unperiall: then disuestured him, taking from him his purple & his scepter. The good Emperour, being left desolate and in confusion, sayeth to them: Videat deus, & iudicet, that is, let God see, and iudge. Thus leauing him, they went to his sonne, to confirme him in his kingdom, and caused him to driue his father out, who then being chased of his owne sonne (hauing but 9. persones about him) did flee by the Dukedome of Limbrugh, where the Duke being then in hunting, perceauing and bearing of him, made after to folow hym. The Emperor fearing no other but presēt death (for he had displaced yt same Duke before out of his Dukedome) submitted himselfe, crauing of him pardon, and not reuengement.A gratefull example of a good and thankefull Duke. A naughty sonne of a good father. The Duke full of compassion, & pitiyng his state: not onely remitted all hys displeasure, but also receiued him to his castle. Moreouer, collecting his souldiours and men of warre, brought him to Colen, and there was well receaued. His sonne hearing this, besieged the city of Colen. But ye father by night escaping, came to Leodium: where resorted to hym all such as were men of compassion and of a constant heart. In so much, that hys power being strōg enough, he was now able to pitch a field against his ennemies, and so did: desiring his friends that if he had the victorie, they woulde spare hys sonne. In fine (the battail ioyned) the father had the victorie, the sonne was put to flight: many being slaine on both sides. But shortly after [Page] the battell renued againe: the sonne preuailed, the father was ouercome, and takē, who then being vtterly dispossessed of his kingdome,Ex Helmolds, [...] Gor [...]rido Viterbiensi. was brought to that exigent: that comming to Spire, was same to craue of the bishop there (whom he had done much for before) to haue a prebende in the Church: and for that he had some [...] of his Booke, he desired to serue in our Ladies quire.The vnkindnes of a proud prelate. Yet coulde he not obtaine so much at his hande: who swore by our Ladie, hee should haue none there. Thus the wofull emperour (most vnkindly hādled, and repulsed on euery side) came to Leodium,Anno. 1106. and there for sorrowe died, after he had raigned 50. yeares: whose body Paschalis after his funerall, caused to be taken vp againe,The Emperour v. yeares with out buriall. and to be brought to Shires, where it remained 5. yeres vnburied. Haec ex Helmoldo.

After the decease of this Emperor Henricus the 4. his sonne Henricus the 5. raigned the space of 20. yeares. Who comming to Rome to be crowned of the Pope,Anno. 1107. coulde not obtaine before he would fully assent to haue this ratified, that no Emperour should haue any thing to doe with the election of the Romaine Byshop,Henricus Emperour. Ex Chronico Casionis lib. 3. or with other byshopprickes. Besides that (about the same time) suche a sturre was made in Rome by the sayd Byshop: that if the Emperour had not defended himselfe, with his owne hands, he had bene slaine. But as it happened, the Emperour hauing the victorie: amongest many other Romaines (which were partly slaine, partly taken in the same skirmishe) he taketh also the Pope,The pope taken prisoner. and leadeth him out of the Citie: where he indenteth with him vpō diuers conditions, both of his coronation, and of recouering againe his right and title in the election of the Pope, & of other byshops: wherunto the Pope assenting, agreed to all. So the Emperour (being crowned of Paschalis) returned againe with the Pope to Rome.

All the conditions betwene the Emperour & the Pope (so long as the Emperour remained at Rome) stoode sirine and ratified. But asseone as the Emperour was returned againe to Germanie, forth wt the Pope calling a Synode; not only reuoked all that he had agreed to before: but also excommunicated Henricus the Emperor, as he had done his father before, reproouing the former priuilegium for prauilegium. The Emperor returning frō Rome to Franice, there maried Mathild daughter to king Henry. Who then hearing what the Pope had done (agreeued not a little) to all expedition marcheth to Rome, and putteth the Pope to flight:We raysed vp by the Pope, and his papistes. and finally placeth an other in his steade. In the meane time the Bishops of Germanie (the Popes good frendes) slept not their businesse, incensing the Saxons, al that they might against their Cesare: In so much that a great commotion was stirred vp, and grew at length to a pitcht field: which was fought in ye moneth of Felnuarie, by the wood called, Silua Catularia. An. M. Cxv.

Peace concluded betweene the Emperour and the P.The Emperour seeing no end of these conffictes (vnlesse he would yelde to the Pope) was fame to geue ouer, and forgoe his priuiledge: falling to a composition, not to meddle with matters perteining to the Popes electiō, nor with inuesting, nor such other thinges belonging to the Church, and Church men. And thus, was the peace betwene them concluded and proclaimed,Bernardus the Abbot. Bernardine. monkes came in. The Citty of Worcester almost all consumed with fire. Mathildis. Example of the Lordes iust retribution and iudgement. to no smal reioysing to both the armies, then lying by wormes, neare the riuer of Rine.

In the time of this Paschalis: liued Bernardus, called Abbas Clarauallensis, An. M. Cviii. of whom sprang the Bernadine Monkes.

About what time, the city of Worcester was consumed almost all with fire. An. M. Cix.

All this while Henricus the Emperour had no issue (hauing to wife Mathildis, the daughter of Henricus 1. king of England) and that by the iust iudgement of God, as it may appeare. For as he hauing a father, persecuted him by the Popes setting on, contrary to the part of a naturall sonne: so Gods providence did not suffer him to be the father of any childe, naturally to loue him, or to succeede him.

After the death of Paschalis, An. 1118. succeeded Pope Belasius (chosen by the Cardinals) but without the consent of the Emperour:Two popes striuing together. whereupon rose no little variance in Rome. And at length another pope was set vp by ye Emperour called Gregorius viii. and Belasius driuen away into Fraunce,Pope Calixtus the 2. and there died. After whom came Calixtus the second (chosen likewise by a fewe Cardinals, wythout the voyce of the Emperour) who comming vp to Rome to enioy his seat, first sent his legat into Germanie to excommunicate the Emperour Henricus: who then hauing diuers conflictes with his fellow Pope Gregorius, at lēgth braue him out of Rome. At this time by this occasiō, great disputation and controuersy was betwene the Emperors and the Popes court, whether of them in dignitie shoulde excell the other:The Pope excommunicate [...] the Emperour. wherof reasons and argumentes on both sides were alleadged, as in the verses here following are comprehended.

Allegatio Imperatoris contra papam.

Caesar lex viua stat regibus imperatiua,

Legeq sub viua sunt omnia iura datiua,

Lex ea castigat, soluit & ipsa ligat.

Conditor est legis ne (que) debet lege teneri,

Sed sibi complacuit sub lege libenter hab [...]

Quicquid ei placuit iuris adinstar erit.

Qui ligar ac soluit deus ipsum protulit orbi,

Diuisit regnum diuina potentia secum,

Astra dedit superis, caetera cuncta sibi.

¶Responsio Romanae curiae contra Imperatorem.

Pars quoque papalis sic obuiat Imperiali,

Sic dans regnare, quòd Petro subijciaris,

Ius etenim nobis Christus vtrumque parit.

Spiritus & corpus mihi sunt subiecta potenter,

Corpore terrena teneo caelestia mente

Vnde tenendo polum, soluo ligóque solùm.

AEthers pandere, coelica tongere, papa videtur.

Nam dare, tollere, nectere, soluere cuncta meretur,

Cui dedit omne decus lex noua, léxque vetus.

Annulus & baculus quamuis terrena putentur,

Sunt de iure poli, quae significare videntur.

Respice iura dei, mens tua cedat ei. &c.

In conclusion the Emperor being ouercome so much with the vaine reasons of the Popes, side, and scaring the dangerous thunderbolt of this curse (talking me Princes, and perswaded by his frendes, was faine to condescend to the vnreasonable conditions of the Pope. First to ratifie his election: notwithstāding (the other pope whō the said Emperour had set vp) yet was a liue: Secondly, that he should resign vp his right and title in matters pertaining to the election of the Pope, and inuesture of bishops.

This being done & graunted,Gregorius brought into Rome [...] broughten and whea. and the writings thereoffet vp in the Churche of Lateran for a triumphe, of the Emperour thus subdued: the pope maketh out after Gregorius his fellow pope, being then in a towne called Sutrium. This Sutrium, being besieged and taken, Gregory also was taken. whom Calixtus the pope, sitting vpon a Camell (his face to the Camels taile) brought hym so through the streetes of Rome, holding the taile in his hād in stede of a bridle: and afterward being shorne, was thrust into a Monasterie.

Amongst many other acts done by this glorious pope, first he established the decrees of the papall sea against this Emperour. He brought in the 4. quarter fasts, called Imber paies. Dist. 70. cap. ieiunium. Dist. 76. cap. Ieiunium.

By the same Calixtus,The order of Monkes, Praemonstratē ses. the order of monkes called Praemonstraterises, were brought in.

Farther, by him it was decreed to be iudged for adultery, if any person (by his life time) had put from him either Byshopricke or benefice:Scripture clerkly applyed of the pope. Priestes and ministers compelled to leaue their wiues. grounding vpon this Scripture of S. Paule to the Romaines: Alligata est vxor legi viri, quamdiu vir eius viuit: eo defuncto, soluta est a lege viri &c. That is: the wife is bounde to the lawe of her husbande, so long as the husband liueth: after he is dead, she is loose frō the law of her husband. &c.

Item, the same Calixtus holding a generall Councell at Rhemis, decreed: that priests, deacons, and subdeacons should put away their cōcubines and wiues: or els, whosoeuer was founde to keepe his wife, to be depriued of benefice, and al other Ecclesiastical liuings: wherupon a certaine English writer made these verses following.

O bone Calixte, nunc omnis clerus odit te,

Quondam praesbyteri poterant vxoribus vti

Hoc destruxisti, postquam tu Papa fuisti. &c.

That is word for word.

The hatred of the Clergie, hast thou good Calixte,

For some times Priests might vse their wiues right,

But that thou hast reiected, since Pope thou wast elected.

And thus much of Romain matters, Now to our coū trey story againe. After the death of Anselme before mentioned (who deceassed the yeare of our Lorde.Anno. 1109. 1109. after he had bene sit the sea 16. yeares) the Churche of Cant. stoode voyde 5. yeares: and the goodes of the Church were spent to the Kings vse. And when he was prayed to helpe the Church that was so long without a pastor, hys answere was: pretēding that where his father and brother, had accustomed [Page] there to set the best, tried and approued men that might be found: to the entent therfore that he might do the same (in chusing suche, which either should equal ye former examples of them before, or at least follow their footesteps as neare as they could) he tooke therein the more time and laisure.The Bishoprick of Ely first planted. Henry first Bishop of Ely. And so with shift of aunswere dalied out the time, while he had filled his cofers wyth the commodities of that benefice. The same yeare (after the death of Anselme) the King conuerted the Abbey of Eley to a Byshopricke, which before was vnder the Byshopricke of Lyncolne: placing there Henrie Byshop of Bangor the first bishop of that sea. And as of late yeares before this, diuers wonders were scene: as starres falling from heauen so thick, yt they coulde not be nombred, at the setting soorth of the Christians to the holy lande: Iornalens. A blasing starre ouer Constantinople: A spring boyling out bloud (sene at Finchamstede in Barkeshire) three weekes together. An. 1090. Gisburnons. After that, the firmament appearing so red, as it had bene all on fire: Also two ful Moones appearing together, one in the East, the other in the West (on maundy thursday) with a blasing starre in the same yeare appearing about the taking of Duke Robert, hauyng a white circle inclosing it. An. 1106. Iornalens. Also wyth an Eclipse of the Sunne darkned after that: so likewise about this present yere, An. 1110. was seene the floude of Trent, about Notyngham,Anno. 1110. so dryed vp from morning to 3. of the clocke at after noone, that men might go ouer it drishodde, Gisburnens. Also in Shrosbery a great earthquake happened:Trent dyed vp. An earthquake. Morayne and pestilence. Ex Gualthero. Gisburnensi. And after that followed a sharpe winter, great moraine of beastes, and pestilence of men, as Gualterius Guisburnens recordeth: Moreouer the same author mentioneth that next about the same yeare, the like vading of water also happened in the floud of Medeway: And in Thamis (betwene the bridge & the tower, and vnder the bridge, frō midnight to the next euening) was so great an ebbe, that an vnnumerable forte of people and children waded ouer, scarce kne depe in the water,Anno. 1113. the sea withdrawing his tide x. miles from his accustomed course, Rog. Houeden, Gualter. Gisburneris. Wirceter consumed with fire. &c. In the which yeare also as the sayde author and Iornalens doe testifie, the Citie of Worcester, by casualtie was consumed with fire.Anno. 1114. Also the citie of Chester, An. 1114. Rog. Houed.

The next yere following, Rodolphus bishop of Rochester (an Englishman) was promoted to be Archb. of Canterb.Rodulphus Archbishop of Cant. Thurstinus Archbishop of Yorke. and Thurstinus the kings chaplaine was elect archbishop of York, who being content to receiue his benediction or consecration of the see of Cant. yet because he refused to make his profession of obedience to the same See, he was by the king depriued of his dignitie.

Then Thurstin (by the instigation of certaine of his clerkes at York) tooke his iorney to Rome:Dissention betweene Thurstinus of Yorke, and Rodolph Archb of Cant. for subiection. The letter of Paschalis to K. Henry. who there making his complaint to Pope Paschalis, brought with him a letter from the Pope to the King: where among other woordes was conteined as followeth: Audiuimus electum Eboracensis Ecclesiae virum, sapientem & strenuum, fine iudicio ab Eboracensi sequestratum ecclesia, quod nimirum diuinae iustitiae & S. Patrum institutionib aduersatur. Nos quidem ne (que) Cant. ecclesiam minui, neque Eboracensem volumus praeiudicium pati, sed eam constitutionem quae a B. Gregorio Anglicae gentis Apostolo, inter easdem ecclesias constituta est, firmam censemus illibatamque seruari. Idem ergo electus (vt iustitia exigit) ad suam ecclesiam omnibus modis reuocetur. Si quid autem quaestionis inter easdem ecclesias nascitur, praesentibus vtrisque partibus in vestra praesentia pertractetur. &c.

In English thus.

We heare and vnderstand, that the Archbi. elect of the church of Yorke (a discrete and industrious man) is sequestred from the church of York: which standeth against both diuine iustice,Ex Gualthero Gisburnensi. Ex Gulie. De pontif. Lib. 4. Ex Roger. Ho [...] Eabia. &c. and the institution of holy fathers. Our purpose is, that neither the church of Cāt. should be empaired, nor againe that the church of Yorke should suffer any preiudice, but that the same constitution which was by blessed Gregory (the apostle of the english nation) set and decreed betweene those two churches: should remaine still in force and effect inuiolate. Wherfore, as touching the forsaid elect let him be receaued againe by any meanes (as right and meere it is) vnto his Church. And if there be any question betwene the foresaid churches, let it be handled and decided in your presence, both the two parties beyng there present. &c.

Upon the occasion of this letter, a solemne assemble there was appoynted at Salisbury,Anno. 1116. about the hearing of thys controuersy. The variance betwene these two prelates stil encreased more and more. Radulph Archbishop of Can. in no case would yeelde nor condiscend to geue imposition of handes vnto him,Assemble of the nobles at Salisbury. vnlesse he would make his profession of obedience. Thurstine againe saide he would willingly receiue & embrace his benediction, but as touching the profession of his subiection, that he woulde not agree vnto. Then the king declaring his minde therein,Thurstine refuseth to professe subiection to the Arch. of Cant. Thurstine promiseth to renounce hys archbishopricke. signified vnto Thurstin; that without his subiection and obedience professed to the Archbishop of Cant. he shoulde not enioy hys consecration to be Archbishop, of York. Wherunto Thurstin (nothing replying againe) renounced his Archbishopricke, promising moreouer to make no more claime vnto is nor molest them that should inioy it.

Shortly after this, it happened, that Pope Paschalis died: After whome (as is aboue rehearsed) succeeded Pope Gelasius, which liue prior past a yere, and died in France. Whereupon,Anno. 1118. the Cardinals (which then followed the sayd Pope Gelasius to Cluniake) created an other Pope of their chusing, whom they called Calixtus 2. The other cardinals which were at Rome did chuse an other Pope called Gregorie as mention before is made: About which 2. Popes much sturre there was in Christen Realmes. As this Calixtus was remaining in Fraunce, and there calling a general coūcell at Remis as ye heard before. Thurstinus the Archbishop of Yorke desired license of the King to goe to the Councel, purposing there to open the cause of his Church,Pope Calixtus breaketh promise with the king. Thurstine sacred archbishop of Yorke by the Pope agaynst the kinges minde. which estsones he obtained: first promising to the king that he should there attempt nothing that should be preiudiciall to the Church of Cant. In the meane time, the king had sent secret word vnto the Pope, by Radulph and other procurators, that in no case he would consecrate Thurstinus. Yet (notwithstanding the faithfull promise of the Pope made to the King) so it fell out: that the sayde Pope, through the sute of his Cardinals, whome Thurstinus had wonne to him: was inclined to consecrate him, and gaue him the palle. For this deede the king was fore discontented with Thurstine, and warned him the entrie of his land.

In this councell at Rhemis (aboue mentioned) where were gathered 434. Prelates,Concision Rhemense, Actes of the councell of Rhemes. these 5. principal actes were concluded.

1. That no man should either buy or sell any Bishoprike, abbotship, deanry, archdeaconship, priesthood, prebēdship, altar, or any Ecclesiasticall promotion, or benefice, orders, consecration, church halowing, seat or stall within ye quire, or any office ecclesiasticall, vnder danger of excommunication, if he did persist.

2. That no lay person should geue inuesture of anye Ecclesiasticall possession: or that any spirituall men should receaue any such at any lay mans hand vnder payne of depriuation.

3. That no man shoulde inuade, take away or detayne the goodes or possessions of the Churche: but that they should remayne firme and perpetuall, vnder payne of perpetuall curse.

4. That no Bishop or Priest should leaue any ecclesiasticall dignitie or benefice to any, by way of inheritance. Adding moreouer that for baptisme, chrisme, anoyling, or buriall, no mony should be exacted.

5. Item that all priests, deacons, and subdeacons, should be vtterly debarred and sequestred from company of their wyues and concubines, vnder payne of excluding from al christian communion.

The actes thus determined, were sent estsoones to Hē ricus the Emperor,The Actes sent to the Emperour. to see and try, before yt breaking vp of the councell, whether he would agree to the canonical elections, free consecration, and inuesting to spiritual persōs and to other Actes of the sayd Councell. The Emperour maketh aunswer agayne,The Emperour agreeth not to the popes inuesting. that he would lose nothing that auncient custome of hys progenitours had geuē him. Not withstanding, because of the authoritie of the general coū cell, he was content to consent to the residue, saue only the inuesting of ecclesiasticall function to be taken from hym, to yt he would neuer agree. Upō this, at the next returne of the Pope to the Councel, yt Emperour was appoynted to be excommunicated.The councell deuided. Which thing, when diuers of the Councell did not well like, and therefore did seperate thē selues from the rest, the Pope applying agaynst them the similitude of the 70. disciples which were offended at the Lord,Ex Rog. Houed. when he taught them of eating his flesh and bloud, and therefore deuided themselues from him. Declaring moreouer to thē, how they which gathered not with hym scattered,Henry the Emperour excommunicated. Agreed that England shoulde haue no other Legate from Rome, but onely the Archb. of Cant. England spoyld by the popes legates. and they that were not with him, were agaynst him: by these and such like perswasions reducing them agayne to hys side, and so by that Councell Henricus the Emperour was excommunicated.

It was not long after, but the Pope came to Gisortiuin: where, Henry King of England, resorted to him, desiring & also obtayning of him, that he would send henceforth no Legate, nor permit any to be sent from Rome to England, vnlesse the king himselfe shoulde so require, by [Page] reason of some occasion of strife, which els could not otherwise be decided, by his owne bishops at home. The cause why the king required this of the Pope: was for that certain Romaine legates had bene in England a little before (to wiste) one Guido, and another Romaine named Anselmus, and another also called Petrus, who had spoyled the realme of great treasure, as the customed maner of the Popes proud Legates is woont to do, Guliel de pont. lib. 1. Also he required of the Pope, that he might vse & retayne all the customes vsed before of his forefathers in England and in Normandy.

All the custome of the Realme graunted of the pope.To these petitions the Pope did easily consent, requiring agayne of the king that he would license Thurstinus the Archb. aboue minded, no returne with fauour into his realme. But that the king vtterly denied vnles he would professe subiectiō to the church of Cant. as his predecessors had done before, and excused himselfe by his othe, which he before had made. To this the Pope answered againe, that he by his authoritie Apostolicall, both might and woud [...] also easily dispense with him for his promise or othe. Then the king said that he would talke with his [...] therof; and so send him an answer of his mynd. Which aunswere was this. That for the loue and request of the Pope, hee was content that Thurstinus should receiue his realme, and quietly enioy his prelateship, vpon this conditiō that he would (as his predecessors did) professe his subiection to the church of Canter. Otherwise (sayd he) so long as he was king, he should neuer sit Archb. of the church of York. And thus ended that meeting betwne the king of englād, and the Pope for that tyme.

Anno. 1120. The popes letter to the King.The yeare following after that, which was, an. 1120. the foresaid pope Calixtus directeth his letters for Thurstinus to the king, and to Radulph Archbish. of Cant. In which epistle, by his full power Apostolical, he doth interdict both the church of Cant. and the church of Yorke with all the parish churches within the same cities,The king compelled to receaue Thurstinus, for feare of the popes curse. Thurstinus restored. from all divine service, from the buriall also of the dead; except onely baptising of children, and absolution of them that he on dieng; vnlesse within a moneth after the rece [...]te of the same; Thurstinus (without any exaction of subiection made) were receiued and admitted to the sea of Yorke, and that the king likewise should doubtlesse bee excommunicated, except he would consent vnto the same. Whereupō Thurstinus for feare of the Popes curse,Anno. 1122. was immediately sent for & reconciled to the king, and was placed quietly in his Archiepiscopall see of Yorke.

Wil. Archb. of Cant. The gray Friers first came into England.It followed not long after (within two yeares) Radulph Archbishop of Cant. departed: in whose see succeeded after him Gulielmus de Turbine. About which tyme (in the 27. yeare of the kings raigne) the gray friers by procuring of the kyng,Anno. 1125. came first into England, and had theyr house first at Canterbury. About the same season, or a little before, the kyng called a councel at London, where the spiritualtie of England (not knowyng to what purpose it was required) condescended to the kyng,Priestes payd for their wiues. Ex Roger. Houed. El Guliel. Gisburnēsi. Ex Henrie. Hunting. lib. 7. to haue the punishment of maried Priestes: by reason of which graunt (whereof the spiritualtie afterward much repented) the priestes paying a certayne to the kyng, were suffred to retayne their wyues still, wherby the king gathered no smal summe of mony, Rog Houed. Guliel. Gisburnens. At this time beganne first the foundation of the Monastery called Gisburne in Cleueland.

It was aboue touched, how Matild or Maude daughter of king Henry,The Abbey of Gilburne bailded. S. la ues hand. Reading Abbey foū ded. Matilde daughter of K. Henry heyre to the crowne. Geffry Plā tagenet. Henry 2. borne of Matilde the Empresse. was maried to Henry the 5. Emperor, who after the decease of the said Emperor her husband, returned about this present time with the Imperiall crown to her father in Normandy, bringing with her the hand of S. James. For the ioy whereof, the king builded the Abbey of Reading, where the sayd hand was reposed. This Matild was receiued by the sayd councell to be next heyre to the king her father, in possession of the English crowne, for lacke of issue male. And soone after vpon the same was sent ouer to Normandy, to mary with Geffrey Plantagenet Erle of Angeow, of whō came Henry the second, who (after Stephen) was kyng of England. And about this tyme was also founded the priorie of Norton in the Prouince of Chester, by one William the sonne of Nichelle. In the story of Polychron. Iornal. and Polydorus is declared, how the king was troubled greatly with 3. sundry visions appearing vnto him by night. The first was of a great multitude of husbandmen of the country,Anno. 1130. which appeared to flie vpon him with their mattocks and instrumēts, requiring of him his debt which he did owe vnto them.The priorie of Norton founded. Three terrible visiōs of the king. In the second, he saw a great number of souldiers and harnessed men to come fiercely vpon him. In the third, he sawe a company of prelates and churchmen, threatning him with their bishops staues, & fiersly approching vpō him. Wherupon (being dismayd) in all hast; ran & tooke his sword to defēd himself, finding there none to strike: who afterward asking counsaile concerning these visions, was mouthed by one of his p [...]ssitions (named Grimbald) by repentace, almes and amendment of life,Three vowes made of King Henry. to make some mends to god and to his countrey whom he offended. Which thre vowes thus being made, the next yere after he went to England: where he being vpon the seas in a great tempest with hys daughter Matild,Anno. 1131. remembred there his iii. vowes. And so comming to the land (for performance of the same) [...]irst released vnto the conuitons the Danogelt which his father & his brother before had renued.Danegelt released. The Church relieued. Iustice rightly administred. Bishoprike of Carlile newly erected by king Henry. The Citie and Paules Church of London burned. Honorius the 2. Mathaeus Partsiensis. Secondly, he went to S. Edmondesbury, where he shewed great benefites to the churchmen. Thirdly, he procured iustice to be administred more rightly throughout his realme, &c. Also he ordayned and erected a new bishoprike at Carlile.

In the 33. yeare of this kinge raigne (as witnesseth a certayne author) a great part of the citie of London, wyth the Church of S. Paule, was burned with fire in Whition weeke.

After Calixtus (whose story and ryme is before discoursed) succeeded Pope Honorius, ii. Notwithstanding that the cardinals had elected another, yet he by the means of certain citizens obtained the papacie, an. 1125. About the second yeare of his induction (as is to be red in Math. Paris.) there was a certaine legate of his called Ioannes-Cremensis, sent downe to England, from the Pope for the redresse I cannot well tell whoreof. But in deede the chiefest purpose of his commyng (as of all other after hym in those dayes) was to fill their pouches with English money, as may further appeare by their procedings. This Legate commyng then with the Popes letters directed both into england & Scotland (after he had well refreshed himselfe in Bishops houses, and amongest the Abbotts) at length resorted to London, where he assembled the whole Clergy together, inquired of Priestes concubines (otherwise called theyr wiues) & making there upon a statute in the said Synode of London,A romishe statute concerning priestes wiues and Concubines. after this tenor: Praesbyteris, diaconibus, subdiaconibus, & canonleis, vxorum, concubinarum, & omnium omnillo foeminarum concuberniat autoritate Apostolica inhibemus praeter matrem, aut sororem vel amitam, aut eiusmodi quae omnino careant suspitione. Et qui decreti huius violator extiterit (confessus vel convictus) ruinam-ordinis patiatur. Inter consanguineos, seu affinitate propinquos, vsque ad septimam generationem, matrimonia contrahi prohibemus. That is, vnto priests, deacons, subdeacons, and canons, we do vtterly inhibite by authoritie Apostolicall, all maner societie and conuersation with all kynde of women, except onely their mother, sister, or Aunt, or such whereof can ryse no suspicion. And whosoeuer shall be found to violate this decree (beyng conuict thereof) shall sustaine thereby the losse of all that he hath by his order.Mariage forbid to the seuenth degree. Moreouer, amongst kindred or such as be ioyned in affinitie,The Popes Legate geuing preceptes of chastitie, was found with an harlot. Lotharius Emperour. we forbid matrimony, vnto the seuenth generation, &c. But see how God worketh against such vngodly proceedings. The next night after, it happened, the same Cardinal (rufflyng & reuellyng wyth his concubines) to be apprehended in the same vice, wherof he had so straightly geuen out precepts the next day before, to the no little slaunder and shame (as Math. Paris doth write) of the whole clergy.

Unto this tyme liued Henricus the v. Emperor, after he had raigned 20. yeres, dying without issue as is before mentioned. Next after Henricus, the Imperiall crowne came to Lotharius Duke of Saxon. an. 1127.

Certayne historyes make mention of one Arnulphus in the tyme of this Pope Honorius.Arnulphus Martyred at Rome. The history of Arnulphus. ii. Some say he was Archbish. of Lugduneias Hugo, Platina, Sabellicus. Trithemius sayth, he was a priest, whose history, as it is set forth in Trithemius, I will briefly in English expresse. About this time (sayth he) in the dayes of Honorius, ii. one Arnulphus Priest (a man zelous and of great deuotion, and a worthy preacher) came to Rome, which Arnulphus in his preaching rebuked the dissolute and lasciuious losenes incontinencie, auarice, and immoderate pride of the clergy, prouoking all to follow Christ and his Apostles in the pouerty rather, and in purenes of lyfe. By reason whereof, this man was well accepted, and highly liked of the nobilitie of Rome, for a true disciple of Christ, but of the Cardinals and the clergy no lesse hated; then fauoured of the other. In so much, that priuily in the night season they tooke hym and destroyed him. This his martyrdome (sayth he) was reuealed to hym before, from God by an Aungell, he beyng in the desert, whē he was sent forth to preach, wherupō, he sayd to them publikely with these words: I know (sayth he) ye seeke my lyfe, and know, ye will make me away priuisy. But why? because I preach to you the truth, and blame your pryde, stoutnesse, auarice, incontinencie, [Page] with your vnmeasurable greedines in getting and heaping vp riches, therfore be you displeased with me. I take here heauen and earth to witnesse, that I haue preached to you, that I was commaunded of the Lord. But you contemne me and your creator, who by his onely sonne hath redemed you. And no meruaile if ye seeke my death beyng a sinfull person preaching to you the truth: when as if S. Peter were here this day, and rebuked your vices (which doe so multiply aboue all measure) you would not spare him neither. And as he was expressing this with a loude voyce, he sayd moreouer: For my part I am not afrayd to suffer death for the truth sake, but this I say to you, that God will looke vpon your iniquities, and will be reuenged.Arnulphus Martyr. You beyng full of all vnpuritie, play the blynd guides to the people committed to you, leading them the way to hell. A God he is of reuengeaunce. Thus the hatred of the Clergy beyng incensed agaynst hym for preaching truth, conspired agaynst him, and so laying priuy waite for hym, tooke hym and drowned him. Sabellicus & Platina say, they hanged hym.

In the second Tome of the general Councels imprinted at Colen,Ex Tretimio. A booke called Tripartitum, written 400. yeares agoe. is mentioned a certain booke called Opus tripartitum, written as the author supposeth, aboue 400. yeres ago, either of this Arnulphus, or iust about the same tyme. In this booke the writer complaineth of many enormities and abuses in the Church, First, of the number of holy dayes, declaring what occasion of vice groweth thereby, accordyng to the common saying of whores and naughty women (which say) they vauntage more in one holy day,Number of holy dayes. then in 50. other dayes besides.

Item, complaineth of the curious singing in cathedral churches,Curious singing in Cathedrall Churches. whereby many bee occasioned to bestow much good tyme, yea many yeres about the same, which otherwise they might geue to the learning of better sciences.

Likewise, he complaineth of the rable and multitude of begging Friers and religious men,The world ouercharged with begging Religions. Promotion of euill prelates. Supersluitie of apparell in Bishops families. & professed womē, shewyng what great occasion of idle & vncomely life commeth therof.

Also of the vnconsiderate promotion of euill Prelates, and of their great negligence in correcting and reformyng the euill demeanour of the people.

Item, of the great wantonnes & lasciuiousnes in their seruauts and families, concerning their excessiue wearing of apparell.

Byshops seales abused to get mony.Item, complaineth also of the outragious and excessiue gaynes, that Prelates and other vnder them take for their seale, especially of officials, scribes & such like, which geue out the seale they care not how, nor wherfore, so they may gayne money.

He complaineth in like maner, that prelates be so slack and negligent in looking to the residēts in their benefices.

Non residentes in benefices. Rash bestowing of benefices.Farther lamenteth, for the rash geuing of benefices to parlons, vicars, and curates, not for any godlines or learning in them, but for fauour or friendship, or intercession, either els for hope of some gayne, whereof springeth this great ignorance in the Church.

Wastefull spending of the Church goods.After this he noteth in prelates, how they wast and expend the goods of the church in supersluities or vpon theyr kinsfolke, or other worse wayes, which should rather be spent vpon the poore.

Nextly, in the x. chapter, he cōplaineth for that through the negligence of men of the church (especially of the church of Rome) the bookes and monuments of the old Councels & also of the new,Old bookes of Councels lost by the negligence of the clerkes. are not to be found: which should be reserued and kept in all cathedrall Churches.

Item, that many prelates be so cold in doing their duties. Also reprocheth the vnchast and voluptuous demeanor of Ecclesiasticall persons by the example of Storkes,The vnchaste lyfe of priestes condemned by the nature of the storkes. whose nature is (saith he) that if any of their company, leauyng his owne mate, ioyneth with any other, all the rest flieth vpon him (whether it be he or she) beateth hym, and plucketh his fethers off: what then (sayth he) ought good prelates to do to such a person of their company, whose filthinesse and corrupt life both defileth so many, and stinketh in the whole Church.

Againe, forasmuch as we read in the booke of Esdras, lib 2. cap 9 that he purging Israel of strange womē, began first with the priestes:Amendment of lyfe ought first to begin with the priestes. So now likewise in the purging & correcting of all sortes of men, first the purgation ought to begin with these, according as it is written by the prophet Ezechiel. Begin first with my sanctuary, &c.

Moreouer, how that in the tyme of Phillip kyng of Fraunce,The realme of Fraunce interdited. King of Portingale deposed. the whole Realme was interdited, for that the kyng had but one woman in stead of his wife, which was not his wife by law. And againe, [...]eyng in these our dayes, the king of Portingale hath bene sequestred from his dominion, by the authoritie of the church (being thought not sufficient to gouerne) what then ought to bee sayd to that Prelate, which abuseth other mens wiues, virgines, and Nunnes, which also is found vnable & insufficient to take vpon him the charge of soules?

About the yeare of our Lord,The Knights of the Rhodes and Templars. 1128. the orders of the knights of the Rhodes called Joannites, also the order of Templars rose vp.

After Honorius, next in the same vsurpation succeded Pope Innocentius 2.Pope [...] centius the second. an. 1130. But as it was with hys predecessours before hym, that at euery mutation of newe Popes, came new perturbations, and commonly neuer a Pope was elected, but some other was set vp against him, (sometymes 2. sometymes 3. Popes togethey) so likewise it happened with this Innocentius: for after he was chosen, the Romains elected another pope named Anacletus. Betwixt these two Popes was much ado, and great conflicts through the partaking of Rogerius Duke of Sicile, takyng Anacletus part agaynst Innocentius,Hurly [...] betweene Popes. vntil Locharius the Emperour came, who rescuing Innocentius, droue Rogerius out of Italy. Our stories recorde, that king Henry was one of the great helpes in setting vp and maintayning this Pope Innocentius against Anacletus, Gisburnens.

Amongst many other things this Pope decreed,The pope curse proclaymed agaynst [...] that [...] any priest. that whosoeuer did strike a Priest or Clerke beyng shauen, he should be excommunicate, and not to be absolued, but only of the Pope himselfe.

About the tyme of doyng of these thynges (beyng the yeare of our Lord, 1135.) king Henry being in Normandy (as some say) by taking there a fall frō his horse (as other say) by taking a surfet in eating Lampries,The death of K. Henry. fell sicke & died, after he had raigned ouer the realme of England 35. yeres and odde monethes,Anno. 1135. leauyng for his heyres Matilde the Empresse his daughter, with her young sonne Henry to succeed after hym, to whom all the Prelates and Nobilitie of the Realme were sworne. But contrary to their oth made to Molde in the presence of her father before: William the Archbishop of Cant. and the nobles of the realme, crowned Stephen Erle of Boloyne, and sisters sonne to king Henry, vpon S. Stephens day in Christmas weeke. Which Archbishop, the next yeare after dyed: beyng (as it was thought) iustly punished for his periury.Periury iustly punished. And many other lordes which did accordingly, went not quite without punishment. In like iustice of punishmēt is numbred also Roger bishop of Salisbury, who contrary to his othe (beyng a great doer in the coronation of Stephen) was apprehended of the same kyng, and miserably (but iustly) extermined.

A certaine written English story I haue, which addeth more, and faith, that king Stephen (hauing many foes in diuers quarters,Ex Chris. Anglico in certi aut [...] ris. The Bishop of Sarum and of Lincolne, take [...] prisoners of the king, and led with ropes about their neckes. kepyng there holdes and castels agaynst him) went then to Oxford, & tooke the Bishop of Salisbury, and put a rope about his necke, & so led him to the castle of Uice (that was his) and commanded them to render vp the castle, or he would slay and hang their Bishop. Which Castle beyng geuen vp, the kyng tooke the spoyle thereof. The like also he did to the Bishop of Lyncolne named Alexander, whom in lyke maner he led in a rope to a Castle of the Bishops, that was vpon Trent, and bad them deliuer vp the Castle, or els he would hang their Lord, before the gate. Long it was before the castle was geuen vp, yet at length the king obtaining it, there entred and tooke all the treasure of the Bishop, &c. Roger Houeden. Fabian alleagyng a certayne olde Authors, whom I cannot finde, referreth a great cause of this periury to one Hugh Bigot,Roger. [...]eued. in [...] Steph. Ex Fabian, In vita. Step. Steward sometyme with king Henry. Who immediatly after the death of the sayd Henry, came into England, and before the sayd Archbishop and other Lordes of the land, tooke wilfully an othe and sware: that he was present a little before the kings death, when king Henry admitted for his heyre (to be king after him) Stephen his nephew, for so much as Molde his daughter had discontented him. Wherunto the Archbishop with the other Lordes gaue to hasty credence. But this Hugh (sayth he) escaped not vnpunished, for he dyed miserably in a short tyme after. Ex Fabia. Albeit all this may be supposed rather to be wroght not without the practise of Henry bishop of Winchester, & other Prelates (by his settyng on) which Henry was brother to King Stephen, &c.

King Stephen.

THus when king Stephen contrary to his oth made before to Molde the Empresse,Anno. 1136. had taken vpon hym the crowne (as is abouesayd) he sware before the Lordes at Oxford,K. Stephen. that he would not hold the benefices that were voyded [Page] and that he would remit the Danegelt, with many other things,Building of Castles in England. which after he little performed, Moreouer, because he dread the comming of the Empresse, he gaue lisence to his Lordes, euery one to build vpon theyr owne ground, strong castles or sorcresses, as them liked. All the tyme of his raigne he was vexed with warres, but especially with Dauid King of the Scottes, with whom he was at length accorded, but yet the Scottish king did hym no homage, because he was sworne to Mande the Empresse. Notwithstanding, yet Henry the eldest sonne to king Dauid, did homage to king Stephen. But he after repentyng therof, entred into Northumberland with a great host, & burnt and New the people in most cruel wyse, neither sparing man, woman, nor chylde. Such as were with chylde they ript, the children they tost vpon their speare pointes, and laying the priests vpon the altars, they mangled and cut them all to pieces after a most terrible maner. But by the manhood of the English Lordes and souldiours,The cruelty of the Scots agaynst the Englishe man. and through the meanes of Thurstine Archbishop of Yorke, they were met withall, and slaine a great number of them, and Dauid their king cōstrained to geue Henry his sonne hostage for suretie of peace. In the meane tyme king Stephen was occupied in the South countreys, besieging diuers castles of diuers Bishops & other Lordes, and tooke them by force, and fortified them with his knights and seruants, to the entent to withstand the Empresse, whose cō ming he euer feared.

About the vi. yeare of his raigne, Maud the Empresse came into England out of Normandy,Anno. 1140. & by the aid of Robert Earle of Gloucester, and Ranulph of Chester, made strong warre vpon kyng Stephen. In the ende whereof the kings partie was chased,Maude the Empresse came into England agaynst Steuen. and himselfe taken prisoner, & sent to Bristow, there to be kept in sure hold. The same day whē kyng Stephen should ioyne his battayle: It is sayd in a certaine old Chronicle before inyuded, that he beyng at the Masse (which then the bishop of Lincolne sayd, before ye kyng) as he went to offer vp his taper, it brake in two pieces. And when the masse was done, (at what time the kyng should haue bene houseled) the Rope whereby the pyxe did hang, did breake, and the pixe fell down vpon the aultar.

After this field, the Queene (king Stephens wyfe, lying then in Kent) made great labour to the Empresse and her counsail, to haue the kyng deliuered and put into some house of religion, but could not obtayne. Also the Londiners made great sure to the sayd Empresse, to haue and to vse agayne S. Edwardes lawes, and not the lawes of her father,King Steuē [...]ken prisoner. What it is for princes to be hard and straite to their subjectes. which were more straight and strange to them then the other: which when they could not obtayne of her and her counsaile, the citizens of London (beyng therwith discontented) would haue taken the Empresse. But she hauing knowledge therof, fled priuily from London to Oxford. But then the Kentishmen and Londiners taking the kings part, ioyned battaile against the Empresse: there the foresayd Robert Erle of Glocester, and base brother to the Empresse was taken. And so by exchange, both the King, and Erle Robert were deliuered out of prison.K. Stephen and Robert Erle of Glocester deliuered by exchaunge. Then Stephen (without delay) gatheryng to hym a strong army, straightly pursued the foresaid Matild or Mauld, with her friendes; besieging them in the Castell of Oxford. In the siege wherof, fell a great snow and frost so hard, that a man well laden might passe ouer the water. Upon the occasion wherof, the Empresse (bethinking herself) appointed with her friends & retinue: clothed in white shectes (& so issuing out by a postern gate) went vpō the ise, ouer Thames and so escaped to Wallingford.Ex incerti autoris chronise. After this, the king) the castle beyng gotten) when he found not the Empresse, was much displeased, and molested the countrey about diuer's wayes. In conclusion, he pursued the empresse & her company so hard, that he caused them to flee the realme, which was the vi. yeare of his raigne.

The second yeare after this, which was the viii. yeare of his raigne, there was a parliament kept at Londō, Unto the which, all the Bishops of the Realise resorted, and there denoūced the kyng accursed (and all them with him) that did any hurt to the Church, or to any minister therof. Wherupon the king began somwhat to amend his conditions for a certain space: but afterward as my story sayth, was as euil as he was before: but what the causes were, myne author maketh no relation therof,The decease of Geffry Plantagenet. &c. To returne agayne to the story, the Empresse compesled (as is sayd, to flee the realme) returned againe into Normandy to Geffrey Plantagenet her husband. Who, after he had valiantly wonne and defended the Duchy of Normandy, agaynst the puissance of king Steuen a long tyme, ended his lyfe, leauing Henry his sonne to succeed him in that dukedom. In the meane while, Robert Earle of Gloucester, and the Earle of Chester (who were strong of people) had diuers conflictes with the king. In so much, that at a battayle at Wilton betwene them, the king was well nere taken, but yet escaped with much payne.

It was not long after, but Eustace sonne to king Stephen,Henry Duke of Normandy. who had maried the French kings sister, made war vpon duke Henry of Normādy, but preuailed not. Soone after, the sayd Henry Duke of Normandy (in the quarell of his mother Maude) with a great puissance entred into England,Henry entereth into England. and at the first wan the castle of Mahnesbury, then the Tower of London, and afterward the towne of Notingham, with other holdes and castles, as of Walynford and other mo. Thus, betwene him and the king were foughten many battayles, to the great annoyaunce of the realme. During which tyme, Eustace the kings sonne departeth. Upon the occasion wherof, the king caused Theobald (which succeeded next after W. above mentioned) Archbishop of Canterbury,Theobalde Archbishop of Cant. Peace betwene king Steuen, and Duke Henry concluded. to make meanes for the Duke for peace, which vpon this condition betwene them was concluded, that Steuen during his life tyme should holde the kingdome, and Henry in the meane tyme to bee proclaimed heyre apparant, in the chiefe cities throughout the Realme. These things thus concluded, Duke Henry taketh his iourney into Normandy (king Steuen and hys sonne William, bringing him on his way) where William the kings sonne, taking vp his horse before his father, had a fall and brake his leg,The death of K. Steuen. and so was had to Canterbury. The same yere king Stephen, about October (as some say for sorow) ended his life, after he had raigned 19. yeres periuredly.

As Theobald succeeded after William Archbishop of Canterb. so in Yorke after Thurstine succeeded William,S. William of Yorke. which was called S. William of Yorke, who was poysoned in his chalice by his chaplaines.

In the tyme of this kyng, which was the xvi. yeare of his raigne, Theobaldus Archbishop of Cant. and Legate to the Pope, did hold a councell at London. In the which councel first began new found appellatiōs, from councels to the Pope, found out by Henry Bishop of wint. For as the wordes of myne author doe recorde: In Anglla namq̄;, appellationes in vsu non erant, donec eas Henricus Wint. Episcopus dum legatus esset, malo suo crudeliter intrusit. In eodem namq̄; concilio ad Rom. pontificis audientiam ter appellatū est, &c. That is, For appellations before were not in vse in England, till Henry Bishop of Winchester being thē the Popes Legate, brought them cruelty in, to his own hurt. For in that Councell thrise appeale was made to the Bishop of Rome.

In the tyme of king Stephen died Gracianus a mōke of Bononie,Gracianns the compiler of the popes decrees. Petrus Lombardus maister of the sentence. who compiled the booke called the Popes decrees. Also his brother Petrus Lambardus bishop of Paris (which is called the maister of Sentences) compiled his foure bookes of the sentence. These two brethren were the greatest doers in finding out and stablishing this blynde opinion of the sacrament, that the only simnitude of bread and wyne remayned, but not the substaunce of them: and this they call the spirituall vnderstandyng of the mysterie. And therefore no meruail if the sunne in those dayes were seene blacke and dimme.

Some also affirme,Petrus Comestet. that Petrus Comestor, writer of the Scholasticall history was the third brother to these aboue named.

In the same tyme and raigne of the said king Stephen was also Hugo surnamed De sancto victore. Hugo de sancto Victore. Bernardus Clareualensis. About ye which tyme (as Polychronicon reciteth) liued and died Bernardus Clareuallensis.

The author of the history (called Iornalensis) maketh also mention of Hildegare the Nūne and propheresse in Almaine,Hildegare. to liue in the same age. Concerning whose prophesie agaynst the Friers: hereafter (by the grace of Christ) more shalbe said, when we come to recite the order and nū ber of Friers and religious men crept into the Church of Christ.

We read moreouer of one named Ioannes de temporibus, Ioannes detemporibus. which by the affirmaunce of most of our olde histories, lyued 361. yeares (seruaunt once to Carolus Magnus) and in the raigne of Stephen, king of England dyed, Polychron. lib 7. Continuator, Henr. Hunt. Iornalens in vita Steph. Nicol. Triuet, &c.

In the dayes also of this king (and by him) was builded the Abbey of Feuersham, where his sonne & he were buried. He builded the monastery of Finerneys, & of Fomitance, the castle of Walingford, with a number of other Castles mo.

During the tyme of the sayd kyng Stephen,The fewes crucified a christen body at Norwich. the yeare of our Lord, 1144. the miserable Iewes crucified a child in the Citie of Norwich, N. Triuet & alij.

[Page]Much about the same tyme came vp the order of the Gilbertines, by one Gilbert sonne to Jacoline a knight of Lincolnshire, &c.

The order of the Gilbertines.Mention hath bene made before of certayne English Councels, holden in the tyme of this kyng, where it was (in one of them vnder Theolbald the Archbishop of Canterbury) decreed, that bishops should lyue more discretely, should reach their flocke more diligently, that readyng of scriptures should be frequented more vsually in Abbeys:The Lordes prayer and the Creede in Englishe. that Priests should not be rulers of worldly matters, and that they should learne and teach the Lordes prayer, and Creede in English, Malmesb.

Matthaeus Pariensis lib. Chron. 4. Matth. Parisiensis writeth, how Stephen king of England in these dayes reserued to himselfe, the right and authoritie of bestowyng of spirituall liuyngs,Steuen king of England. and inuestyng Prelates, an. 1133.

At which tyme also, Lotharius the Emperour began to do the lyke in recouering agayne the right & priuiledge taken away from Henricus his predecessor, had not Bernardus geuen him contrary counsaile.

Cursing with booke, bell, and candle.Here came into the Church, the maner of cursing with booke, bell, and candle, deuised in the Councell of London holden by William bishop of Winchester vnder Pope Celestinus, which succeeded after Innocentius, an. 1144.

Anno. 1138.Also Lotharius succeeded in the Imperiall crowne, Conradus the nephew of Henricus the v. afore mentioned, an. 1138. which only amongst many Emperors is not found to receiue the crowne at the Popes hand.

In the dayes of this Emperor (who raigned 15. yeres) were diuers Popes, as Celestinus 2. Lucius the 2. Eugenius the 3. at which time the Romaines went about to recouer agayne their former olde maner of chusing theyr Consuls and Senators. But the Popes thē being in their ruffe, in no case would abide it, wherupon rose many commotions, with much ciuile warre amongest them. In so much,Pope Lucius, the ij. warring agaynst the Senators. that Pope Lucius (sending for ayde to the Emperour, and he otherwise letted at that tyme could not come) armed his souldiours, thinking to inuade them or els to destroy them in their Senate house. But this comming to their knowledge before, the people was all in aray, and so much add was amongst them. Pope Lucius beyng also amongst thē in the fight (wel pelted with stones & blowes) liued not long after. Likewise Pope Eugenius after him, an. 1145. (pursuing the Romains for the same matter) first did curse them with excommunicatiō. After, when he saw that would not serue,Spirituall excommunication abused in temporall causes. he came with his host: and so compelled them at length to seeke his peace, and to take his cō ditions which were these: That they should abolish theyr Consuls, and take such Senators, as he by his Papall authoritie should assigne them.

Hadrianus a Pope an Englishman.Then followed Anastacius the 4. & after him Hadrianus 4. an Englishman, by his name (called Breakespere) belonging once to S. Albōs. This Hadrianus kept great stirre in like sort with the citizens of Rome for abolishyng their consuls and Senate, cursing, excommunicating, and warring agaynst them with all power he could make: to the tyme he remooued the Consuls out of their office, and brought them all vnder his subiection. The lyke businesse and cage he also styrred vp against Apulia, and especially against the Empire, blustering and thundering agaynst Friderieus the Emperour, as (the Lord graunting) you shall heare anone after we haue prosecuted such matter, as necessarily appertayneth first to the continuation of our English story.

King Henry the second.

Anno. 1154. King Henry the second. HEnry the secōd of that name, the sonne of Jeffrey Plantagenet, and of Maude the Empresse and daughter of king Henry the first, beganne his raigne after king Stephen, and continued 35. yeares. The first yeare of his raign he subdued Ireland,Thomas Becket chauncellor of England. and not long after, Thomas Becket was made by him Lord Chauncellour of England. This king cast downe diuers Castles which were erected in the time of king Stephen. He went into the North partes, where he subdued William king of Scotland, who at that tyme held a great part of Northumberland vnto new Castell vpon Tyne, and ioyned Scotland to his owne kingdome from the South Ocenm to the North Iles of Orchades; Also he put vnder his dominion the kingdome of Wales, and there let to fall downe many great wooodes, and made the wayes playne. So that by his great manhood and policie; the seignorie of England was much augmēted with the addition of Scotland, Ireland, the Iles Orchades, Britaine, Poytow, and Guyan. Also he had in hys rule, Normandy, Gascoyne, Angeow, and Chinon: also Aluerne and the Citie of Tholous he wan, and were to hym subiect. Ouer and besides (by the title of his wife Elenore daughter to the Erle of Poytow) he obtained the mounts Pyraine in Spayne: so that we read of none of hys progenitours, which had so many countreys vnder hys dominion.

In England were seene in the firmament two sunnes,Anno. [...] or as it is in Chronica Chronicorum, in Italy appeared thre sunnes by the space of iii. houres in the West, and the yere following, appeared iii. moones, wherof the middle moone had a red crosse ouertwart the face. Whereby was tokened (by the iudgement of some) the great schisme, that after fell among the Cardinals for the election of the Bishop of Rome:Gerhardus, Dulcinus, Preaches agaynst Antichrist of Rome. or else rather the businesse betwene Fridericus the Emperour and the Popes, wherof partly now incidently occasiō geueth vs to discourse. After that I haue first written of Gerhardus and Dulcinus Nauarēsis, who in their tyme according to their gift, did earnestly labour & preach against the church of Rome, defending and maintainyng, that prayer was not more holy in one place then in an other, that the Pope was Antichrist, that the Clergy & prelates of Rome were reiect, and the very whore of Babilon prefigured in the Apocalips, &c. Peraduenture these had receiued some light of knowledge of the Waldenses. Who at length with a great number of their folowers were oppressed and slaine by the Pope. And although some inconuenient points of doctrine and dishonesty in their assemblies be agaynst them alledged of some,Ex [...] Gisbaron si. yet these tymes of ours do teach vs sufficiently, what credite is to bee geuen to such popish slanders, forged rather vpon hatred of true religion, then vpon any iudgement of truth. Illyricus in his booke De testibus referreth the tyme of these two, to the yere of our Lord, 1280. but as I find in ye story of Robert Guisburn: these ii. about ye yeare of our Lord, 1158. brought 30. with them into England,Anno. 11 [...]. who by the king and the Prelates, were all burnt in the forehead, and so driuen out of the Realme, and after (as Illyricus writeth) were slayne by the Pope.

And now according to my promise premised, the tyme requireth to proceede to the history of Fredericus the first, (called Barbarossa) successor vnto Conradus in the Empire,Fredericus Barbarosa Emperor. who marched vp to Italy, to subdue there certaine rebels. The Pope hearing that, came with his Clergy to meete him by the way, in a towne called Sutrium, thinking by him to find ayd against his enemies. The Emperor seyng the Bishop, lighteth of his horse to receiue hym, holdyng the stirrup to the Prelate on the left side,The pope displeased, that the Emperour did not held his right stirrup. The Emperour holdeth the Popes stirrup. when he should haue held it on the right, whereat the Pope shewed himselfe somwhat agrieued. The Emperor smiling, excused himselfe that he was neuer accustomed to holde stirrops. And seyng it was done onely of good will, and of no duety, the lesse matter was, what side of the horse he held. The next day to make amends agayne to the Bishop, the Emperor sending for him, receiued him, holding the right stirrup to the prelate, & so all the matter was made whole and he the Popes owne white sonne agayne.

After this, as they were come in and late together, Hadrianus the Pope beginneth to declare vnto him,The Popes old practice in setting Princes together by the eares. how his auncestors before him (such as sought to the sea of Rome for the crowne) were woont alwayes to leaue behind them some speciall token or monument of their beneuolence, for the obtaining thereof, as Carolus Magnus in subduing the Lombards, Ottho the Berengarians, Lotharius the Normands, &c. Wherfore, he required some benefit to proceed likewise from him to the church of Rome, in restoring agayne the countrey of Apulia, to the Church of Rome. Which thing if he would do, he for his part againe would do that which appertained to him to do: (meaning in geuing him the crowne) for at ye tyme the popes had brought the Emperors, to fetch their crowne at their hands.

Frederike with his princes perceiuing, that vnlesse he would of his owne proper costes & charges fetch in agayn Apulia out of duke Williams hands, he could not speed of the crowne, was fayne to promise to all that the Pope required, and so the next day after was crowned.

This done, the Emperor returneth into Germany, to refresh his army and his other furnitures, for the subduing Apulia.War more gaynefull to the Pope then peace. Warre stirred vp by the Pope. In the meane while, Hadrianus not thinking to be idle, first geueth forth censures of excommunication against William duke of Apulia. Besides (not coutēt with this) sendeth also to Emanuel Emperor of Constantinople, incensing him to warre against the foresayd William. The duke perceiuing this, sendeth to the Pope for peace, promising to restore to him whatsoeuer he would.

But the Pope through the malignant counsaile of his Cardinals, would grant to no peace thinking to get more [Page] by warre. The Duke seyng nothing but warre, prepareth himselfe with all expedition to the same. To be briefe, making all his power out of Sicilia, he arriueth at Apulia, & there putteth Emanuell the Emperour to flight. This done,The pope driuen to entreate for peace. he proceedeth to the Citie Bonauentuee, where the Pope with his Cardinals were looking for victory. He planting there his siege, so straightly pressed the City, that the Pope we his Cardinals were glad to intreat for peace which they refused before. The Duke graunted to their peace vpon certaine conditions: that is, that neyther hee should inuade such possessions as belonged to Rome, and that the Pope should make him king of both Siciles. So the matter was concluded, and they departed. The bishop cōming to Rome was no lesse troubled there about their Consuls and Senators. In so much, that when his curses and excommunications could not preuayle nor serue, hee was sayne to leaue Rome, and remoued to Ariminum.

The Emperor all this while sitting quietly at home, began to consider with himselfe, how the Pope had extorted from the Emperours (his predecessours) the inuesting and induyng of prelates: how he had pylied and poled all nations by his Legates, and also had bene the sower of seditions through all his Empery, he began therfore to require of all the bishops of Germany homagium, and othe of their allegeance,The godly proceedings of Frederick the Emperour agaynst the pope. commaunding also the Popes Legates, if they came into Germany without his sending for, not to be receiued. Charging moreouer all his subiectes, that none of thē should appeale to Rome. Besides this, in his letters he set & prefixed his name before the popes name. Whereupon, the Pope beyng not a little offended, directed his letters to the foresayd Frederike Emperour, after this tenor and forme as foloweth.

The copy of Hadrianus the Popes letters, to Fredericke the Emperour.

HAdrianus Episcopus seruus seruorum Dei, Friderico Imperatori salutem, & Apostolicam benedictionem. Caetera vide in priore aeditione.A letter of Pope Hadrian, to the Emperour Fredericke. In English.

Hadrian Bishop, seruant of the seruants of God, to Friderike Emperour, health and Apostolicall benediction. The law of God, as it promiseth to them that honour father and mother long life, so it threatneth the sentence of death to them that curse father & mother. We are taught by the word of truth, that euery one which exalteth himselfe shalbe brought low. Wherfore (my welbeloued sonne in the Lord) we meruaile not a little at your wisedome, in that you seeme not to shew that reuerence to blessed S. Peter, and to the holy church of Rome, which you ought to shew. For why? in your letters sent to vs, you preferre your owne name before ours, wherin you incurre the note of insolencie, yea (and rather to speake it) of arrogancie. What should I here recite vnto you, the othe of your fidelitie, which you sware to blessed S. Peter and to vs,The Emperours name before the Popes. and how you obserue and kepe the same? Seyng you so require homage and allegeaunce of them that be Gods, and all the sonnes of the high God, and presume to ioyne their holy handes with yours, working contrary to vs? Seyng also you exclude (not onely out of your churches, but also out of your cities) our Cardinals, whom we direct as Legates from our side: what shall I say then vnto you? Amend therefore I aduise you, amend: for while you go about to obtayne of vs your consecration and crowne, & to get those things you haue not. I feare much your honour will loose the things ye haue. Thus fare ye well.

The aunswer of Frederike the Emperour to the Pope.

FRederike by the grace of God, Romaine Emperour, euer Augustus, vnto Adrian bishop of the Romaine church, and vnto all such that bee willing to cleaue vnto those things which Iesus began to worke and teach, greeting. The law of iustice geueth to euery person accordingly that which is his. Neither do we derogate from our parents: of whom, according as we haue receiued this our dignitie of the Imperiall crowne and gouernance: so in the same kyngdome of ours, we doe render their due & true honour to them againe. And forasmuch as duety in all sortes of men is to be sought out, let vs see first in the tyme of Constantine (Siluester then being Bishop of Rome) what patrimony or regalitie hee had of his owne, due to him that he might claime. Dyd not Constantine of his liberall benignitie geue liberty, and restored peace vnto the church? And whatsoeuer regalitie or patrimony the see of your papacy hath, was it not by the donation of Princes geuen vnto them? Reuolue and turne ouer the ancient chronicles (if either you haue not red, or neglected that we do affirm) there it is to be found. Of them which be Gods by adoption, and hold our lord ships of vs: why may wee not iustly require theyr homage, & their sworne allegeāce, whē as he which is both your maister and ours (taking nothing of any king or any man, but geuing all goodnes to all men) payd toll and tribute for hym & Peter, vnto Cesar? Geuing you example to do the like. And therfore salth to you and all men: Learne of me, for I am meeke and humble of hart, &c, Wherfore eyther render againe your lordships & patrimonies which ye hold of vs: or els if ye finde them so sweete vnto you, then geue that which is due to God, to God: and that which is due to Cesar, vnto Cesar. As for your Cardinals, we shut them out both of churches and cities. For that we see them not preachers, but proylers: not repairers of peace, but rakers for mony, not pillers and vpholders of the church, but polers insatiable of the world, and moylers of mony and gold. What tyme we shall see them to be other men (such as the church requireth them to be) members and makers of peace shining forth lyke lightes to the people, assisting poore and weake mens causes in the way of equitie, &c. Then shall they finde vs prest and ready to relieue thē with stipends, and all things necessary. And where as you inferre such questions as these vnto secular men (little conducing to religion) you incurre therby no little note and blemish of your humilitie (which is keeper of all vertues) and of your mansuetude. Therfore let your fatherhood beware and take heede, least in mouing such matters as seme to vs vnseemely for you, ye geue therby offence to such as depend of your word (geuing eare to your mouth, as it were to an euening shower.) For we cannot but tell you of that we heare, seing now the detestable beast of pride, doth creepe into the seat of Peter, prouiding alwayes (as much as we may by gods grace) for the peace of the church. Fare ye well.

Upon this, Hadrianus the Pope directeth out a Bull against Friderike, excommunicating him with publike & solemne ceremonies, Moreouer (conspiring with William duke of Apulia) sought all maner of ways to insest the emperour, and to set all men agaynst him, especially the clergy. Amongst many other writing to Hilituns Byshop of Driuers, to Arnulphus bishop of Mentz, & to Friderike bishop of Colen, seeketh first to make them of his side. His Epistle to them soundeth to this effect.

A seditious and proud letter of the pope to the Bishops of Germany.THe Empire of Rome was transferred from the Greekes to the Almains, so that the king of Almains could not be called Emperour, before he were crowned of the bishop Apostolicall. Before his consecration he is a king, afterward Emperour. Whence hath he his Empire then, but of vs? By the election of his princes he hath the name of a king by our consecration he hath the name of the Emperour of Augustior of Caesar. Ergo, by us he raygneth as Emperor: Search ancient antiquities. Zacharias P. promooted Carolus, and made him a great name, that he was made and called Emperour. And after that, euer the king of Almaines was named Emperour and aduocate to the see Apostolicall, so that Apulia (conquered by him) was subdued to the bishop of Rome: which Apulia with the citie of Rome, is ours, and not the Emperours. Our seat is at Rome,Well bragged and like a Pope. the seate of the Emperour is at Aquis in Arduenna, which is a wood in Fraunce. The Emperour whatsoeuer he hath, he hath it of vs. As Zacharias did translate the Empire frō the Greekes to the Almaines: so we may translate it againe from the Almains, to the Greekes. Behold it lyeth in our power to geue it to whom we will,Scripture well wrasted. being therfore set vp of God aboue Gentiles and nations, to destroy and plucke vp, to build and to plant, &c.

And yet further to vnderstand the ambitious presumption of this proud see of Rome, it so chaunced this Emperour Fridericus at his first comming vp to Rome, dyd behold there in the palace of Lateraue, a certaine picture brought forth vnto him, how Lotharius the ii. Emperour was crowned of the Pope, with the inscription of certaine verses in Latin, declaryng how the foresayd Emperor cō ming to Rome, first did sweare to the city, after was made the Popes man, and so of him receiued the crowne. Fridericus offended with this picture, desired the pope it might be abolished, for that it should be no cause of any dissention hereafter. The Pope vnderstanding the intent of the Emperor, how loth he was to come vnder subiectiō to his see, deuised by all crafty wayes to bring it to passe. And first taking his occasion by the bishop of Laodicea (beyng thē detained in custody, Ex Radenuico, in appendice Frisingensis. I cannot tell by whom) sent diuers and sharpe letters vnto him. And yet not so sharpe, as proud & disdainfull. Wherin the first saluration by his legates, was this in Latine: Salutat vos beatissimus pater noster Papa, & vniuersitas Cardinalium,See the ambitious presumption of a proude priest. ille vt pater, hij vt fratres. That is, our most blessed father the Pope greeteth you, and the vniuersall company of the Cardinals, he as your father, they as your brethren. Meaning therby that he should vnderstād himselfe to be subiect and vnderlyng to the Pope, no lesse then the Cardinals were. Moreouer in his letters obiecting diuers things against him, reciteth, how many and great benefites he had receiued of the church of Rome: by the which church he had obteyned the fulnesse of his honor and dignity, &c. The Emperour with his princes perceiuing whereunto the Pope by his Legates did shoot: (beyng[Page]a prince of courage) could not abide such intollerable presumption of a proud message: whereupon, much contention fell betwene the Legates and the Princes. And of whom then (say the Legates) receyueth Cesar the Emperie, if he take it not of the Pope; with the which word, the Germaine princes were so much offended, that had not the Emperour stayed them (with much ado) they would haue vsed violence against the Legates. But the Emperour not permitting that, commaūded the Legates away, straightly charging them to make no turne by the way to any person or persons, but straight to depart home. And he (to certifie the whole state of the Empire of the truth of the matter) direcreth forth these letters that follow.

The tenour of the Emperours letter sent through all his Empire.

FOrasmuch as the prouidence of God (whereof dependeth all power both in heauen and earth) hath committed to vs hys annointed, this our regiment and Impery to be gouerned, and the peace of his Churches by our Imperiall armes to bee protected, we cannot but lament and complaine to you with great sorrow of heart, seyng such causes of dissention (the roote and fountaine of euils, and the infection of pestiferous corruption) thus to rise from the holy church, imprinted with the seale of peace, and loue of Christ.

By reason wherof (except God turne it away) we feare the whole body of the church is like to be polluted: the vnitie thereof to be broken, and a schisme and deuision to be betwixt the spirituall and temporall regiment For we beyng a late at Bisunze, & there intreating busily of matters pertaining as well to the honor of our Empire, as to the wealth of churches, there came Embassadors of the see Apostolicall, declaring they brought a legacie to our maiestie of great importaunce, redounding to no small commoditie of our honour and Empire.

Who then, the first day of their comming, beyng brought to our presence, and receyued of vs (as the maner is) with honour accordingly, audience was geuen them to heare what they had to say. They forthwith brusting out of the Mammon of iniquitie, hautie pride, stoutnesse and arrogancie, out of the execrable presumption of their swelling hart, did their message with letters Apostolicall, whereof the tenor was this: That we should alwayes haue before our eyes how that our soueraign lord the Pope gaue vs the Imperiall crowne, and that it doth not repent him, if so be it, we haue receiued greater benefites at his hand. And this was the effect of that so sweete and fatherly legation, which should nourish peace both of the church and of the Empire, to vnite thē fast together in the band of loue.

At the hearing of this so false, vntrue, and most vaine glorious presumption of so proud a message, not only the Emperors maiestie, conceiued indignation, but also all the Princes (there present) were mooued with such anger and rage the reat, that if our presence and request had not stayed them, they could not haue held their hands from these wicked priests, or els to haue proceeded with sentence of death against them.

Furthermore, because a great number of other letters (partly written already, partly with seales ready signed, for letters to be written according as they should thinke good to the Churches of Germany) were found about them: whereby to worke their conceiued intent of iniquitie here in our churches, to spoile the aultars, to cary away the iewels of the church, and to fley the limmes and plates of golden crosses, &c. To the intent their auaricious meaning should haue no further power to raigne, we gaue them commaundement to depart the same way, Note here a couragious hart in a valiaunt Emperour. An example for all princes to follow. they came. And now, seyng our raigne and Empery standeth vpon the election of Princes, from God alone, who in the passion of his sonne, subdued the world to be gouerned with two swords necessary. And againe, seyng Peter the Apostle hath so informed the world with this doctrine, Deum timete, Regem honorificte that is, Feare God honour your king. Therfore, who so sayth that we haue & possesse our imperiall kingdom by the benefite of the Lord Pope, is contrary both to the ordinance of God, Note. and to the doctrine of Peter, and also shalbe reproued for a lyer.

Therfore as our endeuour hath bene heretofore to helpe and to deliuer the seruile captiuitie of churches out of the hand, and from the yoke of the Egyptians, and to maintayne the right of their liberties and dignities, we desire you all with your compassion to lament with vs, this slaundrous and ignominie inferred to vs and our kingdome, trusting that your faithfull good wil which hath bene euer trusty to the honour of this Empire (neuer yet blemished from the first beginning of this citie, and of religion) will prouide, that it shall haue no hurt through the strange noueltie and presumptuous pride of such. Which thing, rather than it should come to passe, know you this for certaine: I had rather incurre the danger of death, then to suffer such confusion to happen in our dayes.

This letter of Cesar fretted the Pope not a little, who wrote again to the bishops of Germany, accusing the emperor, and willing them to worke against him what they could: they answer againe with all obedience to the Pope submitting themselues, and yet excusing the emperor, and blaming him rather. And exhorted him henceforth to temper his letters and legacies with more gentlenes and modestie, the which counsaile he also followed, perceiuing otherwise, that he could not preuayle.

Much trouble had good Fridericus with this Pope: but much more with the other, that followed. For this Pope continued not very long, the space only of 4. yeres & odde months. About whose tyme rose vp the order of the Hermites by one William once duke of Aquitania,The order of Erenu [...]. and afterward a Frier. This Hadrianus walking with his cardinals abroad, to a place called Anagnia or Arignanum, (as Volateran calleth it) chaunced to be choked with a flie getting into his throte,Anno. 1159. and so was strangled, who in the latter tyme of his papacie, was woont to say, that there is no more miserable kynd of lyfe in the earth, then to bee a Pope,The saying and iudgement of P. Adrianus of the papall sea. The popes rather successors to Romulus then to Peter. Pope Alexander the third. and to come to the papacie by bloud, that is (said he) not to succeed Peter, but rather Romulus, who to raigne alone, did slay his brother.

Although this Adrian was bad enough, yet came the next much worse, one Alexander the 3. of that name. Who yet was not elected alone: for beside him the Emperor wt 9. Cardinals (albeit Sabellicus saith but with 3.) did set vp another Pope named Victor the 4. Betwene these two Popes rose a soule schisme and great discord, and long cō tinued. In so much, that the Emperour being required to take vp the matter, sent for them both to appeare before him, that in hearing them both, he might iudge theyr cause the better. Victor came, but Alexander (disdaming that his matter should come in controuersie) refused to appeare. Whereupon the Emperour with a full consent of his Bishops and clergy about him, assigned and ratified the election of Victor to stand, and so brought him into the Citie there to be receiued & placed. Alexander (flying into Frāce) accused them both, sending his letters to all christendom against them, as men to be auoided and cast out of all christian company.Alexander curseth the Emperour. Also to get him frendes at Rome by flattery and mony got on his side the greatest part of the Citie, both to the fauouring of him, and to the setting vp of such Consuls as were for his purpose. After this, Alexander comming from France to Sicile, and frō thence to Rome, was there receiued with much fauour, thorough the helpe of Phillip the French king.

The Emperour hearing this rebellion and conspiracie in Rome,Anno. 1164. remooued wt great power into Italy, where he had destroyed diuers great cities. Comming at length to Rome, he required the Citizens that the cause betwixt the two Popes might bee decided, and that he which had ye best right, might be takē. If they would so do, he would restore agayne that which he tooke from them before. Alexander mistrusting his part, and doubtyng the willes of the Citizens, (hauing shippes ready prepared for hym, from William Duke of Apulia) fetcht a course about to Venice.

To declare here the difference in histories, betweene Blondus Sabellicus, and the Venetian chronicles, with other writers, concerning the order of this matter, I will ouerpasse. In this most do agree, that the Pope beyng at Venice, and required to be sent of the Venetians, to ye Emperour, they would not send him. Wherupon, Fridericus the Emperour sent thither his sonne Otho with men and ships well apointed, charging him not to attēpt any thing before his comming. The yong man more hardy then circumspect (ioyning with the Venetians) was ouercome, & so taken was brought into the city. Hereby the Pope toke no small occasion to worke his feates.

The father to helpe the captiuitie and miserye of hys sonne, was compelled to submit hymselfe to the Pope, and to intreat for peace. So the Emperour commyng to Venice (at S. Markes Church, where the bishop was, there to take hys absolution) was bidde to kneele downe at the Popes feete.

The proud Pope setting his foote vpon the Emperors necke,Holy scripture abused. sayd the verse of the Psalme: Super aspidem & basiliscum ambulabis & conculcabis Leonem & Draconem: That is, Thou shalt walke vpon the Adder and the Basiliske, and shalt tread downe the Lion and the Dragon,The Pope treading on the Emperours neck. &c. To whō the Emperour aunswering agayne, sayd: Non tibi sed Petro, that is, not to thee but to Peter. The Pope agayne, Et mihi, & Petro, both to me and to Peter. The Emperor fearing to geue any occasion of further quarelling, held hys peace and so was absolued, and peace made betwene thē: the conditions wherof were these. First, that he should receiue Alexāder, for the true Pope. Secondly, that he should

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Pope Alexander treading on the necke of Fredericke the Emperour.

restore agayne to the Church of Rome, all that he had taken away before. And thus the Emperour obtayning agayne hys sonne, departed.

Here, as I note in diuers writers, a great diuersitie and varietie touching the order of this matter (of whome some say that the Emperour campt in Palestina before he came to Venice,Volateran [...]ken with a [...]tradiction some say after) so I meruell to see in Volaterane (so great a fauourer of the pope) such a contradiction who in his 22. book saith: ye Otto (the Emperours sonne) was taken in this conflict, which was the cause of ye peace betweene, his father and the pope: And in his 23. booke agayne saith, that the Emperour himselfe was taken prisoner in the same battayle: & so (afterward peace concluded) tooke his iorney to Alia & Palestina:Concilium [...]. This P. in the time of his papacie (whiche continued 21. yeares) kept sundry councels both at Turo & at Lateran, where he confirmed the wicked proceedings of Hildebrand,The clergie [...]ounde to [...]he vowe of [...]hastitie. Papi [...]tes are not so much in pro [...] chastitie, as in desining chastitie. and other his predecessors. As to binde all orders of the clergy to the vowe of chastitie, which were not greatly to be reprehended if they would define chastitie aright. For who so liueth not a chaste lyfe (sayth he) is no fit person to be a minister. But herein lyeth an error full of much blindnes: and also peril, to thinke that matrimony immaculate (as S. Paul calleth it) is not chastitie, but onely a single life, that they esteeme to be a chaste life.

Now forasmuch as our english pope holy martyr, called Thomas Becket, happened also in the same tyme of this pope Alexander, let vs somewhat also story of him so far as the matter shall seeme worthy of knowledge and to stand with truth. To the end that the truth thereof being sifted from all flattery and lyes of such popishe writers as paynt out his story: men may the better iudge both of hym what he was, and also of hys cause.

The life and history of Thomas Becket Archbishop of Canterbury.

Tho. Becket Archb. at Cant.IF the cause make a Martyr (as is sayd) I see not why we should esteeme Tho. Becket to dye a martyr, more then any other whome the Princes sword doth here temporally punish for their temporall desertes. To dye for the Church,Becket no martyr. I graunt is a glorious matter. But the Church, (as it is a spirituall and not a temporal Church) so it standeth vpon causes spirituall, and vpon an heauenly foundation, as vpon sayth, religion, true doctrine, sincere discipline, obedience to Gods cōmandements. And not vpō things pertaining to this world, as possessions, liberties, exemptions, priuileges, dignities, patrimonies, and superiorities. If these be geuen to the Churche, I pray God churchmen may vse them wel, but if they be not geuen, the church cannot clayme thē: or if they be takē away, that stadeth in the princes power. To contend to Princes for the same, it is no matter (in my minde) materiall, to make a martyr, but rather a rebellion agaynst them, to whom we owe subiection. Therfore as I suppose Tho. Becket to be far frō the cause and title of a Martyr (neyther can he be excused, from a playne rebell against his prince) so yet would I haue wished agayne, the lawe rather publikely to haue found out his fault: then the swords of men (not biddē not sent) to haue smitten him, hauing no speciall commandement, neyther of the prince nor of the lawe so to doe. For though the indignation of the Prince (as the wise Prince sayth) is death: yet it is not for euery priuate persō straghtwayes to reuenge the secret indignation of his Prince, except he be publikely authorised thereunto. And thus had bene (as I suppose) the better way, the lawes first to haue executed their iustice vpon him. Certes, it had bene the safest way for the king, as it proued after: who had iust matter inough, if he had prosecuted his cause agaynst him. And also thereby, hys death had bene without all suspicion of martirdome, neyther had their followed this shrining and fainting of him as there did. Albeit, the secret prouidence of God (whiche gouerneth all thinges) did see this way percase to be best, and most necessary for those dayes. And doubtles (to say here what I thinke, and yet to speak nothing agayne charitie) if the Emperours had done the like to the Popes, contending agaynst them what tyme they had cooke them prisoners: that is, if they had vsed the lawe of the sword against them, and chopped off the heads of one or two, according to their trayterous rebellion: they had broken the necke of much disturbaunce, whiche long tyme after did trouble the Churche. But for lacke of that, because Emperours hauing the sword, and the trueth on their side, woulde not vse their sworde: but standing in awe of the Popes vayne curse, and reuerencing his seat for Saint Peters sake, durst not lay hand vppon hym: though he were neuer so abhominable and trayterous a maletactour. The Popes perceauing that, tooke so much vpon them (not as the scripture would geue) but as much as the superstitious feare of Emperors and kings woulde suffer them to take: which was so much, that it past all order, rule, and measure. And all because the superior powers (eyther would not, or durst not) practise the authoritie geuen to them of the Lord, vpon those inferiours, but suffered them to be their maisters.

But as touching Thomas Becket, what soeuer is to be thought of them that did the acte: the example therof yet bringeth this profite with it, to teach all Romish Prelates not to be so stubborne (in such matters not pe [...]tayning to them) against their Prince, vnto whom God hath subiected them.

[Page]Now to the story, which if it be true that is set forth in Quadrilogo, by those source who tooke vpon thē to expresse the life and processe of Thomas Becket: it appeareth by al coniectures that he was a man of a stout nature,Herberturde busebam. Ioan. Charnot. A lanus Abbot of Tenchbury. Gulselmus Cantuariensis. Tho. Becked described. seuere, & inflexible. What perswasion or opinion he had once cōceaued: from that he would in no wise be remoued, or very hardly. Threatnings & flatterings were to him both one. In this poynt singuler, following no mans counsayle so much as hys own. Great helpes of nature were in him (if he could haue vsed them well) rather then of learning. Albe it, somewhat skilful he was of ye ciuile law, which he studied at Bonomie. In memory excellent good, and also wel broken in courtly and worldly matters. Besides this, he was of a chaste and straite lyfe, if the historyes be true. Although in the first part of hys life (being yet Archdeacon of Canterbury and after Lord Chauncellor) he was very euill, courtlike, pleasaunt, geuen much both to hunting & hauking, according to the guise of the court. And highly fauored he was of his prince, who not only had thus promoted him: but also had committed hys sonne & heyre to hys institution and gouernaunce. But in this his first beginning he was not so wel beloued: but afterwarde hee was again as much hated (& deseruedly) both of the king, and also of the most part of his subiects: saue onely of certayne Monke [...] and priestes, and suche other as were perswaded by thē: who magnified him not a little, for vpholding the liberties of the church (that is) the licentious life and excesse of Churchmen. Amongest all other, these vices he had most notable, & to be rebuked. Full of deuotion, but wythout all true Religion. Zelous, but cleane without knowledge. And therfore as he was stiffe and stubborn of nature, so (a blinde conscience being ioyned wtall) it turned to playne rebellion.What commeth of blinde zeale destitute of right knowledge. So superstitious he was to the obedience of the pope, that he forgot his obedience to hys naturall and most beneficiall king. And in mayntayning (so cō tentiously) the vayne constitutions and decrees of men: be neglected the commandementes of God. But herein most of all to be reprehended, that not onely (contrary ye kings knowledge) he sought to conuey himselfe out of the realme (being in that place and calling) but also (being out of the realme) set matter of discord betweene the Pope & hys K. and also betwene the French king and him: contrary to al honesty, good order, naturall subiection, and true christianitie. Wherupon folowed no little disquietnesse after, both to the king and damage of the realme, as here (in processe and in order following by the grace of Christ) we will declare. First beginning with the first rising vp of hym, & so consequently to prosocute in order hys storye as followeth.

And first here to omitte the progenie of him and of his mother named Rose, whom Polyd. Virgilius fasly nameth to be a Saracen: when in deede she came out of the partes bordering neer to Normandy. To omit also the fabulous vision of his mother,The life of Tho. Becket. Polydorus mistaketh the mother of Becket. Ex Roberto Cri [...]eladensi. Ex Florilego. mentioned in Rob. Crikeladensis, of a burning torche issuing out of her body and reaching vp to heauen: his first preferment was to the Church of Branfield, which he had by the gift of S. Albous. After that, he cutred in the seruice of the Archb. of Cant. by whō he was then preferred to be his Archdeacon. And after by the sayd Theobald was put (as a mā most metest for his purpose) to K. Hen. to bridle the young K. ye he should not be fierce agaynst the clergy: whom in processe of time, the K. made lord Chauncellor, and then he left playing the archdeacon, and began to play the Chauncellor. He facioned his conditions like to the kinges both in waighty matters & trifles. He would hunt with him, and watch the tyme when the Kyng dyned and and slept. Furthermore hee began to loue the mery gessinges of the court, to delight himselfe in the great land of mē & prayse of the people. And ye I may passe ouer hys houshold stuffe, he had his bridle of siluer, & the bosses of his bridle were worth a great treasure. At his table and other expences, he passed any earle: That on the one side, men would iudge him little to consider the office of an Archdeacon: and on the other side would iudge hym to vse wicked doyngs. He played also the good souldiour vnder the K. in Gascon, and both wan and kept townes. When the K. sent Thomas being Chancellor home into Englād (ambassador with other nobles after the death of the Archb.) he willed Rich. Luci (one of the chiefest) to commend in his name, this Thomas to the couent of Cā terbury, that they might chose him archbish. Which thing he did diligētly. The monks sayd, it was not meet to chuse a courtier and a souldior to be head of so holy a company, for he would spend (sayd they) all that they had. Other had this surmise also, because he was in so great fauour with the prince, the kinges sonne, & was so sodenly discharged. of the Chancellorship which he had borne fiue yeares. In the 44. yeare of hys age (on the Saterday in the Whitsonweeke) he was made priest, and the next day consecrated Byshop.

As touching the priesthoode of this man, I finde the histories to vary in thēselues, [...]. for if he were beneficed, and chaplaine to Theobald, & afterward archdeacon (as some say) it is no other like, but that he was priest before, & not (as our most English storyes say) made priest in one day, and archbishop the next.

But howsoeuer this matter passeth, here is in ye meane tyme to be seene, what great benefites the K. had done for him, and what great loue had bene betweene them both. Now after that Becket was thus promoted, what variaunce and discord happened betweene them, remayneth to be shewed: The causes of which variaunce were diuers and sondry.

As first when (according to the custome) the Kinges officers gathered,The [...] of van [...] recited betweene [...] king [...] Archb. of euery one, hyde mony through the Realme, for the defence of their owne country: the Kyng would haue taken it to hys cofers. But the Byshop sayd, that which euery man gaue willingly, he should not co [...]t as his proper rent.

An other cause was, that where a Priest was accused of murther, and the kinges officers and the friendes of the dead, accused the priest earnestly afore the bishop of Salisbury his Diocesan to whō he was sent, desiring iustice to be done on him: the priest was put to his purgation. But when he was not able to defend himselfe, the Byshop sent to the archbishop to aske what he should do. The Archb. commaunded he should be depriued of all ecclesiastical benefices, & shut vp in an abbey to doe perpetuall penance. After the same sort were diuers other handled for like causes, but none put to death, nor lost ioynt, nor burned in the hand, or the like payne.

The third cause was, that where a Chanon of Bruis did reuile the kinges iustices: the king was offended with the whole clergy. For these and such lyke, the Archbishop (to pacifie the kinges anger) commaunded the Chanon to be whipped, & depriued of his benefices for certain yeares. But the king was not content with this gentic punishement, because it rather increased their boldnes: and therfore he called the Archbishop, bishops, and all the clergy to assemble at Westminster. Whē they were assembled together: the king earnestly commaunded, that suche wicked Clerkes should haue no priuilege of their Clergy, but he deliuered to the Iaylers, because they passed so little of ye spiriturll correction: and this he sayd, also their own Canons and lawes had decreed. The Archbishop counsailing we his bishops and learned men, answered probably: and in the end he desired hartely the kinges gentlenes (so: the quietnes of himselfe and his realme) that vnder Christ our new king, and vnder the new law of Christ, he would bring in no new kind of punishment into his Realm (vpon the new chosen people of the Lord) agaynst the old decrecs of the holy fathers: And oft he sayd, that he neyther ought nor could suffer it. The king moued therwith (and not without cause) alledgeth agayne and exacteth the olde lawes and customes of his grandfather, obserued and agreed vpō by archbishops, bishops, prelates, & other priuileged persons: inquiring likewise of hym, whether hee would agree to the same, or els now (in his raigne) would condēne that which in the raigne of his graūdfather was well allowed. To which lawes & customes, the said Thomas did partly graunt, and partly not graunt. The copy of the which foresayd lawes are contayned in the number of xxviii. or xxix. whereof I thought here to recite certain, not vnworthy to be knowne.

The copy of the old lawes and customes, wherunto Thomas Becket, did graunt.

1. That no order should be geuen to husbande mennes children and bondmens Childrē,The kings custome. without the assent or testimoniall of them which be the Lordes of the country where they were borne and brought vp: & if their sonnes become Clerkes, they shall not receaue the order of priesthoode without licence of their Lordes.

2. And if a man of holy Churche, hold any lay fee in hys hand:Out of an Englishe Chronic [...] as it appearreth, [...] en cured French [...] Erle [...] lord [...]. he shall do therefore, the king the seruice that belonlongeth therto, as vpon iuries, assise of landes, and iudgementes: sauing onely, at execution doing of death.

3. If any man were the kinges traytour, and had taken the Church: that it should be lawfull to the king and hys officers to take him out.

4. Also if any felons goods were brought to holy church, [Page] that there should none such keepe there: for euery fellons goodes bene the kinges.

5. That no land should be geuen to the Church, or to any house of religion, without the kinges license.

These articles folowing, Thomas agreed not vnto.

1. IF that betweene a clerke and a lay man, were anye striuing for Church goodes: they would ye ple should he done in the kinges court.

2. That there should neyther bishop nor clerke, go out of the land without the kinges licence: And then hee shoulde sweare vpon a booke, he should procure no hurt agaynst the king nor none of his.

3. If any man were denounced accursed, and were come agayn to amendment: the king would not that he should be sworne, but onely finde sureties to stand to that, ye holy Church should award.

4. The fourth, that no man that held of the king in chiefe or in seruice, should be accursed without the kings licence.

5. That all the Bishopprickes & Abbayes that were vacant, should be in the kings handes, vntill suche time that he should chuse a prelate thereto: and he should be chosen out of the kinges chappels, and first before he were confirmed, he should doe his homage to the king.

6. If any ple were to consistory brought, they should appeale from thence to the archdeacon: and from thence to ye Byshops court: and from the Byshops court, to the archbyshops: and from thence to the king, and no further: So that in conclusion the complayntes of holy Church, must come before the king and not the pope.

7. That all debtes, that were owing through trouthplyght, should not be pleaded in spiritual but in temporal Court.

8. That the Peter pence, which to the Pope were gathered should be taken to the king.

9. If any clerke for felony were taken, and so proued: he should be first disgraded, and then through iudgement, to be hanged, or if he were a traytour to be drawne.

Other lawes and constitutions made at Claredoun in Normandy, and sent to England, wherunto Becket and the Pope would not agree. He being then fled out of the Realme.

1.The lawes of Claredoun.IF any person shall be found to bring from the Pope, or from the Archbish. of Canterb, any writing, conteining any indicte or cursse agaynst the realme of England: the same man to be apprehended without delay, for a traytour, and execution to be done vpon the same.

2. That no monke, nor any Clerke shall be permitted to passe ouer into England, without a passport from the king or his Iustices: who so doth the contrary, that man to be tached and imprisoned.

3. No man to be so bould once to appeale to the Pope, or to the Archbishop of Canterbury, out of England.

4. That no decree, or commandement proceeding from ye authoritie of the pope or the Byshop of Canterbury, to be receaued in Englād vnder payne of taking & imprisoning.

5. In generall, to forbid any man to cary ouer anye commaundement or precept (eyther of clerke) or layman to the Pope or to the archbishop of Canterbury, vnder payn of imprisonment.

6. If any Bish., clerke, abbot, or lay man shal do contrary to this inhibitiō: or wil keep the sentence of interditing: the same incontinent to be thrust out of the land, with all their kinred, and to leaue all their goodes behinde them.

7. All the possessions, goodes & cartell of such as fauour the pope, or the Archbishop of Cāterbury, to be ceased and confiscate for the king.

8. All such of the clergye, as be out of the realme hauyng their contes and profites out of the land: to be sommoned and warned through euery shyre, within three mōthes to repayre home: eyther els their rentes and goods to returne to the king.

9. That S. Peters pence, should be no more payd to the Apostolicall see: but to be reserued diligently in the kinges cofers, and there to be at hys cōmmaundement. Arq [...] haec ex Quadrilogo.

10. That the Byshops of Salisbury and Norwicht, be at the kings mercy: and be somoned by the Sheriffe and bedels, that they before the kings iustices, do right to the K. and hys iustices: because, (contrary to the statutes of Clarendon) by commaundement they interdicted the land of Hugh Earle, and published the same in their Dioces with out licence of the kinges iustices.

By these and such other lawes and decrees it may appeare that the abolyshing of the pope, is no newe thing in the realme of England. This onely difference there is, ye the P. being driuen out then, could not be kept out so long as now he is. The cause is, that ye tyme was not yet come, that antechrist should so fully be reueled. Neither was his wickednes then so fully ripe in those dayes, as it hath bene now in our time. Nowe these premised, let vs returne where we left, to the matter betwixt the king and Thomas becket.

The communication and controuersie betweene the king and Thomas Becket with hys Clergye.

THe king as is aforesayd, conuenting hys Nobles and clerkes together, required to haue ye punishmēt of certayne misdoers of the Clergy. But Thomas Becket not assenting thereunto: the king came to this poynt: to know whether he would consent with his clergy, that the customes then set forth in the realme (meaning by the first part of those decrees aboue specified) should be obserued. To which the Archbishop consulting together with hys brethren, geueth aunswere agayne, that he was contented ye kings ordinaunces should be obserued, adding this withall,Beckets additiō. Saluo ordine suo. Saluo ordine suo: that is, sauing his order. And so in like maner all the other byshops after, being demanded in order, answered wt the same addition, Saluo ordine suo. Onely Hillarius bishop of Chichester, perceauing the king to be exasperate with that addition,The Bishop of Chichester. instede of Saluo ordine, agreed to obserue them Bona fide. The king hearing thē not simply to agree vnto him but with an exceptiō, was mightely offended: who thē turning to the Archbishop and the Prelates sayd: that he was not well contented with that clause of theirs, Saluo ordine suo, which he sayd, was captious and deceitfull: hauing some maner of venine lurking vnder, & therfore required an absolute graunt of them wt out any exception to agree to the kinges ordinaunces. To this the Archbishop answered agayne, that they had sworn vnto him their fidelitie, both life, body, and earthly honor, Saluo ordine suo: and that in the same earthly honour, also those ordinances were cōprehended: and to the obseruing, they would bynde themselues after no other forme, but as they had sworne before. The king with this was moued, & all his nobilitie not a little. As for ye other bishops, there was no doubt but they would easely haue relented, had not the stoutnes of the Archb. made thē more constant then otherwise they would haue bene. The day being wel spēt: the king (when he could get no other aunswere of them) departed in great anger: geuing no word of salutatiō to ye bishops. And likewise, the bishops euery one to his own house departed. The bishop of Chichester (amongest the rest) was greatly rebuked of his fellowes, for chaūging ye exception cōtrary to the voice of al the other. The next day following, the king took from the archbishop all such honours & Lordships, as he had geuē him before, in the tyme that he was chauncellor: wherby appeared the great displeasure of the king agaynst him and the clergy. Not long after this, the king remouing from London (vnknowing to the bishops) sayled ouer to Normandy, whither the bishop of London called Gilbert (not long after) resorted to craue the Kinges fauour: & gaue him councell withall to ioyne some of ye bishops on his side, least if al were against him, peraduenture he might sooner be ouerthrowne. And thus the greatest nūber of ye bishops were by this meanes reconciled agayn to the King: onely the archbishop with a few other remayned in their [...]outnes still.The stubberne wilfulnes of T. Becket. The K. (thinking to try all maner of wayes) when he sawe no feare not threates could turne hym: dyd assay him with gē [...]lenes, it would not serue. Many of the nobles labored betwixt thē both, exhorting him to relent to the King, it would not be. Likewise the archbishop of Yorke with diuers other Byshops and abbots (especially the bish. of Chester) did the same. Besides this his own houshold dayly called vpon him: but no man could perswade him. At lēgth vnderstā ding (partly by them ye came to him) what daunger might happen not onely to himselfe, but to al the other clergy vpon the kings displeasure:T. Becket relenteth to the king. partly considering the old loue & kindnes of the king towardes him in tyme past, was content to geue ouer to the kinges request: & came to Oxeford to him, reconciling himselfe about the addition, which displeased the king so much. Wherupō, the king (being somewhat mittigate) receiueth him with a more cheerful countenance: but yet not all so familiarly as before, saying: that he would haue his ordinaunces and proceedinges after ye forme confirmed in the publike audience & opē sight of his Byshops and all his Nobles. After this the K. (being at [Page] Clarendon) there called all his pieres and prelates before him: requiring to haue that performed which they had promised, in consenting to the obseruing of his grandfathers ordinaunces and proceedings. The archbishop suspecting (I cannot tell what) in y• kings promise, drew backward, & now would not that he would before. At last with much a doe he was enforced to geue assent. First, came to him the byshop of Salisbury and of Norwiche, who (for old matters indangered to the king long before) came weeping & lamēting to the archbishop, desiring him to haue some cō passion of them, & to remit this pertinacy to the king: left if he so continued (through his stoutnes to exasperate the kinges displeasure) happely it might redound to no small daunger, not onely of thē which were in ieoperdy already: but also of himselfe to be imprisoned, and the whole Clergy to be indaungered. Besides these two byshops, there wet to hym other two noble pieres of the realme labouring we him to relent & condiscend to the kings desire. If not, they should be inforced to vse violence, as neither would stand with the kinges fame, and much lesse with his quietnes. But yet the stout stomack of the mā would not geue ouer. After this, came to him ij. rulers of the temple called Templars: one Richard de Hast: an other Costans de Heuerio with their company: lamenting & bewayling their great peril which they declared vnto him to hang ouer his head: yet neyther with their teares nor with their kneelinges, would he be remoued. At length came ye last message from the kyng, signifying vnto him with expresse wordes (and also with teares) what he should trust to, if he woulde not geue ouer to the kinges request.

By reason of which message, he (either terrified or els perswaded) was content to submit hymselfe.Becket yeldeth to the king. Whereupon, the king incontinent assembling the states together: the Archbishop first before all other beginneth to promise to the king obedience and submission vnto his custome,Saluo ordine left out in the composition. and that Cum Bona fide leauing out of hys former addition, Saluo ordine, mentioned before: in steede whereof he promised in Verbo veritatis, to obserue and keep the kings customes and sweare to the same. After him the other Byshoppes likewise gaue the like othe. Whereupon, the king commaunded incontinent certayne instruments obligatory to be drawne: of ye which: the king should haue one: the archbishop of Canterbury an other: the Archbishop of Yorke the third: requiring also the sayde Archbishop to set hys hand and seale. To the whiche, the Archbishop (although not denying but that he was ready so to do) yet desired respite in the matter, while that he (being but newly come to hys bishoppricke) might better peruse with himselfe the foresayd customes and ordinaunces of the king. This request as it seemed but reasonable, so it was lightly graunted: and so the day being well spent, they departed for that season and brake vp.

Becket repenteth of hys good deede.Alanus one of the iiij. writers of ye life of this Thomas Becket, recordeth: that the archbishop in his viage toward Winchester, begā greatly to repēt that he had done before, partly through the instigation of certayne about him, but chiefly of hys crossebearer, who going before the Archbish. did sharply and earnestly expostulate with him, for geuing ouer to the kings request agaynst the priuelege & liberties of the Church: polluting not onely his fame and consciēce, but also geuing a pernitious example to them that should come after, with many like wordes. To make the matter short: the Archbishop was so touched vpon the same with such repentaunce, that keeping himselfe from al company, lamenting with teares, with fasting, and with muche penaunce macerating and afflicting himself, did suspend him selfe from all deuine seruice: and would not receaue comfort, before that (word being sent to hys holy graundfather the pope) he shoulde be assoild of him: who tenderyng the teares of hys deare chicken, directed to him letters agayne by the same messenger which Thomas had sent vp to hym before. In whiche letters not onely he assoyled hym from hys trespasse: but also with words of great consolation did incourage him to be stout in the quarrel he tooke in hand. The copy of which letters consolatory sent from the Pope to Popish Becket, here follow vnder written.

A letter of pope Alexander to T. Becket. ALexander Byshop &c. Your brotherhoode is not ignoraunt that it hath bene aduertised vs, how that vpon the occasion of a certayne transgression or excesse of yours: you haue determined to cease henceforth from saying of Masse, and to abstayne from the consecration of the body and bloud of the Lord. Which thing to doe, how daungerous it is (especially in such a personage) and also what inconuenience may rise thereof: I will you aduisedly to consider, and discreetly also to ponder. Your wisedome ought not to forget what difference there is betwixt them which aduisedly and willingly doe offend, and those whiche through ignoraunce, and for necessitie sake do offend. For as you reade, so muche the more greater is wilfull sinne: as the same not being voluntary is lesser sinne. Therefore if you remember your selfe to haue done any thing that your owne cōscience doth accuse you of, whatsoeuer it be: we coūsell you (as a prudent and wyse prelate) to acknowledge the same. Which thing done, the mercifull and pittifull God, who hath more respect to the hart of the doer then to the thing done, will remit and forgeue you the same according to his accustomed great mercy. And we trusting in the merites of the blessed Apostles S. Peter and Paule doe absolue you from the offence committed, and by the authoritie Apostolicall we release you vnto your fraternitie, counsailing you and commaunding you, that henceforth you abstayne not (for this cause) from the celebration of the Masse.

Thys letter with other moe after like sort, the pope thē wrote to him: animating and comforting him in this quarrell so neerely pertaining to the popes profite. By the occasion whereof, Becket toke no small hart and consolation In so much, yt thereof seemeth to me to proceed, al the occasiō ye made him so stout & malipart against his prince, as hereafter followeth to be seene by his doynges. What ye other letters were that the pope wrote vnto hym, shortly after (when we come to the appellatiōs made to the pope) shall appeare God willing. In the meane season (as he sat thus mourning at home) the king hearing of hym, & howe be denyed to set hys seale to those sanctions, which he condesceded to before, tooke no little displeasure against him. In so much that he (threatning to him and hys, banishmēt & death) began to call hym to reconinges, and to burden hym with paymentes: that all men might vnderstand that ye kings minde was sore set agaynst him.Becket, enterprising agaynst the king [...] [...] to flye out of the realme. The Archbishop hereupon (whether more for the loue of the pope, or dread of hys prince) thought to make an escape out of the realme, and so wēt about in the night (with two or three with hym stealing out of hys house) to take the sea priuely. Now amongest other the kinges ordinances and sanctions, this was one: that none of the prelacy or nobilitie without the kinges licence (or of his iustices) shoulde depart out of the realme. So Becket twise attempted the sea, to flee to the see of Rome: but the wether not seruing, was driuē home agayne, and hys deuise for that tyme frustrated. After his departure began to be knowne and noysed abroad, the kinges officers came to Canterbury to season vppon hys goodes in the kinges behalfe. But as it chanced the night before their comming, Becket being returned and founde at home, they did not proceede in their purpose.

Upon this, the Archbishop (vnderstanding the kyng sore bent agaynst hym,Becket taunted of the king. and the seas not to serue hym) made hast to the court, lying then at woodstock. Where the king receaued him (after a certayne maner) but nothing so familiarly as he was wont: taunting him gestingly & merily, as though one realme were not able to hold them both. Becket (although he was permitted to go and come at his pleasure to the court) yet could not obtaine the fauour that he would: perceiuing both in himselfe, and confessing no lesse to other, how the matter would fall out: so that eyther he should be cōstrayned to geue ouer with shame, or stoutly stand to that which he had so holdly taken in hand. The Archbishop of Yorke in the meane time (going betweene ye kyng and the Archbish.) laboured to make a peace & loue betweene them, but the King in no case would be reconciled, vnlesse the other would subscribe to his lawes. So the while, neyther the K. would otherwise agree, nor yet the archb. in any wise would subscribe: there was a foule discorde. Where the fault was, let the reader here iudge betwene thē both. The K. (for his regall authoritie thought it much, that any subiect of hys, should stand agaynst him. The Archb. agayne (bearing himselfe bold vppon the authoritie, & especially vpon the letters of the P. lately writtē to him) thought hym strong inough agaynst the king & all hys realme. Againe, such was his quarell for the maintenance of liberties and glory of the Church, that he could lacke no setters on, & fauourers in that behalfe, in so swete a cause amongest the clergy. Wherfore the Archb. (trusting to these thinges) would geue no place, but by vertue of his Apostolike authoritie gaue censure vpon these lawes and constitutions of the king: condemning some, & other some approuing for good and catholicke, as is before declared. Besides this,Ex Rogero Houed. pr [...]. parte historia continuas a post Bedam. there came also to the K. Rotrodus Archbishop of Rotomage (sent from the Pope) to make peace betweene the K. and Canterbury. Whereunto the king was well content, so that the Pope would agree to ratifie hys ordinances. But whē that could in no wise be obtayned at the Popes handes: then the king beyng stopped and frustrate of hys purpose by reason of Beckets Apostolike legacie (being Legatus a Latere) thought good to send vp to the pope and so dyd: to obtayne of hym that the same authoritie [Page] of the Apostolike Legacy might be conferd to an other after his appointment, which was the Archbishop of Yorke.The kinge to be the Pope, Legate. But the pope denied. Notwithstanding at the request of the kings Clergy, the Pope was content that the king should be Legate hymselfe: whereat the kyng tooke great indignation (as Houeden writeth) so that he sent the Pope hys letters agayne. Here the Pope was perplexed on both sides.

If he should haue denied the kyng, that was to hote for him. For the Pope vseth always to hold in with kings howsoeuer the world speedeth. Agayne, if he should haue forsaken such a churchly chaplen (the cause being so sweete and so gainefull) that should haue bene agaynst himselfe: what did he thē?The ce [...]sty dissimulation of the Pope. Here now commeth in the old practise of popish prelacy, to play with both hands: priuily he cōspireth with the one, and openly dissembleth with the other. First, he granted to the kings ambassadors their request, to haue the Legate remooued, and to place in that office the Archbishop of Yorke, after his owne contentation, and yet notwithstanding (to tender the cause of Tho. Becket) he addeth this promise withall, that the sayd Becket should receiue no harme or damage therby. Thus the Pope craftily conneying the matter betwene them both (glad to further the Archbishop for his owne aduantage, and yet lothe to deny the king for displeasure) writeth to the king openly, and also secretly directeth another letter to Becket: the contents wherof here follow.

Alexander the Pope, to Thomas Archb. of Caunterbury.

ALthough we condescending to the kings request, haue graū ted the gifte of our legacie after his minde from you,The popes secret letters to Becket.yet let not your minde therby be discomforted, nor brought into sighes of dispaire. For before that we had graunted that, or gaue oure consent thereunto: the kings ambassadours firmely promised in the word of trueth (ready also to be sworne vpon the same, if I would haue so required) that their letters also, which he had obtained, should not be deliuered to the Archbishop of York, without our knowledge and consent therein. This is certaine, and so perswade your self boldly without any scruple, doubt or mistrust, that it was neuer my minde or purpose, nor euer shalbe God willing, to subdue you or your Church vnder the obedience of any person, to be subiect saue onely to the Bishop of Rome. And therfore we warne you and charge you, that if you shall perceiue the king to deliuer these foresaide letters, which we trust he will not attempt, without our knowledge to doe, forthwith by some trustie messenger or by your letters, you will geue vs knowledge therof: wherby we may prouide vpō the same, both for your person, your Churche, and also your citie committed to you, to be clerely exempt by our authoritie Apostolicall, from all power & iurisdiction of any legacie.

Upon these letters and such other, as is sayd before: Becket seemed to take all his boldnesse to be so stoute and sturdy against his Prince as he was. The Pope (beside these) sent secretly this Chaplaine of hys, and directed an other letter also vnto the king: granting and permitting at his request, to make the Archbishop of Yorke Legate Apostolicall.

The king (after he had receiued his letters sent from the Pope) beganne to put more strength to his purposed procedings against the Archbishop: first beginning wyth the inferiors of the clergy, such as were offenders agaynst his lawes, as fellons, robbers, quarellers, breakers of peace,More then an C. murthers done by the clergye. Guliel. Neuburg. lib. 2. ca. 16. and especially such as had committed homicide and murders, wherof more then an hundred at that time were prooued vpon the clergy (as witnesseth Guliel. Neuburgēsis, in his booke de gestis Anglorum, lib. 2. cap. 16) vrging and cō straining them to be arreigned after the order of the lawe temporall, and iustice to be ministred to them according to their deserts: as first to be depriued, and so to be committed to the secular hands. This seemed to Becket to derogate frō the liberties of holy church, that the secular power should passe in causes criminall, or sit in iudgemēt against any ecclesiasticall person. This law, the roisters (then of the clergy) had picked and forged out of Anacletus & Euaristus by whole falsly alleaged and pretensed authoritie, they haue deduced this their constitution from the Apostles, which geueth immunity to all ecclesiasticall persons to be free from secular iurisdiction. Becket therfore like a valiāt champion (fighting for his liberties, and hauing the Pope on his side) would not permit his clerkes infamed, otherwise to be conuēted, then before ecclesiastical iudges, there to be examined & depriued for their excesse, and no seculare iudge to proceede against them. So that after their depriuation, if they should incurre the like offence agayne, then the temporall iudge to take hold vpō them, otherwise not. This obstinate and stubburne rebellion of the Archb. stirred vp much anger and vexation in their king, & not only in him, but also in the nobles and in al the bishops (for the greater part) that almost he was alone a wonderment to all the realme.

The kings wrath daily increased more and more against him (as no meruaile was) and caused him to be cited vp to appeare by a certaine day at the town of Northhampton,Becket cited to Northampton. there to make answer to such things as should be layd to his charge. So when the day was come (all the Pieres and nobles, with the prelates of the Realme vpon the kings proclamation beyng assembled in the Castle of Northhampton) great fault was sound with the Archb. for that he (personally cited to appeare) came not hymself, but sent another for him. The cause why he came not, Houeden assigneth to be this: for that the king had placed his horse and horsemen in the Archb. lodging (whiche was a house there of Chanons) wherwith he being offended, sent word agayne that he would not appeare,The Archbish. condemned in the Councell of Northamtō, in the lo [...]e of all hys moueables. vnlesse hys lodgyng were voyded of the kynges horsemen, &c. Wherupon (by the publike sentence as well of all the Nobles, as of the bishops) all his moueables were adiudged to be confiscate for the kyng, vnlesse the kyngs clemency would remit the penaltie. The stubburne Archbishop agayne (for his part) quarellyng agaynst the order & forme of the iudgement, complayneth: alleagyng for himself (seyng he is their Primate and spirituall father not onely of all other in the realme, but also of the king hymselfe) not to be conuenient, the father so to be iudged of his children, nor the pastor of his flocke so to be condened: saying moreouer that the ages to come should know what iudgement was done, &c. But especially he complaineth of his fellow bishops (when they should rather haue taken his part) so to sit in iudgement against their Metropolitane, and this was the first dayes action.

The next day following, the king layd an actiō against him in the behalfe of one that was his Marshall (called Iohn) for certaine iniury done to hym, and required of the said Archb. the repaying agayne of certayne money, which he (as is sayd) had lent vnto him being Chauncellor, the summe wherof came to 500. markes. This mony ye Archb. denyed not but he had receiued of the kyng, howbeit (by the way and title of gift as he tooke it) though hee coulde bring no probation thereof. Wherupon, the king required him, to put in assuraunce for the payment therof: whereat the Archbish. makyng delayes (not well contented at the matter) was so cald vpon, that either he should be countable to the kyng for the mony,Becket required to geue an accompt. or els he should incur present daunger, the king beyng so bent against hym. The Archbishop being brought to such a straite (and destitute of his owne suffragans) could here by no meanes haue escaped, had not v. persons of their owne accord stepped in, beyng bound for him, euery man for one C. markes a piece. And this was vpon the second day concluded.

The morrow after (which was the third day of the councell) as the Archb. was sitting below in a certain cō claue with his fellow bishops about him consulting together (the dores fast locked to them, as the king had willed & commaunded) it was propounded vnto him in the behalfe of the king, that he had had diuers bishoprikes & Abbarikes in his hand which were vacant (with the fruites and reuenues therof due vnto the king for certaine yeres) whereof he had rendred as yet no accompt to the kyng: wherfore it was demaunded of him to bring in a full and a cleare reckoning of the same. This (with other such lyke) declared to all the councel great displeasure to be in ye king and no lesse danger toward the Archbishop.

The aduise of the bishops for Thomas Becket.

THus while the bishops and prelates were in councell,The verdite of Winchester. (aduising and deliberating what was to bee done) at length it came to voyces, euery man to say his mynd, and to geue sentence what were the best way for their Archb. to take. First began Henry bishop of Winchester, who thē tooke part with Becket so much as he durst for feare of the king, who sayd, he remembred that the sayd Archb (first beyng Archdeacon, and then Lord Chancellor, at what time as he was promooted to the church of Caunterbury) was discharged from all bandes and reckonings of the temporall court, as all the other bishops could not but beare record to the same.

Next spake Gilbert bishop of London,The counsell of the Bishop of London. exhortyng and motioning the Archbishop that he should cal with himself to mynde, from whence the kyng tooke hym, and set hym vp, what and how great things he had done for him, also [Page] that he should consider with himselfe the dangers and perils of the tyme, and what ruine he might bring vpon the whole church (and vpon them all there present) if he resisted the kings mynde in the things he required. And if it were to render vp his Archbishoprike (although it were x. tymes better then it is) yet he should not sticke with the kyng in the matter. In so doing it might happen, the kyng seyng that submission and humilitie in him, would release him peraduenture of all the rest.Canterbury. To this the Archbishop aunswering, well, well (sayth he) I perceiue wel inough my Lord, whether you tend, & where about you go. Then spake Winchester, inferring vpon the same. This forme of councell (sayth he) seemeth to me very pernicious to the Catholike Church,Winchester. tending to our subuersion, and to the confusion of vs all. For if our Archbishop and Primate of all England do leaue to this example, that euery Byshop should geue ouer his authoritie and the charge of the flock committed to him, at commaundement & threatning of the prince: to what state shall the Church be brought thē, but that all should be confounded at his pleasure and arbitrement, and nothing to stand certaine by any order of lawe, and so as the priest is, so shall the people be:

Chichester.Hilarie the bishop of Chichester replieth again to this saying: If it were not, that the instance and the great perturbation of tyme did otherwise require and force vs,Moderate counsell. I would thinke this counsail here geuen were good to be folowed. But now seing the authoritie of our canon fayleth, & cannot serue vs, I iudge it not best to go so straightly to worke, but so to moderate our proceedings, that dispensation with suffrance may win that which seuere correction may destroy. Wherfore my counsaile and reason is, to geue place to the kings purpose for a tyme, least (by ouer hastie proceeding, we exceede so farre) that both it may redounde to our shame, & also cannot rid our selues out again when we would.

Lincolne.Much to the same end spake Robert the bishop of Lincoln after this maner: Seing (sayth he) it is manifest that the lyfe and bloud of this man is sought, one of these two must needes be chosen: that eyther he must part with hys Archbishoprike, or els with his lyfe. Now what profite he shall take in this matter of his Bishoprike, his life being lost, I do not greatly see.

Exceter.Next followed Bartlemew bishop of Exceter, with his aduise, who (inclining his counsaile to the state of tyme) confirmed their sayings before, affirmyng how the dayes were euill and perillous. And if they might so escape that violence of that raging tempest vnder the couer of bearing and relenting, it were not to be refused. But that he sayd could not be, except straight seueritie should geue place to tractabilitie, and so the instance and condition of tyme then present, required no lesse, especially seyng that persecution was not generall, but personall and perticular, & thought it more holy and conuenient, one head to run in some part of danger, then the whole church of England to be subiect and exposed to inconuenience ineuitable.

The answer of Roger bishop of Worcester was deuided in a double suspence, neither affirming the one, nor denying the other, whose saying was this: that he would geue no answer on neither part. For if I (saith he) shal say that the pastorall function & cure of soules, ought to be relinquished at the kings will or threatning, then my mouth shall speake against my conscience to the condemnation of myne owne head. And if I shal geue againe contrary coū sail to resist the kings sentence, here be they that will heare it, and report it to his grace, and so I shall be in danger to be thrust out of the sinagoge, and for my part to be accō pted amōgst the publike rebels (with them to be condemned) wherfore neither do I say this, nor counsaile that.

And this was the consultation of the Bishops in that place,Worcester. Becket the Archbishop replyeth agaynst the Byshops. assembled together by the kings commaundement. Against these voyces & censures of the bishops Becket the Archbishop replyeth agayne, expostulatyng and checking them with rebukefull wordes. I perceiue (sayth 'he) and vnderstand ye go about to maintaine and cherish but your owne cowardnes, vnder the colorable shadow of suffrāce: and vnder pretence of dissembling softnes, to choke the liberty of christes church. Who hath thus bewitched you, O vnsatiable bishops? What meane ye? Why do ye so vnder the impudent title of forbearing, beare a double heart, and cloke your manifest iniquitie? What call ye this bearing we tyme, the detriment of the Church of Christ? Let termes serue the matter, why peruert you the matter that is good, with vocables & termes vntrue? For that ye say we must beare with the malice of tyme, I graunt with you, but yet we must not heape sinne to sinne. Is not God able to help the state and condition of his church, but with the sinnefull dissimulatiō of the teachers, of the church? Certes God is disposed to tempt you. And tell me (I pray you) whether should the gouernors of the church put themselues to dā gers for the church in time of tranquillitie,A great [...]ielle growen in the church because that Byshop, may no [...] aboue [...] and prince. or in tyme of distresse? Ye will be ashamed to deny the contrary but in distresse. And now then (the church lying in so great distresse and vexation) why should not the good pastor put himselfe into perill therfore? For neither do I thinke it a greater act or merite for the auncient bishops of the olde tyme, to lay the foundation of the church then (with their bloud) then now for vs to shed our bloud for the liberties of the same, And to tel you plain, I thinke it not safe for you to swarue from an example, which you haue receiued of your holy elders. After these things were spoken, they sate all in silence a certayne space, beyng locked in together. At length (to find a shift to cause the dore to be opened) I will sayth the Archbishop speake with two Earles which are about the kyng, and named them whome they were. Which (beyng called) opened the dore and came in with hast, thinking to heare some thyng which should appease the kyngs mynd. To whom the Archbishop spake in this maner: As touching and concerning the matters betwene the king & vs, we haue here conferred together. And for as much as we haue them not present with vs now, which know more in the matter then we do (whose aduise we would be glad also to followe) therefore we craue so much respite as to the next day followyng, and then to geue vp our answer vnto the king. With this message two bishops were sent to the kyng, which was the bishop of London, and the bishop of Rochester.

London (to helpe the matter, and to set quietnesse as I take it, addyng somethyng more to the message) sayd to the king, that the Archb. craued a litle delay of tyme to prepare such writings and instruments, wherin he should set forth and declare his mynd, in accomplishing the kings desire, &c. Wherfore, two barons were sent to hym from the king to graunt him that respite or stay, so that he would ratifie that which the messengers had signified to the kyng. To the which the Archb. aunswereth, that he sent no such message as was intimate in his name: but only, that the next day he would come and geue aunswer to the king, in that which he had to say. And so the conuocation of the bishops was dissolued, and dismissed home: so that the most part of them that came with the Archb. and accompanied hym before, (for feare of the kings displeasure) seuered thēselues from him.Becket destitute and forsaken. The Archb. thus forsaken and destitute (as hys story sayth) sent about for the poore, the lame, and the halt, to come in and furnish his house, saying, that by them he might sooner obtaine his victory, than by the other which had so slipt from him.

On the next day following, because it was sonday, nothing was done.Becket [...] with [...] nes when he should appeale. But the nyght before (beyng taken with a disease called passio iliaca, the colicke) all that day he kept his bed, and was not able, as he sayd, to ryse. Euery man supposing this to be but a fayned sickenes, as it semed no lesse, certayne of the chiefe Nobles were sent to try the matter, and to cite hym to the Court: namely, Rob. erle of Leicester, and Reginald Erle of Deuonshire. To whom the Archb. answered, that as that day he was so diseased that he could not come, yea though he were brought in an horse litter. So that day passed ouer. The morow after certayne that were about hym, fearyng no lesse, but that some danger would happen to him, gaue him counsaile in the morning to haue a masse in the honor of the holy Martyr S. Steuen,A masse of S. Steuen [...] saue hym from hys enemies. to keepe him from ye hands of his enemies that day. When the morrow was come (beyng Tuesday) there came to hym the Bishops & Prelates, counsailyng and perswadyng hym couertly by insinuation (for apertly they durst not) that he would submit hymselfe with all hys goodes (as also his Archbishoprike) to the wyll of the kyng, if peraduenture his indignation by that meanes myght swage. Adding moreouer, that vnlesse he would so do, periury would be layd agaynst hym: for that he beyng vnder the othe of fidelitie to keepe the kyngs lawes and ordinaunces, now would not obserue them.Becket answere to the Bishops. To this, Becketh the Archbishop answereth again: Brethren ye see and perceyue well how the world is set agaynst me, and how the enemy riseth and seeketh my confusion. And although these things be dolorous and lamē table, yet the thing that grieueth me most of all, is this: the sonnes of mine owne mother be pricks & thornes agaynst me. And albeit I do holde my peace, yet the posteritie to come will know and report how cowardly you haue turned your backs, and haue left me your Archbishop & Metropolitane alone in this conflict. And how you haue sittē in iudgemēt against me (although vnguilty of crime) now ii, dayes together, and not that only in the ciuil & spirituall [Page] court, but also in the temporal court ready to doe the same. But in generall this I charge and command (by the vertue of pure obedience, [...]c [...]t appealeth to Rome. and in peril of your order) that ye be present personally in iudgement against me. And that yee shal not faile so to do, I here appeale to our mother (the refuge of all such as be oppressed) the church of Rome: and if any secular men shall lay hands vpon me (as it is rumord they will) I straightly enioyne and charge you in the same vertue of obedience, that you exercise your cēsure ecclesiastical vpon them, as it becommeth you to doe for a father & an Archbishop. And this I doe you to vnderstande: that though the world rage, & the enemy be fierce, and the body trembleth (for the flesh is weake) yet God so fauoring me, I will neither cowardly shrinke, nor vily forsake my flock committed to my charge, &c.

But the bishop of London, contrary to this commandement of the archbishop: did incōtinent appeale frō him. And thus the bishops departed from him to the court,London appealeth from the Archbish. saue only two (Henry Winchester and Ioceline of Salisburie, who returned with him secretly to his chamber and comforted him. This done, the Archbishop (which yesterday was so sore sick that he could not stirre out of his bed) now addresseth him to his masse of S. Steuen with all solemnity, as though it had bene an hie festiual day, with his Metropolitane Pall, which was not vsed but vpon the holy day to be worne, &c. The office of his masse began, Sederunt principes, & aduersum me loquebantur: that is, Princes sate and spake against me,A masse to charme away persecutors. &c. (the kings seruauntes being also there and beholding the matter). For this masse, Gilbert bishop of London accused Becket afterward, both for that it was done per artem magicam, & in cōtemptum regis (as the wordes of Houeden purport) that is, both by arte, magike, and in contempt of the king, &c.

The masse being ended, the Archbyshop (putting of his pall, his miter and other robes) procedeth to the kings Court:Becket caryeth with hym the sacrament going to the king. but yet not trusting peraduenture so greatly to the strength of his masse (to make the matter more sure) he taketh also the sacrament priuily about him, thinking thereby himselfe sufficiently defenced against al bugs. In going to the kings chamber (there to attend ye kings comming) as he was entring the dore, he taketh from Alexander his crosier, the crosse with the crosse staffe, in the sight of al that stoode by, and carieth it in himselfe (the other Bishops following him & saying) he did otherwise then became him. Amongst other Robert bishop of Hereford offred himselfe to beare his crosse rather then he shoulde so doe, for that it was not comely: but the Archbish. woulde not suffer him. Then sayde the bishop of London to him: if the king shall see you come armed into his chamber, perchaunce hee will drawe out his sworde against you, which is stronger then yours:Houeden referreth not this sai [...]ing to the Bishop of London, but to the Archbishop of Yorke. and then, what shal this your armour profite you? The Archb. aunswereth againe: if the kings sworde do cut carually, yet my sword cutteth spiritually, & striketh down to hell. But you my lord as you haue plaid the foole in this matter, so you will not yet leaue of your folly for any thing I can see: and so he came into the chamber. The king hearing of his comming and of the maner thereof, taryed not long but came where Becket was set in a place by himself, with his other Bishops about him. First, the crier called the prelates and all the lordes of the temporaltie together. That being done, (and euery one placed in his seate, according to his degree) the king beginneth with a great complaint against the Archb. for his maner of entring into the court: not as (sayeth he) a subiect into a kings court: but as a traitor, shewing himself in such sort, as hath not ben sene before in any christen kings court, professing christiā faith. To this, all (there present) gaue witnes with the king, affirming him alwaies to be a vain & a proud man, and that ye shame of his fact did not only redound against the prince himself, but also against his whole realme. Moreouer they sayde that this had so happened to the king, for that he had done so much for such a beast, aduauncing him so highly in such a place and roume next vnder himself.Becket called traytor of the king and of all hys nobles. And so altogether with one crie called him traitor on euery side, as one that refused to geue terrene honour to the king, in keeping (as he had sworne) his lawes and ordinaunces: at whose handes also he had receiued such honour and great preferments: and therefore was well worthy (sayde they) to be hādled like a periured traitor and rebell. Wherupon, great doubt and feare was what should befall vpon hym. The Archb. of Yorke comming downe to his men said, he could not abide to see what the archb. of Cant. was like to suffer. Likewise, the Tipstaues and other ministers of the assemblie comming downe with an outcrie against him, crossed them to see his hauty stubburnnesse, and the busines there was about him. Certaine there were of his disciples sitting at his feete, comforting him softly, and bidding him to lay his curse vppon them. Other (contrary) bidding him not to curse, but to pray and to forgeue them, and if he lost his life in the quarell of the church and the liberty therof, he should be happy. Afterwarde, one of them named Ioannes Stephani, A blinde zeale for the proud liberties of the Church. desired to speake something in his care, but could not be suffred by the kings Marshal, who forbade, that no man should haue any talke with him. Then he (because he could not otherwise speake to him) wrought by signs, making a crosse, and looking vp with his eies & wagging hys lips, meaning that he shoulde pray, and manfully to stand to the crosse. In the meane time commeth to him Bartlemew B. of Excetor: desiring him to haue regard and compassion of himself, and also of them, or els they were all like to perish for the hatred of him:Who so taketh Beckets part is counted a rebells for there commeth out (saith he) a precept from the king that he shalbe taken, & suffer for an open rebel, that heereafter taketh your part. It is sayde moreouer, that Iocelinus B. of Salisburie, and William B. of Norwich, are to be had to the place of execution for their resisting and making intercession for the B. of Canterbury. When he had thus saide, the Archbyshop (looking vppon the sayde Bishop of Exceter) auoide hence from me (sayth he) thou vnderstandest not, neither doest sauor those things that be of God.

The Byshop and Prelates then going aside by themselues from the other nobles (the king so permitting them to do) tooke coūsel together what was to be done. Here the matter stoode in a doubtful perplexitie, for either must they incur the daungerous indignation of the king, or els with ye Nobles they must procede in condemnation against the archbishop for resisting the kings sanctions:Becket cited to Rome vpon periury by the Byshops. which thing neither, they themselues did fauor. In this straight necessitie (they deuising what way to take) at length agreed vppon this: that they with a common assent shoulde cite the Archb. to the sea of Rome vppon periurie. And that they should oblige and bind themselues to the king with a sure promise, to work their diligence in deposing the Archbish. (vpon this condition) that the King should promise their safetie, & discharge them from the peril of that iudgement, which was toward them. So all the bishops obliging thē selues thus to the king, went foorth to the Archbishop: of whom, one speaking for the rest (which was Hillarie Bishop of Chichester) had these wordes: Once you haue bene our Archbishop, and so long we were bound to your obedience: but nowe for asmuch as you (once swearing your fidelitie to the king) do resist him: neglecting his iniunctions and ordinaunces concerning and appertaining to his terrene honor and dignitie:Becket condemned of periurie. we here pronounce you periured, neither be we bounde to geue obedience to an Archbishop thus being periured. But putting ourselues and all ours in the popes protectiō, do cite you vp to his presence. And vpon the same,Becket cited to Rome. assigned him his day and time to appeare. The Archbishop aunswering againe, said: he heard him wel inough. And vpon this sendeth vp to Rome in al hast to ye pope, signifying to him by letters the whole matter, how and wherefore, and by whome he was cited. To whom the Pope directed againe his letters of comfort (as he had done diuers before) the copie whereof here insueth.

Alexander Pope, to Thomas Archb. of Canterburie.

YOur brotherly letters which you directed to vs, & such other matters which your messenger by word of mouth hath signified vnto vs, we haue diligently heard the reading therof: & therby fully vnderstand the grieuous vexations and dolorous griefes wherewith your minde is daily encombred: by reason wherof, we hearing and vnderstanding, are not a litle disquieted in our spirit for your sake: in whose prosperities we do both gladly reioyce, & no lesse do sorrow in your aduersities as for our most deare brother. You therefore (as a constant and wise man) remember wyth your selfe that which is written: The Apostles departed away (reioysing) from the face of the Councel. &c. With like pacience doe you also sustaine that mans molestations, and let not your spirite be troubled therein more then needeth, but receaue in your selfe consolation: that we also together with you, may be comforted in the Lord, who hath preserued you to the corroboration of his Catholike and Christen veritie, in this distresse of necessitie: and from whome also it hath pleased him to wipe away the blotte of such things which haue bene vnorderly of you cōmitted, & heere to punish the same through sundrie afflictions: whereby (in the strait iudgement of God) they might not be called to accoūt here after. But hencefoorth let not this much grieue you: neither let your hart be so deiect or timerous in the matter (for that you are cited vp to the Apostolike sea) which to vs is both gratefull and accepted. And this we wil you, that if they which haue cited you shall chaunce to come: draw not you backe, but folow the appele (if ye please) and spare not (all doubt and delay set aparte) for the authoritie of the Church tendring this your constancie, may not[Page]do that which may put you either in feare, or doubt. But our diligence shalbe withall labour and studie, to conserue the right and preheminence (God willing) of that Church committed to you, so muche as in vs lieth (sauing our iustice and equitie) as to one whom in working for the Church, we finde to be both a constant and a valiant champion. Further, this I brotherly require you, to repaire vnto [...]he Church of Canterburie: and reteining but a fewe Clerkes about you (such onely as serue your necessitie) make no excurses out (as litle as you can) in that countrey: but in this especially I thought to premonish you (that in no case) neither for fear or any aduersitie, whatsoeuer may happen: yee be brought to renounce and geue vp the right and dignity of your Church.

Written at Sene the vij before the Kalendes of Nouember.

As the Archbyshop was thus cited vp to Rome (sitting with his crosse waiting in the Court, neither geuing place to the k [...]ngs request, nor abashed with the clamor of the whole court against him calling him traitour on euery side, neither following the aduertisement of his fellow Bishops) at length the king by certaine Earles and Barons sent commandement to him, (Robert Earl of Lecester doing the message) that he should without delay come & render a full accompt of all things that he had receiued,Becket called to a full accompt. as the profites and reuenues of the Realme, in the time he was Chauncelor: and especially for the 30000. Markes, for the which he was accōptable to the king.Ex Rogero Houedeno. To whom the archbishop aunswereth againe: the king knew, how oft he had made his reckening of those things which nowe were required of him. Farther and besides, Henry his sonne and heire of his realme, with all his Barons, and also Richard Lucie chief Iustice of England, told him: that he was free and quit to God and to holy Church, from al receipts and computations, and from al secular exactions on the kings behalfe. And so he taking thus his discharge at their hāds, entred into his office, and therefore other accompt besides this he would make none. When this word was brought to the king,Becket iudged to be layd in prison. he required his Barons to do the law vppon him. Who so doing, iudged him to be apprehended, & laide in prison. This done, the king sendeth to him Reignalde Earle of Cornewall & Deuonshire, and Robert Earle of Leycester, to declare to him what was his iudgement. To whom the Archbyshop answereth: heare (my sonne & good Earl) what I say vnto you: how much more precious the soule is more then the body, so much more ought you to obey me in the lord, rather then your terrene king. Neither doth any law or reason permit the children to iudge or cō demne their father.Ex quadripartita historia. lib. 1 cap. 38. Becket appealeth to the Pope. Wherfore, to auoid both the iudgement of the king, of you, and all other: I put my selfe only to the arbitrement of the Pope, vnder God alone to be iudged of him, and of no other. To whose presence heere before you all, I doe appeale: committing the ordering of the Church of Cant. (my dignitie, with all other things appertaining to the same) vnder the protection of God and him. And as for you my brethren & fellow Byshops (which rather obey man,Becket thinketh not sufficient the protection of God without the pope. then god) you also I call and cite to the audience and iudgement of the pope, and depart hence foorth from you, as from the ennemies of the Catholike Church, and of the authoritie of Apostolike see.

While the Barons returned with this aunswere to the king, the Archbishop passing through the throng, taketh to him his Palfrey (holding his Crosse in one hande, and his bridle in ye other) the courtiers following after and crying: traytor,Becket flyeth out of the court. traytor, tary & heare thy iudgement. But he passed on till he came to the vttermost gate of the Courte, which being fast locked there had ben staid, had not one of his seruants, called Peter (surnamed Demunctorio) finding ther a bunche of keyes hanging by: first prooued one key, then an other (till at last finding the true key) had opened the gate, and let him out. The archbishop went straight to the house of Chanons, where hee did lie, calling vnto hym the poore, where they could be found. When supper was done, making as though he would go to bed (which he caused to be made betwixt two altares) priuely while the king was at supper, prepareth his iorny secretly to escape away: and chaunging his garment and his name (being called Derman) first went to Lincolne,Becket chaungeth his name. and is called Derman. from thence to Sandwiche, where he tooke ship, and sailed into Flaunders: and from thence iourneyed to Fraunce, as Houedenus sayth. All be it Alanus differing something in the order of his flight, sayth: that he departed not that night, but at supper time came to him the bishop of London,Histories differ something in the order of hys flight. & Chichester (declaring to him) that if he would surrender vp to the king his two maners of Oxforde & wyngecham, there were hope to recouer the kings fauour, & to haue all remitted. But when the Archbishop would not agree therunto (forasmuch as those maners were belonging to the Churche of Canterburie) the king hearing thereof, great displeasure was taken: In so much that the next day, Becket was faine to sende to the king two bishops and his chaplein, for leaue to depart the realme. To the which message the king answered, that he would take a pause therof til the next day, & then he should haue an answere. But Becket not tarying his answere, the same day conueied himselfe away secretely (as is aforesayde) to Ludouicus the French king. But before he came to the king, Gilbert the bishop of London, & William the earle of Arundel (sent frō the king of England to Fraunce) preuented him: requiring of the said French king (in ye behalf of the king of England) that he would not receiue nor retaine in his dominion the archb. of Canterbury. Moreouer (that at his instance) he wold be a meanes to ye pope, not to shewe any familiaritie vnto him. But the King of England in this point semed to haue more confidence in ye French king, then knowledge of his disposition. For thinking that the French king would haue bene a good neighbour to him (in trusting him to much) he was deceiued. Neither considered he we himselfe inough the maner & nature of the Frenchmen, at that tyme agaynst the realme of England: who then were glad to seeke and take all maner of occasions to doe some act agaynst England.

And therefore Ludouicke the French king, vnderstanding the matter:The Fr [...] king supporteth Becket agaynst the king of England. & thinking (percase) therby to haue some vauntage against the king, and realme of England, by the occasion hereof: contrary to the kings letters and request: not onely harboreth and cherisheth this Derman: but also (writing to the pope by his Almener and brother) entreateth him (vpon al loues, as euer he would haue his fauor) to tender the cause of the Archbishop Becket. Thus the kinges Ambassadours repulsed of the French king,Ambassadour [...] to the [...]. returned, at what tyme he sent an other ambassage (vpō the like cause) to Alexander the pope thē being at Sene in France. The Ambassadours sēt in this message were Roger archbishop of Yorke, Gilbert bishop of London, Henry Bish. of Winchester, Hilary Bish. of Chichester, Bartholomew byshop of Exceter, with other doctors & clerkes: also william Earle of Arundell, with certayne moe Lordes & Barons. Who comming to the popes court, were friendly accepted of certayne of the Cardinals: amongst ye which cardinals, rose also dissention about the same cause: some iudgyng the Bishop of Canterbury, in ye defence of the liberties of the Church (as in a good cause) to be mayntayned: Some thinking agayn, that he (being a perturber of peace and vnitie) was rather to be bridled for hys presumption, then to be fostered & incouraged therein. But the P. partly bearing with his cause (which onely tended to his exaltation and magnificence) partly again incensed with the letters of the French king: did wholy incline to Becket as no maruell was. Wherfore (ye next day following) the pope sitting in consistory with his Cardinals, the ambassadours were called for, to the hearing of Beckets matter: and first beginneth the bishop of London: next, the Archbishop of Yorke: then Exceter: and the other Bishops, euery one in their order to speake. Whose orations being not well accepted of the Pope, and some of them also disdayned: the Earle of Arundel perceauing that (and somewhat to qualifie and temper the matter to the Popes eares) began after this maner.

ALthough to me it is vnknowen (sayth he) which am both vnlettered and ignorant, Theories of the earl of A [...] to the [...]. what is that these Byshops heere haue sayde, neither am I in that toung so able to expresse my minde as they haue done: yet being sent and charged thereunto of my Prince, neither can nor ought I but to declare (as well as I may) what the cause is of our sending hether. Not (truely) to contende or striue with any person, nor to offer any iniurie or harme vnto any man (especially in this place) and in the presence here of such a one, vnto whose becke and authoritie all the world doth stoupe and yeelde. But for this intent is our legacie hether directed, to present here before you, and in the presence of the whole church of Rome, the deuotion and loue of our king and maister, which euer he hath had, and yet hath still toward you. And that the same might the better appeare to your excellencie: he hath assigned & appointed to the furniture of this legacie, not the least, but the greatest: not the worst but the best and chiefest of al his subiects: both Archbishops, Bishops, Earles, Barons, with other potentates mo: of such worthines and parentage, that if he could haue found greater in all his Realm, he would haue sēt thē, both for the reuerence of your person, and of the holy Church of Rome. Ouer and besides this, I might adde to more (which your sanctitude hath sufficiently tried and proued already) the true and hartie fidelitie of this our king and soueraigne toward you Who (in his first entrance to his kingdome) wholy submitted himselfe, with all that is his besides, to your will and pleasure. And truely to testifie of his maiestie howe hee is disposed to the vnitie of the Catholike faith: we beleue there is none more faithful in Christ then he, nor[Page]more deuout to God, nor yet more moderate in keeping the vnitie of peace whereunto he is called. And as I may be bold this to protest for our king & maister: so neither do I denie the Archbishop of Caunterbury, to be a man destitute or vnfurnished with gifts and ornaments in his kinde of calling: but to be a man both sage and discrete, in such things as to him appertaineth: saue onely that he seemeth to some more quicke and sharpe then needeth. This blotte alone if it were not, and that the breach betweene our king and him had not so happened: both the regiments together, (of the temporaltie & spiritualtie) might quietly haue flourished one with the other in much peace and concorde: both vnder a prince so worthy, and a pastor so vertuous. Wherfore (the case so standing as it doeth) our message hether, and our supplication to your vigilant prudence is, that (through your fauour & wisedom) the necke of this dissention may be broken: and that reformation of vnitie and loue (by some good meanes) may be sought.

¶ This oration of his, although it was liked of them for the softnesse and moderation therof: yet it could not so perswade the Romish Bishop to condescende to their sute and request. Which sute was, to haue two legates or arbiters to be sent from his Popish side into England,The Pope r [...]dereth Beckets cause against the [...]ing. to examine and take vp the controuersie betweene the king and the Archbyshop. But the pope incensed (as is sayd before) would not graunt to their petition: forasmuch as it shuld be (sayeth he) preiudiciall, and tending to the oppression of the archbishop to graūt vnto it, he being not present. And therefore he willed them to tarrie his comming vp, otherwise (he being absent) he would not (he sayde in any case) proceede against him. But they (alledging againe their time to be expired appointed them of the king, hauing besides other lets and causes as they alledged) sayd that they coulde not there waite for the comming of Becket: but retourned backe (their cause frustrated) without the Popes blessing to the king.Becket cō playneth of the king to the pope. Within iiij. daies after, Becket commeth to the Popes courte, where he prostrating himselfe at his feete, brought out of his bosome a scrolle conteining the customes and ordinances of the king, afore mentioned fol. 207. The Pope receiuing the foresayd scrolle, and reading it in the open hearing of his Cardinals, condemned and cursed the most parte of the sayde decrees of the King, which he called consuetudines auitas, Repentance for his well doyng. that is, hys grandfathers ordinaunces. Besides this: the Pope moreouer blameth Becket, for that he so much yelded to them at the beginning, as he did: yet notwithstanding (because he was repentant for his vnaduised fact) he was content to absoil him for the same, and the rather because of his great troubles, which he for the liberties of holy church did susteine: and so with great fauour for that day dimissed him.

The next day (Alexander the Pope assembling hys cardinals together in his secret chamber) appeareth before them archbyshop Becket, hauing this oration to the pope and his popelings: which here I thought to set out in our vulgare English tongue (translated out of Latine) to the entent that the posteritie heereafter may vnderstand, eyther the vaine superstition or vile slauery of the Churchmē in those dayes: who (being not content with their owne naturall Prince and king geuen them of God) must secke further to the Pope: thinking no ecclesiasticall liuing to be geuen, which is not taken at his handes. The wordes of his Oration be storied rightly thus.

¶ The Oration of Becket, resigning his Byshopricke to the Pope.

FAthers and Lordes, I ought not to lie in any place, much lesse before God, and in your presence here. Wherefore with much sighing and sorrowe of heart I graunt and confesse, that these perturbations of the Church of England, Beckets argument: the Pope brought him not in, but the K. Ergo God brought him not in. be raised through my miserable fault. For I entred into the folde of Christ, but not by the dore of Christ for that, not the canonical election did cal me lawfully thereunto, but terrour of publike power drone me in. And albeit I against my will tooke this burden vpon mee, yet not the will of God, but mannes pleasure placed me in the rowme. And therefore no maruell though all things haue gone contrary and backward with me. And as for the resigning vp againe thereof: if I had so done, & geuē vp to their hands, the priuiledge of my byshoply authoritie which I had graunted to me at the commaundement of the king (so as my fellow Byshoppes did instantly call vpon me to doe) then had I left a pernicious and daungerous example to the whole catholike Church. And why might ye not (M. Becket) resigne it as well to his handes of whome ye tooke it? By reasō wherof, I thought to deferre that vnto your presence. And now therefore (recognising with my selfe my ingresse not to be Canonicall, and therefore fearing it to haue the worse end: and againe pondering my strength and abilitie not to be sufficient for such a charge) lest I should be found to susteine that roome to the ruine of the flock, to whome I was appointed a pastor vnworthy: I render vp to your fatherly handes the Archbishopprike here of Canterburie. &c. And so putting of his ring from his finger, and offering it to the Pope: desired a Byshop for the Church of Caunterburie to be prouided: seeing he thought not himself meete to fulfil the same, and so (with teares, as the storie sayth) ended his oration.

This done, the Archbyshop was bid to stande a parte. The Pope conferring vpon this with his Cardinals, about the resignation of Becket what was best to be done:A consultation betweene the Pope and the Cardinals about Beckets matter. some thought it best to take the occasion offered, thinking thereby the kinges wrathe might easely be swaged if the church of Cāterbury were assigned to some other person, and yet the sayd Becket otherwise to be prouided for notwithstanding. Cōtrary, other againe thought otherwise, whose reason was: If hee (which for the liberties of the church had ventred not onely his goodes, dignitie and authority, but also his life) should now at the kings pleasure be depriued: like as it might be a president heereafter to others in resisting their king in like sort (if hys cause were maintained) so contrariwise if it quailed: it shoulde be an example to all other heereafter, none to resist his Prince in the like case. And so, might it redounde not onely to the weakening of the state of the Catholike Churche, but also to the derogation of the Popes authoritie. Briefly, this sentence at length preuailed: and so Becket receaueth hys pastorall office of the Popes hand againe, with commendation and much fauour. But for somuch as he coulde not be well placed in England:Becket in banishment [...] yeares. in the meane while, the Pope sendeth him with a monkes habite into the abbay Pontiniak in Fraunce: where he remained 2. yeres, from thence he remoued to Senon where he abode 5. yeares. So the time of his exile continued a 7. yeares in all. &c.

Uppon this, the King being certified by his Ambassadours of the Popes aunswere, howe his fauoure enclined more to Becket then to him: was mooued (and woorthely) with wrathful displeasure. Who vpon the same sailing frō England vnto Normandy, directed ouer certain Inunctions against the Pope, and the Archbishop of Canterburie, as were recited aboue. Fol. 207. The contents wherof were declared to be these.

If any person shalbe found to bring from the Pope, or from the Archbishop of Canterburie. &c.

Of these and suche other iniunctions Becket specifieth partly in a certaine letter, writing to a frend of his in this maner.

THomas Archbishop of Canterburie, to his welbeloued frend. &c.

Be it knowen to your brotherly goodnes, that we with al ours heere (by Gods grace) are safe and in good health. Hauing a good hope and trust to your faithfull amitie, I charge you and require you: that either by the bringer heereof or by some other, (whome ye know faithfull and trusty to our church of Canterburie, The kinges decrees. and to vs) you write with al spede, what is done. As touching the kings decrees here set out, these they be: that all hauens and portes shoulde be diligently kept: that no letters of the Popes interdict or curse be brought in. And if religious men bring them in, they shall haue their feete cut off: if he be a priest or clearke, he shall lose his priuie members: If he be a lay man, let him be hanged: If he be a leper, let him be burned. And if any bishoppe, for feare of the Popes interdict, will depart (besides his staffe onely in his hand) let him haue nothing els. Also the kings will is: that all scholers and students beyonde the seas shall repaire home, or else lose their benefices. And if they yet shall remaine still, they shall lose the libertie of all returning. Further if any such Priests shalbe found (that for the Popes suspense or interdict wil refuse to sing) they shall lose their priuie members. In summe, all such Priests as shew themselues rebels to the king, let them be depriued of their benefices. &c.

Besides these and such like iniunctions, it was also set forth by the Kings proclamation.Anno. 1166. An. 1166. that all maner of persons (both men and wemen, who soeuer were foūd of the kindred of Thomas Becket) should be exiled wythout taking any part of their goodes with them and sent to him,Beckets kindred banished. where he was: which was no litle vexatiō to Becket to behold them. Moreouer, for so much as he then was lying with Gwarine Abbot of Pontiniacke (to whome the pope as is aforesaid had cōmended him) therefore the king wryting to the same Abbote, required him not to retaine the Archbishop of Canterbury in his house:These monkes were of the Ciste [...]an order. for if he did, he would driue out of his realme, all the monks of his order. Whereupon Becket was enforced to remoue from thence, and went to Lewes the French King, by whome he was placed at Senon, and there founde of him the space of fiue yeares, as is aboue mentioned.

In the meane time, messengers went daily with letters betwene the king and the pope, betwene the Pope againe [Page] and him, and so betwene the Archbishop and other. whereof if the Reader (peraduenture) shalbe desirous to see the copies:Becket complayneth of his prince to the Pope. I thought here to expresse certaine of them, to satisfie his desire: first beginning we the Epistle of Becket complaining of his prince, to the Pope in maner and forme as foloweth.

The copie of an Epistle sent of Thomas Becket, to Pope Alexander.

TO your presence and audience I flee (moste holy father) that you, who hath bought the libertie of the Churche with your so great daunger: might the rather attend to the same (either being the onely or chiefest cause of my persecution) vsing and following therein the example of you. It grieueth me that the state of the Church should fall to any decay, and that the liberties therof should be infringed thorough the auarice of princes. For the which cause, I thought to resist betime that inconueniencie beginning so to grow. And the more I thought my selfe obliged to the same my Prince (vnto whome next vnder God, I am moste chiefly bound) the more boldnesse I tooke to me, to withstand his vnrightfull attempts: till such that were on the contrary part (my aduersaries) preuailed, working my disquietnesse, and incensing him against me. Whereupon (as the maner is amongst Princes) they raised vp against me citations and slaunders, to the occasion of my persecution: but I had rather to be proscribed, then to subscribe. Besides this, I was also called to iudgement, and cited before the king to make answere there as a lay person, to secular accomptes: where as they whome I most trusted did most forsake me. For I saw my fellow brethren the Bishops, through the instigation of some, ready to my condemnation. Wherupon all being set against me, & I thus oppressed on euery side, tooke my refuge to appeale to your goodnesse, which casteth off none in their extremities: being ready to make my declaration before you, that I ought neither to be iudged there in that place, nor yet of them. For what were that (father) but to vsurpe to thēselues your right? and to bring the spiritualtie vnder the temporaltie?To keepe vnder the pride of prelates is no cause sufficient to vnking a Prince. Which thing (once begon) may breede an example to many. And therefore, so much the more stouter I thought to be in withstanding this matter: how much more prone and procliue, I saw the way to hurt: if they once might see vs to be faint and weake in the same. But they will say to me here againe: geue to Cesar, that which belongeth to Cesar. &c. But to answere againe therunto (albeit we are boūd to obey our king in most things) yet not in such maner of things, whereby he is made to be no king: neither were they then things belonging to Cesar, but to a tyrāt. Concerning the which points, these Bishops should (not for me onely, but for themselues) haue resisted the king. For if the extreme iudgemēt be reserued to him which is able to iudge both body and soul: is it not then extreme pride for men there to iudge, which iudge but by themselues? If the cause of the bishops and of the clergie, (which I maintaine) be right: why be they set against me? Why do they reprehēd me? For if that I appealed to him, before whome either it was not lawfull, or els not expedient for me to do: what seeme they by this, but either to blame me causelesse, or els to distrust your equity? For me to be conuicted before your holinesse: it had bene a double confusion. Or wherein haue I deserued to be persecuted of them, for whose cause I haue set my selfe to stande in their behalfe? And if they had willed, I had preuailed: but it is ill with the head, when he is left of his members and forsaken: as if the eyes shoulde take the toung to speake against the head. If they had had eyes to haue foresene the matter, they might vnderstand themselues to speake their owne destruction: and that the Princes did vse their helpe, but to their owne seruitude. And what so great cause of hatred had they against me, to procure their owne vndoing, in vndoing of me? So, while they neglected spirituall things in steade of temporall, they haue lost them both. What shoulde I speake more of this, that I repugning them and appealing to your audience (yet notwithstanding) they durst presume to stand in iudgement and condemnation against me, as children against their father? Yea, and not against me onely, but against the vniuersall Church of God (conspiring together with the Prince) being with me offended. And this suspection might also as well pertaine to you holy father. But to this they will say: that they owe their duety and seruice vnto the king,If ye meane by spiritual things, such as pertaine to the spirituall part of man, I graunt, but your liberties be not such as which pertayne to the inward or spirituall man but r [...]ther are thinges more corporall. as their Lord: to whom they are bound, vpon their allegeance. To whom I answer, that to him they stand bound bodely, to me spiritually. But to whom ought they rather to stand bound, then to themselues? And were it not better to sustaine the losse of corporall, then of spirituall things? But here they wil say againe: at this time the Prince was not to be prouoked. Howe subtily do these men dispute for their owne bondage? Yea, they themselues prouoke him by their owne excesse, ministring wings vnto him to fight against them, for he woulde haue rested if they had resisted. And when is constancie more to be required, then in persecution? Be not a mans chiefe frendes most tried in persecution? If they geue ouer still, how shall they obtaine the victorie? Sometime they must needes resist. Condescend therefore (holy father) to my exile and persecution.Pe [...] [...]yeth [...] bu [...] [...] cause maketh [...] true persecution. And remember, that I also once was a great man, in the time when it was: and now for your sake thus iniuriously I am intreated. Vse your rigour and restraine them, by whose instigation the name of this persecution began. And let none of these things be imputed to the king, who rather is to be counted the repairer then the author of this businesse.

Besides this Epistle sent vnto the Pope: he wryteth also an other letter, sent to the King in Latine: the tenour whereof (he that is disposed to read) may peruse in our former edition, with the notes adioyned withall.

Besides which Epistle to the king in Latin, he sent also one or two mo, to the said king Henry the second, much after the like rate & sort. The one thus beginning: Loqui de Deo, liberae mentis est & valdè quietae. Indè est quòd loquar ad Dominum meum, & vtinam ad omnes pacificum. &c. which Epistle, for that I woulde not ouercharge the volume of these Hystories with too much matter superfluous, I thought hore to omit. The other he sent afterward, wherof the wordes be these.

¶ An other letter of Becket, Archbishop of Canterburie, sent to the king.

TO his Lorde and frende Henry by the grace of God, king of England, Duke of Normandy & Aquitane, Earle of Angeow: Thomas by the same grace, humble minister of the church of Cā terburie (sometime his temporally, but now more his in the Lord) health and true repentaunce with amendement. I haue long looked for, that the Lord would looke vpon you: and that you would conuert and repent, departing from your peruerse way: and cutte off from you your wicked and peruerse counsellours, by whose instinction (as it is thought) you are fallen into that deepe, wherof the Psalme speaketh. A sinner when he commeth to the depth of mischiefes, is without all care or feare. And albeit, we haue hetherto quietly suffred and borne: considering and earnestly looking if there woulde any messenger come that woulde say: Your soueraigne Lorde the king (which nowe a long time hath erred and ben deceiued, and led euen to the destruction of the church) through Gods mercy with aboundant humility, doth now againe make speede for the deliueraunce of the Church, and to make satisfaction and amendement. Yet notwithstanding, we cease not (day by day continually) to call vpon almightie God, with most humble deuotion: that, that which we haue long desired for you and by you, we may speedely obtaine with aboundant effect And this is one poynte, that the care of the Church of Canterburie, whereunto God hath presently appoynted vs (albeit vnworthy) you being K. doeth specially constraine me (in that as yet, we are deteined in exile) to write vnto your maiestie letters commonitorie, exhortatorie, and of correction. But I woulde to God they were fully able to correct least that I be to great a cloker of your outragies (if there be any) as in deede there are: for the which we are not a litle sorie. I meane specially of them which are done by you in euery place, about the Church of God and the Ecclesiasticall persons, without any reuerence either of dignitie or person: and least also that I appeare negligent to the great danger of my soule: for without doubt hee beareth the offence of him which doth commit any offence: who neglecteth to correct that, which an other ought to amend. For it is written not onely they which doe commit euill, but also they which consent therunto are coū ted partakers of the same. For they verely do cōsent, which when they both might and ought, doe not resist or at the least reproue. For the errour which is not resisted is alowed, and the truth whē it is not defended is oppressed: neither doth it lacke a priuie note of society in him, which ceaseth to withstand a manifest mischief. (2) For like as (most noble Prince) a small Citie doeth not diminish 2 the prerogatiue of so mighty a kingdome as your is: so your royal power ought not to oppresse or chaunge the measure of the religious dispensatiō. For it is prouided alwaies by the lawes, that al iudgemēts agaynst Priests, should proceede by the determination of Priestes. For whatsoeuer Byshoppes they are: albeit that they do erre as other men do, (not exceeding in any poynt contrary to the religion of faith) they (3) ought not, nor can in any 3 case be iudged of the seculare power. Truely, it is the parte of a good and religious Prince, to repaire the ruinous Churches, to builde newe, to honour the Priestes: and with great reuerence to defend them (after the example of the godly prince of most happy memory. (4) Constantinus which sayd, when a complaint of 4 the Clergy was brought to him. You said he, can be iudged by no secular iudge, which are reserued to the only iudgement of God. And for so much as we doe read that the holy Apostles and their successors (appoynted by the testimonie of God) cōmanded that no persecution nor troubles ought to be made, nor to enuie those which laboure in the fielde of the Lorde: and that the stewardes of the eternall King shoulde not be expelled and put out of their seates. Who then doubteth, but that the Priestes of Christ [Page] ought to be called the fathers and maisters of all other faithfull princes? Is it not a miserable madnesse then, if the sonne shoulde 5 go about to bring the (5) father vnder obedience?5. or the scholer 6 his maister?6. and by (6) wicked bondes to bring him in subiection by whome he ought to beleue, that he may be bounde and loosed, not only in earth, but also in heauen? If you be a good and a catholike king and will be such a one as we hope, or that we rather desire you should be, (be it spoken vnder your licence) you are the childe of the church, and not the ruler of the Church. You ought to 7. 7 learne of the priestes, and not to teach them: you ought to (7) folow the Priests in ecclesiasticall matters, and not to goe before them, hauing the priuiledge of your power geuen you of God to make publike lawes: that by his benefites you shoulde not be vnthankfull against the dispensation of the heauenly order, and that you shoulde vsurpe nothing, but vse them with a wholesome disposition.

Wherfore, in those things which contrary vnto that, you haue (through your malitious counsel, rather then by your own mind) wickedly vsurped: with all humilitie & satisfaction speedily geue place, that the hande of the most highest be not stretched out against you, as an arrowe against the marke. For the most highest hath bended his bowe openly to shoote against him, that will not confesse his offences. Be not ashamed (whatsoeuer wicked men say vnto you, or that traitors do whisper in your eare) to humble your selfe vnder the mightie hande of God. For it is he which exalteth the humble, and throweth downe the proude: which also reuengeth himselfe vpon Princes: he is terrible, and who shall resist him? You ought not to haue let slip out of your memorie, in what state God did finde you: howe he hath preferred, honoured, and exalted you: blessed you with children: enlarged your kingdome: and established the same in despite of your enemies. In so much, that hetherto (in a maner) all men haue sayd with great admiration, that this is he whome God hath chosen. And howe will you reward (or can you reward) him for all these things which he hath done vnto you? Will you (at the prouocation and instaunce 8 of those which are about you: that (8) persecute the Church and the ecclesiasticall ministers, and alwaies haue according to their power persecuted them, rendring euil for good, bringing oppressions, tribulations, iniuries and afflictions vpon the Church and church men) do the like? Are not these they of whome the Lorde speaketh: he that heareth you heareth me, he that despiseth you despiseth me, & he that toucheth you toucheth the apple of mine eie? Verely forsaking al that thou hast, take vp thy crosse, that thou maist folow thy God our Lorde Iesus Christ. Yet wil it scarsely be (or not at all) that thou shalt appeare a thankefull recompencer of the benefits receaued at his hand Search the scriptures of such 9 as are learned,9. and you shall vnderstande: that (9) Saul (albeit he was elect of the Lord) pearished with his whole house, because he departed from the waies of the Lord.

Ozias also king of Iuda (whose name is spoken of and spread ouer all) through the manifould victories geuen him of God, hys heart was so puffed vp to his destruction (because the Lorde did helpe and strengthen him in euery place) that he contemning the feare and reuerence of the Lord would vsurpe vnto himselfe, that which was not his office (that is to say, the priesthoode) & to offer incense vpon the altar of the Lord, for the which he was stricken with a leprosie, and cast out of the house of the Lorde: Manie other kings and holy men of great substaunce (because they haue walked aboue their estate in the meruails of the world, presuming to rebel against God in his ministeries) haue perished: and at the last, they haue founde nothing of their substance in their power. Also king Achaz (because he did vsurpe the office of Priesthoode) was likewise striken with a leprosie by God.

Oza also (albeit he was not king) yet for somuch as he touched the arke and held it, when it would haue fallen by the vnrulines of the Oxen (which thing perteined not vnto him, but vnto the ministers of the Church) was striken by the wrath of God & fell downe by the Arke. O king, it is a famous prouerbe: that a man forewarned by an other mans misfortune, will take the better heede vnto himselfe For euery man hath his owne busines in hand, when his neighbours house is on fire.

Dearely beloued king, God woulde haue the disposing of those things which pertaine vnto the church, to belong only vnto priests, and not vnto the secular power. Do not chalenge vnto thy selfe therefore, another mans right: neither striue against him, by whom al things are ordained, least thou seeme to striue against his benefites, of whome thou hast receiued thy power. 10 For by the common (10) lawes and not by the seculare power, and by the bishops and priests: almighty God would haue the cleargie of the christen religion to be ordered and ruled. And Christian Kings ought to submit al their doings vnto ecclesiastical rulers, and not to preferre themselues: for it is written, that none ought to iudge the bishops but onely the Church, neither doeth it pertaine vnto mans law to geue sentence vpon any such. Christian princes are accustomed to be obedient vnto the statutes and ordinaunces of the church, and not to prefer their owne power. A prince ought to submit himselfe vnto the bishops, & not to iudge the bishops: for there are two things wherwith the world is chiefly gouerned (that is to say) the sacred authoritie of bishops and royall power. (11) In the which, the bishops charge is so much the more waighty,11 in that they shal at the latter iudgement render accompt, euen of the kings themselues. Truely you ought to vnderstande, that you depend vpon their iudgement, and can not reduce them vnto your owne will: for many Bishops haue excommunicated both Kinges and Emperours. And if you require an especiall example thereof, Innocentius the Pope did excommunicate Arcadius the Emperour, because he did consent that Iohn Chrisostome should be expulsed from his seate: and S. Ambrose also did excommunicate (12) Theodosius the great Emperour, for a fault (which seemed 12 not so waighty vnto other Priestes) and shut him out of the Church: who afterward by condigne satisfaction was absolued.

There are many other like examples: for Dauid when he had committed adulterie and murther, the prophet Nathan was sent vnto him by God to reprooue him, and he was soone corrected. And the king (laying aside his scepter and Diademe, and setting apart all princely maiestie) was not ashamed to humble himselfe before the face of the Prophet to confesse his faulte, & to require forgeuenes for his offence: what wil you more? he being stricken with repentance asked mercy, and obtained forgeuenes So likewise you (most beloued king and reuerend Lord) after the example of this good king Dauid (of whom it is sayde: I haue founde a man after mine owne heart) with a contrite and humble heart, turne to the Lorde your God: and take holde of repentaunce for your transgressions. For you are fallen and erred in many things; which yet I kepe in store still, if (peraduenture) God shall inspire you to say with the prophet: haue mercy on me O god, according to thy great mercye, for I haue sinned much against thee, & don [...] euil in thy sight. Thus much I haue thought good to write to you my deare Lorde at this present, passing other things in silence, till I may see whether my wordes take place in you, and bring foorth fruits in you worthy of repentance: and that I may heare and reioyce with them that shall bring me worde and say: Oh king, thy sonne was dead, and is aliue againe, was lost and is founde againe. But if you will not heare me: looke where I was wontNote the Iudgement of God against this Becket, who was slaine at his masse making the bodie of Christ. before the maiestie of the body of Christ to pray for you in aboundance of teares & sighes: There in the same place I will crie against you, and say: Rise vp Lord and iudge my cause, forget not the rebukes and iniuries which the king of England doeth to thee and thine: forget not the ignominie of thy Church, which thou hast builded in thy bloud. Reuenge the bloud of thy saintes which is spilt: reuenge (O Lord) the afflictions of thy seruants, of whome there is an infinite number. For the pride of them which hate & persecute thee, is gone vp so highe, that we are not able to beare them any longer. Whatsoeuer your seruant shall do, all those things shall be required at your handes: for he seemeth to haue done the harme, which hath geuen the cause thereof. Doubtlesse, the sonne of the most highest (except you amende and cease from the oppressing of the church and clergie, and keepe your hand from troubling of them) wil come in the rod of his furie, at the voices of such as cry to him, and at the sighes of them that be in bands: when the time shal come for him to iudge the vnrighteousnesse of men in equitie and seueritie of the holy ghost. For he knoweth how to take away the breath of Princes, and is terrible among kings of the earthe [...] Your deare and louing grace I wish well to fare. Thus fare ye well againe and euer.

¶ Certaine notes or elenches vpon this Epistle: which by the figures you may finde out, and their places.

1. The scope of this Epistle is this, to proue that bishops and priests ought not to come vnder the court and cōtrolment of temporall power.

2. This similitude holdeth not. For though the smalnesse of a Citie blemisheth not the prerogatiue of a kingdome: yet the euilnes and rebellion of a Citie, doth worthely blemish his owne prerogatiue.

3. So sayth the Popes decrees, Dist. 10. but the Scripture of God importeth otherwise. Abiathar the Priest was deposed of king Salomon, not for any heresie, but for other causes. 3. Reg. 1.2. Ionathas tooke his priesthoode of king Alexander. And Simon of Demetrius. 1. Mach. 7. Christ offered tribute to Cesar for him and for Peter. Also Peter sayeth: be ye subiect to euery humaine creature: and it followeth, whether it be to the king as to the chiefe. &c. Item Pope Leo submitted himselfe to Ludouicus the Emperor with these words: And if we do any thing incompetently, and do swarue from the path of righteousnes, we wil stand to your reformation, or of them whom you shall send. 2.9.7. Hos.

4. Notwithstanding the saide Constantinus wryting to the bishops, cōgregated at Tyrus, first chideth them, then commādeth them to resort vnto his presence, to haue their cause iudged and decided. Trip hist. lib. 3. cap. 7.

5. The father vnder obedience, &c. If fatherhoode goe by age, I suppose that king Henry was elder then Becket. [Page] If fatherhoode consist in authoritie, I iudge the authoritie of a king, to be aboue the authoritie of an Archbishop. If the see of Canterburie make the fatherhoode: yet had Becket no cause to claime fatherhood ouer the king, seeing the sonne ordeined the father (that is) seeing the king made him his Archbishop, and not he made him his king.

6. By wicked bonds. Al is wicked with the Papists, that bringeth them in subiection to their Princes.

7. Ecclesiasticall matters be suche, as properly belong to doctrine and deuine knowledge, for the institution of the soule, and information of conscience. In which both Princes and subiects ought to followe their pastors, so long as they go truely before them without error, or els not. But what maketh this for the lands & liberties of churchmen?

8. Punishment due to malefactors and rebelles, is not to be called persecution, but due correction.

9. Saule brake the commandement of God and was reiected. Ozias cōtrary to the commandement of God tooke the office of a priest, and was striken. Oza against the expresse word of the law put his hand toy arke, & was punished. But what expresse word had k. Hēry, why he should not correct and punish rebellious bishoppes, and wicked priests within his owne realme? wherefore these similitudes accorde not. As for Achas he was not so much punished for taking the priests office, as for spoyling the temple of the Lord, and offering to Idoles.

10. Common lawes. S. Augustin wryting to Boniface, sayeth thus: Whosoeuer obeyeth not the lawes of the Emperor (being made for the veritie of God) procureth to himselfe great punishment. For in the time of the prophets, all the kings which did not forbidde and subuert all such things as were vsed of the people against the law of God, are rebuked. And such as did with stand them, are commended aboue the rest. August.

11. Isidorus hath these wordes. Let temporal princes know, that they must render accōpt to God for the church, which they haue at the hands of God to gouerne &c.

12. The case of Archadius, Theodosius, Dauid, & of this king (as touching this mater) hath no similitude. In them was murder: This king doeth nothing, but claime that which is his due. And though by the spiritual sword those kings were resisted: yet it argueth not therefore, that the persons of them which haue the vse of the spirituall sword, are aboue the persons of them which haue the temporall sworde.

Besides these letters of the Archbyshoppe sent to the king, the Pope also in the same cause wryteth to the king, beginning after this sort: ‘Alexander Papa ad Henricum regé. Et naturali ratione, & forma iuris dictante, prouidentiam tuam credimus, edoctam fuisse, quòd quanto quis ab aliquo maiora suscepisse dignoscitur, tanto ei obnoxior & magis obligatus tenetur. &c.’ The whole tenour of the letter as [...] wrote it to the king I would heere expresse, but for treating of the time & straightnesse of rowme, hauing so many things els in this storie (by the grace of Christ) to be comprehended. But the letter tendeth to this effect: to exhort and charge the king to shew fauour to Thomas Becket. Where, in the processe of the Epistle, it followeth in these wordes: ‘Ea propter seueritatem tuam per Apostolica scripta rogamus, monemus, & exhortamur in domino: nec non in remessionem peccatorum ex parte dei omnipotentis, & beati Petri principis Apostolorum antoritate nostra iniungimus, vt memoratum Archiepiscopum pro deo & ecclesia sua & honore tuo, nec non & totius regni tui in gratiam & fauorem tuum recipias. &c.’ That is: therfore we desire you, monish and exhort your honor by these our Apostolical wrytings, and also enioyne you vpō the remission of your sinnes, in the behalfe of almighty God, and of S. Peter Prince of the Apostles, by our authoritie, that you will receiue againe the foresayde Archb. into your fauour and grace, for the honour of God, his Church, and of your owne Realme, &c. Thus you heard the Popes intreating letter: nowe here is an other letter sent vnto the foresaid king, wherein he doth manace him, as in the tenor thereof here followeth.

Bishop Alexander, seruant of the seruants of God, to king Henry king of England, health and blessing Apostolicall.

HOw fatherly and gently we haue oft times entreated and exhorted both by Legates and letters your princely honour, to be reconciled againe with our reuerend brother Thomas Archb. of Cant. so that he and his may be restored againe to their Churches and othe [...] possessions to them appertaining: your wisdome is not ignorant, seeing it is notified and spred almost throughout all Christendome. For so much therefore, as hetherto we coulde not preuaile with you, neither moue nor stirre your minde with faire and gentle wordes: it lamenteth vs not a little, so to be frustrate and deceiued of the hope and expectation which we had conceiued of you. Especially seing we loue you so dearely, as our owne dearely beloued sonne in the Lorde, and vnderstanding so great ieopardie to hang ouer you.

But forasmuch as it written, Cry out and cease not, lift vp thy voice like a trumpe, and declare to my people their wickednesse, and their sinnes to the house of Iacob. Also for as much as it is in Salomon commaunded, that the sluggish person should be stoned with the dung of Oxen: we haue thought good therefore, not to forbeare or supporte your stubburnes any longer against iustice and saluation. Neither that the mouth of the foresaid Archbishop shoulde be stopped from hencefoorth any more: but that he may freely prosecute the charge of his office and duetie, to reuenge with the sworde of Ecclesiasticall discipline, the iniuries both of himselfe, and of his Church committed to his charge.

And here I haue sent vnto you two Legates, Petrus de ponte dei, and Bernardus de Corilio, to admonish you of the same. But if ye wil neither by vs be aduertised, nor geue eare to them in obeying: it is to be feared (doubtles) least such things as they shall declare to you from vs in our behalfe, may happen & fal vpon you.

Datch at Beneuent, the 9. day before the kalends of Iune.

To aunswer these letters againe: there was an other certain wryting drawne out & directed to the Pope, made by some of the Clergy, as it seemeth: but not without consent of the king, as by the title may appeare, inueying and disprouing the misbehauior of the Archbishop. The tenor whereof here followeth, and beginneth thus.

An answere to the Pope.

TIme nowe requireth more to seeke helpe then to make complaints.Answers the Popes letter. For so it is nowe that the holy mother Churche (our sinnes deseruing the same) lieth in a dangerous case of great decay, which is like to ensue, except the present mercy of the Lord support her.

Such is the wickednes now of schismatikes:Frede [...]ike falsly compared to Pharao, but this was [...] clawe the pope with [...] that the father of fathers Pope Alexander (for the defence of his faith, and for the loue of righteousnes) is banished out of his countrey: not able to keepe free residence in his owne proper see, by reason of the indurat [...] heart of Fredericke the Pharao.

Farther and besides, the Church also of Canterburie is miserably impaired and blemished, as well in the spirituall as in the temporall estate: much like vnto the ship in the Sea, being destitute of their guide, to fled in the floudes, and wrasteling wi [...]h the windes, while the pastor being absent from his prouince d [...]re not there remain through the power of the king. Who being ouer wise (to the ieoperdie both of himselfe, his Churche, and vs also) hath brought and intangled vs likewise with himselfe in the same partaking of his punishments and labours: not considering howe we ought to forbeare, and not to resist superior powers And also sheweth himselfe to vs vnkinde, which with al our affections bear the burden with him of his afflictions, not ceasing yet to persecute vs which stand in the same condemnation with him. For betwixt him, and our soueraigne prince, king of Englande, arose a certaine matter of contention: wherupon they were both agreed that a day shoulde be appoynted, to haue the controuersie discussed by equitie and iustice.

The day being come, the king commaunded all the Archbyshops, Bishops, and other prelates of the Church to be called, in a great and solemne frequencie: so that the greater and more generall this councell was, the more manifest the detection of this stubburne malice should appeare and be espied.

At the day therefore aboue mentioned, this troubler of the realme and of the Church presenteth himselfe in the sight of our Catholicke king: who not trusting the qualitie and condition of his cause, armeth him with the armour of the crosse, as one which should be brought to the presence of a tyrant. By reason whereof, the kings maiestie, being something agreeued (yet because hee would be deliuered from all suspition) committeth the matter to the hearing of the Bishops. This done, it rested in the bishops to decide and cease this contention, and to set agreement betweene them, remouing all occasion of dissention Which thing they going about: commeth in this foresayd Archbishop, forbidding and commaunding, that no man proceede in any sentence of hym before the king.

This being signified to the kings hearing, his minde was greuously prouoked thereby to anger: whose anger yet notwithstā ding had bene easily swaged, if the other woulde haue submitted himselfe, and acknowledged his default. But he adding stubburnnesse to his trespasse, through the quantitie and greatnesse of his excesse, was the author of his owne punishment: which nowe by the law ciuill he sustaineth, and yet shameth to craue pardone for his desert,Becket a stubburne trespasser, Ergo no martyr. at the kings hande whose anger he feared not to sturre vp, in such a troublesome time of the persecution of the Church, greatly against the profite of the same: augmenting & increasing therby the persecution which now the Church lieth vnder. Much [Page] better it had bene for him to haue tempered himself with the bridle of moderation, in the high estate of his dignitie: least in exceeding too farre, in straining the straite poyntes of things by ouer much presumption (peraduenture through his presumption being not in meane and tollerable things) might fall from higher. And if the detriments of the Church woulde not moue him: yet the gre [...]t benefits and preforments of riches, and honours ought to perswade him, not to be so stubburn against the king. But here peraduēture his friend and our aduersary wil obiect: that his bearing and submitting to the king in this behalfe, were preiudiciall against the authority and sea Apostolical: as though he did not or might not vnderstand that although the dignity of the Church, should suffer a little detriment in that iudgement: yet he might & ought to haue dissimuled (for the time) to obtaine peace into the Church. He will obiect againe, alleaging the name of father, that it soundeth like a poynt of arrogancie, for children to procede in iudgement of cōdemnation against the father: which thing is not conuenient. But he must vnderstand againe: that it was necessary that the obedience and humilitie of the children shoulde temper the pride of the father: least afterwarde, the hatred of the father might redounde vpon the children. Wherefore, of these promises your fatherhoode may vnderstand: that the action of this our aduersary ought to fall downe (as void and of none effect) who only vpon the affection of malice hath proceeded thus against vs, hauing no iust cause nor reason to ground vpon.

And forsomuch as the care and charge of all churches (as ye [...] knowe) lieth vpon vs: it standeth vs vpon, to prouide concerning the state of the Churche of Canterbury, by our diligence and circumspection: so that the sayd Church of Canterbury through the excesse of his pastor, be not driuen to ruine or decay.

By this Epistle it may appeare to the Reader therof: that Becket (being absent from Englande) went about to worke some trouble against certaine of the Clergy and of the laitie (belike) in excommunicating such as he tooke to be his euill willers.

Now to vnderstand further what his working was, or who they were whom he did excommunicate: this letter (sent to William Bishop of Norwitch) shall better declare the matter.

A letter of Becket to the B. of Norwitch.

A letter of Becket to the byshop of NorwychHE bindeth himselfe to the penalty of the crime, whosoeuer receiuing power and authoritie of God, vseth and exerciseth not the same with due seueritie, in punishing vice: but (wincking & di [...]simuling) doth minister boldnesse to wicked doers, maintaining them in their sinne. For the bloud of the wicked is required at the hand of the Priest, which is negligent or dissembleth. And as the Scripture sayth, thornes and brambles grow in the handes of the idle dronkard. Wherfore, least (through our too much sufferance and dissembling) the transgressions of manifest euil doers should also be laid to our charge, and redound to the destruction of the Church through our giltie silence: We therfore (following the authoritie of the Popes commaundement) haue laid our sentence of curse & excommunication, vpon the Earle Hugo: commaunding you throughout all your Diocesse publickely to denounce the sayde Earle as accursed: so that (according to the discipline of the Church) he be sequestred from the fellowship of all faithfull people. Also, it is not vnknowen to your brotherhoode, how long we haue borne with the transgressions of the Bishop of London. Who (amongest other his factes) I would to God were not a great doer and fautor of this schisme, and subuerter of the right and liberties of holy Church.The Bishop of London excommunicated. This Bishop was excommunicated because he set in the Deane of Salesbury without the licence of him being then beyōde the seas. Wherefore, we (being supported with the authoritie of the Apostolicke sea) haue also excommunicated him, besides also the Bishop of Salesbury, because of his disobedience and contempt: and others likewise (vpon diuers and sundrie causes) whose names here followe subscribed. Hugo Bernardes sonne, Radolph of Brocke, Robert of Brocke a clearke, Hugode of S Cleare, and Letardus a clearke of Northfolke, Nigellus of Scacauil, and Richard Chapleine, William of Hasting, and the Frier which possesseth my Church of Monchote. We therfore, charge and commaunde you by the authoritie Apostolicall and ours, and in the vertue of obedience, and in the perill of saluation, and of your order: that yee cause these openly to be proclaimed excommunicate, throughout all your Diocesse, and to command all the faithful to auoide their companie. Fare ye wel in the Lord. Let not your heart be troubled, nor feare: for we stande sure thorough the assistance of the Apostolike sea (God being oure borowe) against the pretensed shiftes of the malignant sorte, and against all their appellations. Furthermore, all such as haue bene solemnely cited of vs: shall sustaine the like sentence of excommunication (if God will) in the Ascension day: vnlesse they shall otherwise agree with me. That is to witte: Geffray Archdeacon of Canterburie and Robert his vicare, Rice of Wilcester, Richard of Lucie, William Gifferd, Adam of Cheringes, with suche other moe: which eyther at the commaundement of the king, or vppon their own proper temeritie, haue inuaded the goods and possessions either appertaining to vs, or to our clearkes about vs. With these also we doe excommunicate all suche as be knowen eyther with aide or counsel, to haue incensed or set forward the proceeding of our king against the liberties of the Churche, and exiling of the innocents. And such also as be knowen to Impeche or let by any maner of way the messengers (sent either from the Pope, or from vs) for the necessities of the Churche. Fare you well againe and euer.

Hetherto hast thou seene (gentle reader) diuers & sundry letters of Thomas Becket, whereby thou maist collect a sufficient historie of his doings & demeanor (though nothing els were said further of him) concerning his lusty and hauty stomack, aboue that beseemed either his degree or cause which he tooke in hand. And here peraduenture I may seme in the story of this one man to tary t [...]o long, hauing to write of so many others better then it: yet for the weaker sort (which haue coūted him, and yet do count him for a Saint, hauing in themselues little vnderstanding to iudge or discerne in the causes of men) I thought to adde this letter more, wherein he complaineth of his king to a forreine power: doing what in him did lie, to stirre for hys owne cause mortall warre to the destruction of many. For suppose wrong had bene offred him of his Prince: was it not inough for him to flie? What cause had he for his owne priuate reuēge, to set potentates in publike discord? Now hauing no iust cause but rather offering iniurie in a false quarell, so to complaine of his prince: what is to be said of this, let euery man iudge, which seeth this letter.

¶ An Epistle of Thomas Archbyshop of Canterburie to Pope Alexander.

A Mantissimo patri & D. Alexandro,A s [...]ditious complaint of Becket to the pope against his king. Dei gratia summo pont. Thomas Cant. Ecclesiae humilis minister, debitam & deuotam obedientiam.

In English thus.

To our most louing father and Lord, Alexander by the grace of God bishop: Thomas the humble minister and seruaunt of the Church of Canterburie due & reuerend obedience. Long inough and too long most louing father haue I forborne, still loking after amendement of the king of England. But no fruite haue I reaped of this my long patience: Nay rather, whilest that vnwisely I doe thus forbeare: I augment and procure the detriment and diminishing of my authoritie, as also of the Church of God. For oftentimes haue I by deuout and religious messengers, inuited him to make condigne satisfaction, as also by my letters (the Copies whereof I haue sent you) intimate and pronounced, Gods seueritie and vengeaunce against him, vnlesse he repent and amende. But he (that notwithstanding) groweth from euill to worse: oppressing and conculcating the Church and sanctuarie of God: persecuting both me & those which take part with me: In somuch that with fearefull threatning woordes his purpose is to terrifie such, as (for Gods cause and mine owne) seeke any way to relieue and help me. He wrote also his letters vnto the Abbot of the Cistercian order, that as hee fauoured the Abbacie of that his order (which was in his power sayde he) he would not accept me into the fellowship thereof, nor doe any thing els for me. What should I vse many woordes? So much hath the rigour and seueritie as well of the king as of his officers, vnder our patience and sufferaunce shewed it selfe: that if a great number of men yea and that of the most religious sort, should shewe vnto you the matter as it is in deede (and that vpon their othe taken) I partly doubt whether your holinesse woulde geue credite vnto them or not With heauinesse of minde therefore I considering these things, and beholding as well the pearill of the king as of our selfe, haue publiquely condemned not onely those pernitious customes: but all those peruersities and wicked doings wherby the church of England is disturbed and brought to confusion: as also the wryting whereby they were confirmed: Excommunicating generally as well the obseruers and exactours thereof, as also the inuentours and patrones of the same, with their fauourers, counsailours, and coadiutors whatsoeuer,Godly articles condemned by Becket. either of the clergie or laitie: absoluing also, our Bishops from their othe, whereby they were so straightly inioyned to the obseruation of the same. These are the Articles which in that wryting I haue principally condemned. First that 1 it is inhibited to appeale vnto the sea Apostolicall, for any cause but by the kings licence. That a bishop may not punish any man 2 for periurie or for breaking of his troth. That a bishop may not 3 excommunicate any man that holdeth of the king in capite, or 4 els to interdicte either their land or offices without the kings licence.5 That Clerkes and religious men may be taken from vs to 6 secular iudgement. That the king or any other iudge may heare and decide the causes of the church and tithes. That it shal not be lawfull for any Archbishop or bishop to goe out of the realme, and to come at the Popes call without the kings licence: and diuers [Page] others such as these. Namely also I haue excommunicated Iohn of Oxenforde, who hath communicated with the schismaticke and excommunicate persone (Reginalde Coloniensis) the which also contrary to the commandement of the Lord Pope & ours, hath vsurped the Deanrie of the Church of Salisb [...]: and hath (to renew his schisme) taken an oth in the Emperors court. Also I haue denoūced & excommunicate Richard of Worceter, because he is falne into the same damnable heresie, and cōmunicated with that famous schismatike of Colen: deuising & forging al mischiefe possible, with the schismatikes and Flemings to the destruction of the church of God, & especially of the Church of Rome, by composition made betweene the king of England and them. Also Richard de Lucy, and Ioceline de Baliol, which haue furthered the fauourers of the kings tiranny and workers of their heresies. Also Ranulphe de Broe; and Hugo de Sancto Glaro, and Thomas the sonne of Bernard which haue vsurped the possessiōs and goods of the Church of Canterbury without our licence & consent. We haue also excommunicated all those which without our licence do stretch out their hāds to the possessions & goods of the church of Caunterburie. The king himselfe we haue not yet excommunicated personally: still waiting for his amendement: whome (notwithstanding) we will not defer to excommunicate: vnlesse he quickly amende and be warned by that he hath done. And therefore that the authoritie of the sea Apostolike, and the libertie of the Church of God (which in these partes are almost vtterly lost) may be by some meanes restored: it is meete and very necessary that what we herein haue done, the same be of your holinesse ratified and by your letters confirmed. Thus I wish your holinesse long to prosper and flourish.

By this Epistle, hee that listeth to vnderstande of the doings & quarels of Becket, may partly iudge what is to be thought thereof. Which his doings, although in some part may be imputed either to ignorāce of mind, Becket reprehē ded for complayning of his king. or blindnes of zeale, or humain fragilitie: yet in this point (so vilely to complaine of his naturall Prince, for the zeale of the Pope) hee can by no wise be defended. But such was the blindnesse then of the prelates in those daies, who measured and estemed the dignity and liberty of Christes church by no other thing, then only by goods and possessions flowing and abounding in the clergy: and thought no greater point of religion to be in the church then to maintaine the same. Excommunication abused in priuate reuenge about lands and possessions. For the which cause they did most abhominably abuse christian discipline & excommunication of the church at that time: as by this foresaid Epistle may appeare. And what maruaile if the acts and doings of this Archb. seeme now to vs in these daies both fond and strange: seeing the suffraganes of his owne church & clergy wryting to him: could not but reprehend him, as in this their Epistle tranflated out of Latin into English may be seene.

An effectuall and pithie letter, full of reason and perswasion, sent from all the Suffraganes of the Church of Cant to T. Becket their Archb.

QVa Vertro (pater) in longinquo discessu inopinata rei ipsias no [...]itate turbata sunt: Vestra sperabamus humilitate. &c.

In English thus.

The letters of the Byshops to Becket.Suche trouble and perturbations as happened through the strangenesse of your departure out of the Realme: we hoped by your humilitie and prudence shoulde haue bene reduced againe (Gods grace working with al) into a peaceable tranquillity. And it was no litle ioy to vs, to heare so of you in those partes where you are conuersant, howe humbly you there behaued your selfe, nothing vaunsing your selfe against your prince and king: and to attempt no risings of wrastlings against his kingdome: but that you bare with much patience the burden of pouertie, and gaue your selfe to reading and praier, and to redeme the losse of your time spent, with fasting, watchings, and teares: and so being occupied with spiritual studies, to tend and rise vp to the perfection of vertue, &c. But now through the secrete relation of certaine, wee heare (that wee are sorie of) that you haue sent vnto him a threatning letter, wherein there is no salutation premised: In the which also, ye pretende no intreating nor prayers for the obtaining of fauour, neither doe vse any friendly maner in declaring what you write: but manasing with much austeritie, threaten to interdict him, & to cut him frō the society of the churche. Which thing if you shall accomplish, with like seueritie as in wordes ye threaten to doe, you shall not onely put vs out of all hope of any peace, but also put vs in feare of hatred and discord without measure, and without all redresse amongest vs. But wisedome will consider before, the ende of things: labouring and endeuouring to finish that which shee wisely beginneth. Therfore your discretion shall doe wel diligently to forecast and consider whereto ye tend, & what end may ensue therof, & where about ye go. Certes we (for our parts) hearing that we do heare, are discouraged from that we hoped for, which before hauing some good comfort of tranquilitie to come, are cast from hope to dispaire: so that while one is drawen thus against an other, almost there is no hope not place left to make entreaty or supplication. Wherfore, writing to your fatherhoode, we exhort and counsel you by way of charitie, that you adde not trouble to trouble, & heape iniury vpon iniury. But so to behaue your selfe, that al manasses set aside, ye rather geue your selfe to patience and humilitie, & to yeld your cause to the clemency of God & to the mercy of your Prince: which in so doing shall heap coales of charity vpon the heads of many. Thus charity shalbe kindled, & that which manasings can not doe (by Gods help and good mens counsel) pitie peraduenture & godlines shall obtaine. Better it were to sustaine pouertie with prayse, then in great promotions to be a common note to all men. It is right well knowen vnto all men, howe beneficiall the king hath ben vnto you, from what basenes to what dignity he hath aduanced you, & also into his owne familiaritie hath so much preferred you, that from the North Ocean, to the mount Perineus he hath subdued all things to your authoritie: in so much that they were amongst all other accounted for men right fortunate, whosoeuer coulde finde any fauour with you.

And furthermore, least that your estimation should be ouermatched by any nobilitie: he (against the minde of his mother, and of his realme) hath placed and ratified you substantially in ecclesiasticall dignitie, and aduaunced in this honour wherein ye stand: trusting through your helpe and counsaile to reigne more safely and prosperously. Now, if he shall finde disquietnes, wherin he trusted to haue quietnes: what shall al men say or think of you? What recompence or retribution shall this be thought to be for so many and great benefits taken? Therefore (if it shal please you) ye shall do wel to fauor and spare your fame & estimation and to ouercome your lord and soueraigne with humilitie and charitie. Whereunto, if our aduertisement cannot moue you, yet the loue and fidelitie you beare to the bishop and holy churche of Rome, ought to incline you therunto, & not to attempt any such thing, wherby the troubles of the church our mother may encrease: or wherby her dolor may be augmented in the losse of them; whose disobedience nowe she doeth bewaile. For, what if it so happen through prouocatiō, that the king (whom all his subiects & kingdoms obey) should relinquish the Pope, which God forbid: and should deny all obedience to him, as he denieth to the king helpe or aide against you: what inconuenience would growe thereof? And thinke you, hee hath not great instigations, supplications, gifts, and many faire promises so to do? Yet he (notwithstanding) abideth firme hetherto in the rocke, despising with a valiāt minde all that the worlde can offer. This one thing feareth vs, least his minde (whome no wordly offers can assaile: no glory, riches, nor treasure can ouerturne) only through indignation of vnkindnes, be subuerted. Which thing if it chaunce to happen through you, then may you sit downe and sing the song of lamentation of Ieremie, and weepe your belly full.

Consider therefore (if it shal please you) and foresee well with your selfe, this purpose of yours (if it proceede) how hurtfull and perillous it wil be: not only to the Pope, & to the holy church of Rome, but also to your selfe most especially. But some peraduenture about you (of hauty and high minded stoutnes, more stoute percase thē wise) wil not suffer you to take this way: but wil giue you contrary counsaile to proue rather and declare what yee are able to do against your Lord and Prince, and to practise agaynst him and al his, the vttermost of your power and authority: which power and authoritie of yours (to him that offendeth) is fearfull: and to him that will not amende, terrible. Such counsell as this, some peraduenture wil whisper in your eare. But to these againe, this we say and answer for our king, whome notwithstanding to be without fault, we doe not affirme. But yet alwaies that hee is ready to amend and make satisfaction, that we speake confidently and protest in his behalfe.

The king (appoynted for the Lords annoynted) prouideth for the peace of his subiectes all that he is able: and therefore, to the intent he may conserue this peace in his Churches and amongst his subiects committed to him: he willeth and requireth such ordinances due to kings, and exhibited to them before time, also to be exhibited to him.The cōmendation of K. Henry 2. [...] his meekenes and moderation. Wherein, if there hath any contradiction sprong betwixt him and vs, he (being thereupon conuented and admonished from the Pope by the reuerende Bishops of London & Herf.) brast not out in any defiance: but meekely & humbly answered, that wherin soeuer the church or any ecclesiastical persō can shew himself grieued, he wold therin stād to the iudgemēt of the church of his kingdom Which also, he is ready no les to perform in dede: thinking nothing more swete vnto him then to be admonished of his fault (if he haue offended the Lord,) and to reforme the same: and not only to reforme and amend his fault, but also to satisfy it to the vttermost, if the law shall so require him. Wherfore, seing he is so willing to recōpēce & satisfy the iudgemēt of the church in al things appertaining to the church: refusing no order that shalbe takē, but in al thīgs submitting his neck to the yoke of Christ: with what right, by what canon or reason can you interdict him, or vse excommunication against him? It is a thing laudable & a vertue of great cōmendation in wise men: [Page] wisely to goe with iudgement and reason, and not to be caried with puffes of hasty violence. Whereupon this is the onely and common petition of vs all: that your fatherly care will diligently prouide for your flocke and sheepe committed to you: so that they miscary not, or runne to any ruine through any inconsiderate, or to much heady counsell in you: but rather through your softnes and sufferance, they may obtayne life, peace and security. It doth moue vs all, that we heare of late to be done by you agaynst the Byshop of Salisbury, & the Deane of the same church, (prosperously) as some men suppose, against whom you haue geuen out the sentence of excommunication and condemnation, before any question of their crime was: following therein (as seemeth) more the heat of hastynesse, then the path of righteousnesse. This is a new order of iudgement (vnheard of yet to this day in our lawes and canons) first to condemne a man, and then to enquire after of the fact committed. Which order, least ye should hereafter attempt to exercise in like maner agaynst our soueraigne and king, or agaynst vs and our Churches and Parishes committed to vs, to the detriment of the Pope, and the holy church of Rome, and to the no little confusion of vs all: therefore we lay here agaynst you for our selues, the remedy of appellation. And as before, openly in the publicke face of the Church with liuely voyce, we appealed to the Pope for feare of certayne perils that might haue happened: So now agayn in writing, we appeale to the same, assigning the terme of our appellation, the day of the Lordes Ascention. Most humbly and reuerently beseching your goodnesse, that you (taking a better way with you in this matter) will let your cause fall: sparing herein both the labours and charges as well of your selfe, as ours also. And thus we wish you right well to fare (reuerend) in the Lord.

The rescript or aunswere agayne of Thomas Becket, to all his suffraganes, not obeying, but confuting their counsayle sent.

FRaternitatis Gestra scriptum, (quod tamen prudentia Gestra cō muni consilio non facilè credimus emanasse) nuper ex insperat [...] suscepimus. &c.

Your brotherly letters sent (albeit not by the whole assent of your wisedomes written, (as I suppose) of late I receiued vpon a sodayne: the contentes whereof, seeme to contayne more sharpenesse then solace. And would to God they proceeded more of sincere zeale, of godliness, or affection of charity: then of disobedience or froward wilfulnesse. For charity seketh not the thinges that be his owne, but which appertayne to Iesus Christ. It had bene your duety (if there be truth in the Gospel, as most vndoubtedly there is) and if you would faythfully haue accomplished his busines, whose person you represent: rather to haue feared him, which can cast both body and soule to hell: then him, whose power extendeth no further then to the body, rather to haue obeyed God then man: rather your Father then your Maister or Lord: after the example of him who was to his Father obedient vnto the death. Which dyed for vs, leauing vs example to follow hys steps. Let vs dye therefore with him, and lay downe our liues for the deliueraunce of his Church, out of the yoke of bondage and tribulation of the oppressor: which Church he hath founded, and whose libertye he hath procured,Scripture in wordes rightly aledged but falsly applyed. with his owne proper bloud: Least if we shall do otherwise, it may happely fall vpon vs, whiche is written in the Gospell: Who so loueth his owne life more then me, is not worthy of me. This ye ought to know, that if it be right which your captayne commaundeth: your duety requireth to obey his will: if not, ye ought then, rather to obey God then men.

I deny your Minor, M. Becket.One thing I will say (if I may be so bolde to tell it vnto you) I haue now suffered and abstayned a long space, wayting if the Lord had geuen you to take a better hart vnto you, which haue turned away cowardly your backes in the day of battayle: or if any of you would haue returned againe to stand like a wall for the house of Israel: at least if he had but shewed himselfe in the field, making but the countenaunce of a warrier agaynst them, which cease not dayly to infest the Lambe of God. I wayted and none came: I suffered, and none rose vp: I held my peace & none would speake: I dissembled and none would stand with me in like semblance Wherefore seing I see no better towardnesse in you: thys remayneth onely, to enter action of complaynt agaynst you, and to cry agaynst mine enemies. Rise vp (O Lord) and iudge my cause, reuenge the bloud of the church which is wasted and oppressed.The church of Christ cā not be ouerthrowen: Ergo, Bec. ought not to be resisted. The pride of them which hate his libertye, riseth vp euer: neyther is there any that doth good, no not one. Woulde God (brethren beloued) there were in you any minde or affection to defend the libertye of the Churche: for she is builded vpon a sure rocke, that although she be shaken, yet she can not be ouerthrowne. And why then seek ye to confoūd me? Nay rather, your selues in me, then me in you? A man which hath taken vpon me all the peril, haue sustained all the rebukes, haue sustained all the iniuries, haue suffered also for you all, to the very banishment.

And so it was expedient one to suffer for that Church, that thereby it might be released out of seruitude. These thinges discusse you simply with your selues and weigh the matter.Seruitude and libertie of the Church wrongfully defined. The wordes of holy scripture clarkely applyed Attend I say dilligently in your mindes for your partes: that God for his part remouing from your eies, all maiesty of rule and impery (as he is no accepter of persons) may take from your hartes the veile, that ye may vnderstand and see what ye haue done, what ye entend to do, and what ye ought to do. Tell me which of you all can say I haue taken from him since the time of my promotion, either Oxe or Asse: if I haue defrauded him of any peny: If I haue misiudged the cause of any man wrōgfully: Or if by the detrimēt of any person I haue sought my owne gaine, let him complayn & I will restore him fourefolde. And if I haue not offēded you, what then is the cause that ye thus leaue and forsake me in the cause of God?

Why bend ye so your selues agaynst me in such a cause, that there is none more speciall belonging to the Church?

Turne to thee? Nay turne thou to the Lord and thou shalt be saued.Brethren seeke not to confound your selues and the church of God (so much as in you is) but turne to me & you shalbe safe.

For the Lord sayth, I will not the death of a sinner, but rather he should conuert and liue. Stand with me manfully in the warre take your armour and your shield to defend me. Take the sword of the word of the mighty God, that we altogether may withstand more valiauntly the malignant enemies,The soule of the Church is the libertie of the Church Faith Becket. such as goe about to take away the soule of the church, which is her liberty: without which liberty, she hath no power agaynst them that seeke to incroche to their inheritaunce, the possession of Gods sanctuary. If ye will heare and follow me, know ye that the Lord will be with you, and with vs all in the defence of the libertye of his church. Otherwise if ye will not, the Lord iudge betwixt me and you, and require the confusion of his Church at your handes. Which church (whether the world will or no) standeth firmely in the word of the Lord, whereupon she is builded, and euer shall till the houre come that she shall passe from this world to the Father. For the Lord euer doth support her with his hand.

Wherefore, to returne to the matter: brethren remember well with your selues (which thing ye ought not to forget) what daunger I was brought vnto,Vnbeseeming wordes of high presumption. and the Church of God also while I was in England: at my departing out of England, and after my departure from thence: also in what daunger it standeth at thys present day: But especially at that time, when as at Northampton Christ was iudged agayne in my person, before the iudgement seat of the high president.Christ is not iudged in the persons of any traytor. Who euer heard the Archb. of Canterbury (being troubled for iniuries done to him and to his church, and appealing to the Pope of Rome to be iudged, condemned appealed and put to his sureties, and that of his owne suffraganes? Where is this law seene or the authority (nay rather peruersity) of this Canon heard of? And why yet shame ye not at this your enormity? Why are ye not confounded? Or why doth not this confusion worke in you repentaunce, and repentance driue you to due satisfaction before God and men? For these and suche other iniuries done to God and to his church, and to me for gods cause (which with a good conscience I ought to suffer,Cōscience made where is none. because that without daunger of soule I ought not to dissemble them) I choose rather to absent my selfe for a season, and to dwell quietly in the house of my Lord, then in the tabernacle of sinners: vntill the time that (their iniquity be complete) the hartes of the wicked and the congitations of the same shalbe opened. And these iniuries were the cause both of my appeale from the king, and of my departure from thence, which ye terme to be sodaine. But if ye will speake the truth which ye know, it ought no lesse then to be sodaine: least (being foreknowne) it might haue bene preuented and stopped. And as God turned the matter it happened for the best, both for the honor of the king ard better safety of them, which (seeking my harme) should haue brought slaunder to the king.But he leaueth out here the ma [...]r of his comming to the court and the sturdines of his behauiour. If such troubles followed vpon my departing as ye say, let them be imputed to him which gaue cause: the fault is in the worker, not in the departer: in him that pursueth, not in him that auoydeth iniuries: what would ye more? I presented my selfe to the court, declaring both the causes of my comming and of my appeale: declaring also the wronges and iniuries done to me & to my Church, and yet could haue no aūswere: neither was there any that layd any thing agaynst me, before we came to the king. Thus while we stood wayting in the court, whether any would come agaynst me or not, they sent to my officials: charging them not to obey me in my temporalities, nor to owe any seruice to me, or to any of mine. After my appellation made in the Court: my Church was spoyled: we (and they about vs) depriued of our goods: out [...]awed both of the Clergy, and of the layty, men, women, and infantes: the goods of the Church (that is, the patrimony of the crucifix) confiscate: and part of the mony turned to the kinges vse, part to your owne cofers. Brother Byshop of London, if this be true that we here of you: and that to the vse of your owne Churche, ye conuert this money: we charge you and require you forthwith by vertue of obedience: that within fourtye dayes after the sight of these letters (all delaye and excuse set a [...]ide) ye restore agayne within the time aforesayd: all suche gooddes and percelles as you haue taken away. For it is vnmeete and contrarye to all lawe, one Churche to be enriched [Page] with the spoil of an other church. If ye stand vpon the authoritie that set you a worke: you must vnderstand, that (in matters concerning the church goods) he can geue no lawfull autoritie, which committeth violent iniurie &c.

Becket seemeth here more skilfull of his masse booke then of the booke of holy scripture, either els hee might see it no new thing in the old law for kings to depriue priestes, and to place whom they would. Kings in the old law did not intermedle with the Priestes office in some thinges that were forbidden: But yet kinges were officers ouer priestes to correct them when they did amisse. If ye meane of Acha [...], and Oze in the old testament, then we denie your Minor.What authoritie, and what scripture geueth this prerogatiue to Princēs vpon Church goodes, which you would attribute to them? What? will they lay for them the remedie of appeale? God forbid It were euill with the Church of God, if when the sacrilegious extorcioner hath violently inuaded other mennes goodes (especially the goods of the church) he shoulde after defend him with the title of appeale &c.

Doe not brethren, so confounde altogether the right of the Church and of the temporall regiment: For these two are muche differēt, one borowing his authority of the other. Read the scriptures, and ye shall finde what and how many kings haue perished for taking vpon them the priestly office. Therefore, let your discretion prouide: least for this your doing, Gods punishmēt light vpon you: which if it come, it will be hard for you very easely to escape. Prouide also and see to your king, whose fauour ye prefer before the wealth & profit of the Church: least if it happen (which God forbid) that he doth perish with all his house, after the example of them, which for the like crime were plagued. And if yee cease not off from that ye begin: with what conscience can I dissemble or forbeare, but must nedes punish you? let him dissemble with you who list (hauing authoritie so to doe, truely I will not) there shalbe no dissimulation found in me. And where you write in your letters, cōcerning my promotion, that it was against the voice of the whole realme, & that the church did reclaime against it: What should I say to you, but that ye knowe right well: the lie which the mouth doeth willingly speake, killeth the soule: but especially the wordes of a Priestes mouth ought euer to goe with verity. As touching this matter, I appeale to your own cōsciēce, whether the forme of my election stoode not fully with the consent of them all to whome the election belonged: hauing also the assent of the prince by his sonne, & of them which were sent therto. And if there were some that repugned the same, hee that was troubled and is giltie, let him speake.

Ye say moreouer, that I was exalted and promoted from a base and lowe degree, to this dignity by him. I graunt that I came of no royall or kingly bloud: yet notwithstanding, I had rather be in the number of them whome the vertue of the minde, then of birth maketh noble. Peraduenture I was borne in a pore cotage: of poore parentage, and yet through Gods clemencie, which knoweth howe to worke mercie with his seruants, and which cherisheth the humble and low things, to confound the hie and mightie: in this my poore and lowe estate, before I came to the Kings seruice, I had aboundantly and wealthely to liue withall (as yee know) amongst my neighbours and frends. And Dauid euen from the shepefold,They be the successours and sonnes of [...]aints, not that holde the places of sainctes. but that doe the workes of saints. Hierom. was taken vp and made a king. Peter of a fisher was made a prince of the church: who for his bloud being shedde for the name of Christ, deserued to haue in heauen a crowne, and in earth name & renowne: would to God we could do the like. We be the successors of Peter, and not of Kings and Emperors.

And where ye seeme to charge me (by insinuation) wyth the blot of ingratitude. This I answere: there is no offence capitall or infamous, vnlesse it proceede from the heart and intention. As if a man commit a murther vnwillingly (although he be called a murtherer) yet he is not thereby punishable: And so, although I owe my duetie & seruice with reuerence to my king: yet if I haue forborne him as my Lorde, if I haue warned him, and talked with him fatherly and gently as with a sonne, and in talking with him could not be heard: If therefore (I say) being enforced thereunto, and against my wil, doe exercise vpon him the censure of due seueritie: in so doing (I suppose) I make rather with him, then against him, and rather deserue at his hande thanke for my correction, then note or suspicion of vnkindnesse or punishment for the fact. Sometimes a man against his will receiueth a benefite: as when necessitie causeth a mā to be restrained from doing that which he ought not: he that doth so restrain him (though he stop him) doeth not hurt him, but rather profiteth him for hys soules health.If the king had bene an adulterer or tyrant against the true doctrine or preaching of Christ, then might this reason serue, and God more to be obeyed then mā. Now where did Bec. learne, that the king in his temporall right was not to be obeyed? Take heede, ye marre all, and ye open that dore. An other thing that defendeth vs from ingratitude, is our father & patron Christ. Which, in that he is our father (to whome we as children owe obedience) then are we bounde as children by necessitie to obey his commaundement, in warning the euill doer: in correcting the disobedient: and in brideling the obstinate: which if we do not, we runne into danger to haue his bloud required at our hands. Ye set foorth likewise and shew, what losse we thereby may sustaine of our temporalties. But yee speake no worde of the losse of our soules.

Moreouer, as concerning the departure of the king from the homage of the Church of Rome (which in your letters ye seme to pretende, or rather threaten) God forbid I say, that the deuotion or faith of our king should euer swarue away from the obedience and reuerence of the church of Rome, for any temporal commoditie or incommoditie: which thing to doe is very damnable in any priuate subiect, much more in the prince which draweth many other with him: therefore, God forbid, that euer any faithfull man should once thinke so hainous a deede. And you according to your discretion take heede, left the wordes of your mouth infect any persone or persons therein: occasioning them by your wordes to such dangerous and damnable matter: like to the golden cup which is called the cup of Babylon, which for the outwarde golde no man will refuse to drinke of, but after they haue dronke thereof, they are poysoned.

And where ye lay to my charge for the suspending out of the reuerende father bishop of Salisburie, and for excommunicating of Iohn, Deane of the same Churche for a schismatike (by knowledge and processe had of the matter) to this I answere:This Iohn was called [...] schisma [...] because he tooke pa [...] with Reginald A [...]. of Colen & the Emperour against Alexander the Pope. That both these are iustly and condignely excommunicate, and if ye vnderstande perfectly the condition of the matter, and the right order of iudgements, yee will say no lesse. For this standeth with good authoritie (as ye know) that in manifest & notorious crimes, this knowledge and order of proceeding is not requisite. Perpende with your selues diligently, what the bishop of Salisburie did (cō cerning the Deanrie) after that he was prohibited of the Pope & of vs, vnder paine of excommunication: and then shall you better vnderstand (vpon so manifest disobedience) suspension did rightly followe: as ye read in the decree of S. Clement, saying: If they do not obey their Prelates,Clemen [...] decree. all maner of persons of what order so euer they be, whether they shall be Princes of high or lowe degree, and all other people: shall not onely be infamed, but also banished from the kingdome of God, and the fellowship of the faithfull. As concerning Iohn of Oxford, this we say: that excommunication commeth diuers wayes: Some are excommunicate, by the lawe denouncing them excōmunicate. Some by the sentence of the Prelate. Some by communicating with them which are excommunicate.Diuers [...] of excommunication. Nowe, he that hath fallen into this damnable heresie, in participating with schismatikes, whome the Pope hath excommunicate: he draweth to himselfe the spot and leprosie of like excommunication. Wherefore, seeing hee (contrary to the Popes expresse commaundement and ours, being charged vnder paine of excommunication to the contrary) tooke vpon him, the Deanrie of Salisburie: we haue denounced him, and holde hym excommunicate:The councel spea [...] of such which be worthely excommunicated. This Gregory other [...] called Hi [...] debrād, [...] he that [...] tooke away priestes mariage, condemning [...] priestes for fornicators which had wiues. and all his doings we disanull, by the authoritie of the viij. Synode, saying. If any man either priuely or apertly shall speake or communicate with him that is excommunicated, he draweth vnto himselfe the punishment of like excommunication. And nowe for so much as you (brother bishop of London) which ought to know that saying of Gregorie vij. if any bishoppe shal consent to the fornication of Priests, Deacons, &c. within his precinct: for reward, fauour, or peticion, or doth not by authoritie of his office correct the vice, let him be suspended from his office. And againe that saying of Pope Leo, which is this: If any bishop shall institute or consecrate such a priest as shall be vnmeete and vnconuenient: if he scape with the losse of his owne proper dignitie, yet he shall lose the power of instituting any more. &c.

Therefore, forsomuch I say, as you (knowing this) haue double wise offended against the sentence of these Canons: we commaunde you, and in the vertue of obedience enioyne you, that if it be so: within three monethes after the receite hereof, you will submit and offer your selfe to due correction and satisfaction to the counsell of our fellowbishops, for these your so great excesses: Least other (through your example) runne into the like offence, and we shall be constrained to proceede against you with seuerer sentence.

Finally (in the closing vp of your letter) where ye bring in for your appellation against me, a safegarde for you: which rather in deede is an hinderance to you: that we shoulde not proceede against the inuaders of the Churche goodes, nor against the King in like censure, as we haue done against the bishoppe of Salisburie (as yee say) and hys Deane. To this I aunswere, God forbidde that we haue, or els shoulde heereafter proceede or do any thing against the king or his lande, or against you or your Churches, inordinately or otherwise then is conuenient. But what if you shall exceede in the same or like transgression, as the Byshoppe of Salesburie hath done: thinke yee then your appellation shall helpe you from the discipline of our seueritie, that ye shall not be suspended? Marke yee diligently whether this be a lawful appeale, and what is the forme thereof. We knowe that euery one that appealeth, eyther doeth it in his owne name, or in the name of an other, if in hys owne name, either it is for some greeuance inferred alreadie, or els for that he feareth after to be inferred against him.Discussing of a true appellation. Concerning the first, I am sure there is no greuance that you can complaine of as yet (God be thanked) that you haue receiued at my hand, for the which you should appeale frō me: neither haue you (I trust) any cause speciall against me so to doe. If ye doe it for feare that is to come, least I shoulde trouble you and your Churches: consider whether this be the appeale which ought to suspende or stay our power and authoritie that we haue vppon you and your Churches. It is thought therefore, of wise men (and we also iudge no lesse) your appeale to be of no force.

First, for that it hath not the right forme of a perfect appellation, [Page] and also because it is not consonante to reason,The forme of a true appellation. and lacketh order and helpe of the lawe.

Furthermore, if your appellation be in an other mans name, either it is for the King (as moste like it is) or for some other. If it be for the king, than ye ought first to vnderstande, that appellations are woont to be made to repell, and not to inferre iniurie: or to release such as be oppressed, that they shoulde not be oppressed any more.

Wherefore, if any man shall enter any appellation (not trusting to the suretie of his cause, but to delay the time, that sentence be not geuen vpon him) that appellation is not to be receaued. For what state will there be of the Church, if the libertie therof being taken away: the goods of the Church spoyled: the bishops driuen from their places: or at least not receiued with full restitution of their goodes: the inuaders and spoylers therof, may defend themselues by appealing, thereby to saue themselues from the penalty of their desert?

What a ruine of the Church will this be? See what ye haue done, and what ye say. Be you no [...] the vicares of Christ, representing him in earth? Is it not your office to correcte and bridle ill doers, whereby they may cease to persecute the Church? And is it not inough for them to be fierce & to rage against the church, but that you should take their part, setting your selues against vs, to the destruction of the church? Who euer heard of so monstrous doings? Thus it shall be heard and sayde of all nations and countries: that the Suffraganes of the Church of Caunterburie (which ought to stande with their Metropolitane vnto death in defence of the Churche) nowe goe about by the kings commaundement so much as in them doth lie, to suspend his autoritie: least he shuld exercise his Discipline of correction vppon them that rebell against the Church. This one thing I knowe, that you cannot sustaine two sortes of persons at once:One person can not both be the appeale maker, and the partie appealed. both to be the appeale makers, and to be appealed vp your selues. You be they which haue made the appellation, and you be they against whome the appellation is made. Is there any more churches then one, and the body of the same? And howe meete were it than, that you being the members of the Churche, shoulde holde together with the heade therof▪ I am afraide brethren least it may be sayde of vs: These be the Priestes which haue sayde where is the Lorde? and hauing the lawe doe not knowe the law. Furthermore this I suppose you (being discrete men) are not ignoraunt of: that such as enter any appellation there, are not wont to be hearde: vnlesse the matter of their appellation either belongeth to themselues, or except speciall commaundement force them thereunto, or else vnlesse they take an other mannes cause▪ vpon them. First, that it belongeth nothing vnto you, it is plaine: for so muche as the contrary rather pertaineth to your duetie: that is, to punish and to correct all such as rebell against the Church. And if he which subuerteth the libertie of the Churche, and inuadeth the goodes therof (conuerting them to his owne vse) be not heard appealing for hys owne defence: much lesse is an other to be heard appealing for him. Wherefore, as in this case neither he can appeale for himself, not yet commaund you so to do: so neither may you receiue the commaundement to appeale for him.

Thirdly, as touching the taking of an other mannes cause or businesse vpon you, to this I say and affirme: that yee ought in no maner of wise so to doe, specially seeing the matter pertaineth to the oppression of the Church, and whereupon ensueth great damage to the same.

Wherefore, seeing it neither appertaineth to you, neither ought yee to receiue any such commaundement, nor yet to take vppon you any such cause as that is: your appeale is neither to be hard, nor standeth with any lawe. Is this the deuotion and consolation of brotherly loue which you exhibite to your Metropolitane, being for you in exile? God forgeue you this clemencie. And how nowe? will ye looke for your letters and messengers to be gently receiued heere of vs? Neither doe I speake this, as though there were any thing in hande betwixt your part and oures: or that we haue done any thing inordinately against the person of the king, or against his lande, or against the persones of the Church, or intende (by Gods mercie) so to doe. And therefore we say briefly & affirme constantly: that our Lorde the king can not complaine of any wrong or iniurie to be done vnto him, if he (being often called vpon by letters and messengers to acknowledge his fault, neither will confesse his trespasse nor yet come to any satisfaction for the same) haue the censure of seueritie by the Pope and vs laide vpon him.Though the Popes lawe will not defend them yet the lawe of the scripture will and doth. For no man can say that he vniustly is entreated, whome the lawe doeth iustly punish. And briefly to conclude, knowe you this for certaine: that extortioners, inuaders, detailners of the Church goodes, and subuerters of the liberties therof: neither haue any authoritie of the lawe to maintaine them, neyther doth their appealing defend them. &c.

¶ A briefe Censure vpon the former rescript of Becket to his Suffraganes, in the page before with a generall resolution of the reasons therein contained.

If the king of England had bene an idolater, couetous, an adulterer, an incest, a murderer, with such like: than the zeale of this Archbishop (threatning the king and such as tooke his part) had deserued praise in this Epistle, & the scripture would haue borne him out therein. For these and suche causes, should byshops prosecute the authoritie of the Gospell against all persones. But the matter standing onely vpon Church goods, libertie (or rather licentiousnes of Priests) making of Deanes, titles of Churches, superioritie, of crowning the king, with such other: to stand so stiffe in these, is not to defend the church: but to rebel against the king. Againe, if the principles which hee heere groundeth vpon, were true: to witte that the Pope were to be obeied before Princes: that the liberty of Church standeth vpon the immunitie of priests exempted from princes lawes: or vpon ample possessions of the Churche: or that the Popes lawe ought to preuaile in all forreine countreis: and to binde all princes in their owne dominions: or that the sentence of the Pope & his Popelings, (how, or by what affection so euer it is pronounced) may stande by the vndoubted sentence of God: Then all the arguments of this Epistle doe proceede and conclude wel. But if they stand not ratified vpon gods worde: but tottering vpon mans traditions: Then whatsoeuer he inferreth or concludeth thereupon (his assumpt being false) can not be true, according to the schoole saying: One inconuenience being graunted in the beginning, innumerable follow thereupon. So in this Epistle it happeneth as is aboue noted, that the Maior of this man is true, but the Minor is cleane false, and to be denied.

¶ The letter of Matild the Empresse and mother of the king, To Thomas Becket.

MY Lord the Pope commanded me (and vpon the forgeuenes of my sinnes inioyned me)The letter of the Empresse to Becket. that I should be a mediatour and meanes of peace and concorde betweene my sonne and you, by reconciling of your selfe to him: wherunto (as you know) ye requested me. Wherefore, the earnester and with more affection (as well for the diuine honour as for holy Church) I tooke the enterprise vpon me. But this by the way I assure you, that the king, his Barons, and counsell, taketh it grieuously: that you, whome he entirely loued, honored, and made chiefest in al his Realme (to the intent to haue more comfort and better trust in you) should thus (as the report is) rebell and stirre his people against him. Yea and further, that (asmuch as in you lieth) you went about to disherite him, and depriue him of his crowne. Vpon the occasion whereof, I sent vnto you our trustie and familiar seruant Laurence Archdeacon, by whome I pray you that I may vnderstand your minde herein, and good wil towarde my sonne: and howe you meane to behaue your selfe (if my prayer and petition may be heard of him in your behalfe) toward his grace. But this one thing I assure you off, that vnlesse it be through your great humilitie and moderation (euidently in you appearing) you can not obtaine the fauour of the king. Heerein what you meane to do, I pray you sende me word by your proper letters and messengers.

But to proceede farther in the order of the historie:Anno. 1169. After these letters sent to & froe (the yeare of our Lorde 1169) which was the 15. of the raigne of Henry the 2. The King misdoubting and fearing wyth himselfe that the Archbyshop would proceede (or exceede rather) in his excommunication against his owne person (to preuent y• mischiefe) made his appeale to the presence of the pope: requiring to haue certaine Legates sent downe from Rome from the popes side, to take vp the matter betwene the Archbishop and him: requiring moreouer that they might also be absolued, that were interdicted, whereupon, two Cardinals (being sent from Alexander the Pope with letters to the King) came into Normandie: where they appoynted the Archb. to meete them before the King vpon S. Martines day. But the Archb. (neither agreeing wyth the day nor place) delaied his comming to the vi [...]j. day after: neyther would any further go then to Brisorlium. Where (the two Cardinals and the Archb. with other bishops conuenting together) had a certaine intreatie of peace and reconciliation, but came to no conclusion. The cōtents of which intreatie or action (because it is sufficiently contained in the Cardinals letters, who were called Bulie [...]nus & Otho, written to the pope) it shal require no further labour, but to shew out the wordes of the letter, where the summe of the whole may appeare. The wordes of the letter be these.

¶ The copie of the Epistle written and sent by two Cardinals to the Pope, concerning the matter of the Archbishop Becket.

WIlliam, & Otho, Cardinals of the Church of Rome, to Alexander the Pope, &c. Cōming to the land of the K. of Englād we founde the controuersie betwixt him and the Archb. of Canterburie, more sharpe and vehement then we would. For the king and the greater part of them about him said, that the Archbyshop [Page] had stirred vp the French king grieuously against him.Becket stirring vp the French king against the king of England And also, the Earle of Flāders his kinsman (who bare no displeasure to him before) he made his open aduersary, ready to warre against him, as is by diuers euidences most certaine. Thus when we came to Cadomus first to the kings speach, we gaue the letters of your fatherhode to his hands: which after that he had receiued and considered (bringing foorth withall other letters receiued from you before, something diuers and altering from these which he receiued of vs (was moued & stirred with no litle indignation, saying▪ that the Archbishop after our departure from you, had receiued of you other contrary letters, by the vertue whereof he was exempted from our iudgement: so that he should not be compelled to aunswere vs. Moreouer the said king to vs added and affirmed (and so did the bishops there present testifying the same) that cō cerning the old and ancient customes of his progenitors, (wherof complaint, was made to you) al that, for the most part was false & vntrue which was intimate to you. Offering farther to vs, that if there were any such customes or lawes in his time that seemed preiudicial or disagreeable to the statutes of the Church, he wold willingly be content to reuoke and disanul the same. Whereupon, we with other Archbishops, Bishops, & Abbotes of the land (hearing the king so reasonable) laboured by al meanes we might that the king should not vtterly breake from vs, but rather should incline to vs to haue the matter brought before vs betwixt him & the forenamed Archbishop: By reason whereof, we directed out our own Chapleins with letters vnto him, appoynting him both time and place where safely hee might meete with vs in the feast of S. Martin. Neuerthelesse, he pretending certaine excuses made his dilatories, driuing of the time from the day of S. Martin to the Octaues following: which thing stirred the kings hart more then is to be thought.

A communication betweene Becket and the Cardinalles.Thus, although we offered to the Archbishop safe comming, yet when he refused to meete vs in the borders of the king: we to satisfie his minde, condescended to meete him within the land of the French king, in the place where hee himselfe appoynted: becau [...]e there shoulde be no let in vs whereby to stoppe his profite. After we had entred communication, we began to exhort him all that we coulde, to submit and humble himselfe to his soueraigne and king, who had heaped him with such benefits and dignities: wherby matter might be geuen vs to further occasion of reconciling them together. He being thus moued and exhorted by vs, departed aside to consult with his counsell vpon the matter. At length after counsel taken, he commeth againe answering in this maner. That he woulde submit and humble himselfe to the King, Saluo honore Dei, & ecclesiae libertate, salua etiam honestate personae fuae, & possessionibus Ecclesiarum: & amplius, sua & suorū in omnibus salua iusticia.Beckets addition. That is: Sauing the honour of God, and libertie of the Church: sauing also the honestie of his person, and the possessions of Churches: and moreouer, sauing the iustice of him and of all his in all things &c. After which communication had among vs: we moued & required him more instantly, tha the wold come to the specialities: whēas yet he had broughtnothing in, either which was certaine or particular. Likewise we demanded of him, if he would in all such things contained and comprehended in our letters, stand & submit himselfe to our letters, so as the king and the bishops before were contented to doe. To the which he answering againe said, that he had receiued from you a cōmmandement, not to answere before he and all his were restored full to all their possessions. And then he would so procede in the matter according as he should receiue cōmandement frō the sea Apostolicall. Thus, we breaking of cōmunication (seeing that he neither would stand to iudgement, nor come to conformitie) thought to make relation thereof to the king, and so did: declaring that which he had expressed to vs: yet not vttering all, but keeping backe a great part of that which we had heard and seene. Which when the king and his nobles had vnderstanding of, affirmed to vs againe: that he therein was cleared so much the more, for that the Archbishop would not stand to their iudgement nor abide their triall.Becket would neither stand to iudgement nor triall. After much heauinesse and lamentation of the king, the archbishop, bishops, and abbots of the Realme requiring of vs, whether we had any such power by vertue of our commission, to withstand him and proceede against him: and perceiuing that our authoritie would not serue thereunto, and fearing least the foresaid Archbishop (refusing all order of iudgement) woulde woorke againe disquietnesse to some noble personages of the Realme: and seeing our authoritie could not extend so far to help them against him (taking a consultation among themselues) agreed together with one assent, to make their appellation to your audience, prefixing accordingly the terme of their appeale.

And this is the Epistle of these two Cardinals sent to the pope: wherein, may sufficiently appeare at the discourse and maner of that assembly (although particularly euery thing not expressed) concerning the talke betwixt the Cardinals and the Archbishop. As whē that William (who of the two Cardinals was the more eloquent) amōgst other commun [...]cation had, reasoned long wt him concerning the peace of the church: which Becket said he preferred aboue all things, well then (sayeth the Cardinall) seeing all this contention betwene the king and you, Becket l [...] ueth ben [...] his bis [...]opricke th [...] the peace [...] the churchd, for all his gaye talice. riseth vpon certain lawes & customes to be abrogate, and that you regard the peace of the Church so much: then what say you: will you renounce your Bishopricke, and the king shall renounce his customes? The peace of the Church now lieth in your handes, either to retaine or to let goe, what say you? To whom he answereth againe, that the proportion was not like. For I saith he (sauing the honour of my Church and my person) can not renounce my Byshopricke. Contrary, it standeth the king vpon, for his soules health and honor, to renounce these his ordinaunces and customes. Which thing he thus prooued, because the Pope had condemned those customes, and he likewise with the church of Rome had done the same. &c.

¶ The talke betweene the French king, the king of England, and Becket.

After the Cardinals were returned: the French king seeing the king of England disquieted and solicitous to haue peace (or at least wise pretending to set agreeme [...]t betweene them) brought the matter to a communication among them. In which communication the French king made himselfe as umpeare betweene them. The King of England hearing that the Archb. would commit himselfe to his arbitrement, was y• more willing to admit his presence. Whereupon, many being there present, the Archb. prostrating himselfe at the Kings feete, declared vnto him kneeling vpon his knees that he would cōmit the whole cause (whereof the dissention rose betwene them) vnto his owne arbitrement:Becket cō meth in with his [...] addition. Saluo honore Die. adding thereto (as he did before) Saluo honore Dei, that is, sauing the honour of God. The king, who (as is said before) being greatly offēded at this word: hearing & seeing the stiffenesse of the man sticking so much to this worde Saluo honore. &c. was highly therewith displeased: Rebuking him with many grieuous words as a man proude and stubburne,Becket [...] ged with vnkinden [...]. and also charging him with sondry & great benefites bestowed vpon him, as a person vnkinde & forgetting what he had so gently done and bestowed vpon him.

And speaking to the French king there present: See sit (if it please you, sayth the king of England) whatsoeuer displeaseth this man: that he sayeth, to be contrary to the honor of God. And so by this meanes, he will vendicate & chalenge to himselfe both that is his and mine also. And yet notwithstanding: for that I will not seeme to doe any thing contrary or preiudiciall to Gods honor, this I offer him. There hath bene kings in England before, both of greater and les puissance then I am: Likewise there hath bene bishops of Cant. many,The kings offer to Becket both charitable and reasonable, both great & holy men: what the greatest and most holiest of all his predecessours before him hath done to the least of my progenitors and predecessors before me, let him do the same to me & I am content. They that stoode by hearing these wordes of the king, crying all wt one voice: the king hath debased himselfe inough to the byshop. The Archb. staying a little at this with silence: what (saith the French king to him) my lorde Archbishop, will you be better then those holy men? will ye be greater then Peter? What stand you doubting? Here now haue you peace & quietnes put in your owne handes, if ye will take it.The words of the Frēc [...] king. To this y• Archb. answered againe: truth it is (sayth he) my predecessors before me were much both better and greater then I, and of them euery one for his time (although he did not extirpe and cut off all) yet something they did plucke vp and correct which seemed aduerse & repugnant against Gods honor. For if they had taken altogether away: no such occasion then had bene left for any man to raise [...] fire of temptation now against vs, as is nowe raised to proue vs with all: that we being so proued wt them might also be crowned with them being likewise partakers of praise and reward, as we are of their labour and trauaile. And though some of them haue bene slacke, or exceeded in their duetie doing: in that we are not bounde to follow their example.

Peter, when he denied Christ, we therfore rebuke him: but whē he resisted ye rage of Nero, therin we cōmēd him. And therfore, because he could not finde in his cōscience to cōsent vnto yt he ought in no wise to dissemble: neither did he: by reason thereof he lost his life.This maior if it had bin ioyned with a good Minor had made a good argument. By such like oppressions the church hath alwaies growne. Our forefathers & predecessors, because they would not dissemble the name & honor of Christ, therfore they suffred. And shall I, to haue the fauour of one man, suffer the honor of Christ to be supprest? The nobles standing by (hearing him thus speake) were greatly agreeued with him: noting in him both arrogancy & wilfulnes,Exqua [...]ilogo. in perturbing and refusing suche an honest offer of agreemēt. But specially one among the rest [Page] was most agreeued, who their openly protested: that seing the Archbishop so refused the counsaile and request of both the kingdome, he was not worthye to haue the helpe of eyther of them: but as the kingdome of Englande had reiected, so the kingdome of Fraunce shoulde not entertayne him.

Alanus, Herbertus, and certayne other of his Chaplaines that committed to story the doynges of Becket, doe record (whether truely or no I cannot say) that the French king sending for him as one much sorrowing and lamenting the wordes that he had spoken: at the cōming of Becket did prostrate hymselfe at his feete: confessing his fault in geuing counsel to him in such a cause (pertayning to the honor of God) to relent therein & to yeld to the pleasure of mā: wherfore declaring his repentance, he desired to be absolued thereof. So that after this, the French king and Becket were great frendes together: in so much, that kyng Henry sending to the king to entreate him, and desire him that he would not support nor maintayn his enemy within his Realme: the French king vtterly denyed the kinges requeste, taking part rather with the Archbishop then with him.

Besides these quarrels and grudges betwixt the kyng and the Archbishop aboue mentioned: there followed yet moreouer an other, which was this. Shortly after this cō munication recited betweene the king and Becket: the K. of England returning againe frō Normandy to England (which was the yeare of our Lord, 1170. and the 16. yeare of his raigne) about Midsomer,Anno. 1170. kept his court of Parliament at Westminster, In ye which Parliament he (through the assent both of the Clergy, and the Lordes temporall) caused hys sonne Henry to be crowned king. Which coronation, was done by the hands of Robert Archb. of York with the assistāce of other bishops ministring to the same, as Gilb. of Londō, Goceline of Salisbury, Hugo of Duresme and Gualter of Rochester. By reason whereof Becket of Cant. beyng there neither mentioned nor called for, took no little displeasure: and so did Lodouike the French king, hearing that Margaret hys daughter was not also crowned wt her husband. Whereupon he gathering a great army forthwith marched into Normādy. But the matter was soone cōpassed by the king of England, who sending hys sonne to him in Normandy, intreated there and concluded peace with him: promising that his sonne should be crowned agayne, & then hys daughter to be crowned also. But the Archb. not ceasing his displeasure and emulatiō, sent vnto the Pope complaining of these four bishops, especially of the Archb. of Yorke, who durst be so bold in his absence & without his knowledge or his licence, to intermedle to crowne the king, being a matter proper and peculiar to his iurisdiction.The Bishop of London excommunicated, with foure other Byshops suspē ded. At the instaunce of whom the P. sent downe ye sentnce of excommunication against ye B. of London. The other 3. bishops with the Archb. of York, he suspended: whose sentence and letters thereof, for auoyding prolixitie, I here omit.

Besides these foresayd bishops excommunicated diuers other clerks also of the court he cited to appeare before him by vertue of his large commission whiche he gate from the Pope, to whō they were bound to obey, by reason of their benefices, And some he commanded in vertue of obediēce, to appeare in payne of forfeting their order and benefices. Of which, whē neyther sort would appeare, he cursed thē openly. And also some lay men of the court & the kings familiars: some as intruders, and violent withholders of Church goodes, he accursed: as Richard Lucy, and Iocelin Balliot, and Rafe Brocke which tooke bels and goods that belonged to the Church of Caunterburye, and Hugh Sainctcleare, and Thomas the sonne of Bernard, and all that should hereafter take any church goodes without hys consent, so that almost all the court was accursed eyther by the name, or as pertakers.

This being done, the Archb. of Yorke with the foresaid bishops, resorted to the king with a greuous cōplaint: declaring how miserably their case stood, and what they had sustayned, for fulfilling his commaundement. The kyng hearing this,The cause of the kinges wrath against Becket. was highly moued as no maruell was. But what remedy. The tyme of the ruine of the Pope was not yet come? and what Prince then might withstand the iniurious violence of that Romish potestate?

In the meane season the Frenche King for his parte his clergy, and courtiers, stackt no occasion to incite, and sollicite Alexander the Pope agaynst the king of England to excōmunicate him also: seeking thereby and thinking to haue some vauntage agaynst the realme. Neither was the king ignorant of thes, which made him more ready to apply to some agreement of reconciliation. At length cōmeth downe from the Pope two Legates (the Archb. of Rhotomage and the Byshop of Nauerne) with direction and full commission eyther to driue the king to be reconciled, or to be interdicted by the popes cēsures out of the church. The king vnderstanding himselfe to be in greater straites then he coulde auoyde: at length (through the mediation of the Frenche king, and of other Prelates and great Princes) was content to yeld to peace and reconciliation with the Archbishop whome he receaued both to hys fauour, and also permitted and graunted him free returne to his Church agayne. Concerning hys possessions and landes of the Churche of Canterburye, although Becket made great labour therefore: yet the king (being then in Normandy) would not graunt him, before he should repayre to England, to see how he would there agree with hys subiectes.Becket returneth out of banishment.

Thus, peace after a sort concluded betwene the king & him, the Archb. after sixe yeares of his banishment, returned to England: where he was right ioyfully receiued of the church of Cant. albeit, of Henry the yong king he was not so greatly welcomed. In somuch that comming vp to London to the king,Ex Rogerio Houedono. he was returned back to Canterburye and there bid to keepe hys house, Roger Doueden maketh mention in hys Chronicle, that the Archbishop (vpō Christmas day) did excōmunicate Robert de Broke, for cutting of the tayle of a certayne horse of hys the day before. In the meane tyme, the foure bishops before mentioned whom the Archb. had excōmunicate (sent to him, hū bly desiring to be released of their censure. To whō when the archb. would not graunt clearly and simplye, without cautels and exceptions: they went ouer to the king, declaring to him and complayning of their miserable state and vncurtuous handling of the archbishop, wherupō the K. conceaued great sorrow in hys minde,The wordes of the king, which were the cause of Beckets death and displeasure toward the party. In so much, that he lamented oft & sundry times to thē about him, that (amōg so many yt he had done for) there was none that would reuenge him of his enemy by the occasion of which wordes, certayne that were about the king (to the number of foure) hearing him thus to cō playne and lament: addrest thēselues in great heat of hast, to satisfye the agreeued minde and quarrell of their prince.If the Papistes will needes measure the successe of things by seasons and wether: then must they by that reason condemne the cause of Becket, his aduersaries hauing such forwardnes of wether in doing their feate. Who within foure dayes after the sayde Christenmas day (sayling ouer to England, & hauing a forward and a prosperous wynde in their iorney, being in ye deepe of winter) came to Caunterbury, where Becket was commaunded to keepe. After certayne aduisement and consultation had among themselues, they preased at length into the pallace where the archbishop was sitting with his companye about hym: first to assay hym with wordes, to see whether he would relent to the kinges minde, & come to some conformitie. They brought to him (sayd they) commaundement from the king: whiche whether he had rather openly there in presēce, or secretly to be declared to him, they had hym chuse. Then the company being bid to auoyde, as hee sat alone, they sayd: you are commaunded from the Kyng beyond the sea, to repayre to the king here is sonne, and to do your duety to him: answering to him your fidelitie, for your baronage and other things, & to amend those things wherein you haue trespassed agaynst him, whereupon, the archbishop denying to sweare, and perceauing their intēt,The talke betwene the foure souldiers and Tho. Becket. called in his company again, and in multiplying of words to and fro, at length they came to the bishops which were excommunicate for the coronation of the king, whom they commaunded in the kinges name, he shoulde absolue and set free agayne. The archbishop answered, that he neither suspended nor excommunicated them, but the pope: wherfore, if that were the matter that greued them, they should resort to the Pope, he had nothing to doe with the matter. Then sayd Reignald, one of the foure: although you in your own persō did not excommunicate them, yet through your instigation it was done. To whom the Archbishop sayd againe: and if the Pope (said he) tendring the iniuries done to me and my Church, wrought this reuenge for me: I confesse it offendeth me nothing. Thus then (sayd they) it appeareth wel by your own words, that it pleaseth you right well (in contempt and contumely of the kinges maiesty) to sequester his bishops from their ministery, who at the commaundement of the king did seruice in the coronation of hys sonne. And seeing ye haue so presumed thus to stād against the exaltation of this our soueraigne, our new K. it seemeth likely that you aspired to take his crown frō him, & to be exalted king your selfe. I aspire not sayd he, to ye crown & name of the K. But rather if I had 4. crownes (to geue him more) I would set them all vpon him: suche good will I doe heare him, that onely (his father the king excepted) there is none, whose honour I more tender and loue. And as concerning the sequestring of those Bishops this I geue you to vnderstand: that nothing was done in [Page] that behalfe, without the knowledge & assent of the king himselfe. To whom when I had made my complaynt, at the feast of Mary Magdalen, of the wrōg and iniury done to me and my Church therein: he gaue me his good leaue to obtayne at the Popes hand suche remedy therein as I could, promising moreouer his helpe to me in the same. What is this, quoth they, that thou sayest? Makest thou the king a trator, and betrayer of the king his owne son? that when he had commaunded the bishops to crown his sonne, he would geue thee leaue afterward to suspend thē for so doyng? certes it had bene better for you not to haue accused so the king of this prodition. The Archb. sayde to Reignald, that he was there presēt at that tyme, and hard it himselfe. But that he denyed, and swore it was not so: and thinke you (say they) that we the kinges subiectes wil or ought to suffer this? And so approching nearer to hym, sayd: he had spoken inough agaynst hys own head, wherupon followed great exclamation and many threatning wordes. Then sayd the archb. I haue syth my comming ouer, sustayned many iniuries and rebukes, conceruyng both my selfe, my men, my cattel, my wynes, and all other goodes: notwithstanding, the kinge (writinge ouer to hys sonne) required hym that I shoulde lyue in safety and peace: and now besides all other, you come hither to threaten me. To this Reignald answering agayn said: if there be any that worketh you anye iniury otherwise then right is, the law is open: why do you not complayn▪ To whom, said Becket should I complaine? To the yong king sayd they. Then sayd Becket, I haue complayned inough if that would helpe, and haue sought for remedy at the kinges handes, so long as I could be suffered to come to his speach: but now seeing that I am stopt from yt, neither can find redresse of so great vexations and iniuries as I haue and do dayly sustayne: nor can haue the benefite of y• law or reason: such right and law as an archb. may haue that will I exercise, and let for no man. At these wordes one of thē bursting out in exclamation, cryed, he threatneth he threatneth, what, will he interdict the whole realme & vs altogether? Nay yt he shall not sayth an other, he hathe interdicted to many already. And drawing more neare to hym, they protested and denounced him to haue spoken wordes to yt ieoperdy of hys own head. And so departing in great fury and many high words, rushed out of yt dores: who by the way returning to the Monkes, charged them in the kings name to keep him forth comming, yt he shold not escape away. What quoth the archb. thinke ye I wyll flee away? Nay neyther for the king, nor any man alyue, will I stirre one foot from you.The stout heart of Becket. No say they thou shalt not anoyd, though thou wouldest, and so the departing with many wordes, the arch. followeth them out of the chamber dore crying after them: here, here here, shall you finde me, laying his hand vpon hys crowne.

The name of these foure souldiours aboue mentioned were these. 1. Reignald Beresō. 2. Hugh Morteuil. 3. William Thracy, and 4. Richard Brito: who going to harnesse themselues, returned the same day agayne. But finding the hall dore of the palace of Canterbury shut against them: they went to an inward backe dore leading into the Orcharde: there brake they vp a window and opened the dore, and so issued into the place. The Monkes (beyng about Euensong tyme) had got the Archbishop into the Church:Anno. 1171. who beying perswaded by them, caused hys crosse to be borne before hym, and so through the Cloyster (by a doore which was broke vp for him) proceeded into the quire. The harnest men following after, at length came to the Church doore:The death of Tho. Becket. whiche doore the monkes woulde haue shut agaynst them, but (as the story sayth) the Archbishop would not suffer them. So they approching into ye Church, and the Bishop meeting them vpon the stayres, there was slayne: euery one of the foure souldiors striking him with his sword into the head. Who afterward flying into the North, at length with much adoe obtayning their pardon of the Pope (through the kinges procurement, as some storyes recorde) went to Ierusalem.What is to be thought or iudged of Thomas Becket.

Thus you haue heard the life and death of this Tho. Becket: of whom what is to be iudged, let his owne actes and facts declare. And albeit the scripture ought to be onely the rule to vs to iudge all thinges by: yet if any shall require farther testimony (partly to satisfy their minds therin) ye shal heare the iudgementes of certayn men, in yeres and tymes almost as auncient as himself, what they writ, and affirme of him.What is to be thought whether Thomas Becket dyed a sainct or not.

And first to begin with the testimony of one of his owne religion, and also not farre (as it appeareth) frō hys owne tyme: who writing of his martyrdome & myracles, thus testifieth of the iudgement and sentence of diuers cō cerning his promotion and behauiour. The Chronicle being written in lattin, & hauing the name of the author cut out, thus beginneth: ‘Quoniam verò multi. &c. And in the first booke, cap. 8. it follo with in this maner: Nonnullis tamen id circa promotionem eius visum est minus canonicū, quòd ad eam magis operata est regis instantia, quàm cleri vel populi vota. Praesumptionis quo (que) vel indiscretionis fuisse notatum est, quòd qui remū tenere vix idoneus videbatur, primum gubernaculi locum suscepit, &c. & mox: magis etiam secularia tū sapiens, tam sanctum tantae dignitatis fastigium non horrens renuiise, sed vltroneus ascendisse creditus. The pu [...] tion of [...] ket iud [...] not cau [...] call. Aliter dei amicus Moses &c. With much more as in latine insueth, whiche for the Englishe Reader here foloweth translated. Diuers notwithstāding there be, which as touching his promotion, suppose the same not to be canonicall. For that it was wrought rather by the instance of the king (thinking him to be a man ready and inclinable to his vtilitie) then by the assent eyther of the clergy or of the people. Becket [...] ged with presump [...], and la [...] diser [...]tion. Farther it is noted in him for a poynt of presumption, and lack of discretion: for that he beyng scarce worthy to take the Ore in hand and play the boteswane, would take vpō him to sit at the healm, and guide the ship: namely in that church, where the Couent being in gesture and vesture religious, be wont to haue their prelate taken out of the same profession. Where as he, scant bearing the babite of a Clarke, Ambi [...] noted in Becket [...] not res [...] but ta [...]ing his promotion. and goyng in hys chaunges and soft apparell, is more conuersaunt among the delicate rufflers in the court, sauoring rather of wordly thinges: not refusing moreouer without any dread, to clime vp to the high preferment of suche an holy dignitie, but rather willingly of hys owne accord, to aspire vnto it. Moles, we read did otherwise, who beyng the frend of God and sent of him to cōduct his people Israell out of Egipt, trembled at the message, and sayd. Who am I Lord, that I shoulde goe to Pharao: and bring thy people Israell out of Egipt? And agayne, I pray thee (sayth hee) O Lorde: I am nothing eloquent, send him whome thou wilt send. Likewise Ieremias also being sent to the Lord to prophecy agaynst Ierusalem, was abashed to take the office vpon hym, answering agayn with much dread of hart, A, a, a. Lorde I cannot vtter my minde for I am a Childe.’

After like maner we reade of the saintes of the newe testament,Byshop [...] against [...] wils th [...] into their byshop [...], wherof many were preferred oftētimes to their bishopriks, and functions of the Churche by meere [...]orcement and compulsion rather of other, then by their owne willes. So was blessed Gregory after hys flight, and goyng away, brought backe agayne, and placed in the sea & chayre of Rome. Likewise S. Ambrose fore agaynst hys mynde, who also of purpose accusing and contessing hys owne defectes, because he would be repealed: yet by the cō maundement of Valentinian the Emperour was inforced to take the burden vpō him, which he could by no wise shake of S. Martine in like sorte vnknowing of any such matter: was circumuented by a certayne godly trayne and wile of the Citizens, before he could be brought to hys cō secration, which he did not so much take, as he was thrust into it, with much pensiuenes and sorrow of hart. By these and such other exāples this Chancellour likewise shoulde haue rather excused himselfe as vnworthy and vumeet for that romthe, shewing himselfe more willing to refuse then to take it. To the which this archbishop is iudged to doe cleane contrary, &c. Haec ex Chronico. Cui tutulus. De passione & miraculis beati Thomae.

And although scarcely any testimony is to be taken of that age (being all blinded and corrupted with superstittiō) yet let vs heare what Neuburgensis an auncient Historiographer sayth: who in the dayes of the sonne of thys K. Henry the ij. prosecuting his history vnto King Richard the first hath these wordes:Ex chro [...] co Nen [...] gensit. writing of Thomas Becket: ‘Sanè cum pleri (que) soleant in his quos amant & laudant affec [...]u quodam propensiori, sed prudentia parciori, quicquid ab eis geritur, approbare: planè ego in viro illo venerabili ea quae ita ab ipso acta sunt, Acta Beckets improbat [...]. quum nulla exindè proueniret vtilitas sed feruor tantùm accenderetur regius, ex quo tot mala postmodum pullulasse noscuntur, laudanda nequaquam césuerim, licet ex laudabilizelo processerint: Sicut in beatiff▪ apostolorum principe, quòd gentes suo exemplo iudaizare coegit: in quo eum doctor gentium reprehensibilem declaret fuisse, licèt cum constet Laudabili hoc pietate fecisse &c.’ That is in English.

‘Whereas many be wont, in them whome they loue or prayse (iudging them more by affection, then prudence) to allow & approue, what soeuer they do: yet for me to iudge vpon this reuerend man: verily I think not his doings & acts to be prayse worthy, or to be allowed. Forasmuch as therof came no vtilitie but onely the anger and stirring vp of the king, whereupon afterwarde sprong so great mischiefes (although the king that he did, might proceede of a certayne laudable zeale) like as in the blessed Prince of the Apostles, in that he taught the Gentiles by his example to play the Iewes: Paule the doctor of the Gentiles, did declare him therein to be rebukeable: albeit it cannot be denyed [Page] but that he did it of good affection, &c.’ And in the same author, in an other place it followeth to the like effect, in these wordes: ‘Literas has in Angliam ad suspensonem Episcoporum praemissas ipse sequebatur, zelo iustitiae feruid [...]s, v [...] rùm an plene secundum scientiam nouit Deus: Nostrae enim paruitati nequaquam conceditur, de tanti viri actibus temerè iudicare. Puto enim quòd in molli ad huc tenera (que) regis cōcordia minus prouidè egisset, & ea quae sine fidei Christianae periculo tolerari potuissent, ratione temporis & cōpēsatione pacis dissimulanda dixisse+, iuxta illud propheticum: prudens in tempore illo tacebit, quia tempus malum est. Ita (que), quod a venerabli pontifice tunc actum est, nec laudandum esse iudico, nec vituperare praesumo: sed dico si vel modice in huiusmodi a sancto viro per zeli immoderatiorē impetū est excessū, hoc ipsū est sacrae, quae cōsecata noscitur, igne passionis excoctū. Ita quippe sāccti viri vel amādi vel laudādi sūt a nobis, qui nos illis lōgè impares esse cognoscimus, vt ea, in quibus homines fuerunt, vel fuisse noscuntur nequaquam vel amemus vel laudemus: sed ea tantū, in quibus eos sine scrupulo imitari debemus. Quis enim eos dicat in omnibus, quae ab ipsis fiant, esse imitabises? Non igitur in omnibus, quae faciūt, sed sapientèr & cautè debent laudari, vt sua Deo praerogatina seruetur, in cuius vti (que) laudibꝰ nemo potestesse nimius, quantumcun (que) laudare conetur &c.’ That is in English.

The letters which were sent before for the impending of the Bishops, hee pursued with burning zeale of iustice but whether according to knowledge, god knoweth it. It is not for my rude and slender witte to iudge of the doings of such a periō. But yet thys I suppose: that he did not behaue himselfe so circumspectly as hee ought (considering the tyme) and that the concorde betwene him and the king as yet was but soft and tender. Who for the consideration of the time, and for the recompēce of peace: might haue forborne or dissembled such things, which without any perill of Christian religion might be tollerate wel inough according to the propheticall saying: A wise mā in his time wil keepe silence, because ye tyme will not serue him, wherfore, as the doings of that reuerend Prelate I iudge in that behalfe not to be commēded: so neither did I presume to discommend them. But this I say, that if that holy man thorough immoderate violence of zeale, did exceede in a part therin: the same was excocted again and purged by the fire of his suffering: which afterward ensited. And so far, holye mē are to be loued or praised of vs, which know our selues much inferiour to their vertues: that in such things wherin they haue bene men & also knowne to be men: therein, we neyther hold with them nor commend them, but onely such thinges wherein without all daunger or scruple we ought to imitate thē. For who is able to say, that they are to be imitated in all that they doe, and therefore are not to be esteemed and praysed in al things generally whatsoeuer they do: but considerately & with aduisement: wherin they deserue prayse: so that the onely prerogatiue in this behalfe be reserued to God, in whose prayse no man can exceede how seruent foeuer he be in his praysing. &c.

And heare yet more what the sayde author writeth in the same cause of the kinges wrath & Beckets faults. ‘Plusquam 100. homicidia a clericis commissa sub Hen, ij. dicuntur. In quibus plectendis rex aliquanto vehementior. Sed huius immoderationis regiae, nostri temporis Episcopos tantum respicit culpa, quantum ab eis processit & causa. Cumenim sacri praecipiūt canones, clericos nō solùm facinorosos & grauioribus irretitos, criminibus, verùm etiam leuiorum criminum reos degradari, & tot millia talium, tanquam innumeras inter pauca grana paleas Ecclesia Anglicana contineat, tamen quam paucos a multis retro annis clericos in anglia contigit officio priuari. Nempe Episcopi dū defendendis magis clericorum libertatibus vel dignitatibus quam corum vitijs corrigendis tesecandisque inuigilant [...]arbitrā tur obsequiū se praestare Deo & Ecclesiae, sifacinorosos clericos quos pro officij debito canonicae vigore censurae coercere debeant, contra publicam tucantur disciplinam. Vndē clerici qui in sortem domini vocati, tanquam stellae in firmamento coeli positae, vita & verbo lucere deberent super terram, habentes pro impunitate agendi quodcunque libuerit, licentiam & libertatem, neque Deum, cuius iudicium tardare videtur, nēque homines potestatem habētes reuerentur, cum & Episcopalis circa eos sollicitudo sit languida, & seculari eos iurisdictioni sacri eximat ordinis praerogatiua.’ That is.

More then 100. murders are sayd to be committed by the Clergy vnder king Henry the 2. In punishing of whō the king was somewhat to vehement: but the fault (sayth he) of this immoderate dealing of the king resteth most in the Bishops of our tyme: for as much as the cause thereof proceedeth of them. For where it is de creed and commaū ded by the Canon law (concerning the spirituall men of ye clergy) that not onely such as be notorious, but suche as be spotted with lighter crunes should be disgraded: wherof, haue we so many thousandes and whole swarmes of such now in England, as innumerable chasse among the little good grayne? and yet how few do we see these many yeares in England depriued of their office? For why? the Byshops while they labour more to mayntayne the liberties and dignities of Church men, then to correct their vices: thinke they do God and the Churche great seruice, if they rescue and defend the enormities of the Church men agaynst publike discipline, whome they ought rather to punish by the vertue of the censure ecclesiasticall. Whereupon, the Church men: such as be sorted peculiarly to the Lord, and ought like starres to shyne in earth by worde & example, taking licence and libertie to doe what they iust: neyther reuerence god (whose iudgement seemeth to tary) neyther men set in authoritie: when as both the Bishops are slacke in their charge doyng, and also the prerogatiue of their order exempteth thē frō the secular iurisdictiō. &c. And thus much out of Nuburgensis.Ex Caesario Monacho. lib. 8. dialo. cap. 69.

To this matter also pertayne the words of Cesarius the monke, in hys 8. booke of Dialogues cap. 69 about the 48. yeare after the death of Thomas Becket, which was the yeare of the Lord.Whether Tho. Becket be saued or damned. 1220. whose wordes in summe come to this effect. ‘Quaestio Parisijs inter magistros ventilata fuit, vtrum damnatus an saluatus effet ille Thomas. Dixerat Rhogerius tunc Normānus, fuiffe illum morte ac damnatione dignum, quòd contumax esset in dei ministrum regem. Protulit econtra Petrus Cantor Parisiensis quòd signa saluationis, & magne sāctitatis essent eius miracula: If God in these latter dayes geueth no mir [...]cles to glorifie the glory of his own sonne: much lesse wil he giue myracles to glorifie Thomas Becket. & quòd martirium probasler Ecclesiae causa pro qua mortem subierat. &c.’ In English.

There was a question moued among the maisters of Paris, whether Tho. Becket were saued or damned. To this question answereth Roger a Norman: that he was worthy death and damnation, for that he was so obstinate agaynst Gods minister hys K. Contrary, Peter Cantor a Persian disputed, saying & affirming that his miracles were great signes and tokens of saluatiō, and also of great holines in that man: affirming moreouer that the cause of the Church did allow and confirme hys martyrdome, for the which Church he dyed.

And thus haue ye the iudgement, and censure of the schole of Paris touching this question, for the saincting of Thomas Becket. In which iudgement for so much as the greatest argumēt resteth in the miracles wrought by him after hys death: let vs therefore pause a little vpon y• same, to try and examine these his miracles. In the tryall wherof we shall finde one of these two to be true, that eyther if they were true, they were wrought not by God, but by a cōtrary spirit: of whō Christ our Lord geueth vs warning in his gospell, saying: whose comming shal be with lying signes and wonders to deceiue,Liber de miraculis b. thomae autore monacho quodam Cantuar. if it were possible, the elect. Math 24. for els we shall finde that no suche were euer wrought at all, but fayned and forged of idle Monkes and religious bellies for the exaltatiō of their churches, & profit of their powches: whiche thing in deede seemeth rather to be true: And no lesse may appeare by the miracles thē selues, set forth by one of his own Monks & of his owne time, who in fine solemne books hath comprehended all the reuelation, vertues, and miracles of this archb. the which bookes (as yet remayning in the hands of William Stephenson Citizen of London) I haue seen and perused: wherein is contayned the whole summe of all his miracles to the number of 270, being so far of from all trueth & reason, some ridiculous, some monstrous, vayne, absurd, some also blasphemous & some so impudēt:Miracles of Be [...]: considered. that not onely they deserue no credit (altogether sauoring of mere forgery) but also for very shame will abash an honest penne to write vpō thē. First if miracles serue for necessity & for infidels: what cause or necessity was there (in a Christian realme hauing the word of God) for God to worke such miracles after his death, who neuer wrought any in all his life? Thē to consider the end of these miracles: whether do they tend, but onely to bring men to Canterbury, with their vowes and offeringes to enrich the couent?

Beside the nūber of the miracles which he sayd so many, that they lose theyr owne credit: what disease is there belonging to man or woman in the curing whereof, some miracle hath not bene wrought by this [...]: as feuers, fistula, the gout: toothache: palsey, consumption, falling sicknesse,Aqua Cantuariensis. leprosie, headache, broken armes, maymed legs, swelling throates, the raysing vp of the dead, which haue bene two dayes departed, with infinite other. And as all these haue healed (for the most part) by one kinde of salue (as a certayne panacea) which was, with the water onely of Caunterbury, like as a cunning Smith which should open with one key all maner of lockes: so agayne in reading of the story of these miracles, ye shall finde the matter so conueyed, that the power of this dead Saynt, was neuer twise shewed vpon any one disease, but euery [Page] diuers disease to haue a diuers miracle.

To recite in order all these prodigious reuelatiōs and phātasticall miracles, falsely imagined and ascribed to this archbishop: were nothing els, but to write a legend of lies, & to occupy the people with tristes. Which, because it pertaineth rather so ye idle professiō of such dreaming monks and cloysterers, that haue nothing els to maintain that religion withal: I will not take their profession out of theyr hands. Wherfore, to omit all suche vayne & lying apparitions and miracles, as how this angry sainct (3. dayes after his death) appeared by vision at the altar in his pontificalibus, commaunding the quere not to sing,Singing at the masse forbidden by Tho. Becket after his death. but to say this office of his masse: Exurge, quare obdormis Domine. &c. Which vision the author himselfe of ye book doth say he did see. To omit also ye blasphemous lye, how in other vision the sayd Archbishop should say: that hys bloud did cry out of the earth to God,A blasphemous lye. more then the bloud of iust Abell. Itē, in an other visiō it was shewed to a monk of Lewes, how S. Thomas had hys place in heauen appoynted with the Apostles: aboue Stephen, Laurence, Uincent, and al the other Martyrs.Beck. aboue the Martirs in heauen. whereof of this cause is rendered, for that [...]. Stephen. Laurence, and such other, suffered only for their own cause. But this Th. suffered for the vniuersal church. Item, how it was shewed to a certayne young man (Ormus by name) xij. yeares before the death of this Becket:A place prepared in heauen for Becket xii. yeares before his death. that among the Apostles & martyrs in heauen, there was a vacaunt place left, for a certayne priest, as he sayd of England: which was credibly supposed to be this Tho. Becket. Item, how a certain knightes sonne being two dayes dead, was reuiued agayne so soone as he had the water of Caunterbury put in his mouth, & had by his parentes 4. peeces of siluer bended, to be offered in Caūterbury in the childes behalfe. All these, I say, with such other like, to omit (the number wherof commeth to an infinite varietie) onely this one story or an other that followeth shall suffice to expresse the vanitie and impudent forgery of all the rest.

An impudent and a lying myracle.In the fourth book of this fabulous author, and in the 3. chap. a miracle is there contayned of a certayn countryman of Bedfordshire in kinges Weston, whose name was Gilwardus: which Gilwardus in his dronkēnes brusting into an other mans house,Ex historia monachs Canti [...]a. de miraculiib. Thomae. which was his debter, took out of his house a great whetstone, & a paire of hedging gloues: The other party seyng this value not sufficient for hys cō demnation (by the councell of the towneclerk) entred an action of felony agaynst him for other thinges besides, as for stealing his wimble, his axe, nette, and other clothes. Wherupon, Gilwardus being had to yt Iaile of Bedford, and afterward condemned for ye same: was iudged to haue both his eyes put out, & also those members cut of, which nature with secret shame hath couered. Which punishmēt by the malice of his aduersary being executed vpon him, he lying in great danger of death by bleeding, was coūsayled to make his prayer to this Tho. of Caunterbury. Whiche done (sayth the myracle) appeared one to him by night, in white apparell, bidding him to watch and pray, & put his trust in God, and our Lady, and holy S. Thomas. In conclusion,A blasphemous vision. the miracle thus sel out: the next day at the euening, ye man rubbing his eye lids began to feele hys eyes to be restored agayne: first in a litle, after in a greater measure: so yt one was of a gray colour, ye other was of a black. And here was one miracle rong. After this folowed an other miracle also vpon the same person. For going but the space of 4. myles whē his eyes were restored, he chaunced (in like maner) to rubbe the place,A false and impudent myracle. where his secret partes were cut of. And immediately vpon the same, his pendēda (to vse the wordes of my story) were to him restored, Principio parua quidem valdè, sed in maius proficientia, whiche he permitted euery one to feele, that woulde and shamed not to deny. In so much that he comming vp to S. Thomas: first at London was receaued with ioy of the B. of Dirchā, who then sending to the burgers of Bedford for the truth of the matter, receaued from thē again letters testimonial: wherein the Citizens there (sayth this fabulous festiuall) confirmed first to the byshop, thē to the couent of Canterbury, the relation of this to be as hath bene told. This one miracle (gentle reader) so shamelesse & impudēt, I thought here to expresse, that by this one, thou mightst iudge of all ye residue of his miracles: & by the residue thereof mightst iudge moreouer of al the filthy wickednes of all these lying monks and cloysterers, which count it a light sport so impudently to deceiue the simple soules of Christes Churche with trifling lyes and dreaming fables. Wherefore, (as I sayd) if the holy saynting of Thomos Becket, standeth vpon no other thing but vpon his miracles: what credite is to be geuen thereto, & vpon what a weak groūd his shrine so lōg hath stand, by this may easily be seen. Furthermore, an other fable as notable as this, and no lesse worthy of ye whetstone, we read in the story of Geruasius: That Thomas Becket appearing to a certayne priest, named Thomas, declared to him that he had so brought to passe, that all the names of the Monks of the Church of Caunterbury, with the names of the priestes and Clerkes, & with the families belonging to that citty and church of Cant. were written in the booke of lyfe, Ex Geruas. fol. 6.

But whatsoeuer is to be thought of hys miracles, or how soeuer the testimony of the schole of Paris, or of these auncient tymes went with him or agaynst hym: certayn it is, that this Antheme or Collect lately collected & primered in hys prayse, is blasphemous, and derogateth frō the prayse of him, to whome al prayse onely and honor is due, where it is sayd.

The blasphemous antheme [...] Becket. Tu per Thamasangmnem, quten prote impides: Fat nos Chrihe scādere qu Thomas [...] cendi [...].

Tu per Thomae sanguinem quem pro te impedit,

Fac nos Christe scandere quò Thomas ascendit.

That is. For the bloud of Thomas, which he for thee did spend, Graunt vs (Christ) to climbe, where Tho. did ascend.

Wherein is a double lye contayned: first, that he dyed for Christ. Secondly, that if he had so done, yet that his bloud could purchase heauē. Which thing, neyther Paul nor any of the apostles durst euer chalēge to themselues. For if any mans bloud could bring vs to heauen, then the bloud of Christ was shed in vayne.

And thus much touching the testimony or censure of certayne auncient tymes concerning the cause of Thomas Becket. In the explication of whose history I haue stoode now the longer (exceding peraduenture in ouermuch prolixitie) to the intent that his cause beyng fully opened to the world and duely weyed on euery part: mens mindes (therby long deceiued by ignoraunce) might come vnto the more pexiect certayntie of the truth therof, and thereby to iudge more surely what is to be receaued, and what to be refused.

Wherby the way is to be noted out of the testimony of Rob. Crikeladensis, which in him I finde: that the Pieres and nobles of this land neere about the king, gaue out in straight charge vpon payne of death, and confiscating of al their goodes, no man to be so hardy to name Tho. Becket to be martyr, or to preach of hys miracles. &c. Ex Crikeladensi.

After the death of Thomas Becket,The king sendeth [...] Rome. the king fearing yt Popes wrath and curse to be layd vpon him (whereunto Ludouike the French king also helped what he could to set the matter forward) sent to Rome the archb. of Rotomage with certayn other bishops and Archdeacons vnto the P. with hys excuse, which, the Pope would in no wise heare. And after other messengers beyng sent, whome some of the Cardinals receaued, it was shewed to them that on good Friday (beyng then nye at hand) the pope of custome was vsed to assoyle or to curse, & that it was noysed, how the king of Englād with his bishops should be cursed and his land interdicted,Ex librio notatio [...] histeru [...]i manuscrip to [...]. Skeng. and that they should be put in prison. After this certaine of the Cardinals shewed the pope, that the messengers had power to sweare to the Pope, that the king should obey his punishment and penaunce. Whiche was taken both of the King and the Archb. of Yorke. So that in the same day the pope cursed the deede doers, with such as were of their consent, eyther that ayded or harboured thē. Concerning these deede doers it is touched briefly before:The penit of the four knightes. how they fled vnto Yorkeshire lying in Gnarsboborough. Who after hauing in penaunce to go in their linen clothes barefoot (in fasting and prayer) to Ierusalem: by reasō of this hard penance are sayd to dye in fewe yeres after.

The kinges Ambassadours lying as is said in Rome: could finde no grace nor fanor a long tyme at the Popes handes. At length with much ado it was agreed, that two Cardinals shuld be sent down to enquire out the matter, concerning them that were consenting to Beckets death. The king perceauing what was preparing at Rome, neither being yet certayne: whereto the intent of the Pope, & comming down of the Cardinals would tend: in ye incane tyme addressed hymselfe with a great power to enter into Ireland,Ex Houe [...] no. geuing in charge and commaundement (as Houedenus writeth) that no bringer of any brief or letter shuld come ouer into England or passe out of ye realme (of what degree or condition so euer he were) without special licēce and assuraunce to bring nothing that should be preiudiciall to the realme.

This order being set and ordained,Ireland [...] subdued to England. the king with 400. great shippes taketh hys iourney to Irelande: where he subdued in short tyme the whole land vnto hym, which at that tyme was gouerned vnder diuers kings to the number of v. Of whome foure submitted themselues vnto the sayd kyng Henry; onely the fifth (who was the kyng of [Page] Ionacta) denyed to be subdued, keeping him in woodes and Marishes.

In the meane season while the king was thus occupied in Ireland,Anno. 1172. the two Cardinals that were sent from ye Pope (Thedinus and Albertus) were come to Normā dy. Unto whom, the king the next yeare following resorted, about the month of October, an 1172. But before (during the time of the kinges being in Ireland) the Bish. of London, and Ioceline v. of Salisbury, had sent to Rome, and procured their absolution from the pope. The K. returning out of Ireland by Wales into England, & from thence to Normandy: there made his purgation before the Popes legates, as touching the death of the foresayd Becket: to the which he sware he was neither ayding or consenting, but onely that he spoke rigorous wordes against hym, for that his knightes would not auenge him against the sayd Thomas. For the which cause, this penaunce was ouioyned him vnder his othe.

The kings penance for the death of Becket.First, that he should send so much to the holy lande, as would find two C. knightes or souldiours for the defence of that land.

Also, that frō Christmas day next folowing, he should set forth hys owne person to light for the holy land yt space of 3. yeares together, vnlesse he should be otherwise dispesed withall by the Pope.

Item, that if he would make hys iorney into Spaine (as hys present necessitie did require) there he to fight agaynst the Saracens: And as long tyme as he shuld there abide, so long space might he take in prolonging his iorney toward Ierusalem.

Item, y• hee should not hinder nor cause to be hindred by hym, any appellations made to the Pope of Rome.

Item, that neyther he nor hys sonne, should depart or disseuer from pope Alexander, or from his catholicke successors: so long as they should recount him or his sonne for kinges catholike.

Item, that the goodes and possessions taken from the Church of Caunterbury, should be restored agayne (fully and amply) as they stode the yeare before Thom. Becket departed the realme, and that free libertie should be graū to all such as were outlawed for Beckets cause to returne agayne.

Item, that the foresayd customes & decrees by him established against the Church, should be extinct and repelled (such onely except, yt concerned his own person) &c besides other secret fastinges and almes enioyned hym.

All these former conditions, the king with his sonne did both agree vnto: debasing himselfe in such sorte of submission before the two Cardinals: by the occasion wherof, the Cardinall took no little glory, vsing thys verse of the Psalme:Exquadrilogo. Qui respicit terram, & facit eam tremere: qui tangit montes & fumigant. That is, which looketh vpon the earth, and maketh it to tremble: which toucheth the hilles, and they smoke &c. Moreouer it is mētioned in histories of the sayd king:K. Héry the 2. goeth on pilgrimage with bloudie steps to Tho. Bee. Ex Rogero Houdeno & quadrilogo & alijs. Anno. 1174. that a little after William king of Scots with hys army had made a rode into ye realme, he returning out of Normandy into England, came first to Caunterbury: who by the way (so soone as he came to the sight of Beckets church, lighting of his horse and putting of hys shoes went barefoote to his tombe: whose steppes were found bloudy through the roughnes of the stones. And not onely yt, but also receaued further penance by euery mōke of the cloyster certayn discipline of a rod. By whiche so great deiection of the K. (if it were true) yu mayest see the blind and lamentable superstition and ignorance of those daies. If it were pretensed (as might so be in tyme of warre, to get the hartes of the people) yet mayest thou learned Reader see,The citie of Canterbury almost consumed with fire. Ex Houedeno parte. 1. continuata historiae. Anno. 1175. what slauery kinges and Princes were brought into at yt tyme, vnder the popes Clergy. The same yeare (as Houeden writeth) which was 1174. the whole citty of Caunterbury, was almost al consumed with fire, and the sayd minster Church cleane burnt.

The next yeare insuing, which was 1175. a conuocation of Bishops was holden at Westminster by Rich. archbishop of Cant. In which conuenticle, all the byshops & Abbots of the prouince of Canterbury and of Yorke being present,Controuersie betwene the sea of Can. & the sea of York. Archbishop of Yorke appealed the Archb. of Canterterbury to the byshop of Rome. determined (as it had done a little before in king Henry. 1, dayes, an. 1113.) about the obedience that Yorke should doe to Caunterbury. That is, whether the Archb. of Yorke might beare hys Crosse in the diocesse of Cant. or not: whereof something was touched before in the former processe of this history. Also about the Bishopricke of Lincolne, of Chichister, of Worcester, & of Herford: whether these churches were vnder the iurisdiction of the see of Yorke or not, &c. Upon these and other like matters: rose such controuersie betweene these 2. seas, that the one appealed the other to the presence of the Bishop of Rome.

In these and suche causes like, howe much better had it bene, if the supremacy had remayned more nere in the kinges handes at home, whereby not onely much labour & trauell had bene saued, but also the great and was [...]full expences bestowed at Rome, might with muche more fruite and thanke haue beene conuerted to their cures and flockes committed vnto thē, and also percase their cause no lesse indifferently heard (at least more speedely might haue bene decided) but to the purpose again. In this cōtrouersie diuerse of yt bishop of Yorks clergy (such as were of Gloucester,The clerkes of S. Oswald in Glocester excommunicated. belong to the church of S. Oswald) were excōmunicate by the Archb. of Cant. because they being sommoned, refused to appeare before hym. &c. At length the same yeare which was 1175. there was a Cardinall sent downe from Rome by the kinges procurement: who studyed to set a peace betwene the two archbishops.Agreement betweene the Archb. of Cant. and of Yorke. Whereupon, this way of agreement was takē (by the meanes of the king) at Winchester: that as touching the church of S. Oswald at Glocester, the Archbishop of Canterb. should cease of hys clayme therof, molesting the see of Yorke no more therein. Also should absolue agayne the Clerkes thereof, whom he had excommunicated before. And as concerning the bearing of the crosse and all other matters: it was referred to the Archbishop of Rhotomage, and of other Bishops in Fraunce: so that for fiue yeares, a league or truce was taken betwixt them, till they should haue a full determination of their cause.

The next yeare following,Anno. 1176. the foresayd king Henry the 2. (deuiding the realme of England into 6. partes) ordeyned vpon ouery part 3. Iustices of assise. The circuit or limitation of which Iustices was thus disposed. The first vpon Northfolke,Iustices of assise deuided into vj. circuites. Suffolke, Cantebridshire, Huntendū shire, Bedfordshyre, Buckinghamshire, Essex, Hertfordshire. 2. Vpon Lincolnshire. Notinghamshire, Darbishire, Stamfordshyre, Warwickshire, Northamptonshire, Leicestershire. 3. Upon Kent, Surrey, Southamptonshyre, Southsaxe, Barkeshire, Oxfordshire. 4. Upon Herefordshyre, Gloucestershyre, Wyrcestershyre, Salopsshyre. 5. Upon Wiltshyre, Dorcetshyre, Somercetshyre, Deuonshyre, Cornwall. 6. Euerwickshire, Richmondshire, Lancaster, Copland, Weshnarland, Northumberland, Cumberland.

In the which yeare also,Ex Epitome Math. Parisensis & alsarum historiarum. Richard Archb. of Caunterbury, made 3. Archdeacons in his dioces, where as before there was but one. About which tyme also it was graunted by the kyng to the popes legate, that a Clerke shoulde not be called before a temporall iudge, except for offence in the forest, or for hys say see that he holdeth.

Item,A friuolous cō tention betwene the Archb. and the Abbot of Canterbury. Where was here the precept of the gospel: he that wil be greatest amōgst you, let him be an vnderling to other. that no Archbishop or Bishoprick, nor Abbey should remayne in the kings handes ouer one yeare wtout great cause. It chaunced the same yeare, yt this was done there was at Canterbury one elected to be Abbot in the house of S. Austen named Albert: who made great labor and sute vnto the Archbishop that he would come to hys Church, and there consecrate him Abbot of S. Austens. To whome the archb. sent word agayne, that he was not bound to come to him but rather the other should repayre to the Metropolitane church of Caunterbury, there to receiue hys consecration. Whereupon (controuersie rising betwene them) the foresaid new Elect appealed vp to the audience of the Pope, and so laboured vp hymselfe to Rome. Where, he so handled the matter (by what meanes I cannot tell, vnles with his golden bottle, wherewith he quē ched the popes thirsty soule, for Abbots neuer trauel lightly without far purses to Rome) that with short dispatche he procured letters from Alexander the pope,The tenor of the popes letter to the Byshop of Worcester. to Roger bishop of Worcester: Signifying to hym, that he had geuen in charge and commaundement to the archb. of Cant. (in the behalfe of hys deare sonne Albert) that he should consecrate hym within hys own monastery: which monastery properly and soly without mediation, belonged to the iurisdiction of Rome, and so likewise should do to his successors after him, without any exaction of obedience of thē. Which thing further he sayd if the archb. woulde refuse to do, within the terme appoynted: that then he the foresayd B. of Worcester (should by the authoritie committed vnto him) execute the same, al maner of appellatiō or other decree whatsoeuer should come notwithstāding. This letter being obtayned, the Abbot (that would be) returneth home supposing with hymselfe all things to be sure. The archb. vnderstanding the case, and seeing hymselfe so straightly charged, and yet lothe to yeld and stoupe to the Abbot, took to him pollicy where authoritie would not serue: and both to saue himselfe, and yet to disapoynt the Abbot, he watcheth a tyme when the Abbot was about busines of hys house. And comming the same tyme to the monastery (as he was cōmaunded to do) with all things appointed, that [Page] to suche a busines appertayned: called for the Abbot, pretending no lesse but to geue him his consecration. The Abbot beyng called for, was not at home. The archb. fayning hymselfe not a little agreued at his labour & good wil so lost departed, as one in whome no redy diligence was lacking: if in case that the Abbot had bene at home. Wherupon, the Abbot (being thus disapoynted) was fayne to fill his siluer stagon a fresh, & make a new course to Rome to hys father the pope, of whome he receiued his consecration, and so came home agayne with as much witte as he went forth: but not with so much mony perad [...]enture as he went withall.

We haue declared a little aboue, pag. 175. touching the actes and doynges of this Pope Alexander the 3. howe he had brought the Emperours head vnder hys foote in S. Markes Church at Uenice: at which time and place peace was concluded, and a composition made betweene the P. and the sayd Fredericke the Emperor. Which pacificatiō, Rog. Houedenus, Houedenus Gisbergensis. Anno. 1177. and Gualterus Gisburgensis, referre to this tyme beyng the yeare of our Lord. 1177. bringing in two seuerall letters sent from the sayd Pope to Richard Archbishop of Canterbury, and to Roger Archbishop of York, and Hugh byshop of Duresme. Out of the whiche letters (so much as serueth to our purpose) I haue taken and here inserted.

The letter of Pope Alexander, sent to Roger Archbyshop of Yorke, and to the Byshop of Duresme.

ALexander, seruaunt of the seruaunts of God, to his reuerend brethren Roger Archbishop of Yorke, and Hugh Byshop of Duresme greeting, and Apostolicall blessing.

The obsequy and seruice of your kinde deuotion, which hitherto you are knowne to haue geuen, bothe deuoutly and laudably to vs and to the Church: requireth that we should describe to you as to our speciall frendes, the prosperous successe of the Churche: and to let you know as spirituall children of the Churche, what hath happened to the same: For meete it is, conuenient and also honest, that you whome we haue had so firme, and sure in our deuotion: should now be cherished and made ioyous in the prosperitie of vs, and of the Churche. And about the end of the Epistle it followeth thus.

The next day following, which was the feast of S. Iames (the sayd Emperour so requesting) we came to the foresayd Churche of S. Marke, A meeke Emperour & a proude Pope. there to celebrate our solemne Masse: where (as we were comming in the way) the sayd Emperor met vs without the Church, and placing vs agayne on his right hand, he brought vs so into the sayd Church. After the masse was done, placing vs agayn on his right hand, The Emperour holdeth the Popes stirrup. he brought vs to the Church dore. And moreouer, when we should take our palfrey: he held our stirrup: exhibiting to vs such honor and reuerence as hys progenitours were wont to exhibite to our predecessors. Wherefore these shal be to incite your diligence and study towardes vs: that you reioyce with vs and the Church in these our prosperous successes, and also that you shall open the same effect of peace to other deuout childrē of the church: that such as be touched with the zeal of the house of the Lord, may congratulate & reioyce also in the Lord, for the great working of peace which he hath geuen.

Geuē at Venice in the deepe riuer, the xxvi. of Iuly.

This yeare the contention reuiued agayne, spoken of little before, pag. 173. betwene the 2. archbishops of York and Canterb. The occasion whereof was this. The maner and practise of the pope is, when he beginneth to lacke money, he sendeth some limitting Cardinall abroad, to fetch his harnest in. So there came this yeare into Englād (as lightly few yeares were without them) a certayn Cardinall from Rome called Hugo, or as Houedenus nameth him, Hugezun, who would needes keepe a Councell at Westin. To this Councel resorted a great cōfluence (about middle of Lent) of Bishops, Abbots, Priors, Doctors, & such other of the Clergye. As euery one was there placed in his order, and after his degree: first commeth the archb. of Yorke named Roger:Contention betweene two Archbishops who should sit on the right hand of the Cardinal. who (thinking to present ye other Archbishop) came something sooner, & straighway placed hymselfe on the right hand of the Cardinall. Richard ye Archbishop of Cant. following shortly after: and seing the first place taken vp, refuseth to take the second: complayning of the Arch. of York, as one preiudicial to his sea. So, while the one wold not rise, & the other part not sit down, rose no small contention betweene them two. The archb. of Canterb. claymed the vpper seate by the preheminence of hys church. Contrary ye archb. of York alledged for hym the old decree of Gregory, wherof mētion is made before, pag. 118. By which this order was taken betweene the 2. Metropolitanes of Canterbury and York: that, which of them two should be first in electiō, he should haue the preheminence in dignitie, & goe before the other. Thus they contending to and fro, waxed so warme in wordes, that at last they turned to hote blowes. Now strong the Archbishop of Yorke was in reason and argument I cannot tell: but the Archbish. of Cant, was stronger at the armes end. whose seruauntes beeing moe in number (like valiaunt men) not suffering their maister to take such a foyle: so preuailed agaynst York (sitting on the right hand of the Cardinall) that they pluckt him downe from the hand, to the foote of the Cardinall vpon the ground: treading & trampling vpon him with their feete, that maruel it was he escaped with life. His Casule, Chimer, and Rochet, were all to be rent and torne from his backe. Here no reason woulde take place, no debating would serue, no praying could be heard, such clamour and tumulte was there in the house among them: much like to the tumulte, which Uirgill describeth.

Ac veluti in magno populo, cum saepe coorta est

Seditio, saeuit (que) animis ignobile vulgus,

Iam (que) faces & saxa volant, furor arma ministrat.

Now, as the first part of this description doth well agree, so some peraduenture will looke agayne, that according to the latter part also of the same: my Lord Cardinall with sagenesse and grauitie (after the maner of the olde Romaynes standyng vp) should haue ceased and aleyed the disturbaunce: according to that whiche followeth in the Poete.

Tum pietate grauem meritis si fortè virum quem

Conspexêre, silent, arrectif (que), auribus astant:

Ille regit mentes dictis, & pectora mulcet. &c.

But what did the noble Romaine Cardinall: Like a pretty man of hys handes (but a pretier man of hys seete) standing vp in the midst, & seing the house in such a broyle, committed himselfe to flight, and (as Houedenus writeth) abscondit se a facie illorum. The next day after, the Archbishop of Yorke bringeth to the Cardinall his Rochet, to beare witnes what iniury and violence he had sustayned: appealing and citing vp the Archbishop of Caunterbury with certayne of hys men, to the Bishop of Rome. And thus the holy counsell (the same day it was begon) brake vp and was dissolued.

Under the raygne of this K. Henry the 2. the dominion and crowne of England extended so farre as hath not bene seene in this realme before him,The large dominion of K. Henry the 2. whome histories recorde to possesse vnder hys rule and iurisdictiō, first Scotland, to whom William king of Scots, with all the lords temporall and spiritual did homage,Homage of Scotland in paine of interdiction. both for them and for their successors (the seale where of remayneth in the kyngs treasury) as also Ireland, England, Normandy, Aquitane, Gaunt, &c. vnto the moūtaynes of Pireney, which be in the vttermost partes of the great Ocean in the Brittish sea:K. Hēry the 2. protection of Fraunce. being also protector of Fraunce, to whom Phillip the French king yelded both himselfe and Realme wholy to his gouernaunce, an. 1181. Moreouer, he was offred also to be the king of Ierusalem, by the Patriarch & maister of the hospital there:K. Henry chosen king of Ierusale [...] & refused [...]. who then being distressed by the Soldane, brought him the keyes of their Citty, desiring hys ayd agaynst the infidels: which offer he thē refused, alledging the great charge which he had at home, & the rebelliō of hys sonnes, which might happen in hys absence.

¶ And here, the olde historyes finde a great fault with the king for hys refusall, declaring that to be the cause of Gods plagues, which after ensued vpon him, by his children: as the Patriarche (in hys Oration, beyng offended with the king) prophecied should so happen to him for the same cause. Which story if it be true, it may be a lesson to good Princes:Ayde not to be denied to our neighbours the cause being godly. Ex Poly [...] Ex Gira [...] Cambrica [...]. not to deny their necessary helpe to their distressed neighbors, especially the cause appertayning vnto God.

The wisedome, discretion, manhood, and riches of thys Prince was so spred and renoumed through all quarters: that messages came from Emanuell Emperour of Constantinople, Fredericke Emperour of Rome, and William Archbishop of Treuer in Almayne, & Duke of Saxon, and from the Earle of Flaunders, and also from the French K. (vpon determination of great questions and strifes) to aske councell & determination therof, of this K. Henry: as of one most wise and scholemayster of al wisedome & iustice, to haue solutiō of their questions & doubts. Moreouer, Alphonsus king of Castile, and Sauncius king of Nauerue, being in strife for certayne Castels, and other possessions: submitted them (of their free accord) and by their othe, to abide the award of this king Henry: who [Page] [...]ing Henry [...]osen arbi [...]er by two [...]nges.made [...] whereby it is to be [...] resort, as to they arbitrer & [...] to any [...] the acres of this [...] kish writers [...].

Among many other thinges [...] this one is to be [...] 35. yeares: and hauing such warres with his enemies [...] [...] upon his subiectes put any [...] vpon the spiritualty, first unites, and appropriations [...] benefices, [...] And yet his treasure [...] chard his sonne) [...] safid pound,The treasure of K. Henry the [...]. [...] furniture. Of the which [...] thousand pound came do him by the death of [...] who had practiced a [...] A couetous Archbishop. [...] dyed within [...] haue all his goods. And shortly after the Archbishop [...] and the king had all his goods [...] to eleuen thousand pound beside plate [...]

But as there is no felicitye [...] or wealth in this mortall world so perfect, which is not darkenes [...] of incombraunce and aduersity: So it happened to this king, ye among his other [...] successours: this incommodity followed him withal: that his sonnes rebelled & stood in armor agaynst him, taking the part of the [...] king against theyr father. First [...] coronation of Henry his sonne, whom the Father ioyned with him as king, he being both Father and king, tooke vpon him (that notwithstanding) as but a steward: and set downe the first dish as Shower vnto his sonne: renouncing the name of a king. At what time, the foresayd Archbishop of Yorke, sitting on the right hand of ye young king sayd: sir ye haue great cause this day to ioy.Pride destroyeth all. For there is no Prince in the world that hath such an officer this day, &c. And the yong king disdayning his wordes, said: my father is not dishonored in this doing. For I am a king and a Queenes sonne, and so is not he. And not onely this, but after he also persecuted his father. And so in his youth, whē he had raigned but a few yeares, dyed: teaching vs what is the price and reward of breaking the iust commaundement of God.

K. Henry the 2. persecuted by his sonnesAfter him likewise Richard his sonne (who was called Richard Coeur de Lyon) rebelled agaynst his father: And also Iohn his youngest sonne did not much degenerate from the steps of his brethren. In somuch that this foresayd Richard (like an vnkinde childe, persecuting and taking part agaynst his father) brought him to such distresse of body and minde? that for thought of hart he fell into an ague, and within foure dayes departed, after he had raigned 35. yeares, whose corps as it was caried to be buried, Richard his sonne cōming by ye way & meeting it, & beginning for compassion to weepe:The death of K. Henry the second. Howe the kyng being being dead bled at the comming of his sonne. the bloud brast incontinent out of the nose of the king at the comming of his sonne: geuing therby a certayne demonstration how he was the onely author of his death.

After the death and raigne of which king: his children after him (worthely rewarded for their vnnaturalnesse against their father) lacking the successe which their father had: lost all beyond the sea that their father had got before.

And thus much concerning the raign of Henry the second, and the death of Thomas Becket: whose death (as is aforesayd) happened in the dayes of pope Alexander the thyrd: which pope vsurping the keies of Ecclesiasticall regiment 21. yeares (or as Gisburgensis writeth, 23. yeares) gouerned the Church with much tumult: striuing and contending with Fredericke the Emperour not shaming like a most proud Lucifer, to tread with his foote vpon the necke of ye sayd Emperour, as is aboue described pag. 205.

Anno. 1179.This Pope among many other his acres, had certain Councels (as is partly before touched) some in Fraunce, some at Rome in Laterā, by whom it was decreed: that no Archbishop should receiue the palle, vnlesse he should first sweare. Concerning the solemnity of which palle: for the order and maner of geuing and taking the same with obedience to the pope, as it is cōteined in their own words: I thought it good to set it forth vnto thee, that thou mayest well consider and vnderstand their doings therein.

¶ The forme and maner how and by what wordes the Pope is wont to geue the p [...]lle vnto the Archbyshop.

Geuyng of the pall. AD honorem omnipotentis Dei, & beatae Mariae virginis & beatorum Petri & Pauli, & Domini nostri N. Papae, & sanctae Romana Ecclesiae see non N. Ede [...] [...] tradimus [...] pon [...] diebus, qui [...] concessis.

That is in English.

To the honor of almighty God, and of blessed Mary the virgine, and of [...] [...]. Peter and Paule, and of our Lord Pope [...]. and of the holy Church of Rome, and also of the Church of [...] committed to your charge, we geue to you the [...] frō the body of S. Peter, as a [...] of the office [...], which you may weare [...]in your owne church, [...] dayes, whiche be expressed in the priuiledges of the sayd church, graunted by the sea Apostolicke.

¶ Notes vpon the same.

¶To the honour. &c. with what confidence durst the Pope [...]uple the honor of almighty God, and the honor of Mary. of S. Peter, and of the Pope, and of the Romish Church altogether if he had not bene a presumptuous Lucifer, equalling himselfe not onely with faith Saints, but also euen with him which is God alen̄e, to be blessed for euer.

Taken from the body. &c. If S. Peters body be not all consumed, let him shew it if he can [...] if he can not shew [...]t, how then is this palle t [...]en from the body of S. Peter [...]or if he meane it to be of S. Peters owne wearing the [...] S Peter had a godly wardrop of palles, when euer Archbishop in all Christondome receiueth from the Pope [...] palle.

As a fulnes of the office &c. Rather he might say, the fulnesse of his owne purfe, when as Archbishops payd so sweetly for it. In so much that [...] the Archbishop of Mentz, as is aboue touched pag. 172. a litle before in the councell of Basile where the price was wont to be but a thousand florences, could not obtein it without 26. thousand florences.Ex libro grauaminum nationis germanic [...].

Vpon certayne dayes. &c. This difference there was betwene the Pope and other Archbyshops. For the Pope might weare the palle at all times and in all places at his pleasure. Archbishoppes might not weare it, but vpon certayne dayes, and in their church onely within their prouince. Moreouer, this posse should not be asked but with great instaunce, and within three monethes with out which palle he is not to be named. Archbishop, But may be deposed, hauing it not after three monethes. And the same palle must also be buried with him when he dieth And when it is geuē, some priuiledge must be geuen withall, or the olde renued.

In like-maner proceedeth the othe of euery Byshop swearing obedience to the Pope, in like wordes as followeth.

EGo N Episcopus N ab hac hora in a [...]tea fidelis & obediēs ero beato Petro,The solemne oth of Byshops made to the Pope. sanctaequè Apostoneae Romanae Ecclesiae, & Domino meo. D N. Papae, suis (que) succelloribus canonicè intrantibus. Non ero in consilio, seu auxilio, cōsensu, vel faeto, vt v [...]am perdant, aut membrum, seu capiantur mala capatione. Consiltrum verò quod mihi credturi sunt, per se aut per [...]uncium, feu literas corum,Saluo me [...] ord. This was the clause that made Becket to be banished and to be slaine. me sciente nemini pandam. Papatum Romanum & Regalia S. Petri adiutor eis ero ad retinendum & defendendum saluo meo ordine, contrá omnem hominem. Legatum Apostolicae sedis in cundo & redeundo honorificè tractabo, & in suis necessitatibus adiuu [...]bo. Vocatus ad synodum veniam, nisi praepeditus fuero canonica praepeditione Apostolorum limina singulis trenniis visitabo, [...]ut per me, aut per meum nunclum, [...] Apostolica absoluar licentia. Possessiones verò ad mensam mei Episcopatus pertinentes non-vendam, ne (que) donabe, ne (que) oppignorabo, ne (que) de nouo infeudabo, nec aliquo modo alienabo, inconsulto Rom. pontifice, sic me Deus adiuuel, & sancta Dei Euangelia.

That is in English.

IN. Bishop of N. from this houre henceforth, wilbe faythful and obedient to blessed S. Peter, and to the holye Apostolicke Churche of Rome, and to my Lord N. the pope. I shalbe in no councell, nor help, either with my cō sent or deed: whereby either of them or any member of thē may be unpayred, or wherby they may be taken with any euill taking. The councell which they shall commit to me, either by thēselues or by messenger or by their letters, wittingly or willingly I shall vtter to none, their hindraūce and damage. To the remining and maintening the papacy of Rome, and the regalities of S. Peter I shalbe an arder (so mine order be salued) agaynst all persons. The Legate of the Apostolicke sea both in going and comming, I shal honorably entreat and help him in all necessities, Being called to a [...]hode I shalbe ready to c [...]me, vnlesse I be let by some lawfull & canonicall [...]peehment. The palace of the Apostles onery thied yeare I shall visi [...]e either by myselfe, or my messenger, except other wise being licensed by the sea Apostolicke, All such possessio [...]s as belōg to [Page] the table and dyet of my Bishopricke:And howe be not those Byshops then persured which at the death of Q. Mary, set and let out a great part of their possessions, frō their successors. I shall neither sell, nor geue, nor lay to morgage, nor lesse out, or [...]due away by any maner of meanes, without yt consent & knowledge of the Byshop of Rome, so God help me and the holie Gospels of God.

A note vpon the same

¶Hereby thou hast by the way (gentle Reader) to note and consider among other thinges which here may be vnderstand, that since the time the othe began to be layd and must vpō Byshops, all generall Coūcels began to loose they robery. For how could any freedome remayn for men to speake theyr knowledge in redresse of things: being by their othe so bound to the▪ Pope to speake nothing but on his side, to maintayne the Papacy and the church of Rome in all times and places? Coniecture by thy selfe (Christen Reader) what is more hereby to be considered.

BEsides this it was also decreed in the sayd Councell at Rome of 310. Byshops, by pope Alexander: that no mā should haue any spirituall promotion, except he were of lawful age, and born in wedlock. That no parish Church should be voyd aboue 6. moneths. That none within orders should meddle with temporall busines. That priests should haue but one benefice. And that the Bishop should be charged to finde the priest a liuing till he be promoted.

That open vsurers should not cōmunicate at Easter, [...]or be buried within the Churchyard.

That nothing should be taken for ministring Sacraments, or burying.

Item, that euery cathedrall church should haue a master to teach children freely, without taking any thing for the same.

The vowe of chastitie layde vpon priestes.In this councell the vow of chastitye was obstruded & layd vpon Priestes. Thomas Becket also, and Bernard were canonised for Saintes.

During the raigne and time of this king Henry the second: the City of Norwich was destroyd and burnt by the men of Flaunders. Also the town of Lecester. Notingham wasted, and the Burgeses slayne by the Earle of Ferers. The towne of Barwick destroyd by the Scots. The king of Scottes was taken in warre by Englishmen, an. 1174. The towne of Huntington taken and burned. The towne of Canterbury by casualty of fire, burnt with all ye Churches, specially with the Trinity church, where Becket was worshipped. an.eod. The yeare of our Lord. 1170 Willia king of Scots with Dauid his brother, and all the Barons of the realm did homage to the king of England. Ireland made subiect to England. Decreed in a councell in Normandy, that no boyes or childrē should posses any benefice. A coūcell of Lateran was holdē at Rome, where were 33. articles cōcluded. an. 1179. The French king came in pilgri [...]nage to Thomas Becket, the king of England meeting him by the way. an. 1184. After the death of Richard Archbishoppe of Caunterbury,Richardus Baldwinus Archb of Canterb. who followed after Thomas Becket, succeeded Baldwinus, who of a Cistercian monk being made a byshop, is sayd neuer to eat flesh in his life. To whom a certein poore woman (bare & lean) meeting him in the street: desired to know of him whether it were true that was sayd of him, that he neuer eat flesh. Which thing when he had affirmed to be true: Nay, sayth she that is false: for ye haue eaten my flesh vnto the bone. For I had but one cow wherewith I was sustayned, and that hath your Deanes taken from me. True, true sayd the Bishop and thou shalt haue an other Cow as good as that. &c. Iornalens.

Moreouer, in the raigne of ye sayd king Henry, about the yeare of our Lord. 1178. I find in the story of Rog. Noueden and other, that in the city of Tholouse was a great multitude of men and womē, whom the popes Commissioners, to wit, Peter Cardinal of S. Crisogoim, and the Popes Legate: with the Archbishops of Narbone & Byturiensis: Reginald Bishop of Bathe, Iohn Bishoppe of Pictauia, Henry Abbot Clareuallēsis. &c. did persecute & condēne for hereticks: Of whom some were scourged naked, some chased away, some compelled to abiure. Concerning whose articles & opinions I haue no firme groūd to make any certain relation: for so much as I see ye Papistes many times so false in their quareling accusatiōs, vntruly collecting mens sayinges, not as they ment, & meanings, not as they sayd: but wresting and deprauing simple mēs assertions after such a subtle sort as they iust themselues to take them. But this I finde how one of the sayd commissioners or Inquisitors (Henry the Abbot) in a certaine letter of his, writ thus of them: Nam & panem sanctum vitae aeternae sacerdotis ministerio in verbo Domini consecratum non esse corpus Domini, nouo dogmate contendebat asserere. That is: After a new [...] he affirmed, that the holy bread of eternall life, [...] by the ministery of the Priest, was not the body of the [...].

In the time of this Alexander Sprung vp the doctrine and name of them: which were then [...] Pauperes de Lugduno which of one waldus a chiefe Se [...]tour in Lyons were named Wilden [...]item Leonishae & Infabbatati:Valde [...] seu paup [...] do [...] Leon [...] Insabbate 4. Arch p [...] lers [...] papist [...]y. about the yeare of our Lord, [...] (as [...] us writeth) an. 1170.

Not long before this time (as is exprest aboue) rose [...] Gratianus maister of the decrees, & Petrus Lombardus, mai [...]er of the sentence, both arch [...]ilers of all papistry. After whom followed also two as cuill, [...] worse then they, Franci [...]eus and Domi [...]cus, maintayning blinde hypocrisie, no lesse thē the other maintayned proud prelacy. As these labored one way, by superstition and worldly aduaū cement to corrupt the sincerity of Religion: So it pleased Christ the contrary way, laboring against these, to cause vp therfore the sayd Maldēsians, against he pride and hypocrisy of the other.

Thus we neuer see any great corruptiō in the church, but that some sparkle, yet of the true light of the Gospell, by Gods prouidence doth remayne. Whatsoeuer Doctor Augustinus, Remerius, Siluius, Cranzius with other in their popish histories, do write of them (defaming them through misreport) and accusing them to Magistrates, as disobedient to orders, rebels to the Catholick church, and contemners of the virgin Mary: yee they that cary iudgement indifferent, rather trusting trueth then wauer [...]ng with times, in weying their Articles, shall finde it otherwise: that they mayntayned nothing els, but the same doctrine, which is now defended in the Church. And yet I suppose not contrary, but as they did with the Articles of Wickliffe, and Hus: so the Papists did in like maner with their articles also, in gathering and wrasting them otherwise then they were ment.

The history of the Valdenses, concerning their originall, and doctrine, with their persecutions.

THe first originall of these Valdenses came of one Waldus,The history of Waldenses or Albingenses. a man both of great substance, and no lesse calling in the City of Lyons: the occasion whereof is declared of diuers writers, thus to come. About the yeare of the Lord 1160. it chaunced that diuers of the best and chiefest heades of the Citty of Lyons, talking and walking in a certayne place, after their olde accustomed maner, especially in the Sommer time, conferred and consulted together vpon matters, either to passe ouer time, or to debate thinges to be done. Amongst whom it chaunced one (the rest looking vpon) to fall downe by sodeine death. In the number of whom this foresayd Waldus there being amongest them was one. Who beholding the matter more earnestly then the other, and terrified with so heauy an exāple, being (as is sayd) a rich man, and Gods holy spirit working withall: was stroken with a deepe & inward repētance wherevpon folowed a new alteratiō, with a carefull study to reforme his former life. In somuch that first he began to minister large almes of his goods, to such as needed. Secōdly to instruct himselfe and his familye, with the true knowledge of Gods word: Thirdly, to admonish all that resorted to him, by any occasion, to repentaunce and vertuous amendment of life.

Wherby, partly through his large geuing to the poore, partly through his diligent teaching, & wholesome admonitions: more resort of people daily frequēted about him. Whom when he did see ready and diligent to learne, begā to geue out to them certayne rudi [...]ents of the Scripture, which he had translated himselfe into the French tongue. For as he was a man welthy in riches, so he was also not vnlearned.

Although Laziardus Volateranus, with other: note him vtterly vnlearned, & charge him with ignoraunce, as who should procure other to write and translate for him, By other that haue seene his doings, yet remaining in old parchment monuments, it appeareth he was both able to declare and translate the books of scripture, also did collect the doctors mind vpon the same.

But whatsoeuer he was (lettred,The true nature of Antichrist, neither hi [...] selfe to further the word nor suffer other men to do it. or vnlettred) the byshops and prelats seing him so to intermeddle with scriptures, and to haue such resort about him: albeit it was but in his own house, vnder priuate conferēce: could not abide either that the scriptures should be declared of any other, neither would they take the paines to declare it thēselues. So being moued wt great malice against the man: threatned to excommunicate him, if he did not leaue so to doe. [Page] Ualdus seing his doing to be but godly, and their malice stirred vp vpō no iust nor godly cause neglecting y• threaminges & frettinges of the wicked, said, that god must be obeied more then man: to be brief, the more diligēt he was in setting forth the true doctrine of Christ against the errors of Antichrist: the more maliciously their fiercenes increased. Insomuch that when they did see their excommunication to be despised, & would not serue: they ceased not with prison, with sword and banishment to persecute, till at length they had driuen both Ualdus, and all the fauourers of his true preaching out of the city.

Wherupon came first their name, that they were called Ualdenses, or pauperes de Lugduno, not because the would haue all things cōmon amongst them: or that they professing any wilfull pouerty, would imitate to liue as the Apostles did (as Siluius did falsly belie them) but because they being thrust out both of coutrey and goods, were cō pelled to liue poorly, whether they would or no. And thus much touching the first occasion and beginning of these men, and of the restoring and maintayning the true doctrine of Christs gospell, agaynst the proud proceedings of popish errors. Now concerning their articles: whiche I finde in order, and in number to be these.

SOlis sacris literis credendum esse in ijs, quae ad salutem. &c.

That is: Onely the holy Scripture is to be beleued in matters pertayning to saluation: and no mans writing, or man besides.

2. All things to be contayned in holy Scripture necessary to saluation:The articles of Waldenses. and nothing to be admitted in religion, but what onely is commaunded in the word of God.

3. To be one alonely mediator. Other saintes in no wise to be made mediators, or to be inuocated.

4. To be no purgatory, but that all men either by Christ are iustified to life: or without Christ to be condemned: and besides these two, neither any third or fourth place to be.

5. That all masses, namely such as be song for the dead to be wicked, and to be abrogate.

6. All mens traditions to be reiected, at least not to be reputed as necessary to saluation: and therefore this singing & superfluous chaunting in the chauncell to be left: constrained & prefixed fasts, boūd to dayes & tunes: difference of meates: such variety of degrees and orders of Priestes, friers, monkes, & nunnes: superfluous holidayes: so mady sundry benedictions & hallowing of creatures: vowes peregrinations: with all the rabblement of rites & ceremonies brought in by man to be abolished.

7. The supremacy of the Pope, vsurping aboue all churches, and especially aboue all politick realmes, & gouernments, or for him to occupye or vsurpe the iurisdiction of both the swordes to be denied neither that any degree is to be receiued in the Church, but onely Priests, Deacons, and Bishops.

8. The communion vnder both kindes to be necessary to all people, according to the institution of Christ.

9. Item, the church of Rome to be the very Babilon spoken of in the Apocalips: And the Pope to be the fountaine of all error, and the very Antichrist.

10 This article seemeth to be giuen vp of them in Bohemialōg after, for indulgences came not in before Bonifacius. 8. The popes pardons and indulgences they reiect.

11. The mariage of Priestes, and of ecclesiasticall persons, to be godly and also necessary in the Church.

12. Such as heare the word of God, & haue a right fayth, to be the right Church of Christ. And to this Church the keyes of the church to be geuen, to driue away wolues, & to institute true pastors, to preach the word, and to minister the Sacraments.

These be the most principall articles of the Uladenses albeit some there be, that adde moe to them: some agayne deuide the fame into moe partes. But these be the principall to which the rest be reduced.

The same Ualdenses at length exiled, were dispersed in diuers & sundry places: of whom many remayned long in Bohemia, which writing to theyr king Uladislaus, to purge themselues agaynst the slaundrous accusations of one D. Augustine, gaue vp theyr confession with an Apology of theyr christian profession: defending with strong & learned argumēts, ye saine which now is receiued in most reformed churches: both concerning grace, fayth, charitye, hope,Thomas Acuin first finder of Purgatory. Ex Ortbuin [...] [...]ratio. repentaunce, and workes of mercy. As for purgatory, they say, that Tho. Aquinas is the author thereof.

Concerning the Supper of the Lord, their fayth was, that it was ordayned to be eaten, not to be shewed & worshipped: for a memoriall, not for a sacrifice: to serue for the presēt ministration, & not for reseruation: to be receiued at the table, not be caryed out of the dores: according to the auncient vse of the primitiue church, when they vsed to cō municate sitting. And this they proue both by an old chronicle called Chronica gestorum:Chronica Gestorum. Or [...]gines super tertium librum Mosis. as also by auncient Origen vpon the third booke of Moses: bringing in his wordes which be these: prouing that this sacramental bread ought not to be reserued: Quicunque hunc panem coenae Christi, secunda, vel tertia die sumpserit, non benedicitur anima eius, sed inquinabitur: Propterea Gabaonitae, quia antiquos panes portauerūt ad filios Israel, The sacramentall bread ought not to be kept or reserued. oportuit eos ligna, ac aquam portare. &c. That is, whosoeuer receiueth this bread of the Supper of Christ vpon the second or iii. day after: his soule shall not be blessed but polluted. Therfore the Babaonites, because they brought olde bread to the children of Israel, it was enioyned them, to cary wood and water. &c.

D. Austen (of whom mētion is made before) disputing agaynst them,Part of the disputatiō betwene Doct. Austen and Waldenses. about this matter of the holy Eucharist, vrgeth them with this interrogation: whether it be the same Christ, (present in the Sacrament) which is present at the right hand of the father: If it be not the same Christ, how is it true in the Scripture, Vna fides, vnus Dominus nostet Iesus Christus. Dilemmae. That is a captious question, i [...] conferring on both sides an inconuenience. The answere of tho Waldenses. One fayth, one Lord Iesus Christ? If it be the same Christ, thē how is he not to be honored and worshipped here as well as there?

To this the Ualdenses aunswere againe, and graunt that Christ is one, and the same with his naturall body in the sacrament, which he is at the right hand of his Father: but not after the same existence of his body. For y• existence of his body in heauen is not personall and locall, to be apprehended by the fayth and spirit of men. In the sacramēt the existence of his body is not personall or locall, to be apprehēded or receiued of our bodies,What it is to receiue after a sacramentall maner. after a personal or corporall maner, but after a sacramētal maner: that is, where our bodies receiue the signe, & our spirit the thing insignified. Moreouer in heauen the existence of his body is dimensiue, and complete with the full proportion and quātity of the same body where with he ascēded: here the existēce of his complete body, with the full proportion, measure & stature thereof:Naturall. Sacramentall. doth not, neither can stand in the sacramēt. Briefly, the existence of his body in heauen is naturall not sacramentall: that is, to be sene, and not remembred: here it is sacramentall, not naturall: that is, to be remembred, not to be sene.

That aunswere being made to the captious propositiō of D. Augustine.An other Dilemma against Transubstantiation. The Ualdenses (retorting the like interrogation to him againe) demaund of him to answere them in the like obiection: whether it be all on christ substātially & naturally, which sitteth in heauen: & which is vnder the formes of bread and wine, and in the receiuers of the Sacrament▪ If he graunt to be: Then they did him say, seing Christ is as well in the sacrament as in heauen, & as well in the receiuer as in the sacrament, & all one Christ in substance & nature: why then is not the same Christ as well in the brest of the receiuer to be worshipped, as vnder the formes of bread and wine in the sacramēt? seing he is there after a more perfect maner in man, then in the sacrament: for in the sacrament he is but for a t [...]e, and not for the sacraments sake, but for the mans cause. In man he is not for the sacraments cause: but for his owne, and that not for a season but for euer: as it is written: Qui manducat hunc panem viuet in aeternum, that is: he that eateth this breade shall liue for euer, &c.

Moreouer and besides, seing trāsubstantiation is the going of one substance into an other: they question againe with him, whether the formes of bread and wine remayning, the substaūce thereof be chaūged into the whole person of our Lord Christ Iesus: that is, both into his body, soule, and diuinitye: or not into the whole Christ? If he graunt the whole: Then say they, that is impossible (concerning the diuinity) both to nature and to our fayth, that any creature can be chaūged into the creator. If he say, the bread is chaunged into the body and soule of Christ, not to his diuinity: then he seperateth the natures in Christ. If he say into the body alone, and not the soule: then he separateth the natures of the true manhood. &c. And so cannot be the same Christ that was betrayed for vs: for that he had both body & soule. To conclude, to what part soeuer he would aunswere: this doctrine of transubstantiation cannot be defended without great incōueniēce of al sides.

Ouer and besides,Eneas Syluius Bohemica historia de Valdō sium dogmatibus. Eneas Syluius writing of theyr doctrine and assertions (perchaunce, as he foūd them, perchaunce making worse of them, then they taught or ment) reporteth them after this maner, which I thought here to set out as it is in the Latin.

ROmanum praesulem reliquis episcopis parem esse. Inter sacerdotes, nullum discrimen. Praes byterum non dignitatem fed vitae meritum efficere potiorem. In English.

The byshop of Rome to be equall with other bishops. [Page] Amongst priestes to be no difference of degree. No Priest to be reputed for any dignity of his order, but for the worthinesse of his life.

The soules of men departed, either to enter into paine euerlasting or euerlasting ioy. No fire of Purgatory to be found. To pray for the dead to be vayn [...], and a thing onely found out for the lucre of Priestes.

The images of God (as of the Trinity and of saintes) to be abolished. The halowing of water & palmes to be a mere ridicle. The religion of begging Fryars to be found out by the deuill. That priestes should not incroch riches in this world, but rather follow pouerty, being content with their tythes, and mens deuotion. The preaching of the word to be free to all men called thereunto.

That no deadly sinne is to be tollerate, for whatsoeuer respect of a greater commodity to insu [...] therupon. The cō firmation which bishops exercise with oyle, and extreme vnction: are not to be counted amongst the sacraments of the Churche. Auriculare confession to be but a toy: to suffice for euery man to confesse himselfe in his chamber, to God.The Temple of the Lord that is, the proper habitatiō wherin God most properly dwelleth and worketh. That is, the verie place maketh not the ministration of holy thinges either more or lesse holy. Baptisme ought to be ministred ouely with pure water, without any mixture of halowed oyle. The temple of the Lord to be the wide world. The maiesty of God not to be restrayned more within the walles of temples, monastaries and chappelles, so that his grace is rather to be found in one place then in an other.

Priestes apparell ornaments of the high aulter, vestimentes, corporaces, chalices, patines, and other Churche plate to serue in no stead. For the difference and respect of the very place: to make no matter, where the priest doth consecrate, or doth minister to them which do require. To be sufficient to vse onely the sacramentall words without all other superfluous ceremonies.

The suffrages of saintes reigning with Christ in heauen, to be craued in vayne, being not able to helpe vs. In saying or singing the houres and Mattens of the day, the time to be but lost. A man ought to cease from his labour no day, but onely vpon the Sonday.

The feastes and festiuals of saintes, ought to be reiceted. Item, such fastes as be coacted and inioyned by the Church, haue no merite in them.

These assertions of the Ualdenses, being thus articled out by En [...]as Siluius, I thought to geue them abroad in English as they are in Latine: to the intent, that as they are the lesse to be doubted, being set out of a popes pen: so we may the better know both them hereby, what they were: and also vnderstand how this doctrine now preached and taught in the Church, is no new doctrine, which here we see both taught and persecuted almost 400, yeares agoe. And as I haue spoken hetherto sufficiently concerning theyr doctrine: So now we will briefly somewhat touch, of the order of theyr life and conuersation, as we finde it registred in a certayne olde written booke of Inquisition.

¶ Ex Inquisitorio quodam libello.

MOdus autem Valdensium talis est. &c. The whole proces commeth to this effect in English.De moribus et consu [...]tudiue Valdensium. The maner of the Ualdenses is this: They kneeling vpon their knees, leaning to some banke, or stay, doe continue in their prayers with silence, so long as a mā may say 30. or 40. times Pater noster. And this they doe euery day with great reuerence, being amongest thēselues, & such as be of their owne religion, & no straungers with thē, both before dinner & after: likewise before supper and after: also what time they go to bed: and in the morning when they rise, & at certain other times also, as well in ye day as in ye night. Itē, they vse no other prayer but the prayer of ye Lord, & that without any Aue Maria and the Creed, which they affirme not to be put in for any prayer by Christ, but only by y• church of Rome. Albeit they haue and vse y• seuē articles of fayth cōcerning the diuinity: and seuen articles concerning the humanity, and the x. commaundements, and seuen workes of mercy, which they haue compiled together in a cōpendious book, glorying much in the same, & therby offer themselues, ready to answere any man for theyr fayth.

Before they go to meate, they haue this grace, Benedicite Korieeleyson. Their maner of grace before meate. Their grace after meate. Christe eleyson. Kyrieeleyson. Pater noster: Which being sayd, then the elder amongest them beginneth thus in their owne tongue: God which blessed the fiue barely loaues and two fishes in the desert, before his disciples, blesse this table & that is set vpon it, or shalbe set vpon it. In the name of the father, of the sonne, and of the holy Ghost. Amen. And likewise agayne when they rise from meat, the seniour geueth thankes: saying the words of the Apocalips: Blessing, and worship, and wisedome, & thankesgeuing, honor, vertue, and strength to God alone for euer and euer, Amen. And addeth moreouer: God reward them in their bosoms, and be beneficiall to all them, that be beneficial to vs, and blesse vs. And the God which hath geuen vs corporall feeding, graunt vs his spirituall life, and God be with vs, and we alwayes with h [...]m. To which they answere agayn. Amē. And thus saying grace, they hold their hands vpward, looking vp to heauē. Alter their meat and grace sayd, they teach and exhort amongest themselues conferring together vpon their doctrine. &c.Reinerius [...] olde inqui [...]itor agata [...]: Walden [...]

In their doctrine and teaching they were so diligent & painefull, that Reinerius a writer about their time, (an extreme enemy agaynst them) in a long proces, wherin he describeth their doctrine and teaching, testifieth: yt he heard of one which did know the party, that a certayne heretick (sayth he) onely to turne a certaine person away from our faith, and to bring him to his, (in the night, and in y• winter time) swamme ouer the riuer called Ibis, to come to him and to teach him: moreouer so perfect they were then in the Scriptures, that the sayd Reinerius sayth, he did heare and see a man of the coūtry vnlettered, which could recite ouer the whole booke of Iob word by word, without booke: with diuers other, which had the whole new testament perfectly by hart.

And although some of them, rather merely then vnskilfully, expounded the wordes of 1. Ioan. Pius [...]idetur locus is lasciuossacerdotes. The power and multitude of Waldenses. Sui non receperunt eum, Swine did not receiue him: yet were they not so ignoraunt and voyd of learning, nor yet so few in number but that they did mightely preuayle. In somuch that Reinerius hath these wordes. ‘Non erat qui eos impedire auderet propter potentiam & multitudinem fautorum suorum Inquisitioni & examinationi saepe interfui. Et computatae sunt 40. Ecclesiae, quae haeresi infectae fuerunt [...]ac in yna parochia Cammach fueruut decem eorum scholae. &c.’ That is, There was none durst stoppe them, for the power and multitude of their fauourers. I haue often bene at their inquisition. & examination. And there were numbred 40. churches, infected with their heresie, insomuch that in one parish of cā mach, were x, open scholes of them. &c. Haec ille.

And the sayde Reinerius, when hee hath sayd all he can, in deprauing and impugning them: yet is driuen to confesse this of them, where he doth distinct their sect frō other sectes and hath these wordes:Waldenses in all other points soūd, but onely for holding against the church of Rome. Ex Orthin. no Grain. ‘Haec verò Leonistarum secta magnam habet speciem pietatis, eò quòd coram hominibus iustè viuant, & benè omnia de Deo credant, & omnes articulos, qui in symbolo continētur. Solam Romanam Ecclesiam blasphemāt & oderūt.’ That is. This sect of Leonistes, hath a great shew of holynesse: in that both they liue iustly before men and beleue all things well of God, and holde all the articles conteined in the Creed. Onely they blaspheme y• Romish church, and hate it, &c.

Now to touch somewhat their persecutiōs. After they were driuen out of Lions, they were scattered into diuers & sundry places (the prouidence of God so disposing) that the sound of their doctrine might be heard abroad in the world: Some, as I sayd, went to Bohemia. Many did fli [...] into their prouinces of Fraunce. Some into Lombardy, other into other places, &c. But as the crosse commonly foloweth the verity & sincere preaching of Gods word:The crosse commonly foloweth the word. so neither could these be suffered to liue in rest. There are yet to be seen, the consultations of Lawiers, Archbishops and byshops of Fraunce, as Narbonensis, A relatensis, Aquē sis and Albanensis, deuised amongst themselues, and yet remayne in writing,Waldenses persecuted more then 300. yeares agoe by Antichrist. for the abolishing, & extirping of these Ualdenses. written aboue 300. yeres agoe: wherby it appeareth, there was a great number in Fraunce.

Besides, there was a whole councell kept in Theolouse about 355. yeares to fore, and all agaynst these Ualdenses: The which also were condemned in an other coū cell at Rome before that.

What great persecutions were raysed vp agaynst thē in Fraunce. by these 4. Archbishops before mentioned, it appeareth by their writings, whereof I will recite some of their words, which towardes the end be these: ‘Quis enim est solus ille peregrinus, qui condemnationem haereticorū Valdensium ignoret a longe retro annis factam, tam famosam, tā publicam, tot & tantis laboribus, expensis, & sudoribus fidelium insecutam, & tot mortibus ipsorum infidelium solemniter damnatorum, publice (que) punitorum tam fortiter sigillatam. &c.’ That is: Who is such a straunger, that knoweth not the condemnation of Ualdenses the heretickes, done and past so many yeres ago: so famous, so publick, followed vpon so great labours, expences, and trauayle of the faythfull, and sealed with so many deathes of these Infidelles, so solemnelye being condemned and openlye punished. Whereby we may see persecution to be no newe thing in the Churche of Christe, when Antechrist so long before [Page] (euen 300. yeares) began to rage agaynst these Ualdē ses. In Bohemia likewise after that,Antichrist with whom he first begā his persecution. the same called by the name of Thaborites (as Siluius recordeth) suffred no little trouble. But neuer persecution was stirred vp against them, or any other people more terrible, then was in these latter yeares in Fraunce by the French king, an. 1545. which lamentable story is described in Sleidan: and hereafter in the proces of this booke, as we come to the order of yeares, shall be set forth (by the grace of Christ) more at large.An horrible m [...]rther of Christs holy martyrs. In the which persecution is declared in one towne Cabriera to be slayne by the Captayne of Sathan (Minerius) eight hūdred persons at once, without respect of women or children of any age: Of whome 40. women (and most of them great with childe, thrust into a barne and the windowes kept with pikes, and so fire set to them) were all consumed. Besides in a caue not farre from the towne Mussium, to the number of xxv. persons, with smoke and fire were the same time destroyed: At Merindolum, the same tyraunt (seing all the rest were fled away,Minerius an horrible persecutor. finding one yong man) caused him to be tyed to an Oliue tree, & to be destroyed with tormentes most cruelly: with much other persecution as may appeare hereafter, in the history translated out of Sleidan into English.

But to returne agayne to higher times from whence we digressed.A Glouer suffered martyrdome in Cheron. 44 [...] brought to examination. Besides that, Rinerius (aboue mentioned) speaketh of one in the towne of Cheron, a glouer, which was brought in this time to examinatiō, & suffred. There is also an olde Monument of proces, wherein appeareth, 443. brought to examinatiō in Pomerania, Marchia, and places there about: about the yeare of our Lord 1391.

And thus much touching the originall doctrine, and the lamentable persecutions of the Ualdenses: who (as is declared) first began about the time of this king Henry the second.

Other incidences happening in the raigne of this Henry the second.

Incidences in the reigne of K. Henry the, 2.COncerning the first origine of Waldēses, springing in the daies of this king, is sufficiently hetherto declared. Now remayneth in like order of time, to story also such other incidencies, as chaunced vnder the raigne of the sayd king, not vnworthy to be obserued: keeping the order of y• time, so neare as we may, & as authors do geue vnto vs.

Mary the daughter of king Stephen (being the Abbes of Ramessey) was maryed in this kinges dayes to Mathew Earle of Bolon,Becket a dissoluer of manages. which maryage Thomas Becket did worke agaynst and did dissolue: by reason whereof he procured him great displeasure with the sayd Earle &c. an. 1161. Ex Chronico Bibliothecae Cariensis.

The same yeare a certayne childe was crucified of the Iewes in the towne of Glocester.Two children crucified by the Iewes. an. 1161. Iornalens. After the same maner the wicked Iewes had crucified an other child befo [...]e in the City of Norwich, in the dayes of Kyng Stephen. an. 1145.

A collection was gathered through all England and Fraunce (two pence of euery pound) for the succour of the East Christians agaynst the Turkes. an. 1167. Ex eodem,

Babilon was taken and destroyed, and neuer since repayred, by Almaricus king of Hierusalem.Babilon vtterly destroied. an. 1170. Ex vetusto manuscripto exemplari historiae Cariensis.

An. 1173. almost all England was diseased with the cough, Ex vetusto Chron. acephalo. About which yeare also William king of Scots was taken in battayle, and imprisoned in England.

The holie crosse taken with the citie of Ierusalem, by the Saracens. Persecution of the Turk against the Christians.Great warre happened in Palestina: wherein, the City of Ierusalem with the crosse and the king of the City, & other of the temple was taken of the Sarasines, and most part of the Christians there either slayne or taken. Cruell murther and slaughter there was vsed by the Turke, who caused all the chief of the Christiās to be brought forth and beheaded before his face. In so much that Pope Urbanus the iii. for sorrow dyed: & Gregory the viii next pope after him, liued not 2, monethes. Thē in the dayes of pope Clement iii. (newes and sorrow growing dayly for the losse of Palestina, and destruction of the Christians) K. Henry of England, & Phillip the french king, the duke of Burgundy, the Earle of Flaunders,A viage against the Turkes. the Earle of Campania, with diuers other Christian Princes, with a generall consent: vpon S. Georges day, tooke the marke of the crosse vpon thē, promising together to take their voyage into the holy land. At which tyme the storyes say, the king of England receiued first the redde crosse,Howe the difference of the crosses first came in amōgst christian princes the French king tooke the white crosse, the Earle of Flaunders the greene crosse, & so other princes diuersly, diuers coulors: therby to be discerned euery one by his proper crosse. But king Henry (after the three yeres were expired, in which he promised to performe his voyage) sent to the Pope for further delay of his promise, offering for the same to erect three Monasteries. Which thing he thus performed:The kings promises fulfilled to the Pope. In the Church of Waltham he thrust out the seculer Priestes, and set in Monkes for them. Secondly, he repayred agayne & brought in the Nunnes of Amesbury, which before were excluded for theyr incontinent life. And thus performed he his promise made before to the Pope. an. 1173.

The king of Scots did his homage and alleageaūce to the King of England and to his sonne,King of Scottes doing homage to the king of England. and to his chiefe Lordes: promising that all the Earles and Barōs of scotland should do the like with theyr posterity. Item all the Byshops and Abbots of the Church of Scotland promised subiection and submission to the Archbishop of Yorke.The Church of Scotland ordered by the church of York. Murtherers could not be punished by the Popes decrees. an. 1175. Nic. Triuet.

The custome was in this realme, that if any had killed any Clerke or Priest: he was not to be punished with the temporall sword, but onely excommunicate & sēt to Rome for the Popes grace and absolution. Which custome in the dayes of this king began first to be altered by the procurement of Richard Archbishop of Caunterbury, an. 1176. Triuet.

London bridge first began to be made of stone by one Peter Priest of Colechurch. an.London bridge of stone. 1176. Ex Chron. cuius initiū: In diebus sanctis. regis Edouardi. &c. ex Bibliot. Cariensi.

S. William of Paris was slain of the Iewes on maū dy thursday,S. William of Paris. wherefore the Iewes were burned, & he coū ted a Saint. an. 1177.

Ireland subdued to the crowne of England by thys king. an.Ireland subdued to England. 1177. Ex varijs Chron.

Under the raigne of the sayd king Henry about the 25 yeare of his raigne, Ludouicus the frenchking (by the vision of Thomas Becket,Pilgrimage to Canterbury sprang by a lying vision. appearing to him in his dreame. & promising to him the recouery of his sonne if he would resort to him at Canterbury) made his iourney into England to visite S. Thomas at Caunterbury with Phillip Earle of Flaunders: where he offered a rich cup of golde, with other pretious iewels, & a 100. vessels of wine yearely to be geuen to the Couent of the church of Caūterbury: notwithstanding the sayd Phillip in his return from England taking his iourney to Paris,A iust reward for an idolatrous viage. to visite S. Deuis, in the same his pilgrimage was strickē with such colde, that he fell into a palsey, and was benumbed of the right side of his body. an. 1178. Iornalensis & alij.

Stephanus Episcopus Redomonsis, was wont to make many rimes, and gaudish prose, to delite the eares of the multitude, to whom a litle before his death, this verse was founded in his care. Desine ludere temerè, nitere properè surgere de puluere. an. 1178. Nic. Triuet.

Albingenses denyed transustantiation in the Sacrament of Christes body and bloud,Transubstantiation gaynsayd. about the city of Tholouse, also that matrimony was not a Sacrament, &c. an. 1178, ibidem.

King Henry separated himselfe from his wife Alionor, and held her many yeares in prison,Queene Alionor imprisoned. as some think for the loue of Rosamūde. Which semeth to me to be the cause, why God afterward stirred all his sonnes vp to warre agaynst him, and to worke him much sorrow. an. 1179. Nic. Triuet. Notwithstanding the sayd Alionor was shortly after reconciled to him.

S. Frideswide was translated vnto Oxford. an. 1179.

An. 1180. There came to the councell of Pope Alexander, one Pisanus Burgundio, a man very cunning both in Brecke and Latin, which brought and presented to the counsell the Homelyes of Chrisostome vpon the Gospell of S. Iohn,Expositions made by Chris. both of the olde and newe testament. translated out of Greeke into Latin, and sayd that he translated likewise a great part of his exposition vpon Genesis, saying moreouer that the sayd Chrisostome had made expositions in Greeke vpon the whole olde testament, and also the new. an. 1180.

The Monkes of Charterhouse,The Charter house monkes. first entred into this land. an. 1180.

An. 1181. Richard Pech Byshopp of Couentry, before his death renounced his bishoprick,The Bishop of Couētry v [...]untarely renounceth his byshoppricke. and became a Chanō, in the Church of S. Thomas, by Stafford. Ex Chronico peruetusto, cui initium: In diebus sanctis. Regis. &c.

About the latter time of this king Henry, one Hugo (whō men were wont to call S. Hugh of Lincolne) borne in Burgundy,S. Hugh of Lincolne. and Prior of the Monks of Charterhouse, was preferred by the king to the Bishopricke of Lincoln, who after his death is said to do great miracles, and therfore was counted a Saynt. an. 1186. Flores Hist.

Baldwinns Archbyshop of Caunterbury began the building of his new house and Church of Lambeth,Lambeth first begun to be built. but by the letters of pope Clement 3. he was forbid to proceed in the building thereof. an. 1187. Triuet.

I do finde likewise in ye foresaid written Chronicle remaining [Page] in the hands of one Williā Cary Citizen of Lō dō: that this forenamed king Henry ye 2.K. Henries gift to the Church of Rome for the death of Becket. gaue to the court and church of Rome, for the death of Becket 40. thousand markes of siluer. And 5. thousand marks of gold. an. 1187.

Mention was made a little aboue of Amalrike king of Ierusalē, which destroyed Babylon, so that it was neuer after to this day restored, but lyeth wast and desolate: wherein was fulfilled that, which in the Prophets in so many places was threatened to Babylō before.A worthie storie of Sibilla and Guido, in Ierusalem. This Amalrike had a sonne named Baldwin, & a daughter called Sibilla. Baldwine from the beginning of his raigne was a Leoper, and had the falling sickenesse, being not able for feeblenesse of body (although valiaunt in hart and stomacke) to satisfy that function.

Sibilla his sister was first maried to one Willermus, Marques of Moūt Ferrat, by whom she had a sonne called also Balwinus. After him she was maried to another husband, named Guido de Liziniaco, Earle of Ioppe and of Ascalon. Upon this befell, that the foresaid Baldwine the Leoper sonne of Amalricus, being thus feeble & infirme, as is sayd: called his nobles together with his mother & the Patriarche, declaring to thē his inability, and by the consentes of them, committed the vnder gouernement of the City to Guido the husband of Sibilla his sister. But he being found insufficiēt or els not lucky in ye gouerning thereof: the office was translated to another, named Raimundus Earle of Tripolis. In the meane time the Soldan with his Sarasins mightely preuayled agaynst the Christiās, & ouerran the countrey of Palestina. In which meane time Baldwine the king departed. Whereby the kingdome fell next to Baldwinus the sonne of Sibilla by her first husband Willermus. The which Baldwinus being but fiue yeares olde, was put to custody of Raimundus aforesayd. Who also in his minority, before he came to his crowne, dyed: whereby the next succession by dissent fell to Sibilla, the wife of Guido aboue mentioned. To whom the pieres and nobles ioyning together in coūsell, offred to the sayde Sibilla as to the lawfull heyre to the crowne, to be theyr Queene: with this condition, that she should sequester from her by solemne deuorsement the foresayd Guido her husband. But she refused the kingdōe offered to her on that condition:A worthie example of a true wife to her husband. till at last, the Magistrats with the nobles ingenerall graunted vnto her, & by theyr othes confirmed the same, that whomesoeuer she woulde choose to be her husband, all they would take and obey as theyr king.A worthy example in Guido of a true subiect to the common wealth. Also Guido her husband with like petition among ye rest, humbly requested her: that the kingdom not for his sake, or for his priuate losse, might be destitute of gouernement. At length she with teares consenting to theyr entreaty was contented, and solemnely was crowned theyr Queene: who after the maner, agayne receiued theyr fidelity by theyr othe. Whereupon Guido without all hope both of wife and kingdome, departed home quietly to his owne. This done, the Queene assembling her states and prelates together,A singular example of prudence in a princes, and fidelitie in a wife. entred talke with thē about the choosing of the king, according to that which they had promised and sworne vnto her: and to obey him as theyr king, whom she would name to be her husbande. Thus, while they were all in great expectation wayting euery man whome she would nominate: The Queene with a loud voyce sayd to Guido that stood amongst them: Guido my Lord, I choose thee for my husbād, and yelding my selfe and my kingdome vnto you, openly I protest you to be the king. At these words al the assembly being amased, wondred that one simple woman so wisely had beguiled so many wise men. And worthy no doubt was she to be commended and extolled for her singuler vertue both of faythful chastity and high prudēce: so tempering the matter that both she obtayned to her husband the kingdome, and retayned to her selfe agayne her husband, whom she so faythfully loued. an. 1186. Ex Historia manu scripta, cui initium: Rex Pictorum ex Bibliotheca Cariensi mutuata.

As I haue hetherto described the publick acts of king Henry, so now I meane to touch something of his priuat conditions. He was of meane stature, eloquent and learned, manly and bolde in chiualry. Fearefull of the mutability and chaunce of warre, more lamenting the death of his souldiars dead, thē louing them aliue, none more curteous & liberall for the obtayning of his purpose: in peace and tranquility none more roughter: stubberne agaynst the stubberne: sometimes mercifull to those whom he had vanquished: straight to his householde seruauntes, but liberall to straūgers: publickly of publick thinges liberall, sparing of his owne: whom once he tooke a displeasure agaynst, hardly or neuer would he receiue agayne to fauor: somewhat lauash of his tongue, a willing breaker of hys promise, a louer of his ease, but an oppressor of his nobility: a seuere reuenger and furtherer of iustice: variable of word, and crafty in his talke: an open adulterer: a nourisher of discord amongst his children. Moreouer the Papistes bearing him (for Thomas Beckets quarell & such like, as may be gathered) no good will: terme him to be an aduersary of the sayth, the maule and beetle of the church.

Also in the Chronicle intituled Scala mundi, I finde of him: that he followeth the steppes, maners and conditiōs of Henry the first his graūdfather in euery poynt. He preserued firme peace, & executed straight iustice through all his dominions. He loued marueilous well his forrest: & agayne those that were transgressors either to his crown or person, he most seuerely punished.

Moreouer, in a certayne history intituled De regibus Angliae, I finde that this king was sondry times admonished to reforme and amēd his life. And first by one that was an olde man at the castle of Card [...]f in Wales, at that time of the yeare called Dominica in albis, the eight day after Easter. Where also, after that he had heard masse, and was going to take his horse: there stood a certayne man by him, somewhat yelowish (his heare being rounded, leaue, and illfauoured) hauing on a white coat, and being barefoote, looked vpon the king, and spake in this wise: good olde king. That done, thus he proceedeth. The king saluteth you and his blessed mother, Iohn Baptist, & Peter: straightly charging you,The king admonished to amer [...] his life. that vpon the Sundayes throughout all your dominions there be no buying & selling or other seruile businesse (those onely except, which appertayne to the preparation of meat and drinke) which thing if thou shalt obserue, whatsoeuer thou takest in hād thou shalt happely finish and bring to passe.Sonday to be free [...] bying and selling. Then spake the king in French to the knight that held his horse by the bridle: Aske of this chourle whether he dreamed this or not. And in the meane while that the knight should haue interpreted the kinges wordes and message, he spake before, and said. Whether this be a dreame or not, mark wel what day this is: for vnlesse that thou do these things, and amend thy life: such newes shalt thou heare within these 12. monethes, that will make thee lament and mourne, till thy dying day. And when these wordes were spoken the man vanished out of his sight. And within one yeare next after: Henry, Bawfride, and Richard his sonnes, for sooke him their father, and took part with the French king. The king of Scottes, the Earle of Chester, and Earle of Leciter, made an insurrection agaynst the king. Many other premonitions were geuen also to the king, but all these did he little esteme. The second which did admonish him was a certayne Irish man,The seco [...] and thirde admoni [...] to the [...]ing to reforme his life. geuing him certayne secret signes. And thirdly, a certayne knight of Fyndesey, named Phillip de Easterby: sayling with him ouer into Fraunce, declared vnto the king in Normandy seuen articles, which he should amend. Which thing if he wold do, he should raigne seuē yeares most honorably, and should take the holy crosse from his enemies: or els he, in ye fourth yeare should dye in great ignominye.Seuē things to be am [...] ded. The 3. first thinges were these, which he at his coronation sware to obserue (that is) to defend the Church, to mayntayne good lawes, and to condemne no man to death without iudgement. The fourth was, for the restoring of inheritaūce wrongfully takē. The fift was in doing iustice without reward. The sixt was of ministers & officers wages and stipēdes. The seuenth was of expelling the Iewes, leauing them some money to depart withal.The kinge [...] victory was falsely imputed to the cause of hi [...] pilgrimage. The death K. Henry the 2. But the king not amēding his life, there rose vp agaynst him 3. strong enemies, that is to say his three sonnes with the Frenchking. But after that the king (forsooth) had gone a pilgrimage to the Martys tombe, barfoote: William the king of Scots, the Earles of Chester and Lecester, were taken at Alnewick.

In the 35. yeare of his raigne, being in the Castle of Chiuen in Normandy, he dyed: at whose death those that were presēt, were so greedy of the spoyle, that they left the body of the king naked, and not so much could be foūd as a cloth to couer it: till that a Page comming in, and seing the king so ignominiously to lye, threw his cloke vpō his nether partes, wherein (sayth the author) was verified the surname, which from his youth he bare, being called Hē ry court Mantill.

¶ King Richard.

IN this yeare of the Lord aboue recited,Anno. 1189. K. Richard crowned. which was 1189. King Richard the eldest sonne of Henry 2. succeeding his Father, entred his crowne: at which time Pope Clement sate at Rome, succeeding after Gregory which dyed a litle before with sorrow for the losse of the holy crosse.

[Page] The kinges restraint that no Iew should enter the place nor Church during his coronation.During the time of whose coronatiō it befell, that not withstanding the king the day before his coronation, and by publicke edict commaunded both the Iewes and their wiues not to presume either to enter the church, or els his pallace, during the solemnization of his coronation amō gest his nobles and Barons: yet (whilest the king was at dinner) the chiefetayne of the Iewes with diuers other of his Iewish affinity and supersticious sect, agaynst the kings prohibition (together with other prease) entred the court gates. Wherat a christian man being offēded, stroke one of them with his hand or fist, & bad him stand further from the court gate, as the king had geuen in commaundement: whose example others also following being displeased agaynst the Iewes, offered them the like contuinely. Other also, supposing that the king had so cōmaunded in deed (as vsing the authority of the king) fel vpō all the Iewes that stood by without the court gate. And first they bet them with theyr fistes: but afterward they tooke vp stones and such other thinges, as they could get, and threw at them, and bet them therewith. And thus driuing them from the court gates, some of them they wounded, some they slew, and some they left for dead.

A Iewe through feare was baptized.There was amongst this number of the Iewes, one which was called the blessed Iew of Yorke: which was so fore wounded and beaten with the rest, that for feare of his lyfe-he sayd he would become a christian: and was in deed of Williā the Prior of the church of S. Mary of York baptised: whereby he escaped the great perill of death he was in, and the persecutors hands. In the meane whyle, there was a great tumor spred throughout all the City of London, that the king had cōmaunded to destroy all the Iewes. Whereupon, as well the Citizens as innumerable people more, being assembled to see the kings coronation: armed themselues and came together.The Iewes in London staine and their houses set on fire. The Iewes thus being (for the most part) stayn, the rest fled into their houses: where, for a time through the strōg and sure building of them, they were defēded. But at length, theyr houses were set on fire, and they destroyed therein.

These thinges being declared to the king, whilest he with his nobles and Barons were at dinner: he sendeth immediately Ranulph de Glanuile, the Lord high Stuard of England, with diuers other noble men to accompany him:The small regard of nobilitie had in tumults and insurrectiōs. that they might fray and restrayne these so bold enterprises of the Londiners, but all was in vayne. For in this so great a tumult, none there was that either regarded what the nobility sayd, or els any whit reuerēced theyr personages: but rather with sterue looks and threatning wordes, aduised them and that quickely to depart. Whereupon, they with good deliberation thinking it the best so to do, departed: the tumult and insurrection continuing till the next daye. At which time also the king sending certayne of his officers into the Citty, gaue them in commaundement to apprehend and present some such as were the chiefest of the malefactours: of the which, three were condemned to be hanged, and so were. The one, for that he had robbed a Christiās house in this tumult: and the other two, for that they fired the houses to the greate daunger of the City. After this the king sent for him that from a Iew was conuerted to Christiannitye: and in the presēce of those that saw where he was baptised, the king asked him whether he was become a Christian or not.A new christian reuolteth to an olde Iewe. He aunswering the king sayd no: but to the intent he might escape death, he promised to do whatsoeuer the christians would haue him. Then the king asked the Archbishop of Caunterbury (other Archbishops and Byshoppes being present) what were best to be done with him: who vnaduisedly aunswering said:An vnaduised answere of an Arcb. If he will not be a man of God, let him be a man of the deuill: and so reuolted he agayne to Iewdaisme.

Then the king sent his writs to the shiriffes of euery country to enquire for the authors & stirrers of this outrage. Of whom 3, were hanged, diuers were imprisoned. So great was thē the hatred of Englishmen agaynst the Iewes, that as soone as they began to be repulsed in the court the Londiners taking example thereof, fell vpon them, set theyr houses on fyre, and spoyled theyr gooddes. The country agayne following the example of the Londiners semblably did the like. And thus the yeare, which the Iewes tooke to be theyr Iubily, was to them a yeare of confusion.Ex Chron. Westm. cui initium: Aneas cum Ascanio. &c. In so much as in the city of Yorke ye Iewes obtayning the occupying of a certayne Castle for theyr preseruation, and afterward not willing to restore it to the Christians agayne, when they saw no other remedye but by force to be vanquished, first they offered much mony for theyr liues: when that would not be taken, by the counsell of an olde Iew among them, euery one with a sharpe razer cut an others throate, whereby a thousand & fiue hundred of them were at that present destroyd.A miserable and deserued destruction of the Iewes. Neither was this plague of theyrs vndeserued. For euerye yeare commonly theyr custome was to get some christen mans childe from the parentes, and on good Fridaye to crucify him in despite of our religion. Ex chron. Westm.

King Richard after the death of his father,Anno. 1189. comming to remembraunce of himselfe, and of his rebellion against hys father, sought for absolution of his trespasse, and in part of satisfaction for the same, agreed with Phillipp the French King about Easter next ensuing to take his voyage with him for the recouerye of Christes patrimonye, which they called the holy land. Whereupon the sayd king Richard immediatly after his coronation, to prepare him selfe the better toward his iourny, set to sale diuers of his manors. Wherof Godfrey Lucy then B. of Wint.The couetous greedinesse of Byshops noted, in bying great lordships. bought a couple for 2. M. markes, to witee, Wergraue, and Melenge. The Abbot of Bury bought another for a M. markes, called Middlesaie. Hugh Pusaz B. of Durhā, bought the Lordship of Seggesfield, or Sedberga with the wapintake, and all the appertenaunce thereto belonging. He bought also the Earledome of Northumberland. Whome When the king should solemnize after the maner of secular Earles, merily with a mocking iest, loe (sayd he) of an olde Byshop I haue made a young Earle. And because the sayd Bishop had professed before by a solemme vow to visite the holy land, to be released of his vow, he compoū ded with the Pope for a great summe of mony therefore, and moreouer gaue to the King a thousand Marks to remayne at home, as chiefe Iustice of England. Ouer and besides, the King set out all that he had to sale, wooddes, castles,Sleightes to get money. townships, Lordships, Earledoms, Baronages. &c. ordayning also diuers new Byshops, & not without some aduantage (as appeared) to his purse: fayning moreouer, his olde seale to be lost, that they which had landes to hold, might be driuen to renew their writinges agayne by the new seale, wherby great substaunce of mony was gayned.

Aboue all this,A tenth gathered thorough all England. by the commaundement of Pope Clement. 3. a tenth also was enacted of the whole Realm, in such sort as the Christians should make to the king 70000 pound, the Iewes 6000. Ex Geruas. fol. 134. King Richard after his coronation sent certayne Earles and Barons to Phillip the French King in the tyme of his parliament at S. Denis, desiring him to remember his promise made for the recouery of Christes holy patrimony out of the saracens handes.K. Philip and K. Richard concluding to trauayle to the holy lande. Unto whom he sent word agayne in the moneth of December, certifying him how he had bound himself by solemne othe, deposing vpon the Euangelists, that he the next yeare following about the time of Easter, had certaynly perfixed to addresse himselfe toward that iourney, requiring him likewise not to fayle but to be redy at the terme aboue limitted, appoynting also the place where both the Kinges should meet together.

The next yeare then ensued, which was 1190 in the beginning of which yere,Anno. 1190. A Northren braule in the Cathedrall church of York, betweene the new Archb. and the Deane. vpon I welfe euen, fel a foule northren brawle, which turned welnere to a fray, betweene the Archbyshop new elected of the Church of Yorke, and his company on the one side, and Henrye Deane of the sayd Church, with his Catholicke partakers on the other side, vpon occasion as followeth. Gaufridus or Geffray, sonne to King Henry 2. and brother to King Richard, whom the King had elected a little before to the Archbyshoprick of Yorke, vpon the euen of the Epiphany, which we call Twelfe day, was disposed to heare Euēsong with all solemnity in the Cathedrall church, hauing with him Hamon the Chaunter, with diuers other Canons of the church. Who tarying something long, belike in adourning and attyring himselfe: in the mean while Henry the Deane,Henry Deane of Yorke and Bucarde begin seruice, not tarying for their Archb. and Bucardus the treasurer, disdayning to tary his comming, with a bolde courage lustilye began theyr holy Euensong, with singing theyr Psalmes, ruffling of descant, and mery piping of Organs. Thus this Catholicke Euensōg with as much deuotion begon, as to gods high seruice proceeding, was now almost halfe complete, when as at lenth (they being in the midst of theyr myrth) commeth in the new elect, with his trayne and gardeuiaunce, all full of wrath and indignatiō, for that they durst be so bolde, not wating for him to begin gods seruice, and so estsoones commaunded the Duyre to stay & holde theyr peace.The Deane and Treasurer wold not cease euenlong at the archbishops commandement The Chaunter likewise, by vertue of his office, cō maūdeth the same. But the Deane and Treasurer on the other side willed them to proceed, and so the song on, and would not stint. Thus the one halfe crying agaynst the other, the whole Duyre was in a roare, theyr singing was turned to scolding, theyr chaunting to chiding, and if in stead of the Organes they had had a Drumme, I doubt, they would haue solsede by the eares together.

[Page] The Archb. beginneth euensong againe being halfe done before. The Treasurer putteth out the candels at euensong.At last, through the authority of the Archb. and of the Chaunter, the Queare began to surcease and geue silence. Then ye newe elect not contented with that had bene song before, with certayne of the Quire beganne the Euensong new agayne. The Treasurer vpō the same caused by vertue of his office, the candles to be put out. Wherby ye euensong hauing no power further to proceede, was stopped forthwith. For like as without the light and beames of the sun there is nothing but darcknes in all the world:The Popes Church can do nothing without candle light The Deane and Church of York suspended by the Archb. from diuine seruice. euen so you must vnderstand, the Popes church can see to do nothing without candle light, albeit the sun do shine neuer so cleare and bright. This being so the archb. thus disapointed on euery side of his purpose, made a greeuous plaint, declaring to the clergy and to the people, what the Deane, and Treasurer had done, and so vpon the same suspended both them and the church from all diuine seruice, till they should make to him due satisfaction for their trespasse.

The next day which was the day of Epiphany, when all the people of the City were assembled in the Cathedrall church (as theyr maner was, namely in such feasts) deuoutly to heare diuine seruice (as they call it) of the church,The stoutnes of the Deane and Treasurer in not submitting them selues to Archb. there was also present the Archb. and the Chaunter with the residue of the Clergy, loking when the Deane and Treasurer would come and submit themselues, making satisfaction for theyr crime. But they still cōtinuing in their stoutnes, refused so to do, exclaiming & vttering contemptuous wordes agaynst the Archb. & his partakers. Which when the people heard, they in a great rage would haue fallē vpon them,The people incensed against the Deane of Yorke and his Canons. Ex Chron. anonimo cui instium: Anno gratiae. but the Archb. would not suffer that. The Deane thē & his fellowes perceiuing ye stirr of the people for feare like prety men were fayne to flye, some to the tombe of S. William of Yorke, some ran to the Deanes house, & there shrowded themselues: whom the Archb. then accursed. And so for that day the people returned home without any seruice. Ex veteri Chronico manu scripto, cui initium: Anno gratiae Milles. &c.

After this King Richard preparing to set all thinges in an order before his going,K. Richard prepareth toward his iourney. William Bishop of Ely the kings Chauncellor, & Hugh Bysh. of Durham made chiefe ouerseers of the Realme in the kinges absence. William Byshop of Ely made the popes Legate in England and Scotland. committed the whole gouernement of the realme principally to William Bishoppe of Ely his Chauncellor, & to Hugh B. of Durhā, whom he ordayned to be the chiefe Iustice of all England in his absence, the one to haue the custody of the tower, with the ouersight of all other parts of the land on this side of Number: the other (which was ye B. of Durham) to haue charge vpon all other his dominions beyond Number: Sending moreouer to Pope Clement in the behalfe of the foresayd William B. of Ely, to be made the Popes Legate through all England and Scotland, which also was obtayned. Thus the B. being aduaunced in high authority, to furnish the king toward his setting forth, prouideth out of euery city in England ij. Palfreys, and ij. sumpters, & out of euery Abbey, one palfrey, and one sumpter.

These thinges and other thus set in a stay, the king according to his former appointment, about the time of Easter, sailed to Fraunce, where the French king and he conferring together, because they could not make redy at that time of Easter, concluded to take a longer day, proroging their voyage till after midsommer. In which meane time ye king occupying himselfe in redressing & stablishing such things as further were to be ordred, there determined, that Baufridus & Iohn his brethrē shuld not enter into England in 3. yeres after his departure: Neuertheles he released that band afterward to his brother Iohn.Captaines and Constables of the kinges nauie appointed. Thēn he appoynted the Captaynes & Constables ouer his nauy, & set lawes to be obserued in his iourney vpon the seas. But especially his care was to make vnity and concord betwene parties that were at variaunce, and to set them together at one.The long contention between Baldwyn Arch. of Cant. and the Monks of Christes Church. At which time the long contētion began also to be appeased which so many yeres had continued betwene Bald winus Archb. of Cant. and his monkes of Christs church. The discourse whereof, although it be some what tedious to be set forth at large being enough to make a whole tragedy, yet to ye intent ye age now present may see what great conflictes and disquietnes, vpō what litle trifles hath bene stirred vp,Archbyshops of Canterbury commonly were wont to worke the kinges of England much sorrow. King of England euer carefull about the chusing of the Archbishop and wherefore. Ex chron. Geruas. what litle peace & vnity hath bene not onely in this church, but commōly in all other churches, vnder the popes catholicke regiment: I thought it labour not ill bestowed, somewhat to intermeddle in opening to yt eyes of the Reader, the consideration of this matter. Wherein first is to be vnderstood that the Archbishops of Cant. cōmonly being set vp by the pope, especially since ye time of ye conquest, haue put the Kinges of this land to much sorrow & trouble: as appeared by William Rufus & Lanfrāck, and also Anselme. By Henry 1. and Anselme, King Stephen & Theobald, Henry 2. & Becket. &c For which ye Kinges of this land haue vsed the more care & circumspectiō, to haue such Archbishops placed in that sea, as either should stand with them, or at least should not be agaynst them.

Now to the purpose of our matter entended. First after Laufrancus who was Archb. xx. yeares, the sea standing vacant v. yeares, succeded Anseimus, & sat 17. yeares. After whom the sea stāding vacant 4. yeres, succeded Radulphus, and continued 9. yeares. Then followed Williā, who sat 12. yeares,Or xv. [...] some ruler. and dyed, an. 1137. After whom came Theobaldus in the time of king Stephen. This Theobaldus being no great fauourer of the monkish generatiō, fell out with Ieremias Prior of the house of Cant. for certaine causes betweene them: for which the Archb. taking stomack against the Prior, would lay the sentence of interdiction against him.Ieremy the Prior of C [...] ter. appealeth to Pope Innocent. Ieremie the Prior deposed by the Archb. Ieremie restored to his place againe by the Pope. Consicium Remens [...], 1140. The Prior, seing that, to saue himself, made his appeale to Pope Innocent. The Archb. prouoked the more by that, deposed him from the Priorship, and placed one Walter in his room. Ieremias notwithstāding making his complaint and appeal to Rome, obteined letters from the Pope to Henry B. of Wint. being the popes Legate: by the vertue wherof, he against the hart of ye Archbishop was restored, and Walter displaced. Neuertheles, the sayd Ieremy not willing there to continue wt displeasure of the Archb, shortly after of his owne accord, renoū ced his Priority, and Walter againe was receiued in hys stead. Not long after this followed the generall councel of Rhemes, an. 1140. To yc which councell Theobald cōtrary to the commaūdement of the king, would needs resort, to shew his obedience to the pope, wherfore at his returning home again the king tooke such displeasure with him, that within a while after the Archbishop was driuen to voyde the realme, and flie into Fraūce: where he by censure of interdiction suspended diuers churches, and religious houses which refused to come to the councell, and also hearing how the king had seized vpon all his goods, he interdicted likewise all the kings lands, whatsoeuer belonged to the crown, so that the king in conclusion was fain to cōpound with him and fall to agreemēt, which was about the yere. 1148. Ex Geruasio.

After this in the yeare of our Lord 1151. after the death of Hugh Abbot of S. Austens in Cant.A friuolous strife betwene Theobald Arch. and Siluester Abbot of S. Austes about the place, in what church the Abbot shoulde take his cōsecration. Siluester goeth vp to Rome. Siluester was elected by the Couent to be their Abbot, in the raigne of R. Stephen. Which Siluester when he came to Theobald ye Archb. to make his profession of subiction vnto him, and to receiue of him consecration: the Archb. was contented, so that the Abbot would come to christes church in Cant. and there make his profession. But to this Siluester in no case would graūt to take his consecration there, but els in any other church wheresoeuer the Archbishop would, he was contented. Wherunto when the Archbish. in no wise would agre, Siluester making a great bag of mony, went to Rome, where he obtained of ye pope for mony, (for what can not money do at Rome?) letters that the Archbishos should consecrate the Abbot in his own church of S. Austen, and also not exact of him any profession of canonicall subiection. Whereupon the Archb. was compelled against his will, to come to the Abbots Churche, and there at the popes commaundement to consecrate him simply, & without any further profession to be required.

Then Walter Prior of Christes Churche in Cant.The Monkes of Christes church stri [...] against the Monkes of S. Austen is Cant. for the honour of their house. Walter Prior of Christes Church appealeth the Archb. vp to Rome. seing that, and perceiuing how preiudiciall and derogatory the example therof would be to y• honor & maiesty of theyr church, through counsell of his brethren, went thither, and notwithstanding the dores were straitly watched & kept, yet by meanes he at last gate in. And as he saw the Archb. attired in his Pontificalibus, ready to minister consecration to the Abbot, he stepped straighte to the Archb. & estsoones appealeth him vp to Rome, for the great iniury wrought against the church of Cant. forbidding him in the name of him to whom he appeled, not to proceed any further. And so this holy consecration was for the presēt time stayd. For the which Siluester with a new purse of mony was faine to trauell & trot againe to Rome. Where he complayning of the Archb. and accusing him of contempt to the Pope in not executing the commaundement sent down,Siluester trudgeth againe to Rome. obteineth again new letters with more effectuall charge to the foresayd Archb. that he without any profession, simply should geue to Siluester his consecration in his own church: omni occasione & appellatione remota, all maner of stay or let, or appellation to the contrary notwithstanding, and so in conclusion the Abbot contrary to whatsoeuer the Archb.Siluester cosecrated Abbot in his own church whether the archb. weld or not. & al the Monks of Cant. would do, was in his own church made Abbot, and had the victory for that time. Notwithstanding the Archb. left not the matter so, but within fiue yeres after obtained of pope Adrian, that Siluester should make profession of his obedience to the Archb. and so did. Ex Geruas.

In few yeres after this, dyed king Stephen. an. 1154. and after him Theobald the Archb. an. 1159. after he had [Page] sit 23. yeres. After whom through thinstant procurement or king Henry the 2. was placed Tho. Becket, the kinges Chaūcellor. an. 1162. of whose sturdy rebellion against the king, because sufficient hath bene sayd before, it shall not need to make a double labor now about the same.

Petition of kyng Henry to the Prior of Cant. for chusing of the Archb. & yet coulde not be granted. Odo Prior of Cant.After the death of Becket, much adoe there was betwene king Henry and Odo Prior of Cant. about the election of a new Archb. For the king seing the Realme so oftentimes encombred by those Popish Archbishops, and fearing least the Monkes of Cant. should elect such an other as would follow the steps of Tho. Becket, most hū bly with cappe in hand & curtesy of knee, desired Odo the Prior, that at his request, & for contentation of his minde, such a one might be elected, whom he would appoint (appointing and naming a certayn bishop, which was a good simple man after the kinges liking:Richarde Prior of Dover elected Archb. of Cant. anno. 1173.) but the Prior diffē blingly answering the king agayne, that he neither could nor would without ye consent of his Couent geue promise to any man, in fine contrary to the kinges so humble request, agreed to the electiō of an other, which was the prior of Douer, called Richard. an. 1173. who continued in yt seat xi. yeares.

Another friuolous contention betweene Richard Arch. and Roger Abbot of the Austen Monkes in Cant. about profession of obedience.And here was renewed againe the like variaunce betwene this Archbyshop and Roger Abbot of the Austen monkes in Canterbury as was before mētioned betwene Theobaldus, and Siluester. For when the said Roger after his election to be Abbot. must needes take his cōsecration at the Archbishops hand, neither would the Archbyshop graūt it vnto him vnlesse he made profession of obediēce, according to the aūcient custome of his predecessors: then Roger consulting with his Monkes, first denyed so to do but at length was contēted, so it might not be done in the Archbishoppes Church, but in any other Churche where he would, vnder writing this clause withall: Saluis vtrius (que) Ecclesiae priuilegijs, that is, sauing the priuileges of both Churches.Roger Abbot of Saint Austens maketh his house tributary to pope Alexander. anno. 1177. To this the Archbishop sayd agayn, first that he should make his due, & canonicall profession & that he should not come to him with writing or vnderwriting but should say in his hart: Salue sancta parens: or Salue festa dies: not Saluis priuilegijs, or any such like thing. Wherunto when the Austen Monkes in no case would consent, nor the Archbishop otherwise would graunt his benediction: Roger the Abbot [...]as fayn to post to Rome, and there to bring the Archb. in hatred in the Court of Rome, made his Abbay tributary to Pope Alexander.

The Pope well contented with this, not onely graunteth the Abbot his desire, but also in cōtumely of the archbishop dubbeth the Abbot with all such ornaments as to a Prelate apperteined,Roger the Abbot returneth home with tryumph. Appellation of the archb. and so in the yeare. 1178. sent home the Abbot triumphantly with his ring and mitre, and other ensignes of victory, with letters also to the Archbishop inioyning him immediatly vpon the sight thereof to consecrate the Abbot in his own Church, & without making any profession. Although with these letters the archbishop was shrewedly pressed, yet notwithstanding hys stout hart would not stoupe for this, but layd his appeale against the same: and so the consecratiō for that time was suspended.

Concilium Lateranum sub Alexandro Papa. Roger Abbot of s. Aust. trauayleth vp againe to Rome.Then Roger for his more defence, getting the kings letters, trauailed vp the second time to Rome, where greuously he complayned to Pope Alexander of the Archbyshop. At the same time a generall councell was summoned to be kept at Lateran, where Richard ye foresayd arch bishop was also looked for amongst other Bishops to be present. Who thē came as farre as Paris, but being there, durst approch no further, & so retyred home again. Wherupon the Pope being offended with his contēpt, without any more delay exalted the Abbot with his own consecration,Roger Abbot cōsecrated at Rome by the pope. and inuested him with all pompe and glory: howbeit prouiding before that the sayd consecration should redoūd to no preiudice agaynst the liberties of the mother church of Canterbury, and so vpon the same wrot to the Archbishop his letters of certificate, with this additiō annexed, Saluo iure & dignitate Cant. Ecclesiae, that is to say, Sauing the liberties and dignity of the Church of Cant. &c.The house of the Austē Monkes in Cant. not able to shewe for them any deedes or writinges of antiquitie.

After the counsell ended, Roger the Abbot returneth home, although with an empty purse, yet full of victory & triūph. The Archbishop againe thinking to worke some greuaunce to the Austen Monkes, had procured in this meane time letters from Pope Alexander to the Bishop of Durhā, and Abbot of S. Albons, that they should cause the sayd Roger Abbot of the Austen monks, to shew vnto the Archbishop at y• old priuiledges of his house, which in deed being shewed seemed to be rased,Ex hist. Ger [...]a [...]y•. & new written, with Bulles of lead not after the maner nor stile of that age, nor pretending no such antiquity as should seeme to reach frō the time of Austen, but rather newly coūterfeit.

All this notwithstanding,Richard the Archb. going toward Rome to complaine of the Abbot, was stayed by the kyng. the Abbot bearing him bold vpon the Popes fauour, ceased not stil to disquiet & ouercrow the Archbishop by all wayes he could, in exempting all his Priestes and laimen belonging to his iurisdiction, from the archb. obedience: forbidding also that none of his should come to his Chapters or Sinods, nor to feare any sentence of his curse or excommunication. Wherupon the Archbishop about the month of Nouember the same yere sayling ouer to Normandy where the king was, thought to take his iourney to the pope,A Catholicke practise of the Romish Court to set men together at variance, that they might get their mony. to complain of the Abbot: but being stayd by the king was not suffered to passe any further, the king labouring what he could, to bring them to agreement, neuerthelesse the Pope and his Romaines (sayth my story) Aurum & argentum magis quàm iusticiam sitientes, seditiones inter eos & litigia commouebant, that is, caring more for golde and siluer, then for iustice, still stirred coales of sedition and debate betweene them. Ex Historia Geruasij.

The next yere after this insuing,Trouble in chusing the Archb. of Cant. after the death of Richard. which was the yeare of our Lord 1184. dyed Richard the Archbishop aforesaid: in the 38, yere of king Henry 2. After whose dicease much trouble happened about the election of a new Archb. betwene the king and monkes of Canterbury. And now to enter here into the story of Baldwin aboue mētioned, first the king sēt to the monks, that they should consider with themselues about the election of their Archbishop and to be ready agaynst the time that he would send for them to the court.Monkes of Cāt. sent for by king Henry. 2. about chusing of their Archbishop. Vpon this the Couent gladly assembling together, agreed in themselues vpon one, whom they thought chiefly to preferre, yet naming foure moe, that if the king would refuse one, the other yet might stand. Now ye practise in the monkes was, first to keepe the election only in their owne handes, as much as they could.Monkes of Can. partiall in chusing their Arch. And secondly euer to geue the election either to some Prior or Monk of their own house, or to some Abbot or Bishop, which some time had bene of theyr company. Wherby as much inconuenience and blind superstition was bred in the church of England: so the same disliked both the king and the Byshops not a litle.

As this past on,Monks of Cant. againe sent for to the kyng about their election. the king when he saw his time willed the monks of Canterbury, to be cited or sent for, to vnderstand what they had concluded in their election. Wherupō the Monkes sent vp their Prior called Alanus, with certaine other Monks to Reding, where the king thē lay, about the moneth of August. Who at first were curtuously enterteined:Alanus Prior of Canterbury. The king offended with the Prior & Monks of Canterbury. The stubburnes of the Monkes againe the king. but after the king had intelligēce whom they had nominated & elected: they were sēt home agayne with cold cheare, the king willing thē to pray better, and to aduise more earnestly vpon the matter amongst themselues. Alanus the Prior, with his felowes thus departed, who comming home, in conclusion so concluded amongst them selues, that they would remitt no iote of their liberties to the king, without the popes consent and knowledge. The king vnderstanding hereof, sent his Ambassadours likewise to the Pope, for the fortefying of his cause, being in yt mean time grieuously offēded with the Prior: saying: that he was proud & would make archbishop whom he listed. and would be the second Pope in England. &c.

Not long after this,The king sendeth to Rome against the Monkes. The kinges gentle wordes to the Monkes. as these letters were sent vp to Rome, the king sent for Alanus the Prior, and moe of the monks, to come to him. Whom he entreateth, desiring thē in gentle speech, that they would shew so much gentlenes & fauor to him being their Lord & King as becōmeth hys frendes and subiects to doe, as to conferre with the Byshops of the Realme about this matter, and to take some better councel, so as might redoūd to Gods glory, his honor, & wealth of the publicke state, with other like words to the same effect.

To whom when ye Prior agayne had answered with thankes & due reuerence, according to the kinges request, the Bishops and Monks went to confer together about the matter. And first, the Bishoppes maruelled why the monks should exclude them out of the election,Bishops of England clayme to haue interest in the election of the Archb. of Cant. seing they were professed & Suffraganes to the sayd church of Canterbury: Neither is there any Prince, quoth the bishop of Bathe, that will refuse our counsell. There be some counsels, sayd the Monkes, whereat you may be called: but as touching ye doing of this electiō, it pertaineth nothing vnto you further then to publish onely and denounce y• party whō we haue chosen, The bishop of London then asked, if they had already made any election.The popes letters commaunding the Byshops of the realme with the Prior and Couent to chuse the Archb. No election, sayd ye Prior, as yet, but onely we haue denominate the persons. Thē haue ye proceeded further, quoth he, thē ye ought, hauing a cōmaundement from the pope not to proceed with out vs. And with that was brought forth the popes letter commaunding that within xl. dayes the bishops of England and the Prior, & Couent of Canterbury should elect [Page] an able and fitte person to be their Archbishop. About the scanning of these letters was much a doe. The Byshops sayd, they were first named, & therfore ought to haue most interest in this election. The Mōks said agayne. that they also were not excluded, and required to haue a transcript of the letter, wherof much doubt was made.

The king separateth the Byshops from the Monkes.After long concertation, whē they could not agree, the king comming betwene them both, called away the Byshops from the Monks, supposing by separating the one from the other, to draw both parties to his sentence. But that would not be, for the Monks stifly stāding to their liberties, would loose no preeminēce of their church,The Monkes will lose no preeminence of their Church. still alledging how by the auncient priuiledges of the church of Canterbury the Couent should choose their Pastor & Byshop, and the Prior to publish and denoūce the persō. The Byshops again replied, that it was their right to appoint their Archbishop & Metropolitane, which were Bishops and Suffraganes, and namely the byshop of London also being Deane of the saide church of Canterbury. The king thē as vmpere betwene them, yet fauoring rather the side of the Bishops, desired them to agree together in peace. Whē that would not preuaile, he set the Lord Stuard, and other noble mē to entreat the Prior, to draw to some agrement: at least to be conteuted with this forme of election, which was that the Bishop of London or some other Bishop should declare the election in these wordes.

We Byshoppes, and the Prior and Couent of Christes Churche in Caunterbury, The forme of election of the Archb. set betweene the Byshops and the Monks of Cant. with the assent of our Lord our Kyng doe choose suche a person to be Archbishop. &c. or els thus, that the Prior shoulde pronounce forth the election in these wordes saying: The Byshoppes of England and I Prior and the Couent of Caunterbury, with the assent of our Lord & King do choose such a person. &c.

The Bishops & Monks could not agree about the forme of election.Vpon this the Prior sayd, he would conuent with his Couent. Who with much ado were contēt to graūt to the kinges desire, but afterward being required to put downe ye same in writing, that they refused to do: yet notwithstā ding relented at last to the king. But when the Byshops made excuses for the absēce of theyr felow Byshops,The election of the Archb. differred to the moneth of December, an. 1184 so the matter for that time stayd. And the king sending home the Monkes agayne to their house in peace, deferred that busines to a further day, which was till yt first day of Decēber cōmaunding the Prior with his felowes the same day not to fayle but to be at London about the choosing of ye Archbyshop.

As the day prefixed came, the Prior with his company were also present, who geuing attendance all that day and the next day also following, so were driuen off till the third day after. At lēgth the Lord Stuard with other nobles of the realme,The kings message to the Monkes of Can. to agree and ioyne with the Byshops. were sent to them from the king, to declare, that where as the king before had deuided the bishops frō the Monkes, that they both might haue theyr election by themselues after the forme of a bill, which was put downe in writing: now the minde of thel King was, that the Monks taking an other way, should ioyne with the Byshops, and so hauing the matter in talke together, shoulde proceed ioyntly in the election.

Agaynst this, many things were alledged by the prior & his mates, complaining much vpon the bishops, which sayd that the Byshops had euer holden with the kings astaynst the liberties of their Church and Archbyshops. As first they stood agaynst Anselme, for king William: Then agaynst Theobalde for king Stephen: After that agaynst Thomas Becket for king Henry: And after him did supplant the election of Richard their Archbyshop: And now again went about to practise and worke against this their election present. &c. At last the Prior with his felows concluding, desired they might speake with the king himselfe. Who estsoones comming to them, willed them as good mē to be contented,The kinges wordes to the monkes of Can. and goe talke with the Byshoppes about the election, promising that whō they agreed vpon, he also would graunt his assent to the same. To whom when the Prior agayne had obiected the writinges that before were made: truth it is sayd the king, such writings were made: but I neither may, nor will go agaynst the councell of my realme: and therfore agree sayd he, with my Bishops and Abbots, and remember, that the voyce of the people is the voyce of God.The Monkes of Cant. compelled against their wylles to ioyne with the bishops touching the election of the Archbishop.

Vpon this the Prior with his Monkes seing no other remedy, went to the Byshops to confer according to the kinges request about the election. Who then were willed by the bishops to nominate whom they would, & the Byshops would likewise name theirs. So that whē the Prior with his cōplices had named three after their choosing, the Bishops said they woulde nominate but one, & so did, which was the Bishop of Worcester: willing the Prior to go home, and to cōferre with his Couent about the same. To whom shortly after the Bishops sent certeine Priests to signify to the Couent, that they, according to the Popes letters, should repayre to the Bishops concerning the election of the Archbishop, also to declare moreouer to them, that the persons whom they had named were good mē, but he whom they had nominated, was a more worthy man, whom they both had nominated & also would elect. The Monkes maruelling hereat, sent two Monkes,Byshops of the realme make the [...] election of the Archb. without [...] Monkes of Canterb [...]. with the Arcedeacon of Canterbury to the king.

This done, immediatly after the returne of the priests, the Bishops caused all the bels of the city to be rong, and Te Deum to be song for the Archbishop new elect. Whereof when the two Monkes brought tidings to the Couent at Canterbury what was done at Londō, they were all in a maruellous dumpe. The king hearing this & perceiuing the stifnes of the monks, in all haste sēt messēgers to Caū terbury with gentle wordes to will the Prior to come to the king, & certify him of the purpose of his Monks. Vnto whom the Prior estsoones being come,Condition prescribed to the king by the mo [...] of Cant. [...] the ratif [...] tion of the Archb. ma [...] by the Byshops. declareth in the name of the whole Couēt, that in no case he nor ye Monks would neuer while ye world stood, agree to that election of the bishops, vnles the king in his own persō would come to Canterbury, and there ouenly before the whole Couēt, protest by his own month y• forsayd election to be nought and voyd: and so returning to London again openly likewise before yc Clergy & the people would repudiate and reiect the same: And furthermore that the partye also elected should openly in the same place protest, & say, that he neither would nor ought to take that functiō vpon him, vnles he entred by the consent of the Prior & Couent of canterbury: And all this to be done in the same place where the bishops had made their election before & so peraduenture (sayd they) at the kinges so earnest sute and request,Baldwine Bishop of Worcester elected Archb. of Cant. anno. 1184. they would gratify his will & ratify the said election with the voyces of theyr consent. To make the story short, after great holde betwene the seculare Clergy on the one side, & the regular order on the other side, and after the kinges indignation agaynst the Prior, and the swonding of the Prior before the king, at length the king to take vp ye matter, and to saue the Priors life was fayne to performe in hys owne person all these conditions aboue prescribed by the Monkes. Ex Geruas. fol. 100.

And thus haue ye heard the tradgicall election of ye bishop of Worcester, named Baldwinns made Archbishop of Cant. Now what a troublesome time the sayd Baldwin had with the Monks, in gouerning ye church of Cāt. here followeth likewise not vnworthy to be considered.

The troubles betwene Baldwine Archbishop of Caunterbury and, the Monkes of the same Church.

IN the first yeare the Archbishop shewed himselfe frendly and louing to the Monks:The gre [...] trouble an [...] contention betweene Baldwine Archb. & the Monkes of Cant. the next yere following he began to appeare some what rough vnto them. The maner then was of the house of Christes Church toward the time of the Natiuitye and of Easter, to receiue certayne presentes or giftes of theyr fermers or tenauntes, whiche the cellarer should take & lay vp. Those presents the archbishop began first to intercept from the Monkes, & to bestow them vpon his seculare Clerkes. After this he tooke three Churches or benefices (which the Monkes claymed as proper to themselues) and placed in them 3. of his chaplaines. After this he encroched to his handes certein tenements, reuenewes & victuall belōging before to ye monks (as they sayd) and committed the custody therof to certayn of his own Clerkes and housholde seruaunts.

The monkes which had borne so much with the archbishop before seing this, could forbeare him no longer, but needes would make their appeale against him. The archbishop not much regarding yt,The monkes of Cant. appeale to th [...] pope against their Archb. Reconciliatiō between the Archb. and the Monkes, which did not lōg ho [...] waxed thereby more fierce agaynst them, insomuch that such fermes and tenements, as he before had let alone, now he receiued to his own occupying: w. many other greuaunces, wherwith he greatly vexed the Monkes, so that 3. Abbots were fayne to come and reconcile the Archbishop and the Monkes. Which reconciliatiō was this, y• the Monks should let fall their appeale, and the archbishop should restore again to thē their fermes and tenementes. But as touching the benefices & the presentes, the archbishop still kept thē in his hands for a further triall of their obedience and patience. Neuerthelesse some there were of the auncient monkes, which in no case would geue ouer the foresayd appeale before the archbishop made a full restitution of all together.

After this agremēt, such as it was, betwene yt Monks [Page] and him,The Archb. sendeth to the Pope. the archbishop soon after sent vp to Rome one of his chaplaines (to whō he had geuen one of the benefices afore mētioned) partly for cōfirmatiō of his benefice, partly also to obtein licence for ye archbishop to build a church, which he entended to erect of secular Priests neare to the town of Canterbury. Which being obteined of the Pope, the archbishop not a litle glad thereof, began now more & more in ware fierce against the monks,The Archb. goeth about to plucke downe the pride of the Monkes of Cant. not only in taking from thou their churches & oblations, but also in aggrauating the whole state of their house, which he entōded either to subuert, or greatly to diminish, to pluck down the pride & stubbernes of the Monks. Wherfore taking with him certaine other bishops (whom he knew bare no good will to, yt Monkish generatiō) he wēt to ye king, declaring how he had a good purpose in his minde, to erect a new & a solemne Church in the honor of S. Tho. of Cant. of secular priests or Canons,Baldwine Archb. of Cant. about to build a a newe Church on the North side of Cant. The purpose of the archb. in building his newe Church at Cant. and therfore desired of the king, to haue his fauorable licence to the same. The king right well perceiuing the purpose of the archbishop whether it tended: as to ye brideling of the stifnecked monks, was the more willing to geue assent, if he were not also the chiefe worker of that matter himselfe.

The intent of the archbishop in planting of that new church was to found there diuers pre [...]ends, and to make both the king and euery Bishop being his Suffraganes, prebendaries therof, so that euery one of them should cō fer one prebendship to the same foūdation, minding there to consecrate Bishops, to make his Chrismatory, to celebrate his Sinodes, and to administer all other things belonging to the function of his Sea, and the same to be called Hakington Church.Hakyngton Church. The Monkes not ignorant how the Archb. priuily intended the desolation and subuersion of theyr house & liberties, consulting vpon the matter,The monkes of Canter. make their appeale against Baldwine their Archb. determined at length among themselues to appeale to yc sea of Rome, namely for these 3. causes against the Archbish: First for spoyling them of their gifts & oblations: Secōdly, for depriuing them of their Churches & benefices: And thirdly for erecting a new foūdation of secular Canons to the derogation & ouerthrow to their religious order geuing admonition to the archb. before by their Monks sēt vnto him of this theyr appellation.Three causes alledged against the Archb. by the Monkes To whom the Archb. answered, that the foundation which he went about, was to no derogation, but rather to the fortification and honor of their house. Who answered agayne that it was & could not otherwise be, but to theyr subuersiō. And what should let me then (sayd the Archb.) but I may builde in myne owne ground what I will?The monkes of Canter. claime al the the goods of the Archb. to be their owne. No (sayd they) no ground of yours, but your ground is our groūd, as all other things that you haue, by right are ours, for somuch as you haue them not of your selfe, but of the church & for the churches cause: all which things haue bene geuē neither to you, nor to the archbishops, but to the church of Christ: and therefore (said they) al such as appertain vnto vs inwardly and outwardly,The monkes put themselues and their house in the popes protection. with the persons also, & the whole state of our church we submit vnder the popes protectiō: & now here make our appeal to the Sea Apostolick, assigning also the terme when to prosecute the same.

The Archbishop receiuing this appellation, & saying that he would answere to the same either by himself or by his responsall,Appellation agaynst the Archb. so within 3. dayes after, which was the 10. of December, he came to Canterbury: where the Monks vnderstanding how he was in mind to place new secular Priests in the church of S. Stephen, where the Monkes had serued before, came to the Church to stoppe the proceding of the archbishop by way of appeal.Busines between the Monkes and the Archb. for placing secular Clerkes in the Church of s. Stephēs in Cant. Wherof the arch bishop hauing warning before, deferred that matter till ye next day after. On which day the Monks again being sēt by Honorius the Prior into the Church, charged ye Archbishop in the name of almighty God, & by vertue of theyr appeale made to the Apostolick Sea, to surcease those his doinges, forbidding also the Parson of the Church in no wise to suffer those secular Clerks to be admitted into the Church. All which yet notwithstanding the Archb. procedeth in his businesse. And first placing in his Clerkes he suspendeth the Prior from his administration.The Prior of Cant. suspended. Thē he adiureth the Porters of the gate vpon theyr othe to let none of ye Monks passe out of the house without his licēce. The Monks likewise he cōmaūded by vertue of obediēce, not to stray any where abroad without his leaue. And further more one of the foresayd Monks, which serued the appeal against him, he vtterly banished from that Couent. Vpon this, the day next folowing Honorius the Prior trusting (sayth the story) on God, and S. Thomas, tooke his way to Rome, sent in commission by the Couent, to prosecute the appeale agaynst the Archbishop.

An other garboile betwene the monkes of Cain & their Archb.In this meane season a new iar began betwene yt said Archb. and the Monkes, about their rents and reuenues, which the Archb. would haue committed to the receiuing & keeping of 3. Monkes, but the Supprior Geffray, with the Couent, in no case would suffer that: wherabout there was a foule stirre. The Archb. crauing the ayd of the king first had 3. Bishops sent downe to him, of Couentry, Norwich and Worcester. Who being instant with the Monks to submitte their cause into the kinges handes, like as the Archb. had done, they vtterly refused it, especially seing they had already referred the whole state of their cause to y• determinatiō of ye Apostolicall sea.The k. commeth into the Chapter of Cant. The king seing no other remedy came himselfe with the Archb. into the chapter house, where he commaunded first the dores to be kept fast, that none should enter but which by name were called for.Petrus Blesensis a great doer against the Monkes. Amongst whō were two Bishops, to wit, of Norwich, and Durham, and one Petrus Blesensis a learned man (whose Epistles be yet extant in Libraries) a chiefe worker in this matter against the Monkes. Then was called in Geffrey the Supprior, with a few other Monks whom he brought with him.The kyng entreateth peace betweene the Monkes and the Archb. The king then first talking with the Archb. and his companye, & afterward with the Monkes, labored to entreat them that they would let fall their appeal, and so stand to the arbitremēt of him and of the Bishops, concerning the cause which was betwene y• Archb. and them in trauers.

To this the Monkes answered, that these were good wordes, but serued not for that time, for somuch as theyr cause was alredy translated to the court of Rome, & now was presently in hearing before the Popes holinesse: and therfore they could not, ne would that iniury to their lord pope, to refuse him, and to put the matter to the iudgemēt of any other.The Monkes deny to put their matter from the Pope to the kings hearing. Then was it required of the Monkes, that they would put the matter in comprimise, in case the prior would consent thereto, vpon this entent, that if the Prior consented and the Monks not, then should they runne in contempt and disobedience: or if the Monkes would consent, and the Prior not, then should the Prior be excluded the Realme. The wily Monkes being not vnprouided of this subtlety, made theyr answere, that seing they had sent their prior forth in their commission, it stood not with their honesty, to geue any determinate consēt, without ye knowledge and before the returne of the sayd Prior,The Monkes excuse to the kyng. vnlesse the Archb. first would promise to make full restitution of all yt he had wrongfully wrasted from thē. When the king could get no other answere of the Monks, neither could moue the Archb. to release the sentence of their suspension, vnles they would confesse and knowledge theyr fault, he so parting from them passed ouer into Fraunce.

Not long after this,The first letter of Pope Vrban sent to Baldwin Archb. of Cant. came a messenger frō Rome, bringing letters from Pope Vrbanus to the Archb. wherin ye pope considering & tendering (as he sayd) the enorme greuaunces done against the Monkes, straightly enioined & commaunded him, within x, dayes after ye receiuing therof, to release the sentence of his suspension against yt Prior and other of the sayd Couent, and also to retract & restore agayne to the Monkes whatsoeuer he plucked from them since the time of their appeale first made. Who in case he should deny, or forslack the doing hereof, commission was geuen to 3. Abbots, of Bartaile, of Feuersham, of S. Austens, with ample authority to performe the same.The answere of the Archb. to the Popes letter. &c. The Archb. receiuing these letters brought to him by a Monk of the foresayd house, first made his excuse, that the Pope was misinformed. But the Monkes not contented wyth that excuse, when they would needs know what answere he would make to ye Popes nuncio: his answere was that he had yet x,The Archb. maketh his oyle and creame at London. dayes geuen him of the pope. In which mean time the Archb. went to Lōdon and there in the church of S. Paul. consecrated his holy oyle & creame (making one of the Popes 7. Sacraments) which was grieuously takē in the church of Cant. At last, the x. daics being ended whē the Archb. refused to accōplish that was in the popes letter enioyned him,Three Abbots assoyle the Monkes of their suspension. the 3. Abbots aforesayd to execute the Popes commaundement, came at their day assigned, to Cant. and there assoyled all such as the Archb. before had suspēded, and in the end certified pope Vrbane by letters, what they had done.

The Archb. hearing this,The Archb. appealeth vp the three Abbots to Rome. The Archbyshops newe Church made of wood. within 4. dayes after sent. 2. of his Clerks, which appealed the 3. Abbots aforesayd vp to Rome, and he himselfe in the mean time prepared busily for the building vp of his church, sending to al churches in England, vpon releasement of their sinnes, to confer to the same: and to make the more haste, for lack of free stone, he made vp his building with timber, and such other stuff as he could get.

The prior Honorius all this while remayned still at y• court of Rome,A letter of pope Vrban agaynst the Archb. geuing attendaunce vpon the Pope, who hauing intelligēce of the archbishops doings, procured an other letter of Pope Vrbane to the whole clergy of England [Page] straightly enioyning them, that none should confer to the new fraternity of Baldwin Archbishop of Canterbury. To these letters the Archbish. shewed such reuerence, that where before he had planted his chappell of wood and boordes, now he prouided the same to be builded of lyme and stone.

The archb. messengers come to the Popes courtBy this time Petrus Blesensis, with other messengers of the Archb. seing Honorius the Prior to be gone, from the court to Fraunce, resorted to the court of Rome, bringing with them letters of credite from the king, from the Archb. & also frō other Bishops of the realme: but the pope reading onely the kings letters & the archbishops, ye residue he cast into a window by,Letters of the [...]ng, the archb. and of other Bishops to the Pope. saying he would read thē at further leisure. Thē the pope geuing audience in his cō sistory to heare their cause: first came in Petrus Blensensis with the agents of the Archb. exhibiting their letters and propounding their requests to the Pope, which were that restitution should be made by the Monkes to the Archb. wherin they had iniuried him: Itē that the thinges which had bene graunted before to the Prior in the Court, might be called in againe. Thirdly, that the archb. might haue licence to proceed in building his Colledge of Canons. &c. After this was called in M. Pilleus,M. Pilleus Atturney in the Popes Court for the Monkes of Cant. the attourney for the Monkes of Cant. Who alledging many great thinges against the archb. for his contempt and disobedience to the popes precepts, required that he rather should make restitution to the Monks for his iniuries done to them: & also that his new foundation of secular canons, tending to the ouerthrow of the conuentuall Church of Cant. should be vtterly rased and throwne down to the ground.Petrus Blesensis agent for the Archb. of Cant. Thus betweene these two parties pleing & repleing one against ye other, much hard hold there was, But in conclusiō for al yt kings letters, & for all that the Archb. and Bishops could do, the matter wēt on the Monks side. So that there was no remedy, but the pope would nedes haue y• archbishops new building to come down,The Pope holdeth on the Monkes side against the kyng. the Archb. and the Bishops of the Realme. The Popes executers commanded by L. Glanuile in the kings name not to proceed against gainst the archbishop. and the Monks to be restored agayne to their full possessions. The executiō whereof was committed to the 3. Abbottes aforesayd, to witte, of Battail, of Feuersham, of S. Austens in Cant. & to Beffrey Supprior of Cant.

Which things being thus determined at Rome, then Raduph Granuille Lord Stuard of England writing to the sayd Abbot of Battaile, and to the Supprior and Couent of Cant. commaundeth them in the kings name, and vpon their othe & fealtie geuē vnto him, that they nor any of them do proceed in this controuersy betwene the monkes and the archbishop of Cant. before they come and talk with him, there to know further of the kinges pleasure: & furthermore charging the Couent of Cant. not to enter further in any examinatiō concerning the archb. matters, and also citing the Supprior of the sayd house, to appeare before him at London, at the feast of S. Iames the same yere, which was 1187. Notwithstanding he excusing him selfe by sicknes, sent two Monkes in his sted, and so kept himselfe at home. To whom commaūdement was geuen that the Monks of Cant. within 15. dayes should saile ouer to Normandy to the king,Monkes of Can. commaunded to shew their priuileges to the kyng. Certaine officers put in the house of Christs Church against the Monks wil. and there to shew the tenor and euidences of their priuiledges: And also that such stuards and Balifs whom they had placed in their farmes & lordships, cōtrary to the wil of the archb. should be remoued. And likewise the 3. Abbots in the kings name, were commaunded in no wise to execute the popes commaundement agaynst the archb. Not long after this, the Archb. took shipping at Douer, and went ouer to the king, where he ordeyned three principall officers ouer the Monkes of Christs Church: the Sacrist, the Cellarer and Chamberlaine, contrary to the will of the Couent, with other greuances mo: wherby the Monks were not a little offended so that vpon the same,An other appellation of the Monkes against the Archb. they made a new appellation to the Pope. Wherupon pope Urbane, by the setting on of Honorius the prior, who was now come agayn to the court, wrote to him another letter after a sharper and more vehement sort, to the effect as followeth.

The Tenor of Pope Vrbanes letters to Baldwine Archb. of Cant.

VRbanus Episcopus seruus seruorum Dei Baldwino Centuar. Archiepiscopo & Apostolicae sedis Legato, The copie of Pope Vrbans letter to the Archb. of Cant. salutem & Apostolicam benedictionem &c.

In that we houe borne with your brotherhood hitherto, and haue not proceeded in such grieuous maner agaynst you, as wee might, although being thereto greatly prouoked, the chiefest cause was this, that we supposed your hart would haue relented from the oppression of the conuentuall church of Cant. committed vnto you, if not for our reuerence, which you seeme to haue contemned more then became you, yet at least for feare of Gods iudgemēt. For well we hoped, our conscience perswading vs to the same, that after you had obteined that high state & dignity in the church of England, you would haue bene an example to other of obedience and reuerence to be geuen to the sea Apostolick, Note home the Popes stand all vpon their honour. of all Ecclesiasticall persons. Wherfore at the first beginning both of our, and also of your promotion we did not spate to aduaunce and honor you as we haue done few other besides, thinking no lesse, but that we had found a faithfull frend of the church, for our honor. The Pope expectati [...] deceaued in the Archb. of Cant. Wherein We perceiue now (which [...] vs not a litle to maruell) our expectation greatly deceiued. And whome we well trusted to be a sure stay for the maintenaunce of our estate, him now we finde a persecuter agaynst vs in our members.

For where as we sondry times haue written to you in the behalfe of our brethren, The Pope, expostulateth with Baldwin [...] contempt [...] his sea. and the church committed to your charge, that you should desist from disquieting them, and not vexe or disturbe their liberties, at least for reuerence of vs: you not onely in this but in other thinges moe (as commonly is reported of you in all places) setting at light our letters and appellations made to the Apostolicall Sea, what you haue wrought agaynst them after their so manifolde appellations layd vnto vs, and our inhibitions agayn vnto you, we are ashamed to vtter. But reuolue and consider in your minde, if ye haue well done, and aduise in your owne conscience what you haue done. We for our part because we may ne ought not with deafe eares to passe ouer the clamours mours of the brethren, and such contempt of the Apostolick Sea, although our biddings and warninges geuen to you seeme to be all in vayne, yet notwithstanding we send our mandates agayne to your brotherhood, in these Apostolicall writinges, districtly, and in vertue of obedience commaunding you, that whether ye be present in your Church, or absent, all that notwithstanding, whatsoeuer you haue done in building of your Chappell (which you to the destruction of the Monastery of Cant. The Archb. commanded by the pope to throne downe the building of his newe Church, of his owne costes and charges. The Archb. comman [...] to restored assoyle the Monkes whom he did depriue and exco [...] municate. The Archb. threatned by the Pope. haue erected) after the time of their appeale made to vs or our inhibition sent to you, you fayle not of your proper costes and charges to demolish, vndoing agayne, and making voyde, whatsoeuer ye haue begon and innouated concerning the institution of the canons, and other things belonging to the erection of the sayd Chappell: accounting moreouer and reputing the place where the Chappell was, to be accused and prophane: and also that all such whosoeuer haue celebrated in the same place, shall stand suspended, till the time they appeare before our presence: Commaunding furthermore, that all those Monkes whom you haue presumed to remoue from their office or to excommunicate, since the tyme of their appeale made, you shall restore and affoyle agayne, rendring also and restoring all such farmes, manors, tenementes, and oblations, as you alter their appeale made, haue inueigled from them: And finally that you innouate nothing touching the state of that Monastery, during the time of this controuersye depending before vs. Geuing you to vnderstand, that in case you shall continue in your stubbernesse and rebellion vpon this present warning, or differre the execution of this precept 30. dayes after the receiuing herof, we shall appoint others to execute the same, inioyning also your Suffraganes, that as you shall shew your selfe disobedient and rebelling to vs: so they all shall refuse likewise to geue any obedience or reuerence vnto you. &c.

Geuen at Ferraria 5. non. Octob.

An other letter beside this,The Pope writeth to the Abbot, and also to the kyng. the Pope also sent to the 3. Abbots aforesayd for the correction of these enormities. Likewise an other letter was sent to king Henry 2. wherin the pope enioyneth and requireth him vpon remissiō of his sinnes, not to dissemble and beare with the Archb. in his oppression of his Monks, but to help those things to be amended, where he hath trespassed agaynst them.

These pontificall letters were written an. 1187. the 3.Pope Vrb [...] dyeth. Baldwin [...] king of Herusalē with many nob [...]s taken of [...] Saracens, & the citie wonne. The king [...] Archb. g [...] to agree wi [...] the Monkes. day of Octob. and in the 19. day after, the same moneth the sayd pope Urbane died. In the which yere, and about the which month, Baldwinus king of Ierusalem was taken with many noble men of Saladine the Saracen: and Ierusalem lost, after it had bene in the possession of the Christians, and so continued the space of 88. yeres, & 80. dayes, from the time that Godfridus Bolonius did first win it from the Infidels.

After the receiuing of those letters of pope Urbane aboue specified, both the king and archb. with all y• bishops of y• realme wer marueilously quailed, glad now to please. and speake fayre to the Monks, promising al things to be done and restored to them aster the best sort.The Monk [...] got vpper had ouer t [...] Archb. Neither was the king now and Archb. so submisse: but the Monkes on the other side, were as brag and iocant, being fully assured that all now was their own. In the narratiō of which history (as it is set in Geruasius at large) this we haue to note by the way in what feare & thraldome kings in those daies were vnder the Pope, who could not be maisters ouer their owne subiectes, but yt euery pild Monke, or pelting Prior, vpon vertue of theyr appeale to the Court of Rome, & making theyr house tributary to the Pope, was [Page] able not onely to match,The miserable subiection of kings vnder the Pope to be noted. Calypha is the high Priest of the Saracens, sitting in Damascus, vnto whom all the Sultans were subiect, [...]s our princes now are to the Pope. but to geue checkmate to the best king Christened, as not in this story onely may appeare.

It followeth then in the story of these Monkes, that as they were thus in the midst of theyr ioy and iolity, sodenly commeth newes of the death of Pope Urbane their great Calypha, and also how that Gregory 8. was placed in his roome, who was a speciall frend & fauourer of the archb. which as it did greatly encourage the king and the Archb. so the Monkes on the other side were as much discomforted, so that now all was turned vpside down. For wheras the king and the archb. before thought they had lost all, & were glad to compoūd with the monks, and to seek their fauour: now were the Monkes an the contrary side fayne to crouch to the king, and glad to haue a good coūtenance, who thē resorting to him, and finding him altered both in word and gesture, desired he would confirme & graūt that which of late before he had promised. To whom it was aū swered againe by the king,The kinges [...]nswere to the monkes of Cant. that seing the archb. had graū ted to them their Sacrist, their Chamberlain, & their Cellerar, they should haue no more restored of him, neither would he suffer the liberties and priuiledges of the archb. to be empayred or take any wrong. And as touching the new Chappell of S. Thomas (sayd he) whereaboutes ye striue so long, with the Canonships and other buildings, belonging thereto, the same I receiue into my handes, so that none shall haue any thing to doe therein but my selfe. &c. In like maner of the archb. such an other like aūswere they receiued, & of the bishops little better. So ye monkes sent away with a flee in their eare, went home agayne out of Normandy vnto their Celle.

Nowe the Archb. hauing the Monkes where as hee would, wrought them much greuance, but that continued not very long. For within two monthes after & lesse, died pope Gregory 8.Pope Gregory. 8. dieth Pope Clement. 3. about the 16. day of December folowing. After whom succeded Pope Clement 3. who folowing the steps of Urbane, bent all hys power with the Monkes against the Archb. sending diuers precepts and mandates in the yere next following, which was 1188. with an Imperious letter, willing & commanding him to desist from his oppression of the monkes,Pope Clements let [...]ers to the Archb. & to throw downe his new chappel. Wherupon the archb. made his appeale and minded to go to Rome: but was called back of the king, being ready to saile ouer. In the which yere Honorius the prior died at Rome of the plague,Honorius Prior of Cā terbury dyed [...]t Rome. which was some help & comfort to the archb. For whom the archb. made Roger Noris Prior, against the wils of the Couent. After this about the latter end of the same yere, Pope Clement sent downe his Legate called Radulfus a Cardinal,The second letter of Pope Clement to the Archb. to Cant. with an other letter more sharpely written to the same effect vnto the Archb. Ex hist. Geruasij.

Furthermore, in the yeare next after, which was 1189. he wrote also the thirde letter to him. In the which yeare also died king Henry 2.K. Henry. 2. dieth. After whome succeeded king Richarde his sonne, who ioyning likewise with the Archbyshop, tooke his part strongly agaynst the sayde Monkes.K. Richard. 1 ioyneth with the Archb. At last, after much a do on both partes, and after great disturbance, and imprisoning diuers of the Monkes, king Richard preparing his viage toward Ierusalem, and studying first to set peace betwene them, consulted and agreed with the Bishops and Abbots about a finall concorde in this matter, betweene the Archb. and monkes of Cant. which at length on both partes was made, vpon these cō uentions as follow.

1. First,Agreement betweene the Archb. and Monkes of Cant. vpon what conditions. that Roger Noris should be deposed, whom the Archbishop had made Prior against their willes. Whome the king then at the request of the Archb. promoted to be Abbot of Eusham. 2. Item, that the Archbishop shoulde plucke down his chappel, which he builded in ye suburbes of Cant. against the mindes of the Monkes. 3. Item, that the foresaid monks should make profession of their obedience and subiection to the Archb. as they had done to hys other predecessors before him.Conditions of peace cō cluded. 4. Itē, as touching al other complaintes and iniuries (except onely the Chappel, and deposition of Roger Noris the Prior) the monkes should stand to the arbitrement of the king, of the Archb. and the Prelates. 5. Item, that the monkes kneeling downe before the king in the Chapter house,Ex libr. ano [...]imo, & ex hist. Geruaiij Mo [...]achi Can [...]queriensis. should aske the Archb. forgeuenesse. Which being done, they went altogether to the Church, & sang Te Deum for this reformation of peace. Ex veteri Chronico manuscripto & ex Geruasio.

The next day after ye Archb. comming into the Chapter, restored to the Couent their manors & farmes againe: also discharged the Prior which he had made before, desiring them likewise, that if hee had offended them either in worde or deede, they would from their heart remitte him. This reconciliation being made betwene the Archb. and yt couent, then the Archb. going about to dissolue the buildyng of hys new Church,Arcb. of Cant. purchaseth of the B. of Rochester lād in Lambeth to builde his house vpon. Baldewin archbishop of Cant. buildeth his house at Lambeth. though he chaunged the place, yet thought not to chaunge his intent, and therefore making exchaunge of landes with the Byshop and Monkes of Rochester, purchased of them their ground in Lambeth an. 1191. which done, he came to hys Clerkes whome he had placed to be Canons in his new Colledge of Hakingtō, and willed them to remoue al their goodes & furniture to Lambeth ouer agaynst Westminster, where he erected for them an other church, and there placed the said Canōs. About which colledge of Lambeth afterward much trouble likewise ensued by the styrring of the sayd Monkes of Cant. in the time of Hubert the archbish. in the reygne of the sayd King Richard, and in the yeare of our Lord. 1196. Furthermore after the deposing of Roger Norys Pryor of Cant. aforesaid, Baldwyn the archb. enforesaid to graūt them an other Pryor by the assent of the king and of the Couent, assigned Olbernus to theyr Pryor, who had takē part before with the archbish, but the monkes not pleased with him, after the death of Baldwine the Archb. remoued hym agayne.

And thus haue you the tedious discourse of this Catholike tragedy, betweene the monkes of Cant. and theyr Archb. scarse worth the rehearsall,Three things to be obserued in this story of Canterbury. Monkes aboue rehearsed. Notwithstanding, thys I thought to geue yt reader to see, of purpose first to shewe forth vnto the world the stout sturdines of this monkishe generatiō, who professing profoūd humilitie in their coat, what little humilitie they had in their hart, what pride & arrogancie in their conuersation, and what hipocrisie in theyr religiō, this one example amongst a thousand other may geue some experience,Hypocrisie in Monkery. Secondly, that the posteritie nowe may see, how little kinges coulde then doe in theyr owne Realmes, for the Pope. And thirdly, to the entent it may more notoriously appeare to all readers,Kinges made slaues vnder the Pope. what stryfe and debate, what dissention and deuision, what little vnity and concord hath alwaies followed the popes Catholicke church,No concord not vnitie in Popish Churches. wheresoeuer the corrupt religiō and vsurped ambition of the pope preuayled. For not to speake onely of this monkishe house of Cant. what Churche Cathedrall, Collegiate, or Conuentuall, what sea, Church Monastery or Chappell was vnder all the popes gouernement, but euer there happened some variance, eyther betweene the king and the archb. as betwene K. William & Lancfranck king Henry 1. and Anselme, king Stephen and Richard, king Henry 2. and Becket, king Iohn & Stephen Lancton, king Henry 3. and Boniface &c. or els betwene archb. and archb. for making profession, for caryeng y• Crosse, for sitting on the right hād of the popes Legate. &c. or els betweene archbishops and their Suffraganes, or betweene Archbishops and their Couentes, or betweene Byshops and monkes, betweene Deane and the Chapter, betweene monkes and seculer Priestes, monkes of one sorte agaynst an other, Fryers of one order agaynst an other, students against Friers, townes men against scholers. &c.Examples prouing what discord and how little vnitie is in the Popes Church. As for example, what discord was betweene the archb. Of Canterbury, and Richard archbish. of York. Betweene Lancfrancus and archb. Thomas, betweene Theobalde archb. of Cant. and Siluester Abbot of S. Austens, betweene Walter of Christes Church, and Siluester Abbot aforesaid, betwene William archb. of Cant. and Ieremias Prior of Cant. an. 1144. betweene the monkes of Cant. and O do their Prior for translating the reliques of Dunstane, betweene King Stephen and Roger bishop of Salisbury, the byshop of Lincolne, and Roger byshop of Ely hys sonne. an. 1138. betweene Pope Innocent, and Anacletus the space of seuen yeares, the Cardinals for money (sayth Gernasius) sometyme holdyng with the one, sometyme with the other, at at last the election was determined by a sore battayle betwene Lotharius Emperour, & Rogerius Duke of Apulia. an. 1137. Also betwene pope Innocent. 4. and Fredericke Emperour 2. betweene R. Hē ry 3. and William Rale byshop of Winchester, when the kyng had the gates of Winchester towne to be shut against hym. an. 1250. betweene Boniface Archbishop of Canterb. and Canons of S. Paule. Item,Ex Math. Paris. betweene the sayd Boniface and Monkes of S. Bartholomew, who sate there in harnes in hys visitation. an. 1250. betweene the Abbot of Westminster, and monkes of the same house. an. 1251. Itē, betweene the foresayd William Rale Byshop of Winchester and Boniface archbishop of Canterbury for a priest of the Hospitall in Soutwarke. an. 1252. betweene the sayde Boniface, and Canons of Lincolne after the death of Robert Grosthead, for geuing of Prebends. an. 1253. betwene the monkes of Couentry, and Canons of Lichfield, for chusing their byshop in the time of R. Henry 3.

And what should I speake of the discord,No vnitie in the popes Church. which cost so much money betweene Edmund archbishop of Canterb. and the monkes of Rochester, for chusing Richard Wandour [Page] to be their bishop. an 1238. betwene Robert Grosted Byshop of Lyncolne, and Canons of the same house, for which both he and they were driuen to trauaile to Rome, an. 1244. betwene Gilbert byshop of Rochester delegate to archbishop Baldwine, and Robert the Popes Legate for sitting on the right hand of the Legate in his councell at Westminster, an. 1190. betwene the Abbot of Bardeney and the sayd Grosted, about the visitation of their Abbay. an. 1243. Item betwene the Couent of Canterb. & the sayd Robert byshop of Lyncolne. an. 1243. betwene Hugo B. of Durham, and Hubert Byshop of Sarum: and Geffrey Archbishop of Yorke, an. 1189. betwene William Byshop of Ely the kings Chancellor, & the Canons of Yorke, for not receauing him with procession. an. 1190. betweene the Abbot of Westminster, and hys Couent of Black monks, whom king Henry the 3. had much adoe to still and agree. an. 1249. Item, betweene the foresayd bishop of Lincolne, & the Abbot of Westminster. Likewise betweene Nicolas bysh. of Durhā, and Iohn Abbot of S. Albones. an. 1246. Also betweene Hubert archbishop of Canterbury and the monks there for the house of Lābeth. an. 1146. And what a styrre was betwene the preaching Fryers, and the gray Friers mentioned In. Math. Paris. for superioritie, an. 1243. Also betweene the sayd gray Friars, and the Prelates and Doctors of Paris about ix. conclusions, and condemned of the Prelates to be erroneous.

Conclusions of the Friers condemned for erroneous by the Prelates of Paris.

Ex Mat. Paris. sol 167.

1. Concerning the deuine essence, that it can not be seene of the aungels or men glorified.

2. Concerning the essence of the holy Ghost.

3. Touching the proceeding of ye holy ghost, as he is loue.

4. Whether men glorified shalbe in coelo Empyreo, or in coelo Christallino.

5. That the euill Aungell at his first creation was euill and neuer good.

6. That there haue bene many verities from the beginning, which were not God.

7. That an angel in one instant may be in diuers places.

8. That the euill angell neuer had wherby he might stād. no more had Adam in his state of innocencie.

9. That he whiche hath meliora naturalia, yt is to say more perfect strength of nature working in him, shal haue more full measure of necessitie to obtayn grace and glory. To the which article the Prelates aunswering, did excommunicate the same as erroneous,

Contention betweene Friers abo [...]t the conception of our Ladie.

affirming, that grace and glory shall be geuen according to that God hath elected and predestinate. &c. Ex Math. Paris. fol. 167.

In like maner betweene y• sayd Dominicke Fryers, & the gray Fryers, what a braule and tumulte was about y• Conceptiō of our Lady, whether she was without original sinne conceaued or not, in the raigne of R. Henry vii & Kyng Henry viii. an. 1509. Ad moreouer to these the 24. haynous schismes & not so few, which happened betwene Pope and Pope in the Churche and Sea of Rome. But what doe I stand to recite the deuisions and dissentions the popes Church,Continuall variaunce in the Popes church. which is as much almost as to recken the sandes of the sea? For what Church, Chapter, or Couent was in all that Religion, which either had not some variaunce with themselues, or with others? Upon which continuall strife and variaunce among them, the readers hereof may iudge of them & their religion as pleaseth thē: In the meane time,Anno. 1190. my iudgement is this: that where such dissention dwelleth, there dwelleth not the spirit of Christ.

These thinges thus discoursed touching the tragicall dissention betweene Baldwyne archbishop and monks of Canterbury.King Richard taketh his iourney toward the land of Hierusalem. Now to proceed (by the Lords assistance) in conuocatiō of our story: After king Richard had thus, as is declared, set the monkes and the Archbishop in some agreement, & had composed such thinges as were to be redressed within the realme, he aduaunceth forward his iorny,The oth of fidelitie betweene Philip second French king, and king Richard the first, going to the holy lād. & came to Turon, to meete with Phillip the Frenche king: & so after that went to Uizeliace, where the French R. and he ioyning together for yt more continuance of their iourney, assured them selues by solemne othe, swearing fidelitie one to the other: the forme of whose othe was this: ‘That eyther of them should defend and mayntayne the honour of the other, and beare true fidelitie vnto hym, of lyfe, members, and worldly honour, and that neyther of them shoulde fayle one the other in their affayres: but the Frenche king shoulde ayde the king of England in defending hys land and dominions, as hee would hymselfe defend hys owne Citie of Paris if it were besieged: and that Richard King of England likewise shoulde ayde the French king in defending his land and dominions, no otherwise then he woulde defend his owne Citty of Roan, if it were besieged. &c.’ Discipline and orders set by king Richard for malefactors. But how slenderly thys othe dyd holde betweene these 2. kinges, and by whose chiefe occasion first it fell asunder, the sequele of the story (the Lord willing) shall declare hereafter.

Furthermore touching the lawes and ordinances appointed by the king Richard for his nauy, the forme therof was this.

1. That who so killed any person on shypbord, should be tyed with hym that was slayne and throwne into the sea.

2. And if he killed him on yt land, should in like maner be tyed with the party slayne, & be buryed wt him in the earth.

3. He that shalbe cōuicted by lawful witnes to draw out his knife or weapon, to the intent to strike any man, or yt hath strickē any to the drawing of bloud, shal lose his hād.

4. Also, he that striketh any person with his hand, wtout effusion of bloud, shall be plunged three times in the sea.

5. Itē, who so speaketh any opprobrious or contumelius words, in reuiling or cursing one an other, for so oftētimes as he hath so reuiled, shall pay so many vnces of siluer.

6. Item, a theefe, or felon that hath stolne, being lawfully conuerted, shall haue his head shorne and boyling pitche poured vpon his head, & fethers or downe strawed vpon the same, wherby he may be knowne, & so the first landing place they shall come to, there to be cast vp. &c.

These thinges thus set in a readines,The French king & [...] Rich. [...] to Lyons. kyng Richard sending his nauy by the Spanish seas, and by the straytes of Iubaltarie betweene Spayne and Africa, to meet hym at Marsilia, he himselfe went (as is sayd) to Uizeliace, to the French King. Which two kinges from thence went to Lyons, where the bridge ouer the floud Rhodanus, for presse of people brake, and many both men & womē were drowned. By reason whereof the two. kinges for the combraunce of their traynes, were constrayned to deceiuer thē selues for tyme of their iourny, appoynting both to meete together in Sicilia: and so Phillip the French king tooke his way to Genua,K. Richard commeth [...] Marsilia. & king Richarde to Marsilia, where he remayned 8. dayes, appoynting there his nauy to meet him. Frō thence crossing ouer to Genua, where ye Frenche king was, passed forward by the coast of Italy, and entered into Tyber not farre from Rome, where meeting wt Octomanus Cardinall and Byshop of Hostia,K. Richard complained of the filthe Symony of the Popes Court. he did cō playne greatly of the filthy Symonye of the pope and the Popes Court, for receauing vii. hundred Markes for cō secrating the Bishop Cenomanensis: Also a thousand and fiue hundreth Markes of William Byshop of Ely for hys office Legatiue. And likewise an infinite summe of money of the Byshop of Burdeaux, for acquiting hym when hee should be deposed for a certayne cryme layd to hys charge by hys Clergye. &c.

The vii. day of August,K. Richard departeth from Ma [...] lia. in the yeare aforesayd, R. Richard departed out of Marsilia, after he had there wayted viii. dayes for hys nauy, which came not, & so hyeryng xx. Gallyes, and x. great Barkes, to ship ouer hys mē, sayled by the Coast of Italy, and came to Naples, & so partly by horse and wagon, partly by the sea passing to Falernum, came to Calabria, where after that he had heard, his ships were arriued at Messana in Sicilia, he made ye more speed and so the xxiii. of September sent to Messana,The kyngs ships ar [...]e at Messana. The comming of [...] Richard t [...] Messana. with suche a noyse of trumpets and shalmes, with suche a route and shewe, that it was to the great wonderment and terrour both of the French men, and all other that did heare and behold the sight.

To the sayd towne of Messana the French kyng was come before the xvi. of the same month of September,The French king [...] in Messana and had taken vp the Pallace of Tancredus R. of Sicilia, for hys lodging. To whom R. Richard after hys arriual estsoones resorted, and when the two kings had communed together, immediately the same day the Frenche R. tooke shypping and entring the seas, thinking to sayle towarde the land of Hierusalē.The French king driue backe again by the wy [...] to Messan [...] But after he was out of the hauen, the wynd rising contrary agaynst hym returned him back agayne to Messana. Then R. Richard (whose lodgyng was prepared in the suburbes without the City) after he had resorted agayne, & talked with the French R. and also had sent to Tancredus R. of Sicilia for deliueraunce of Ioane his sister (who had bene sometymes Queene of Sicilia) and had obtayned her to be sent vnto hym,K. Richard obtaineth his sister Ioan que [...] sometime [...] Scicilia to [...] sent vnto him. K. [...]ichard getteth the monastery of Gr [...] the last day of September passed ouer the floude of Del far, and there getting a strong hold called De la Bagmare, or Le Bamre, and placing therein his sister with a sufficient garison, he returned agayne to Messana. The second of October R. Richard wanne an other cercayne strong holde called Manasterium Griffonum, situated in the midst of the Riuer of Del far, betweene Messana and Calabria, frō whence the Monkes beyng expulsed, he reposed there all hys story and prouisiō of victuals which came from England or other places.

The Citizens of Messana seeing that the R. of England had won the Castle and Island in De la Bagmare,Discord betweene the Citizens & Messana of the Engli [...] armie. and also the Monastery of the Griffones, & doubting lest the king would extēd his power farther to inuade their citie, [Page] & get if he could the whole Isle of Sicilia, begā to stirre agaynst the kinges army, and to shut the Englishe men out of the gates, and kept ther walles agaynst them. The Englishmen seing that, made to the gates, and by force would haue broken them open, in so muche that the King riding among them with his staffe, & breaking diuers of their heads, could not asswage their fiercenes. Such was the rage of the Englishmen agaynst the Citizens of Messana.The king [...]oulde not [...]tay the rage of the people. The king seeing the fury of the people to be suche as he could not stay them, tooke boate, & went to the Palace of K. Tancred to talk of the matter with the French king. In which meane tyme the matter was so taken vp by the wise handling of the auncient of the citty, that both partes laying downe their armour went home in peace.

The fourth day of the sayd month of October came to king Richard the archbishop of Messana, with two other archbishops also with the French king, and sondry other Earles, Barons, and Bishops, for intreataunce of peace. Who as they were together consulting,Communication about peace amōg the kings. & had almost concluded vpō the peace, the Cittizens of Messana issuing out of the towne, some went vp vpon the mountaynes; some with open force inuaded the mansion or lodging of Hugh Brunne an English captayn. The noyse wherof cōming to the eares of the king, he sodenly breaking of talke with the French king and the rest, departed from them, & comming to his men, commaunded thē forthwith to arme thē selues.A skirmish betweene the Citizens of Messana & the Englishmen. Who then with certayne of his souldiours making vp to the top of a mountayne (which seemed to passe theyr power to clime) there put the Citizens to flight, chasing thē down the mountayn, vnto the very gates of ye Citie, whom also certayne of the kinges seruauntes pursued within the Citty, of whō fiue valiaunt souldiours, and xx. of the kings seruaunts were slayne, the French king looking vpon, and not once willing to rescue them, contrary to his othe and league before made with the king of England. For the French king with hys men being there present,The French Kyng, a bearer with straungers against the English men rode in the midst of them safely & without any harme, to and fro, and might well haue eased the kinges party, more then he, if it had so liked him.

This beyng knowne to the English hoast, how theyr fellowes were slayn, and the Frenchmen permitted in the city, & that they were excluded, & the gates barred against them, being also stopped frō buying of vittayle and other things,English men w [...]ane the City of Messana in Sicilia. English armes set vp at Messana. they vpon great indignation gathered themselues in armes, brast opē the gates, and scaled the walles, and so winning the Citty, set vp their flagges with the Englishe armes vpon the walles. Which when the French king did see, he was mightely offended, requiring the king of England, that the armes of Fraūce might also be set vp & ioyned with his. But king Richard to that would in no case agree. Notwithstanding to satisfie hys minde, he was cō tented to take downe his armes, and commit the custodie of the City to the Hospitallaries and Templaries of Hierusalem, till the time that Tancrede king of Sicilia and he should agree together vpon conditions.

These thinges being done, the v. & vi. day of October, it followed thē vpō the viij, day of the same month of October,The league renued betweene K. Richard, and the French king. that peace among ye kings was cōcluded. In which peace first king Richard and Phillip the French king, renewed agayne their othe and league before made concerning their mutuall ayd and society during the time of that peregrination. Secondly, peace also was concluded betweene king Richard, and Tancred king of Cicilia aforesayd with the cōditions, that the daughter of Tancreda in case (King Richard should die without issue) should mary to Arthure Duke of Britaine,Peace cōcluded betwene K. Richard, & Tancrede K. of Sicilia. the kings nephew, and next heyre to his crown. &c. whereof a formal charte was drawn and letters sent thereof to Pope Clement being dated the the ix. day of Nouember.

In this meane time, as these two kinges of Fraunce and England were thus wyntering at Messana,Fredericke 1. Emperour with his sonne Conrade come vp toward the siege of Achon. Fredericke the Emperor drowned in a riuer going to the siege of Achon. Fredericke Emperor first of that name (the same, on whose neck Pope Alexander did treade in the Church of Uenice, saying the verse of the Psalme Super aspidem & basiliscum ambulabis &c. whereof read before pag. 205.) and his sonne Conradus, with a mighty army of Almanus and others, were comming vp likewise toward the land of Hierusalē, to the siege of Achon: where by the way the good Emperour, through a great mischaunce falling of his horse into a Riuer called Salef, was therin drowned. After whose decease Conradus his sonne taking the gouerment of hys army, came to the siege of Achō, in which siege also he died. Upon whose comming such a dearth followed in the camp whiche lasted two monthes, that a loafe of bread, whiche before there cōming was sold for i. peny, was afterwarde sold for iij. pound, By reason whereof many Christiā souldiours did there perish through famine. The chiefest foode which the princes there had to feede vpon was horse flesh. This famine being so miserable,A miserable famine in the siege of Achon. some good bishops there were in the campe, namely Hubert Bishop of Salisbury, with certayne other good Byshops; who making a generall collection through the whole campe for ye poore; made such prouision,Gods prouidēce in time of need. that in such penury of all things, yet no mā was so destitute, & needy, but somewhat he had for hys relief, till within a fewe dayes after by the mercifull prouidence of God (who is the feeder of all creatures) shyppes came vnto them with a boūdance of corne, wine and oyle.

The siege of this towne of Achon endured a long season,The siege of AAchon. which as it was mightely oppugned by the Christiās, so it was strongly defended by the Saracens, specially by helpe of wild fire,Ignis Graecus. much vsed of the Saracens. which the Latines do call Ignem Graecū, so that great slaughter there was on both sides. During the tyme of which siege, many noble personages & also byshops died, among whō was Conradus the Emperours sonne, Rādulph Earle of Fougeres, the Earle of Pericio, Robert Earle of Leicester, Baldwine archbishop of Canterbury with foure Archbishops, and diuers other Byshops and Abbots and Earles and Barons to the nūber of 34. and not so few. All this while king Richard & King Phillip of Fraunce, stil kept at Messana in Sicilia, from the month of September till Aprill,K. Richard conferreth with Ioachim Abbot about the comming of Antichrist. for lacke (I suppose) of wynde or weather, or els for necessitie of repayryng their shyppes. In which meane tyme king Richard hearing of Ioachim Abbot of Curacio a learned man in Calabria (who was thē thought to haue ye spirit of prophesie, & told many thinges of a people that should come) sent for hym, with whom he & his Bishops had much conference about the cōming & tyme of Antichrist.Abbas Ioachim condemned in the councell of Laterane, by Innocent. 3. This Ioachim belike in his booke and Reuelations vttered some things agaynst the Sea and pride of Rome: for the whiche he was lesse fauoured of the popes, & iudged an enemy to their Sea, and so by pope Innocent the 3. was condemned wt his bookes for an heriticke, in his Idolatrous generall Councell of Laterane. an. 1215. as ye may read in Antoninus.

After this Henricus king of Almanes,Henricus sonne of Fredericke standeth to be Emperour. sonne of Fredericke the Emperour hearing of the decease of his father, standing now to be Emperor, first restoreth to Hen. Duke of Saxonie, and to others, whatsoeuer his father before had takē from them. That done he sent to Clement & hys Cardinals, promising in al thinges to confirme the lawes and dignities of the Church of Rome, if they would graūt hym their assent to be Emperor. Wherupon pope Clemēt by aduise of the Romaines assigned him the terme of Easter in the next yeare insuing for his coronation.Pope Clement dyeth. Celestinas 3. Pope. But before yt Easter came. P. Clemēt died, after he had sit 3. yeres and about 4. monthes. After whome succeeded Celestinus the 3. Of whom more hereafter, God willing.

The time thus passing ouer in the month of February,Anno. 1191. the next yeare following, which was of the Lord. 1191. king Richard sent ouer hys Galleyes to Naples, there to meet his mother Alinore, and Berengaria the daughter of Sā ctius king of Nauarre, whom he was purposed to mary. Who by that tyme were come to Brundusium, vnder the conduct of Phillip Erle of Flanders, & so proceeding vnto Naples, there found the kings ships, wherin they sayled to Messana.The bountifull liberalitie of king Richard. In this meane space king Richard shewed hymselfe exceeding bounteous and liberall to all men. To the French king first he gaue diuers ships: vpō others likewise he bestowed rich rewardes, and of hys treasures and goodes he distributed largely to hys souldiours and seruauntes about hym. Of whom it was reported that he distributed more in one month, then euer any of hys predecessors did in a whole yeare: by reason whereof he purchased great loue and fauour, which not onely redounded to the aduauncement of his fame, but also to his singular vse and profite, as the sequele afterward proued.

To proceede then in the progresse of king Richard it followeth.King Richard remoueth from Messana, and commeth to Cathneys. In the first day of the month of march, he leauing the citty of Messana where the Frenche king was, went to Cathniensium, a City where Tancredus Kyng of Sicilia then lay, where he was honourable receaued, & there remained wt king Tancred 3. dayes & 3. nightes. On the fourth day when he should depart,The honorable intertainment of king Richard by king Tancredus. the foresayd Tancredus offered him many riche presentes in golde and siluer, and precious silkes, whereof king Richarde woulde receiue nothing, but one little ryng for a token of his good will. For ye which king Richard againe gaue to him a rich sword. At length when R. Richard should take his leaue, king Tancredus would not so let him part, but needes would geue him 4. great ships, and 15. Galeys: and furthermore, he himselfe would needes, accompanye him the space of two dayes iourney to a place called Tauenium.

Then the next morning when they should take their leaue, Tancredus declared vnto him ye message which the [Page] French king a little before, had sent vnto him by the Duke of Burgundy,Philip the frēch king trayterously seeketh the destruction of K. Richard by secret letters sent to the king of Sicilia. the contentes whereof was this: ‘That the king of England was a false traytour, aud would neuer keepe the peace that was betweene thē. And if the sayd Tancredus would warre agaynst hym, or secretly by night woulde inuade him, he with all his power would assiste him, and ioyne with him to the destruction of him and all hys army, &c.’ To whome Richard the king protested agayne, that he was no traytour, nor neuer was: and as touching the peace begon betweene them, the same shoulde neuer be broken thorough hym: neyther could he beleue, that the French king, being hys good Lorde and his sworne compartiner in that voyage, would vtter any such wordes by him.A faithfull part of Tancredus kyng of Sicilia toward kyng Richard. Which when Tancredus heard, he bringeth forth the letters of the Frenche R. sent to him by the Duke of Burgundy, affirming moreouer, that if the Duke of Burgundy would deny the bringing of the sayd letters, he was ready to try with hym by any of hys Dukes. King Richard receiuing the letters & mu [...]ing not a little vpō the same, returneth again to Messana. The same day that king Richard departed, ye French king cōmeth to Tauermum to speake with Tancredus, & there abode with him that night, and on the morrowe returned to Messana againe.

From that tyme king Richard moued in stomacke against king Phillip,The first occasion of discord betweene the French king and king Richard. neuer shewing any gentle countenāce of peace and amitie, as he before was wont. Whereat the French K. greatly marueiling, and enquiring earnestly what should be the cause therof, word was sent him again by Phillip Erle of Flaunders, what words he had sent to the king of Sicilia, & for the testimony thereof the letters were shewed which he wrote by the Duke of Burgundy, to the king of Sicilia.K. Richard chargeth the French king with falsehood. Which when the Frenche king vnderstoode, first he held hys peace as gilty in his conscience, not knowing well what to aunswere. At length turning his tale to an other matter, he began to quarrell with king Richard, pretending as though he sought causes to breake with him,The Frēch king quarelleth with L. Richard about marying his sister. and to maligne him: and therefore he forged these lyes (sayd he) vpon him, and all because he by that meanes would voyde to marry with Alice his sister, according as he had promised: Adding moreouer, that if he would so do, and would not mary the sayd Alice his sister, according to his othe, but woulde marry an other, he woulde be an enemy to hym and hys, while he lyued.

To this king Richard sayd agayn, that he could by no meanes mary that woman,Causes alledged why K. Richard could not marry with the French kinges sister. Agreement betweene the two kinges, with the conditions touching the same. for so muche as his father had carnall copulation with her, & also had by her a sonne: for proofe wherof he had there presently to bring forth diuers and sondry witnesses to the kings face, to testifie with him. In conclusion through counsell and perswasion of diuers about the French king, agreement at last was made, so yt king Phillip did acquire king Richard from his bonde of marying hys sister, and king Richard agayne shoulde be bound to pay to him euery yeare for the space of v. yeares, two thousand marks, with certayne other conditions besides, not greatly materiall in this place to be deciphred. And thus peace beyng betweene them concluded, the 28. day of the said month of March,The French king commeth to Achon. the Frēch king launching out of the hauen of Messana, in the 22. day after in Easter weeke came with hys army to the siege of Achon.

After the departure of the French king from Messana, (king Richard with his army yet remayning behynd) arriued Queene Alinore ye kings mother, bringing with her Bernegera the king of Nauarres daughter to be espoused to king Richard.Berengaria, or as some do call her Bernegera daughter to the king of Nauarre brought to be maried to kyng Richard by his mother Alinor. Which done, Alinore leauing Bernegera behinde her, departed, taking her iorny toward Rome, to intreate the pope for Gaufrious her other sonne aboue mētioned, to be consecrated in the archbishoprick of York, beyng before elected by the procurement of king Richard his brother, as ye heard. In which meane time as Queene Alinorie was trauiling toward Rome, Pope Clement aboue mentioned dyed about the 6. day of Aprill, in whose roume succeeded pope Celestinus the 3. who the next day after hys consecration,Pope Celestinus 3. came from Laterane to S. Peters church, wherein the way meeteth him Henricus the Emperor, & Constantia his wife, with a great route of armed souldiours. But the Romanes making fast their gates, would not suffer them to enter their Cittye.Conditions required of Henricus K. of Almanes before he should be made Emperour by the Pope. The Pope of Rome in the ful toppe of his pride. Then pope Celestine standing vpon the stayres before the church dore of s. Peter, receiued an othe of the sayde Henricus king of the Almains (hys army wayting without) that he should defend the church of God, & al the liberties therof, & maintayne Iustice, also to restore agayne the patrimony of S. Peter full and whole, what soeuer hath bene diminished therof, & finally yt he should surrender to ye church of Rome agayne, the citty of Tusculanū. &c. Upon these conditions and grauntes then the pope took hym to the Church, and there annoynted him for Emperour, & hys wife for Empresse, who there sitting in his chayre pontificall, held the crowne of gold betweene his feete, and so the Emperoure vowing downe his head to the popes feete: receaued the crown:Pope Celestine cro [...] neth Her [...] cus the emperour was his seete. The Pope striketh is the Emperours [...] with his foote. K. Richard moueth his Messana [...] Achon. and in like maner the Empresse also. The crowne thus being set vpon the Emperours head, the Pope estsoones wt his foot stroke it off agayn frō his head vnto the groūd, declaring therby that he had power to depose hym againe, in case he so deserued. Then the Cardinals taking vp the crowne set it vpon his head agayne. Ex veteri Chronico manuscripto anonimo, De gestis Richardi regis cui initiū: Anno gratiae &c. Item ex alio eiusdem vetustatis Chronico manuscripto, cui initium. Aeneas cum Ascanio. &c.

Not long after the departure of king Phillip frō Messana, which was in the month of march, king Richard in Aprill following, about the xx. day of the sayd month, sayling frō the hauen of Messana, with an 150. great ships, & 53 great Baleis wel manned and appointed, took his iorny toward Achon. who being vpō the seas, on good Friday about the 9. houre rose a mighty Southwinde with a winpest, which disseuered and scattered all his nauy,K. Richard ouertaken with a [...] pest in the Seas, going to Achon. some to one place, and some to an other. The king with a fewe ships was driuen to the Ile of Creta, and there before the hauen of Rhodes cast an anker. The ship that caryed the kings sister Queene of Sicilia, and Bernegera the king of Nauarres daughter, with 2. other ships were driuē to the Ile of Cyprus. The king making great mone for the shyp of his sister, & Bernegera his wife yt should be, not knowing where they were become, after the tempest was ouerblowen sent forth his Galleys diligently to search ye rest of his nauy dispersed, but especially for the ship wherein hys sister was, & the maydē whō he should mary, who at lēgth were founde safe and mery at the porte of Lunszem in the ile of Cyprus. Notwtstanding the ij. other ships whiche were in their cōpany before in the same hauē, were drowned, with diuers of the kings seruants & men of worship, amongst whom was M. Roger, called Maws Catulus, the kings Uice chauncellor, who was founde hauing the kings seale hanging about his necke.Isakiu [...] king of Cyprus [...] cruell enemy to Englishe men. The king of Ciprus was then Isakius (called also the Emperour of the Griffones) who tooke and imprisoned all Englishmen which by shipwracke were cast vpon hys land: also inuegled into hys hands the goods & prises of them whiche were found drowned about his coastes, neyther would suffer the ship wherein the two Ladyes were to enter within the porte.

The tidinges of this beyng brought to king Richard,K. Richard maketh sure to the king of Cyprus for his souldiours in captiuitie. he in hys great wrath gathering hys Galleys & ships together, bordeth the land of Cyprus, where he first in gentle wise signifieth to king Isakius, howe he with his Englishmen, comming as straungers to the supportation of ye holy land, were by distresse of wether driuen vppon hys bounds, & therfore with all hūble petion besought hym in Gods behalfe, and for reuerence of the holy Crosse: to let goe such prisoners of his which he had in captiuitie, and to restore agayne the goodes of them whiche were drowned, as he deteyned in hys handes,The dis [...] full & [...] answere of Isakius to K. Richard to be employed for the behouse of their soules. &c. And thus the king once, twise, & thrise, desired of the Emperour. But he proudly aunswering agayne, sent the king word, that he neyther woulde let the captiues goe, nor render the goodes of them which were drowned &c.

When king Richard heard this, how little the Emperour Isakius made of hys so humble and honest petition, and how nothing there could be gotten without violent force,K. Richard exhorteth his men to fight against Isakius. estsoones geueth commaundement through all hys hoast, to put themselues in armour and to follow him, to reuenge such iniuries receiued of that proud and cruell K. of Cyprus, willyng them to put their trust in God, and not to misdoubt but the Lorde woulde stand with them, and geue them the victory.K. Richard setteth vpon Isakius [...] of Cyprus. The Emperoure in the meane tyme with hys people stoode warding the Sea coastes, where the Englishmen should ariue, with swords, billes, and launces, and such other weapons as they had, settyng boardes, stooles, and chestes before thē in stead of a walle. Nowheir but few of them were harnessed, and for the most part all vnexpert, & vnskilfull in the feates of warre.The battaile betwene the Emperour of Cyprus and K. Rich. Thē king Richard wt hys souldiours issuing out of their ships, first set his bowmen before, who with their shotte made a way for other to follow. The Englishmen thus winning the land vpon them, so fiercely pressed vpō the Griffones, that after long fighting and many blowes,Isakius Emperour of the Griffōs put to flight▪ The towne of Lymez [...] taken by king Rich. at last the Emperour was put to flight, whom king Richard valiauntly pursued, and slue many, and diuers he tooke alyue, and had gone neare also to haue the Emperoure, had not the night come on & parted the battaile. And thus K. Richard with much spoyle & great victory returning to the Porte towne of Lym [...]zem, whiche the townesmen had lefte for feare, found there great aboundaunce of corne, wyne, oyle, [Page] and vittayles.

The same day after the victory got, Ioane the kinges sister, and Bernegera the mayden, entered the Port and towne of Lyme [...]zem, with L. great ships, and xiiij. Galliots: So that all the whole nauye there meeting together were CCLiiij. talle shippes, and aboue 60. Galliots. Thē Isakius the Emperour seeing no way for him to escape by the Sea, the same night pitched his tentes v. myles of from the Englishe army, swearing that the third day after he would sure geue battayle to king Richard. But he preuenting hym before, sodenly the same morning before the day of battayle should be, setteth vppon the tentes of the Griffones early,The king of Cyprus againe put to flight. they being vnwares and a sleepe, & made of them a great slaughter, in so much that the Emperour was fayne naked to run away: leauing his tentes and pauilions to the English men, ful of horses and rich treasure, also with the Imperiall standard,K. Richard marrieth Bernegera daughter of the king of Nauarie in the Isle of Cyprus. the lower part wherof with a costly stremer was couered and wrought al with gold. King Richard then returning with victory and triumph to hys sister, and Bernegera, shortly after in the moneth of May next following, and the 12. day of the sayd moneth, maryed the sayd Bernegera daughter of Rācon king of Nauarre, in the Isle of Cyprus, at Lymeszen.

The king of Cyprus seeing himselfe ouermatched,Isakius king of Cyprus yeldeth himselfe to king Richard. was driuen at length to yeld himselfe with conditions, to geue king Richard xx. thousand markes in golde, for amendes of such spoyles, as he had gottē of them that were drowned: Also to restore all hys captiues agayne to the king: And furthermore he in hys owne person to attende vpon the kyng to the land of Hierusalem, in Gods seruice and hys, with CCCC. horsemen, and v. hundreth footemen: in pledge whereof he would geue to hys handes his Castles, and hys onely daughter, & would hold his kingdome of hym. This done, and the Emperour swearing fidelitie to king Richard, before Guido king of Ierusalem, and the Prince of Antioche (who were come thither to king Richard a little before) peace was taken,The king of Cyprus breaketh conditions with kyng Richard. and Isakius committed to the warde of certaine keepers. Notwithstanding shortly after he breaking from his keepers, was agayne at defiance with the king. Whereupon K. Richard besetting the Ileland of Cyprus round about with ships and Galleyes, did in such sort preuayle, that the subiectes of the land were constrayned to yeld themselues to the K. and at length the daughter also of the Emperour,King of Cyprus againe submitteth himselfe, and was kept in golden fetters. & at last the Emperour hymselfe, whom king Richard caused to be kept in fetters of siluer and gold, and to be sent to the City of Tripolis.

These thinges thus done, and all set in order touching the possession of the Isle of Cyprus: the keeping whereof he committed to Radulfe sonne of Godfrey Lord Chamberlayne, being then the first day of Iune, vpon the v. of ye sayd moneth,K. Rich. taketh his iourney to Achon. king Richard departed from the Isle of Cyprus with hys ships and galleyes toward the siege of Achon, & on the next morow came to Tyrus, where by procurement of the French K. he was constrained by the cititizens to enter. The next day after, which was the vi. day of Iune, crossing the Seas, he mette with a great Barke, fraught with souldiours and men of warre to the number of a thousand and fiue hundreth,A thousand & fiue hundreth Saracens sent to the rescue of Achon, vanquished on the sea by K. Richard. which pretendyng to be Frenchmē, and setting forth their flagge with the Frenche armes, were in deede Saracens secretly sent with wilde fire & certayn barrelles of vnknowne serpentes, to the defence of the town of Achon. Which K. Richard at lēgth perceauing, estsoones set vpō them, and so vanquished them, of whō the most were drowned, & some taken aliue. Which beyng once known in the Citty of Achō, as it was a great discomfort to them, so it was a great helpe to the christians for winning the citty. The next day after, whiche was the vii. of Iune, Kyng Richard came to Achon, which at that tyme had bene long besieged of the Christiās. After whose cōming it was not long,The Citie of Achon yelded to the Christians. but the Pagans within the Citty, seing their walles to be vndermined and towers ouerthrowne, were driuen by cōmposition to escape with life & lymme, to surrender the Citty to the two kings. An other great helpe, to the Christians in winning the Cittye was this. In the sayd Citty of Achon there was a secret Christian amōg the Saracens, who in tyme of the siege there, vsed at sondry tymes to cast ouer the walles into the camp of the Christians certayn billes writtē in Hebrue, Greek, and Latine, wherin he disclosed to the Christians, frō time to tyme, the doynges and counsels of the enemies, aduertising them how and what way they should work,An honest part of a secret Christian in the citie of Achō. & what to beware. And alwayes his letters began thus: In nomine patris, & filij, & spiritus sancti. Amen. By reason whereof ye Christians were much aduantaged in their proceedings. But this was a great heauines vnto them, that neither he would vtter his name, or when the Cittye was got they could euer vnderstand who he was. Ex Chronico manuscripto, De gestis Richardi.

To make of a long siege a short narration, vpon the 12. day of Iuly the yeare aforesayd, the Princes and captaines of the Paganes, vpon agreement resorted to y• tent of the Templaries, and to common with the two kinges touching peace, & geuing vp of their city: ye forme of which peace was this:The forme of peace concluded betweene the Kings and the Princes of Achon. That the kings should haue the city of Achon freely, and fully deliuered to thē with all which was therin, and fiue hundreth captiues of the Christiās shoulde be restored to them, which were in Achon. Also the holye Crosse should be to thē rendered, and a thousand Christiā captiues, with 2. hundreth horsemen, whosoeuer they thē selues would chuse out of all thē which were in the power of Saledine. Ouer and besides, they shoulde geue to the kings 200. thousand Bysāts, so yt they thēselues would remayne as pledges in the kings hands, for the performāce hereof, that if in xl. dayes these foresayd couenaunces were not accomplished, they would abide the kings mercy touching life and limme.Couenaunces made in giuing vp the citie of Achon. These couenaunces being agreed vpon, the kinges sent their souldiours and seruauntes into the City, to take a C. of the richest and best of the City, to close them vp in towers vnder strong keeping, and the residue they cōmitted to be kept in homes and streetes, ministring to them according to their necessities: to whome notwithstanding this they permitted, that so many of thē as would be baptised & receuie the fayth of Christ, shoulde be free to go whether they would.Religion would be taught and not coacted. Wherupon many there were of the Paganes, which for feare of death, pretēded to be baptised, but afterward so soone as they could, reuolted agayne to the Saladine. For the which it was afterward commaunded by the kinges, that none of thē should be baptised agaynst their willes.

The 13. day of the sayde month of Iuly,The two kinges deuide the citie of Achon, with all the spoyle therof betwene themselues. Cōmonly seene, who so taketh most paynes, their part to be the least. Many of the Christian soldidiours for neede were constrayned to depart from Achon. King Phillip of Fraunce, and king Richard, after they had obtained the possession of Achon, deuided betweene thē, al things therin contayned, as well the people as gold & siluer, with all other furniture what soeuer was remayning in the Citty: who in deuiding the spoile were so good caruers to themselues, yt many Knightes and Barons with other souldiours, who had there sustayned the whole trauaile 2. yeres together about the siege, seing the kings to take all to thē selues and there part to be but little, retracted themselues without the vttermost trench, and there after consultation had togither, sent word to the kings that they would leaue and forsake them, vnlesse they were made partakers also of the gaynes, for the whiche they had so long trauailed. To whom aunswere was sent agayne by the kinges, that their wills should be satisfied. How beit because of lōg differring of their promise, many constrayned by pouerty departed from them.

The xx. day of Iuly king Richard speaking with the French king,K. Richard requireth of the French kyng to remaine three yeares with his army, but hee would not. desired him that they two with their armies, would binde thēselues by oth to remayne there still in the lād of Hierusalē the space of 3. yeares, for the winning and recouering again of those coūtryes. But he would sweare (he sayd) no such oth: and so the next day after K. Richard with his wife and sister entreth into the citty of Achon, and placed there himselfe in the kinges Palace: the French K. remayning in the houses of the Templaries, where he cō tinued till the end of yt month. So about the beginning of the month of August, Phillip the Frenche king, after that he and king Richard had made agreemēt betwene Guido and Conradus the Marques, about the kingdome of Hierusalem, went frō Achon to Tyrus: notwithstāding kyng Richard, & al the Princes of the Christiā army with great entreaty desired him to tarye, shewing what a shame it were for him to come so far, & now to leaue vndone yt, for which he came, & on the 3. of August frō Tyrus departed, leauing his halfe part of the citty of Achon in the handes of the foresayd Conradus Marques. After whose departure the Paganes refused to keep their couenaunts made, who neither would restore ye holy crosse nor the mony, nor their captiues, sending worde to king Richard, yt if he beheaded the pledges left with him at Achon, they would chop of the heads of such captiues of ye christians: which were in their handes. Shortly after this the Saladine sendyng great gifts to king Richard, requested ye times limited for beheading of the captiues to bee proroged: but the king refused to take his giftes, and to graunt his request. Whereupō the Saladine caused all the christian captiues within his possession forthwith to be beheaded:Christian captiues slai [...] [...] the Saladine. which was the xviii. day of August. which albeit K. Richard vnderstode, yet would not he preuent the time afore limitted for the execution of his prisoners, being the xx. day of August.The Saracen captiues slaine by k. Richard. Upō which day he caused the prisoners of the Saracens, opēly in the sight of the Saladines army to lose their heads: the number of [Page] whom came to two thousand and fiue hundreth, saue only that certayne of the principall of thē he reserued for purposes & considerations, especially to make exchaunge for the holy crosse, and certayne other of the Christian captiues.

After this king Richard purposed to besiege the Citty of Ioppe. [...]o hereby the way betweene Achou and Ioppe, neare to a Town called Assur: Saladine with a great multitude of his Saracens, came fiercely agaynst the kinges reareward, but through Gods merci [...]ull grace; in ye same battayle the kinges warriours acquited them so well, that the Saladine was put to flight (whom the Christiās pursued the space of iii. myles) & lost the same day many of his nobles and captaynes,Saladine put to flight. in such sort (as it was thought) that the Saladine was not put to such confusion xl. yeares before: and but one Christian captaine called Iames Auernus in that conflict was ouerthrowne.A noble victory by Gods power gotten by Kyng Rich▪ against the Saracens. From thence kyng Richard proceeding further wēt to Ioppe and thē to Ascalon, where he found first the city of Ioppe forsaken of y• Saracens, who durst not abide the kinges comming. Ascalō the Saladine threw downe to the ground, & likewise forsooke the whole land of Syria, through all which land the king had free passage without resistaunce:K. Richard in possession of Syria. neither durst the Sarazen prince encounter after that with K. Richard. Of all whiche his acheuances the sayd king Richard sent his letters of certificate as well into England, as also to the Abbot of Clara Ualle in Fraunce, well hoping that he (God willing) should be able to make his repayre agayne to them by Easter next.

A briefe story of William Byshop of Ely the Kynges Chauncellour.

The storie of William the proude Byshop of Ely.ANd nowe to leaue king Richard a while in the field, let vs make a step into Englande, and looke a little what is done at home while the king was abroad, and so returne to the king agayne. Yee heard before how king Richard at his setting forth, committed the gouernement of the realme to Hugo Byshop of Durham, and to Williā Bishop of Ely, so that to the byshop of Durham was cō mitted the keeping of the Castle of Wyndsore: the other, which was the Bishop of Ely,Vt iustè iudicarent [...]lerum & populum, verba hist. Foure chiefe Iustices with two Byshops appointed ouerseers of the Realme in the kings absence. had the keeping of ye tower of Londō, about which he caused a great ditch with a rā pear to be cast, which is yet remayning. Furthermore to these 2. Bishops, the king also assigned 4. other chiefe Iustices, whiche ioyntly with them should haue the hearyng and ouersight of all causes as well to the clergy as the layty appertaining: to witte, Hugh Bardolfe, William Marshall, Geffrey Peterson, and William Bruer. But the byshop of Ely was the principal, or at least, he that took most vpon him. Who both was the kinges Chauncellour, and bought with hys money to be the popes Legate through England, Ireland, & Scotlād, as is before specified. Touching the excessiue pride and pompe of which Byshop, hys ruffings outragious, & fall most shameful, it would make a long tragedie to discourse the whole circumstāces at full: Onely to demonstrate certayne specialties thereof for our present purpose, it may suffice.

William Longchamp B. of Ely, Lord Chauncelour, and the popes Legat. The church and belles of Yorke suspended because the Lord Legate was not set in with procession.First, this William called Longchamp being thus aduaunced by the king to be his high Chauncellor, and chiefe Iustice of the realme, and also the popes Legate, to shew abroad the authoritie of his Legatshyp, began to suspend the Canons, Clerkes, & Uicares of the Church of s. Peter in York, because they receiued him not with processiō: vnder which interdiction he held them, til they were fayne at last, both Canons, Clarkes, and Uicares to fall downe at his foote, causing al their belles to be let downe out of ye steple. After this commeth Hugo bishop of Durham, whō the king sent home out of Normandy wt hys letters, who meeting with the foresayd William Byshop of Ely in the towne of Blye, shewed hym ye kings letters, wherin was graunted to him the keeping of Windsore Castle, and to be the kinges Iustice from the riuer of Humber, to the borders of Scotland. To the which letters the Chauncellour answered, that the kings commaundemēt should be done, and so brought him with him to Suwell,Bysh. of Ely getteth the ca [...]tel of Wyndsore from the b. of Durhā. Hugo Bishop of Durham vexed by W. Bishop of Ely. where he tooke him and kept him fast, til he was forced at last to surrender to him the Castle of Wyndsore, & other things whiche the king had committed to his custody, & moreouer was constrayned to leaue with the sayd Chauncellour Henry de Puteaco hys own sonne, & Gilbert Ley for pledges & hostages of his fidelitie, to be true to the king and the realme. And thus the bishop of Durham being set at liberty, went to his town of Houedē. Where after he had made his abode a few dayes, cōmeth thether Osbert Longchamp ye Chancellours brother, and William Stutiuill, with a great cō pany of armed men sent by the Chauncellor to apprehend him. But the sayd Byshop of Durham putting in sureties not to depart that towne without the licence of the king & of the Chauncellour, there still remayned, till he got letters to be sent to the Kyng, signifying how he was vsed. Wherupon the king writing his letters from Marsilia to the bish. of Ely, set the sayd byshop of Durham free, & confirmed to hym all the possessions and grauntes that he before had geuen hym.

It is almost incredible to think how intemperatly this byshop and Chauncellor misused himselfe after the kings departure into Siria in excesse of pride,The exce [...] siue pride and eno [...] ties of W [...] shop of E [...]. and in cruell exactions and oppressions of the kinges subiectes. First his felow Iustices, whō the king ioyned with him for gouernement of the realme, he vtterly reiected & refused to heare their counsaile, reputing none to be equall with him in all the realme. Neither was he contented with the authoritie of a Prelate, but playd both king and priest in the realme. All Castles, Lordships, Abbayes, Churches, and al other appropriations belonging to the right of the king, he claymed to hymselfe, and by vertue of hys Legatship, whē he came to any byshops house, Abbay, Priory, or anye other Religious house, he brought with him such a superfluitie of men, horses, dogges, & hauks, that the house was worse for it 3. yeares after.Byshop of Ely neuer rode vnder a 1500▪ horse For commonly he rode neuer vnder a 1500. horses of Chaplaynes, Priestes, and other seruing mon wayting vpon hym. From the clergy & laytie he took away their Churches, their vow [...]ans, their liuinges, and landes, to bestow vpon hys nephewes, & other wayting Chaplaynes to serue hys vayne glory,His [...] or els conuerted thē to his own vse, to mayntaine his pompe & vanitie. In getting and gathering of treasures he had no measure, in mispending the same he kept no order. And that no vyce should be wanting where such auarice taketh roote, the money whiche he wrongfully got, he committed to the banke,His vs [...]ry. to be increased by vsury. What wantonnes and laciuiousnes was vsed in that so riotous life, the stories do shame to declare it.His riotous and d [...]licate life. All ruffenly runagates, idle belyes, & light persons, wheresoeuer he went, hanged vppon hys Court. To increase the vaine iolity of this royall Prelate, there was lacking no kynde of Musicall instrumentes & melodious noyse, to refreshe belike hys weryed senses to much beaten and macerated with continuall labour and study of hunting, hauking, and gaming: of preaching, and reading I should haue sayd.

Briefly this foresayd Prelate,The Bishop of Ely playeth both king & priest bearing the authoritie both of the king and of the pope, kept such a stirre in England, that all the whole realme was at hys beck, with cap and knee crouching to him, Neither durst any man rich or poore displease hym. Yea none in all the realme so noble or worshipfull, but was glad to please him, accounting thē selues happy if they might stand in his fauor. At his table all noble mens children did serue and wayte vpon hym, wt whome he coupled in mariage his nieces and kinswomē. And when any that stoode wayting before him, durst once cast vp hys eyes, or did not dimurely looke downward vpon ye groūd, he had a staffe in hand with a pricke, wherwith he vsed to prick thē, learning belike by the carter hys father, [...]. Bish. of Ely garded with French men & Fle [...] mings. which vsed at the plough or carte to driue his oxen. Furthermore, as kings vse to haue their gard about thē, so hee because hee woulde not also be vngarded, refusing men of the English nation, had his wayters and warders most of Frenchmen and Fleminges.

It happened after this,Anno. 1191. in the yeare 1191. that a great discord rose betwene Iohn Erle of Mortō the kings brother, with other states of the realme,A generall complaint to the K. of W. Bish. of Ely. Of these foure associates read the page before.s and the sayd William bishop of Ely, so that vniuersally they all wrote ouer to ye king concerning the misgouernmēt & enormities of ye sayd Bishop. Who vnderstanding of the case, sent from Mesiana into Eng. Walter archb. of Roan, and William Marshall Earle, vnto the Bish. of Ely with letters, commandyng him that in all hys doynges he should associate vnto hym the sayd Archb. of Roan, W. Mareshall, Geffry Peterson, W. Bruer, and Hugh Bardolfe aboue mentioned. Who whē they came into England, durst not deliuer their letters, dreading the displeasure of the Chauncellor: for he despised all the commaundements of the king, nor would suffer any fellow to ioyne with him in hys kingdome.

Hitherto haue you heard of the glorious vanitie of this lordly Legate and Chauncellor of the realme, now ye shal heare of his shamefull fall, after hys shamelesse exaltation. For shortly after this followeth another breach betweene the sayd Erle Iohn the kinges brother and hym,Another dissention betweene Iohn the kings brother & William Bish. of Ely. about y• besieging of the Castle of Lincolne. Concerning yt whiche castle the sayde Iohn sent him word, yt vnles he raised his siege the sooner frō thēce, he would send him away by force of sword. The bish. either not able to make his party good, or not daring to resist, thought best to fal to some composition with the Erle, and so did. In which composition, he [Page] was contented against his wil, by mediation of diuers bishops and others, to make surrender, not onely of the castle of Lincolne, but also of Notingham, of Tickhill, Walingford & many moe, which were then committed to the custody of sondry men of worship and honour. And thus was that controuersie agreed, wherein the bishop of Ely began a little to be cut shorter.

It followed then not long after in the same yeare, that another like busines began to kindle betwene Geffrey the Archb. of Yorke the Kings brother,Another broyle betweene the Chauncelor and Geffray Archbish. of Yorke the kings brother. and the foresaid glorious bishop of Ely, vpō this occasion. Ye heard before how the king at his setting out, left order that Earle Iohn and Geffrey his brethren, should not enter into the realme the space of iii. yeres after his departure (howbeit his brother Iohn was shortly after released of that bond:) and also after that howe K. Richard being at Messana, sent his mother Alinore to the Pope for his brother Geffrey (elected before to the See of Yorke) to be consecrated Archbishop. wherupon the said Geffrey being consecrated through licence of Pope Celestine by the Archb. of Turon, the sayde Geffrey [...]oones after his consecration differred no time, but would nedes come into England. Wherof the bishop of Ely hauing intelligence, sent him worde being at Wissand in Flaunders not to presume to aduenture into the realme, contrary to his othe made to K. Richarde before: commaunding moreouer, that if he came, he should be apprehended. All which notwithstanding the Archb. letted not for all that, but nedes would repaire to his sea, & so arriued at Douer in the moneth of September, where the Chancelours men stoode on the sea side to apprehend him. But he by changing his apparel and swiftnes of his horse escaped their hands, & came to the mōks house of Douer. But the Chancelors men whom he sent to take him, beset the church of the Monkes round about, so that in no wise he could auoid their handes.

The cruell handling of Geffray Archbish. of Yorke, by the B. of Ely the Popes [...]egate and Chaunceler of England.To make the story short, as the archb. on a day, when he had said masse was standing at the altar, with his garmēts yet about him, the rude souldiors hauing little good manners, & lesse deuotion, spared not boldly to rush into ye church, and there laid hands vpon the Archb. as he stoode: tooke him, bound him & dragged him through dirt & mire, (and as we vse to say) through thick and thin, and so committed him to Mathew Clerke their constable to be kept: wherat the people greatly disdained, seeing him that was a kings sonne, and the brother of a king so to be entreated. The hearing whereof when it came to the [...]ares of Earle Iohn his brother, he being not a little offended therwith, sent to knowe of the Chancelor whether this was his doing or not. To whome when the Chancellor sent answere againe, & stoutly confessed the fact to be his, then the Earle sent commandement that his brother should be deliuered,Geffray Archb. of Yorke deliuered out of prisō by cō mandement of Earle Iohn his brother. and so he was. Who then comming to London, made hys complaint to the Erle his brother, and to other nobles of the realme, of the iniuries done to him by the Chancelor. Wherupon the Erle sent for the said Chancelor, & appointed a day peremptorie for him to appeare before the whole body of the Counsell, to make answere to such iniuries as he had done, both to the Archb. of York, and also to the bishop of Durham aboue mentioned. But the Chancellour driuing of the time with delayes, would neither come nor send. Then the Earle with the Bishops about him, made their iourney towarde London, to haue the matter there handled in greater audience.

A skirmish betweene the seruants of the B. of Ely and the seruants of Earle Iohn.The Chancelor seeing that, withdrewe himselfe from Windsore to the Citie of London. Where by the way it happened that the seruants of the Erle and of the Chancelor, meting, did skirmish together. In which fray one of the Erles family was slaine, but yet his men had the better, and the Chauncelor wt his men were put to flight, and so fled to the tower, where they did hide themselues. The next day after (which was about the 12. day of October) Erle Iohn the kings brother, and the Archb. of Roan, wt all the bishops, Erles and Barons, and citizens of London assembled together in Paules Churche, where many & great accusations were laid against the sayd Chancelor,The nobles assembled in counsell against the B. of Ely. The B. of Ely Chauncelour of the realme and Legate deposed. The B. of Ely resigneth his Castels. so that in fine it was agreed in that assembly, that the sayd Chancelor should be deposed, and in his place was substitute the Archb. of Roan, according to the tenor of ye kings letters sent from Messana, which was, that certaine other persons should be associated with ye Chancelor for the gouernement of the realme, by whose counsaile if he woulde not be directed, the Arch. of Roan shuld be set in his place, and he to be deposed. The thirde day after this, the Chancelor firmely promised, not to depart out of the realme before he had deliuered out of his handes all such castles, the keeping whereof he co [...]mmitted to certaine forreiners and strangers, & for assurance therof, he gaue his two brethren and Chamberlain for pledges, and so went to Canterbury, where he saide he would take the crosse of a Pilgri [...], and leaue the crosse of his Legateship.

Now when he was come to the Castle of Douer, and there had remained a fewe daies, contrary to his promise made, his purpose was to take shyp, and to passe ouer the Seas.The B of Ely clotheth himself in a womans apparell. And because he durst not doe it openly, he deuised a new kind of disguising, decking himselfe in the apparell of a woman, and so as gouty as he was, wēt to the sea side in his womans weede, hauing in his hand a met ya [...]de, and on his arme a piece of linnen cloth. And thus as hee was sitting vpon a rocke waiting for his ship to come, and to conuey him ouer, a certaine fisherman cipying him, and supposing the same to be a harlot, came to him, & so with struggling with him, found him, as he was in deede to be a man in likenesse of a woman. Whereat he wondred, and began to make an outcry vpon him. But the bishops seruants being not farre off, came rūning and stilled him as well as they could.

The fisherman then going to the next village,A Fisherman taketh the B. of Ely to be a woman. & there belike declaring what he had s [...]ne, to try out y• matter further, came out certain women, who seing the linnen cloth hanging at his arme, began to question wyth him of the price of his cloth, & what he would take for it. But to this he would answer neuer a worde, but smiled vppon them. Whereat they musing with themselues, & whispering one wt another,The B. of Ely in a womans apparell found to be a man. at last with their hands were so bold to plucke downe his nui [...]ler, and there by his beard newe shauen, found him in deede to be a man, & so with a loud exclamation raised the village vpon him, and woulde haue fallen vpon him with stones. Then came running a great multitude both of men and women, who wondering at him, as birds are wont at an Owle,Bayted of women by the Seas side. laid hands vpon him, and pluckt him downe to the ground, hailing & drawing him by the sleeues and collar of his gowne through stones and rocks, whereby he was shreudly hurt. His seruants once or twice made out to rescue their olde maister, or new mistres, but coulde not for the preace of the people, who beating him with their fistes,Cast in a darke cellar in stead of a prison. Set at libertie by Iohn Earle of Morton. and spitting at him, drewe hym through the whole towne, and so with shame inough at length laide him in a darke cellar in steade of a prison. Of whom al the country about wondred & cried out. In conclusion Earle Iohn hearing therof, within 8. dayes after sent word, that they should deliuer him, and let him go.

The bishop then set at libertie,The B of Ely giueth lx. markes to be receiued with procession. sailed ouer as he could, to Flaunders, where he had but cold welcomming. From thence he went to Paris, where he gaue Mauricius theyr bishop 60. Markes of siluer, to be receiued in, with procession, & so he was. Then returned he into Normandy. But the Archbishop of Roan there gaue commandement, that the Church dores should be locked, and no seruice sayde so long as he there remained.The Bish. of Ely complayneth to the King and the Pope. The bishop seeing that, directeth his letters and messengers to Pope Celestine, and also to king Richard into Syria, signifying to them howe Iohn the erle of Morton and his complices had handled him, and expulsed him out of the realme, requiring that he might be restored againe to that was taken from him: and also offring himselfe to be tried by the lawe for that he had done, so that if the king should dislike in any thing that he had done, he was ready to satisfie the kings contentation in all things wherein iustly he could be charged.

Upon this pope Celestine inflamed with an Apostolical zeale in the behalfe of the sayd Bishop of Ely his Legate,The letter of Pope Celestine, in the behalfe of the Bish. of Ely his Legate. wrote a sharpe and thundering letter to the Archb. bishops, and prelates of England, commanding them by his authority Apostolical, that for so much as the iniuries done to his Legate, did redounde to the contumelie of the whole mother church of Rome, they should not faile therfore, but with seuere censures of the Church, that is, wyth booke, bell, and candle, procede as wel against the foresayd Iohn Erle of Morton, as also all other, who so euer had, or should attempt any violence or iniury against the sayd his legate B. of Ely, with no lesse seuerity, then if the sayd iniury should be offred to the person of the Pope himselfe, or any other of his brethren the Cardinals. &c.

The bishop of Ely the popes Legate,The B. of Ely bold vpon the Popes fauour. bearing himselfe bold vpon the fauour and letters of the Pope which tooke his part, writeth to Henry B. of Lincolne, charging & requiring, that he in vertue of obedience shoulde execute the Popes sentence & mandate, in excommunicating all such as were offenders in yt behalfe,The names of many which stoode against the B. of Ely appointed to be excommunicated. & there reciteth the names of diuers against whome he should procede, as the Archb. of Roan, y• B. of Wint. W. Mareschal, Geffrey Peterson, Bruer, and Bardo [...]f, the Earle of Salisbury, the Earle of Mellent, Gilbert Basset, the Archdeacon o [...] Oxforde, and especially Hugh B. of Couentry. Also M. Benet, & Steuen Ridle, Chancelor to Erle Iohn the kings brother, to [Page] the which Earle he reserued a further day of respite, before he should be excommunicate, with a number of other moe beside these. Howbeit the saide B. of Ely could finde none to execute this commandement of the Pope. Then they wt a generall consent wrote againe to K. Richard, complaining of the intollerable abuses of the sayd B. his Chauncellor. In like sort the sayd Chancelor also complaining of them,The Bish▪ of Ely complayneth to the king of the Earle of Morton his brother. wrote his letters to the king, signifying how Earle Iohn his brother, went about to vsurpe his kingdome, & woulde also shortly set the crowne vpon his owne heade, vnles he made the more spede homeward. The king then was busie in repulsing the Saladine, and prepared to lay siege against Hierusalem, and got Sclauonia, with diuers other townes from the Saracens, which was in the yere of our Lord 1192. hauing diuers conflicts in y• meane space with the Saladine,Anno. 1192. and euer put him to the worse. As the king thus was preparing to lay his siege against Ierusalem, the Saladine glad to fall to some composition wt the king, sent vnto him, that if he would restore to him againe Sclauonia, in as good state as it was when he tooke it, hee would graunt to him, and to all Christians in the lande of Ierusalem truce for 3. yeres, and offred himselfe thereunto to be sworn. The king seeing the Duke of Burgundy and the frenchmen to shrinke from him, and his owne men to decay, and also his mony & health to diminish, but especially for that he vnderstode by the B. of Ely his Chancelor, the French king to set vp Iohn hys brother to possesse his kingdome, being counsailed thereto by the Templaries, tooke the truce offred of the Saracens, & so began to draw homeward.

In this meane while much grudge and strife increased more and more betwene the B. of Ely,Strife betweene the B. of Ely & the Archb. of Roan. and the archbishop of Roan aboue specified, in so much that the Archb. being excommunicate, sent vp his Clerkes to Pope Celestine to complaine of the Bishop. But the Pope euer stoode in his purgatiō.Pope Celestine standeth in excuse of the Bish. of Ely. At last he sent two of his Cardinals, to wit, Ottomannus Bishop of Hostia, and Iordanus de fossa noua, to breake the strife betwene the B. of Ely, and the Archbishop of Roan.

After this, king Richard being taken, and in the custody of Henry the Emperor, the B. of Ely resorting to him, was sent by him into England to Alinor his mother,The Bish. of Ely with the kinges letters commeth again into England. and other nobles. Who then returning into England againe, not as Chauncelour, nor as Legate (as he sayde) but as [...] simple plaine Bishop, so by that meanes was receiued. Ex Matt. Paris. Et ex alijs incerti nominis manuscriptis codicibus.

But of this vaine glorious prelate inough & too much. Nowe to returne againe to Richarde,What discord doth. concerning whose worthy actes done abroad in getting of Cyprus, Achon & Ptolemaida in pacifying Ioppe &c. partly is spoken of before. Many other valiant & famous actes were by him and the French king atchieued, and mo should haue bene, had not those two kings falling into discord, disseuered thē selues:The french king returneth from Palestina. by reason whereof Philip ye French king returned home againe wythin short space. Who being retourned againe eftsones inuaded the coūtry of Normandy, exciting also Iohn the brother of king Richard to take on him the kingdome of England in his brothers absence. Who then made league (vpon the same) with the French king, and did homage vnto him, which was about the fourth yere of king Richard. Who then being in Syria, & hearing thereof made peace with the Turkes for 3. yeres. And not long after,Ann. 1193. king Richard the next spring following returned also. Who in hys returne driuen by distresse of weather about the parties of Histria,K Richard returneth from Palestina. in a towne called Synaca, was there taken by Limpold duke of the same country, and so sold to the Emperor for 60000. markes. Who for no small ioy thereof, writeth to Phillip the French king these letters here following.

The letter of the Emperour to Phillip the French king, concerning the taking of king Richard.

HEnricus dei gratia Romanorum Imperator, & semper Augustus, dilecto & speciali amico suo Philippo, illustri Francorū Regi salutem, & sincerae dilectionis affectum.

Quoniam Imperatoria celsitudo non dubitat regalem magnificentiam tuam laetiorem effici, de vniuersis quibus omnipotentia creatoris nostri nos ipsos & Rom. imperiū honorauerit & exaltauerit, nobilitati tuae tenore praesentium declarare duximus, quòd inimicus imperij nostri & turbator regni tui Rex Angliae, quum esset in transeundo mare ad partes suas reuersurus, accidit vt ventus rupta naui sua in qua ipse erat, induceret eum in partes Histriae, ad locum qui est inter Aquileiam & Venetias. Vbi Rex Dei permissione passus naufragium, cum paucis euasit. Quidam itaque fidelis noster comes Maynardus de Gooxce, & populus regionis illius audito quòd in terra erat, & considerato diligentiùs qualem nominatus Rex in terra promissionis, proditionem & traditionem, & perditionis suae cumulum exercuerat, insecuti sunt, intendentes eum captiuare: Ipso autem rege in fugam conuerso, ceperunt de suis octo milites Postmodum processit Rex ad Burgum in Archiepiscopatu Salseburgensi, qui vocatur Frisorum, vbi Fridericus de Betesow, rege cum tribus tantùm, versus Austriam properante, noctu, sex milites de suis cepit. Delectus autem consanguineus noster Limpoldus Dux Austriae, obseruata strata, saepe dictum Regem iuxta, Denam in villa vicinori in domo despecta captiuauit. Cum ita (que) in nostra nunc habeatur potestate, & ipse semper tua molestauit, & turbationis operam praestiterit, ea quae praemisimus, nobilitati tuae insinuare curauimus, scientes ea d [...]ectioni tuae beneplacita existere, animo tuo vberrimam importare laetitiam.

Datum apud Ritheountum, V. Kalendas Ianuar.

King Richard thus being traiterously, taken and sold to the Emperor by the duke of Austrige for 60000. marks, was there kept in custodie a yeare ano iii. monethes. In some stories it is affirmed, that K. Richard returning out of Asia, came to Italy with prosperous winde, where hee desired of the pope to be absolued frō an othe made against his will, and could not obtaine it. And so letting out from thence toward England, passing by the coūtry of Conradus the Marques, whose death (he being slaine a little before) was falsely imputed by the French king, to the king of England, and there traiterously was taken as is before saide by Limpoldus Duke of Austrige. Albeit in an other story I find the matter more credibly set forth, which saith thus that king Richard slewe the brother of this Limpoldus, playing with him at chesse in the french kings court. And Limpoldus taking his vauntage was more cruel against him,Confederacy of the French [...] and Earle Iohn against king Richard. Earle Iohn besieged a [...] Wyndsore and deliuered him, as is [...]aid, to the Emperor. In whose custody he was deteined, during y• time aboue mentioned, a yere and 3. months. During the which time of the kings endurance, the French king in the meane season stirred warre in Normandy. And Erle Iohn y• kings brother made stir and inuaded England, but the barons and bishops of the lande mightely wtstode him. And besieged him in the Castell of Windsore, where they tooke from him all the castels & munitions, which before hee had got. Thus the Erle seeing no hope to preuaile in England, & suspecting the deliuerance of the king his brother made in to France, & kept with the French king. At length it was so agreed and concluded with the Emperor, that K. Rich. should be released for 14000. pounds. Of the which mony part should remaine to the duke of Austrige, the rest shuld be the Emperors. The summe of which money was here gathered & made in England, of chalices, crosses, shrines, candlesticks and other church plate, also wt publik contribution of friers, abbeis, and other subiectes of the realme. Wherof parte was presently paid, & for the residue remaining, hostages and pledges was taken:Anno. 1195. which was about the 5. yeare of his raigne. And then it was obtained of the Pope that priestes might celebrate wt chalices of latin and tinne.Ex Chro [...] cui titulus Eulogium. And so was granted & continued long after, which mine author (in his Chronicle entituled Eulogium) doeth testifie himselfe to haue scene. At what time this foresayde mony was paid, and the hostages geuen for the ransom of this king. I haue an old storie that saith how the foresaide duke of Austrige shortly after was plagued by God with v. sondry plagues: First with burning of his chief towns. Secondly, with the drowning of x. M. of his menne in a floud happening no man could tell how.The iust punishment [...] God vpon the Duke [...] Austrige. Thirdly, by turning all the eares of his corne field into wormes. Fourthly, by taking away almost all the Nobles of his lande by death. Fiftly, by breaking his own legge, falling from his horse, which leg he was compelled to cut off with his own hands, & after died vpon the same. Who then at his death is said to forgeue K. Richard 50000. Markes, & sent home the hostage, that was with him, ex varijs Chron. The booke intituled Eulogium before mentioned, declareth thus, that the sayde Limpoldus Duke of Austrige fell in displeasure with the bishop of Rome,An. 1196. and died excōmunicate, the next yeare after. An. 1196.

Thus the sayde King Richarde being raunsomed, as hath ben declared from the couetous captiuity of the Emperour, was restored againe, and made his repaire into Englande. At whose returne, Erle Iohn hys brother resorting to him with humble submission: desired to be pardoned of his transgressions.The answer of k. Richard to his brother. To whom king Richard answering againe: would God (saith he) this your trespasse, as it dieth with mee in obliuion, so it may remaine wyth you in remembraunce. And so gentlely forgaue him. And after he had againe recouered his holdes and castles, caused himselfe to be crowned againe. Whych done, he made hys power agaynst the French king, and draue hym out of Normandy. After that he turned his viage against the Welshmen, and subdued them.

[Page]The next yeare following:Anno. 1197. which was the 1197. yere of the Lord, Philip y• french king brake truce made betwene him and king Richarde, whereuppon the king was compelled to saile ouer againe to Normandy to withstand the malice of his enemy. About which time, my story recordeth of one called of some Fulco: some say, he was the Archbyshop of Roane called Gualter. This Fulco being then in England, and comming to the kings presence, sayde vnto him with great courage & boldnes. Thou hast O mighty King,3. daughters of the king [...]oted. three daughters very vicious and of euill disposition: take good heede of them, and betimes prouide for them good husbandes: least by vntimely bestowing of the same, thou shalt not onely incurre great hurt and damage, but also vtter ruine and destruction to thy selfe. To whom the king in a rage sayde: Thou lying and mocking hypocrite, thou knowest not where thou art, or what thou sayest: I thinke thou art mad or not well in thy wittes, for I haue neuer a daughter as all the world knoweth, and therefore thou opē li [...]r get thee out of our presence. To whom Fulco aunswered: no, and like your grace I lie not, but say truth: for you haue iii. daughters, which continually frequēt your court, and wholy possesse your person: and such iii. whoores & naughty packes as neuer the like hath bene heard off. I meane mischieuous pride, gredy couetousnes and filthy luxurity. And therfore againe I say, O king, beware of them, and out of hand prouide mariages for them, least in not so doing, thou vtterly vndoe both thy selfe and all the whole realme.

The which his wordes, the King tooke in good parte: with correction of himself, & confession of the same. Wherupon incontinently he called his Lordes and Barons before him, vnto whome he declared the cōmoning and monition of Fulco, who had willed hym to beware of his iii. daughters: pride, auarice, and luxurie, with counsel out of hand to marrie them: least further discommoditie shoulde ensue both to him and the whole realme, whose good coū sell (my Lordes) I entende to follow, not doubting of all your consents therunto. Wherefore here before you all, I geue my daughter swelling pride to wife, to the proude Templars: my greedie daughter auarice to the couetous order of the Cistercian Monkes, and last of all, my filthie daughter luxurie, to the riotous prelates of the Churche, whom I thinke to be very meete men for her: and so seuerally well agreeing to all their natures, that the like matches in this our Realme are not to be found for them. And thus much concerning Fulco.

Not long after this, it befell that a certaine noble personage (Lord of Lemonice in litle Britaine, Widomarus by name) found a great substance of treasure both of golde and siluer hid in the ground: wherof a great part he sent to king Richard, as chiefe Lorde and Prince ouer the whole countrey.He that all would haue, shall all forgoe. Which the king refused, saying, he would either haue all or none, for that he was the principall chiefetaine ouer the land. But the finder woulde not condescende to that. Wherefore the king laide siege to a Castell of hys called Galuz, thinking the treasure to lie there. But the keepers and warders of the Castel, seeing themselues not sufficient to withstand the king, offered to him the castell, desiring to depart with life and armour. To this the king woulde in no wise graunt,Couetous greedines plagued. but bid them to reenter the castell againe, and to defende it in all the forceable wise they coulde. It so befell, that as the King with the Duke of Brabant went about the castel, vewing the places therof: a souldiour wythin,The death of k. Richard the first. named Bertandus Cordoun, stroke the king with an arrow in the arme, whereupon the yron remaining and festering in the wound, the king within 9. daies after died: who because he was not content with the halfe of the treasure that another man founde, lost all his own treasure that he had. The king being thus wounded caused the man that stroke him, to be brought vnto him, and asked the cause of him, why he so wounded him. Who answered againe (as the storie sayeth) that he thought to kill rather then to be killed. And what punishment soeuer he should susteine, he was cōtent, so that he might kil him, which had before killed his father and brethren.K. Richard forgeueth him that killed him. Ex bibliotheca Cariensi. Ex Gualtero Hemyngford, monacho Gisbur [...]ensi. Vaine feare of purgatory The king hearing his words, frely forgaue him, and caused an hundreth shillings to be geuē him. Albeit (as the story addeth▪) after the death of the king, the duke of Brabāce, after great torments caused hym to be hāged. Ex historia Regis Richardi 2. cui initium. De patre istius Bruti. &c. The storie of Gisburne sayeth, that the killer of king Richarde, comming to the French king, thinking to haue a great rewarde, was commanded to be drawen a sonder wt horse, and his quarters to be hanged vp.

An other story affirmeth, and Gisburn partly doth testifie the same, that a litle before the death of K. Richarde: 3. Abbotes of the order Cistercian came to him, to whome he was confessed. And when he sawe them somewhat stay at his absolution, had these wordes: that he did willingly commit his body to the earth, to be eaten of wormes: and his soule to the fire of Purgatory there to be tormented til the iudgement,Ex Iornal. Gisburnensi. & alijs. in the hope of God his mercy. Ex Iornalens. Gisburn. & alijs.

About the raigne of this king, the sayd Iornalensis maketh mention of Roger archbish. of Yorke, which put out of his Churche the Monkes,Monks put ou [...], and secular priestes receiued. and placed for them seculare Priests: saying that he woulde rather with Ecclesiasticall benefices to be geuen to wanton Priests then to abhominable Monkes, & that Thurstinus did sinne neuer worse in al his life, then in building that house for monks &c. Another story I haue which sayth, that this was the Byshop not of Yorke, but of Couentrie.

The king not long after departed without issue: and Iohn his brother reigned after him: in whome, although some vices may worthely be reprehēded: especially for his incontinent and too much licentious life, yet was he farre from that deseruing, for the which he hath bene so il reported of diuers wryters: who being led more with affection of Poperie, then with true iudgement and due consideration, depraued his doings more then the sincere trueth of the historie will beare them. Concerning which historie, after so many wryters we thought also to bestowe a little labour: although in this matter we can not be so long as I would, and as the matter requireth.

Kyng Iohn.

AFter the death of king Richarde called Coeur de Lyon,King Iohn. reigned his brother Iohn Earle of Morton. Afterward the Archbyshop put the crowne on his head, and sware him to defend the churche, and to maintaine the same in her good lawes, and to destroy the euil. And except he thought not in his minde to do this, the Archb. charged him, not to presume to take on him this dignitie. And on Saint Iohn Baptists day next following, king Iohn failed into Normandy & came to Roan: where he was royally receiued, and truce concluded betweene him & the French king for a time. And thether came to him the Earle of Flaunders, and all other Lords of Fraunce that were of K. Richards band and frendship, and were sworne vnto him.

Not long after this, Philip the French king made Arthur Knight,Arthur of Britayne. and tooke his homage for Normandie, Britaine, and al other his possessions beyond the sea: and promised him helpe against K. Iohn. After this King Iohn and the French king talked together wyth theyr Lordes,A communication betweene the king of england and the French king. about one houres space: And the Frenche King asked so much land for himself and knight Arthur, that king Iohn would graunt him none, and so departed in wrath.

The same yeare, a legate came into Fraunce, and commaunded the King in paine of interdiction, to deliuer one Peter out of prison, that was elect to a Bishoppricke, and thereupon he was deliuered.

And after that, the Legate came into England, & commaunded K. Iohn vnder paine of interdiction, to deliuer the Archb. which he had kept as prisoner 2. yeares: which the King denied to do, till he had payd him 6000. markes. Because he tooke him in harnes in a field against him, and sware him vpon his deliuerance, yt he should neuer weare harnesse against any Christen man.

This time,Marlage in the 3. degree forbidden by the pope diuorce was made betweene K. Iohn and his wife, daughter of the Earle of Glocester, because they were in the iii. degree of kinred. And after, by the counsell of the French king,Anno. 1200. King Iohn wedded Isabel daughter of the Earle of Anguilla, and then Arthur of Britaine did homage to king Iohn for Britaine and other.

At this time fell strife betwene K. Iohn and Geoffrey the Archbishop of Yorke for diuers causes: first, because he would not suffer and permit the Sheriffe of Yorke in such affaires as he had to do for the King within his Diocesse. Secondly, because hee did also excommunicate the sayde sheriffe. Thirdly, because he would not saile with him into Normandie, to make the mariage betwene Lewes the French kings sonne and his niece. &c.

After this,Anno. 1202. in the yeare of our Lorde 1202. Phillip the French king (in a communication betwene K. Iohn and him) required: that the saide K. Iohn should depart with all his landes in Normandy and Pictauia which he had beyond the sea, vnto Arthur his nephew, and that incontinent, or els he would warre against him, and so did. For when king Iohn denied that request, the next day folowing, the French king with the sayde Arthur, set vpon certain of his townes and castels in Normandy, and put him [Page] to much disquietnes.Nat. Paretti in vita Ioannis Regis. But he (the Lord so prouiding, which is the geuer of all victory) had such repulse at the Englishmens handes: that they pursuing the Frenchmen in their flight, did so follow them to their hold, & so enforced vpon them: that not onely they tooke the sayd Arthur prisoner wt many other of the Frenchmen: but also gaue such an ouerthrow to the rest, that none was there left to beare tidings home.Arthur. This Arthur was nephewe to king Iohn, & sonne to Geffrey, which was the elder sonne to Iohn. For king Henry the 2. (to make the matter more euident,) had viij. children: one W. which died in his childhoode: the seconde Henry, which died also his father being yet aliue: the third Geoffrey Erle of Britain, which likewise deceassed in his fathers daies, leauing behind him two children, Arthur & Brecca. The fourth, Richard coeur de Lyon King: the v. Iohn now reigning: and 3. other daughters besides. The same Arthur being thus taken in warre, was brought before the King at the castell of Falesic in Normandie: who being exhorted wt many gentle words to leaue the French king, and to incline to his vncle, answered againe stoutly & with great indignation: requiring the kingdom of England withal the other dominions therto belōging, to be restored to him as to the lawfull heire of the crowne. By reason whereof he (prouoking ye kings displeasure against him) was sent to ye tower of Roan: where at length (whether by leaping into the ditch thinking to make his escape, or whether by some other priuy hand, or by what chaunce els: it is not yet agreed vpon in stories) hee finished his life. By occasion whereof, the foresaide K. Iohn was had after in great suspicion: whether iustly or vniustly, the Lord knoweth.

The yere folowing, Historiographers write that king Iohn for lacke of rescue,Anno. 1203. lost all his holdes and possessions in Normandy, through the force of the French king.

Normandy lost and gotten by the French mē.After these losses, came other troubles vpon him: with other as great or more greater enemies (that is wyth the Pope and hys Popelings) by occasion of chusing of the Archb. of Cant. as in this history followeth by Christ hys grace, to be declared.

The yeare of our Lord 1205. about the moneth of Iuly, Hubert the Archbishop of Canterbury deceased,Anno. 1205. whose decease after it was in Cant. to the Monks knowen: and afore his body was yet committed to the earth: the yonger sort of the monkes there gathered themselues together at midnight,Striuing for the election of the Archb. of Cant. and elected their superior Reignold, and without the kings licence or yet knowledge priuely placed him in the Metropolicall seate, singing Te deum at midnight. And because the king shuld not make their electiō of none effect, they charged him by vertue of his othe to kepe al secret by the way, and to shew nothing what was done before he came to the pope: but he contrary to his oth, so sone as he came in Flanders opened all abroad the matter, and vttered their counsel: whereupon the monkes being not a litle agreued wt him, sent him priuely to the court of Rome out of hand. The next day, the elder monks sent to ye king: desiring him of his gracious licence Canonically to choose their Archb. The king most gently & fauorably graunted their petition: requiring them instantly and desiring, that for his sake they would shewe fauour to Iohn Gray then B. of Norwich, as they did in dede: erecting him into that seat of their high primacy. Moreouer, because the authority of kings and princes was then but small in their owne dominion without the Popes consent, & confirmation to the same: he sent also to Rome of his own charges, to haue the foresaid election ratified by the pope. The suffraganes of Canterbury then (being not a litle offended at these two elections) sent speedely to Rome to haue them both stopped: for that they, had not bene of counsell with them. And hereupon at the last grew a most prodigious tumult.

The next yeare after, the suffraganes of the prouince of Canterbury on the one side,Anno. 1206. and the Monkes of Canterbury on the other side: came afore the Pope wt their brawling matter.Prelates of the Church had thē money inough belike that they could keepe play at Rome against their prince. Which thing caused the princes after to seeke such meanes to cut them short. First the Monkes presenting Reignold their superiour, desired that their election might be confirmed. The Suffraganes likewise complained that the Monkes wold presume to chuse the Archbishop without their consent, and therefore desired by diuers reasons the first election to be of none effect. The Pope deciding the matter betwene both, pronounced with the Monkes, charging the suffraganes and Bishops, to meddle no more wt that election, but to let the monkes alone. The monkes of Cant. nowe hauing the whole election in their owne hands, fell also at square among themselues, the yonger sort with the elder. The yonger sort which had chosen Reignolde theyr superior, would that election to stand. The elder sort of the Monks replied againe, saying: that the first election was done by stealth and by night and by the yonger part, also without the counsell of other monkes:Anno. 1207. ouer and besides it was done wythout the kings licēce or appoyntment, and without the one solemnitie therunto belonging.

And as concerning our election (said they) it was done in the cleare light of the day,Disse [...] among the Mon [...]es [...] Cant [...] the elec [...] of the [...] by which it had authoritie in presence of our liege Lord the king and his counsell being willing to the same.

This allegation thus proponed: the suffraganes proctour or man of law stode [...]orth, & proued the former election to be good, and this latter, to be voyde and of no value, after this sort. Whether the first election (saith he) were iust or vniust, ye ought first by the law to haue condemned it, afore ye should haue presumed to the second, but thus yet did not. Therefore is this your latter doing no election at al: and the first therfore is rather to be ratified than yours. When they had thus multiplied talke on both sides, with many friuolous allegations a long time, and coulde not agree vpon one person: Pope Innocent condemned both their elections, cōmaunding them to chuse Stephen Lāgton, then Cardinal of S. Chrisogone for their Archb. The monkes then answered, that they durst not so do, without cōsent of their king, and for that it was preiudiciall to their ancient liberties. The Pope by and by (sayeth the text) as one in a furie, taking the words out of their mouthes, said thus vnto them. We wil ye to know, that we haue ful power and authority ouer the church of Cant. neither are we wont to tary the consent of princes:The pride and tyran [...] of the Pope. therfore we command you in paine of our great curse yt ye chose him only whom we haue appoynted.

The Monkes at these wordes abashed and terrified, though they much murmured in their hearts, yet consented they all in one,Stephen Langton made archb. of Canterbury. and therupon sang Te Deum. Only doctour Helias Brantfield withdrew himselfe from that election, whome the king had sent for the admission of the Bishop of Norwich.

Thus was Stephen Langton (in the high Church of Uiterby, by the popes hand) made archbishop of Canterbury. From thenceforth therefore (sayth Mathew Paris) the pope could do no lesse but mightily defend him from al vexation and daunger: considering that he was his owne deare deareling, and a childe of his owne creation.

Upon this occasion, king Iohn conceiued an exceding displeasure against the Clergie, and Monkes of Canterb. (as he had good cause) they doing so many euils against his Princely prerogatiue. Without his licence they elected their Archb. and put by the Bishop of Norwich, whome he had apointed. They wasted a great part of his treasure for the warres: and to bring all to ye deuil, they made Stephen Langton their high Metropolitane, whom he tooke for a greuous enemy vnto the whole realm, being alwais so familiar wt the French king. Wherefore in his anger hee banished them out of the lād, to the number of 64. for this their contumacie and contempt of his regall power.

[...] The monkes of Canterburie thus being expulsed, the king forthwith sendeth messengers to the Pope wyth his letters, wherin he doth sharply and expressely expostulate with the Pope:The king doth expostulate with the Pope [...] consecrating Stephen Langton Archb. of Cant. First, for that so vncourteously he repulsed the election of the bishop of Norwich, and set vp one Stephen Langton, a man vnknowne to him, and brought vp amongest hys ennemies a long time in the kingdome of Fraunce, consecrating him Archb. of Cant. and letting the other goe. Also (which is more) it redoundeth to the subuersion and derogatiō of the liberties appertaining to his crowne: for notwithstāding his consent past (being before of the monks not made priuy, which should so haue done) yet he rashly presumed to promote and preferre another. Wherfore, he can not maruaile (he sayth) enough, that neither the sayd Pope, nor the Court of Rome doth consider and reuolue with themselues, how necessary his loue and fauour hath bene alwayes hetherto to the sea of Rome: & that they consider not what great profite and reuenewes, hath proceeded hetherto to them out of the realme of Enlād: the like wherof hath not ben receiued out of any other countrey besides, on this side the Alpes. He addeth moreouer and sayth, that for his liberties he wil stande (if neede be) vnto death, neither can he be so remooued and shaken of from the election of the B. of Norwich, which hee seeth to be so commodious to him and profitable. Finally, hee thus concludeth, saying: that in no case in this his request he be not heard, hee will so prouide by the seas, that there shalbe no such gadding & coursing any more ouer to rome suffring the riches of the lande no more to be transported ouer, whereby he shoulde be himselfe the lesse able to resist his enemies. And seing he hath of his own at home, archbishops, bishops, & other prelates of the Churche (both of English men & of other) sufficiently prouided & instructed in all kinde of knowledge: therfore he shal not nede greatly [Page] to seeke for iudgement and iustice farther abroad.

When these came to the Popes intelligēce, he directeth letters to t [...] king againe in this forme.

The Popes letters ans [...]ng K. John. INnocentius P. seruant of the seruants of God, to our welbeloued sonne in Christ, the king of England health, & Apostolicall blessing.

Where as we haue written to you heretofore, exhorting and entreating you after an humble, diligent, and gētle sort (concerning the Church of Cant.) you haue written to vs againe after a threatning sort and vpbraiding manner: both spitefully and also frowardly. And where, as we more and aboue that oure right and duety required, It is pity but this Pope should be honoured of kinges and princes. haue borne and g [...]uen to you: you againe for your part haue geuen to vs not so much as by right & duety you are bound to do. And though your deuotion as you say, hath ben to vs very necessary, yet consider againe that ours also is not a litle opportune & expedient for you. And where as we, in such like cases haue not shewed at any time the like honor to any prince as we haue vnto you: you againe haue so much derogated our honor, as no prince els hath presumed to do besides you alone: pretending certaine friuolous causes & occasions I cānot tel what, why you would not condescend to the election of Steuen Langton Cardinall of S. Chrysogono, chosen by the Monkes of Cant: for that the said Stephē as you say hath ben cōuersant & brought vp amongst your enemies, and his person to you vnknowne. But you knowe what is the prouerbe of Salomon: the net is cast, but in vaine in the sight of the flying birdes, &c.

A pitifull case that a king cannot constitute an archb. within his owne realme, who him most liketh.With much other matter in the same Epistle, wherein he falleth into the commendation of Steuen Langton his Cardinall, declaring howe learned he was in the liberall artes, and in diuinitie, in so muche he was p [...]ebendated at Paris: also come of an honest stocke and an Englishman borne, and not vnknowen to the king, seeing the king had written his letters thrise to him before. Declaring moreouer in the said letter, how the messengers of the King had specified to him an other cause: which was, for yc the mōks of Cant. which had to doe in the election, came not to hym before for his cōsent, declaring moreouer in the said letter, how the said messengers of the king, intreated in the kings behalfe: that for so much as the popes letters (wherein the king was commaunded to send his proctors to Rome for the same matter) came not to the kings hande, neither did the Monkes direct any such letters or message to the king to haue his consent: therefore the Pope considering the same, woulde graunt so much for the regarde of the kings honor, that the monkes of Cant. should not procede without the kings assent therein. And for as much, as that hath not bene done as yet, therefore they desired some delay therein to be geuen, sufficient for the doing therof. whereunto he said, that he had graunted, & fulfilled their request, in sending hys letters and messengers once or twise to the king for the same purpose, although he sayd it was not the maner of the sea Apostolique, (who had the fulnesse of power ouer the Church of Cant.) to waite for Princes consents in such elections, who then could not be suffered to do that which they came for. wherefore in knitting vp his letter, he thus concludeth in these wordes.

And therfore seeing the matter so standeth, we see no cause why we should require or tary for the kings fauour, or consent any more therein: but intend so to procede in this matter, neither enclining on the right hand nor on the left, according as the canonicall ordinances of the holy fathers shall direct vs: that is (that al impediments & delaies set aside) so to prouide, that the church of Canterburie be no longer destitute of her pastour. Wherefore be it knowne to your discretion or kingly prudence, that for so much as this election of Stephen Langhton hath orderly & concordely thus proceeded without fraud or disceit, vpon a persone meete for the same: therefore, we will not for no mans pleasure, neither may we without daunger of fame and of conscience, deferre or protract any longer the consummation of the sayde election. Wherefore my well beloued sonne, seeing we haue had respect to your honour, aboue that our right and duetie requireth: studie to honour vs so much as your duetie requireth againe, so that you may the more plentifully deserue fauour, both at Gods hands and ours: least that by doing the contrary, you bring your selfe into such a pecke of troubles, as afterwards you shall scarce rid your selfe of againe. For this know for a certaine, in the end it must needes fall out, that hee shall haue the better, vnto whome euery knee (of heauenly, earthly, and infernall creatures) doeth bowe: whose turne I serue in earth, though I be vnworthy. Therfore settle not your self to obey their perswasions, Note the proceedings of this ambitious pope which alwayes desire your vnquietnesse: whereby they may fish the better in the water when it is troubled: but commit your selfe to our pleasure, which vndoubtedly shall turne to your praise, glory, and honor. For it shoulde not be much for your safetie in this cause to resist God and the Church, in whose quarel that blessed Martyr & glorious bishop Thomas hath of late shed his bloud: Tho. Becket he meaneth. especially seeing your father and your brother of famous memorie, then kings of Englande, did geue ouer those three wicked customes into the hands of the Legates of the see Apostolique. Princes must be subiect to the pope. But if you yeld your selfe humbly into our hands, we will looke that you & yours shall be sufficiently prouided for, that no preiudice may arise hereupon to you warde.

Geuen at Laterane the x. yere of our Popedom.

Thus hast thou (Gentle Reader) the glorious letter of the proud Pope: I beseeche thee marke it well. Now to the story.

After this letter was sent out, not long after proceedeth a charge and commaundement, sent into England, vnto certayn bishops there: requiring them by authoritie Apostolicall, that if the sayd kyng would not receaue the sayde Prior of Cant. & his mōkes, thē they should interdict hym throughout all hys realme. For the executing whereof 4. Byshops were appoynted by the vsurped power of the popes bulles:Foure byshops appointed to interdict the realme. namely william B. of London. Eustace B. of Ely, Walter B. of Winchester. and Giles B. of Herford. Which sayd foure bishops went vnto the kyng, and shewed theyr commission from the pope as is abouesayd, willing hym to consent thereto. &c.

But the sayd kyng refused the same, and woulde by no meanes graunt to theyr request. Wherupon the departing from hys grace, went the morow after the Annuntiacion of our Lady, and pronounced the sayd generall interdiction throughout all England:England interdicted by the pope. so that the church dores were shutte vp with keyes and other fasteninges, and with walles &c.

Now when the king heard of this he begon to be moued agaynst them, and tooke all the possessiōs of the 4. byshops into hys hands: appoynting certayne men to keepe the liuings of the clergy throughout the realme,Discipline of the church abused for priuate reuenge. and y• they should enioy no part therof. Which being done, y• bishops (seeing the same) cursed all them that kept or should meddle with Church goodes, agaynst the will of them yt ought them: and vnderstandyng of all that, that the K. nothing regarded their doyngs, they went ouersea to the Byshop of Canterbury, & informed hym what had happened. Who hearing the same, willed them againe to returne to Caunterbury and he would come thither to them, or els sēd certayne persons thither in hys steed, that should do as much as if he were there himself. Then when the bishops heard this, they returned agayne to England, to Caunterbury, which tidings came shortly to the K. that they were come agayne thither. And because he might not hymself trauaile to thē, he sent theyr Byshops, Earles, & Abbots to intreat them that the archb. Stephen whom he had chosen might be admitted, promising the Prior and all the Monkes of Caunterbury in his behalfe, that he should neuer take any thing of the church goodes, agaynst the will of them that owe them, but would make amendes to them of whom he had taken any such goodes: and that the Church shoulde haue all her fraunchises in as ample maner as in S. Edwardes tyme the Confessor it had.

When the forme of agreement was thus concluded, it was engrossed of payre Indentures, which the foresayd 4. Byshops,The inconsiderate stoutnes of the prelates against the king. to the one part therof set their seales: & the other part the sayd bishops, Erles & abbots, caried to shew the king. When the K. saw the order therof, he liked it wel: sauyng he would not agree to make restitution of the church goods. So he sent to the 4. byshops agayne, yt they should put out that point of restitution. But they answered stoutly yt they would not put out one word. Then the king sent word to the Archb. by the 4. bishops, that he should come to Cant. to speake wt him, and for his safe conduit to come and goe againe at his will: he sent his iustices as pledges, Gilbert Peiteuin, William de la Bereuer, and Iohn Letfitz. Which thing thus done,Stephen Lāghton stout against his kyng. the Archb. Stephen came to Cant. and the K. (hearing therof) came to Chilham: from whence he sent his treasurer the B. of Winchester to him, to haue him put out of the indentures the clause of restitution aforesaid: who denying to alter any word of the same moued yt k. in such sort, that immediatly it was proclaimed throughout england at the kinges commaundement, that all those that had any churchliuing and went ouer the sea, should come agayne into England a certaine day, or els lose their liuings for euermore. And further in that proclamation he charged al Shirifs within the realm, to enquire if any Bishops, Abbots, Priors, or any other churchman (from that day forward) receiued any commaūdemēt that came from the pope, and that they should take his or their body and bring it before him. And also that they shold take into theyr hands for the kings vse,The king moued against the Archb. Langton al the churchlands that were geuen to any man through the Archbishop Stephē, or by the priors of Cant. from the time of the election of ye Archb. And further charged, that all the woods that were the Archb. should be cut downe and solde.

[Page]When tidings came to the Pope that the K. had thus done, being moued thereby with firy wrath [...] sent to y• king two Legates (the one called Pandulph,Two legates sent from the Pope. and the other Durant) to warne him in the popes name that he should cease his doinges to holy church, and amend the wrong he had done to the Archb. of Cant. and to the priors & the monks of Cant. and to all the Clergy of England. And further, yt he should restore the goods agayne that he had taken of thē agaynst their wil, or els they should curse the K. by name: & to do this, y• pope tooke them his letters in Buls patent. These two Legates comming into England, resorted to ye king to Northhampton,Restitution required of the king. where he held his Parliament, & saluting him, sayd: they came from the Pope of Rome, to reforme yt peace of holy church. And first sayd they we monish you in the popes behalfe, that ye make full restitution of the goods & of the land that ye haue rauished holy church of: and that ye receiue Stephen the Archb [...]. of Cant. into his dignity, and Prior of Cant. and his monkes. And that ye yelde agayne vnto the Archb. all his landes and rentes without any withholding. And sir, yet moreouer, that ye shall make such restitution to them, as the Church shall thinkk sufficient,

Then aunswered the K. as touching the Prior and his Monkes of Cant. all that ye haue said I would gladly do, and all thing els that ye would ordaine: but as touching ye Archb. I shall tell you as it lieth in my hart. Let the Archbishop leaue his bishopricke: and if the pope then shal entreat for him, peraduenture I may like to geue him some other bishopricke in England. And vpon this condition I will receiue and admit him.

Then sayd Pandulph vnto the K. holy Church was wont neuer to disgrade Archb. without cause reasonable: but euer she was wont to correct princes that were disobedient to her.

What? how now (quoth the K.) threaten ye me? Nay sayd Pandolph, but ye haue now opēly told vs as it standeth in your hart: and now we will tell you what is the popes will, and thus it standeth. He hath wholy interdicted & cursed you, for the wrongs ye haue done to the holye church and to the Clergy. And forasmuch as ye will dwell still in your malice, and will come to no amendement, ye shall vnderstand: that from this time forward, the sentences vpon you geuen haue force and strength. And all those that with you haue commoned before this time, whether that they be Earles, Barons or Knightes (or any other whatsoeuer they be) we assoyle them safely from their sins vnto this day.Sentence of the popes curse pronounced against the king. And from this time forward (of what condition soeuer they be) we accurse them openly: and specially by this our sentence, that do with you common. And we assoyle moreouer Earles, Barons, knightes and all other maner of men of theyr homages, seruice, and sealties, that they should do vnto you. And this thing to confirme, we geue playne power to the B. of Winchester, and to the B. of Norwich. And the same power we geue agaynst Scotland to the B. of Rochester, & of Salisbury. And in Wales, we geue the same power to the Bishops of S. Dauid, and of Landaffe, and of S. Asse.

Also Sir K. (quoth Pandolph (all the kinges, princes and the great Dukes christened,The Pope author of rebellion and disobedience of subiectes towardes their prince. haue labored to the pope to haue licence to crosse themselues, and to warre agaynst thee, as vpon Gods enemy, and winne thy lande, and to make K. whom it pleaseth the pope. And we here now assoile all those of their sinnes that will arise agaynst thee here in thine owne land.

Then the K. hearing this, answered: What shame may ye do more to me then this.

Pandolph agayne: we say to you in verbo Dei: that neither you nor any heir that you haue, after this day shall be crowned. So the king sayd: by him that is almighty God, if I had known of this thing before ye came into this lād, and that he had brought me such newes: I should haue made you tary out these xii. monthes.

Then aunswered Pandolph. Full well we thought (at our first comming) that ye would haue bene obedient to God, and to holy church: & haue fulfilled the popes commaundement, which we haue shewed and pronounced to you, as we were charged therewith. And now ye say, that if ye had wilt the cause of our comming, ye would haue made vs tary out a whole yere: which might as well say, that ye would haue taken a whole yeares respite without the popes leaue: But for to suffer what death that ye can ordeine, we shall not spare to tell you all the popes message and will that he gaue vs in charge.

In an other chronicle I finde the wordes betwene the King and Pandolph something otherwise described as though the king should first threaten him with hanging if he had foreknown of his comming in.Like master lyke man. To whom pādolph againe should answer, that he loked for nothing els at his hand, but to suffer for the Churches right. Wherupon the K. being mightely incēsed, departed. The k. the same tune being at Northhampton willed the shirifs and bailifes to bring foorth all the prisoners there, yt such as had deserued shoulde be put to death: to the entent (as some thinke) to make Pandolfus afraide. Among whome was a certaine Clerke, who for counterfaiting the kings coyne, was also condemned to be hanged, drawn, & quartered. And moreouer, by the king was commanded (therby to anger Pandolfus, the more as may be thought) to be hanged vp hiest aboue the rest. Pādolphus hearing therof, notwtstanding he somwhat began to feare least he should be hanged himselfe,Pandolph worse ai [...] then hurt. yet wt such courage as he had, he went to the church to set out booke, bel, and candle, charging that no man vnder pain of accursing, should lay hands vpon the cleark. Vppon this the K. and the Cardinall departed in no litle anger. And Pandolfe went to Rome, & reported to the pope and the Cardinals what had bene done.

Then the pope summoned al the bishops, abbots, and clarkes of England to come and repaire to Rome, to consult what was to be done therein. This councel began the first day of October. In the which councel it was decreed by the pope and his assembly, that Iohn king of England should be accursed with all such as helde with him, euery day so long as that Councel endured. Albeit this was not yet graunted, that the people shoulde be crossed to fight against him, because as yet he had shed no bloud. But afterward, the sayd Pope Innocent seeing that K. Iohn by no meanes would stoupe vnder his subiection, nor vnder the rule of his popish see, he sent vnto the French king, vpon remission of all his sinnes, and of all that went with hym that he should take with him all the power he might, and so to inuade the realme of England to destroy K. Iohn.

This occasion geuen,The Po [...] great curse. Pope Innocent yet once againe commanded in paine of his great curse: that no man shuld obey King Iohn, neither yet keepe company with him: he forbad all persons to eate and drinke with him, to talke with him: to commune or coūsell with him: yea, his owne familiar houshold to do him any kinde of seruice, either at bed or at boord: in church, hall or stable. And what folowed therof. The greater parte of them which after such sort fled from him (by the ordinance of God) of diuers and sundry diseases the same yeare died. And betweene both nations (English and French) sell that yeare great amitie:The iust punishment of God vpon disobedient, subiecte [...]. but secret, subtil, and false: to the bitter betraying of England. Neither was the pope content onely with this, but moreouer the said Pope Innocent gaue sentence definitiue (by counsell of his Cardinals) that King Iohn should be put from his seat regall and deposed, and an other put in hys roume. And to the speedie execution thereof, he appoynted the French king Philip,The Pope founde a murtherer. promising to geue him full remission of al his sinnes, & the cleare possession of al the realme of England, to him and his heires: if he did either kill him or expell him.

The next yeare,Anno. 1212. the French king began his attempt in hope of the crowne of England: being well manned wyth the Bishops, Monkes, Prelates, and Priestes, and theyr seruauntes to maintaine the same: bragging of the letters which they had receiued frō the great men there.French ship [...] takē by englishmen. But behold the worke of God: the English nauie tooke 300. of the French kings ships w [...]ll loden with wheat, wine, meale, flesh, armour, and such other like, meete for the warre: and an 100. they brent within the hauen, taking the spoyle with them. In the meane time the priests wtin Englande, had prouided them a certain false counterfait prophet called Peter Wakefield of Poiz: who was an idle gadder about, and a pratling marchant.Peter the false Prophet. This Peter, they made to prophecie lies: rumoring his prophesies abroade, to bring the king out of all credite with his people. They noysed it daily among the commons of the Realme, that Christ had twise appeared to this prophet of theirs, in shape of a child betwene the Priests handes, once at Yorke, another time at Pomfret: and that he had breathed vpon him thrise, saying, peace, peace, peace, and teaching many things which be anone after declared to the Byshops, and bid people amend their naughty liuing. Being rapt also in spirit (they sayd) he behelde the ioyes of heauen, and sorrowes of hell. For scant were there three (sayeth the Chronicle) among a thousande that liued Christianly. This counterfeit soothsayer prophesied of king Iohn: that he shoulde raigne no longer then the ascension day, within the yere of our Lord 1213. which was the 14. yere from his coronation, and this (he sayde) he had by reuelation.The false prophet foūd a lyar▪ Then was it of him demaunded, whether he shoulde be slaine or be expelled, or should of himself geue ouer the crown: He answered, that he coulde not tell. But of this he was sure (he sayde) that [Page] neither he, nor any of his stock or linage should raign, that day once finished. The K. hearing of this, laughed muche at it, and made but a scosse thereof. Tush (sayth he) it is but an idiote knaue, and such a one as lacketh his right wyts. But when this foolish prophet had so escaped the daunger of the kings displeasure, & that he made no more of it, he gate him abroade and prated thereof at large (as he was a very idle vagabund) and vsed to rattle and talk more then inough: so that they which loued the king, caused hym anone after to be apprehended as a malefactor, & to be throwen in prison, the king not yet knowing therof.

Anone after, the same of thys phantasticall Prophet went all the realme ouer, & his name was knowen euery where (as foolishnesse is much regarded of people, where wisdom is not in place) specially because he was then imprisoned for the matter, the rumor was the larger: theyr wonderings were the wantonner: their practising the folisher: their busy talks & other idle occupying the greater. Continually from thence (as the rude maner of people is) old gossips tales went abroad, new tales were inuented, fables were added to fables, and lies grew vpon lyes. So that euery day, new [...]anders were raised on the king, and not one of them true: rumours arose, blasphemies were spred, the enemies reioysed, & treasons by the priests were maintained, and what likewise was surmised, or other subtiltie practised, all was then fathered vpon this foolishe prophet. As, thus sayeth Peter Wakefielde: thus hath hee prophesied: and thys shall come to passe: yea many times when he thought nothing lesse. When the Ascension day was come which was prophesied of afore:The false prophet proue [...] a lyer of K. Iohn. king Iohn cō manded his regal Tent to be spred abroad in yc open field, passing that day with his noble counsel and men of honor, in the greatest solemnitie that euer hee did afore, solacing himselfe with musicall instruments & songs, most in sight amongst his trusty frends. When that day was past in all prosperity and myrth, his enemies being confused, turned all to an allegorical vnderstanding, to make the prophecy good, and sayd: he is no longer king, for the Pope raigneth & not he, yet raigned he stil, & his sonne after him, to proue that prophet a lier. Then was the king by his coūsel perswaded, that this false prophet had troubled al the realme: peruerted the hearts of the people, and raised the commōs against him. For hys woordes went ouer the Sea by the helpe of his Prelates, and came to the French kings eare, & gaue vnto him a great encouragement to inuade yc land, he had not els done it so sodenly. But hee was most fouly deceiued, as all they are & shall be, yt put their trust in such darke drousy dreames of hypocrits.The false prophet hanged. The king therfore cō manded that he should be drawen & hanged like a traitor.

After that, the Popish Prelates, Monkes, Chanons, Priests. &c. sawe this their crafty iuggling by their famed prophet would not speed, notwithstanding they had done no little harme thereby, to helpe the matter more forward, they began to trauail and practise with pope Innocent of the one side, and with the Frēch king on the other side, beside subtile treasons, which they wrought wtin the realme, & by their confessions in the eare, whereby they both blinded the nobility and commons. The king thus compassed abou [...] on euery side with enemies,K. Iohn submitteth him selfe to the Pope. and fearing the sequele thereof, knowing the conspiracies that were in working against him, as wel by the Pope (in al that euer he might) as also by Phillip the French king by hys procurement: and moreouer his owne people, especially hys Lords and Barons being rebelliously incited against him, as by the Popes curses and interdictions against such as tooke hys part, and by his absolutions & dispensations withal those that would rebel against him, commaunding them to detaine from him such homage, seruice, duties, debts, and al other allegiance that godly subiects owe and are boūde to yeld and giue to their liege lord & prince. Al which things considered, the King in the 13. yeare of his raigne, for that the French king began to make sharp inuasion vpon him within his own Realme,K. Iohn entreateth for peace with the Pope. sent speedy Embassadors to the pope (as to the fountaine of al this his mischief pretensed) to worke & intreat his peace and reconciliation with him, promising to do what soeuer the pope should wil him and commaund him in the reformation of himself, and restitution of all wrongs done to holy Church, and to make due satisfaction therfore vnto all men that could complaine.

Then sent the Pope againe into England his Legate Pandulphe wyth other Embassadours: the king also at Canterb. (by letters as it should seeme certified from hys owne ambassadors) waited their comming. Where the 13. day of May the king receaiued them, making vnto them an othe, that of and for al things wherin he stode accursed, he woulde make ample restitution and satisfaction. Vnto whom also all the Lords & Barons of England (so many as there were wt the king attending the Legates cōming) sware in like maner, and that if the king would not accō plish in euery thing the othe which he had taken, that then they wold cause him to hold and confirme y• same whether yt he wold or not (or by strength) to vse the authors words.

Then submitted the king himselfe vnto the Court of Rome and to the pope:K: Iohn submitteth himselfe and resigneth his crowne. And resigning gaue vp his dominions and realmes of Englande & Ireland from him and from his heires for euermore y• should come of him. Wyth this condition, that the king and his heirs should take againe these two dominions of the Pope to forme, paying yearely therfore to the Court of Rome a 1000. Markes of siluer. Then tooke the King the crowne from hys heade, kneeling vpon his knees in the presence of all his Lordes & Barons of England to Pandulphe the popes chiefe legate, saying in this wise. Here I resigne vp the crowne of the realme of England to the Popes hands Innocent the third, & put me wholy in his mercy and ordinance. Then tooke Pandolphe the crowne of king Iohn, and kept it 5. daies as a possession & seazon taking of these two realmes of England and Ireland. Continuing also al things promised by his charter obligatorie as foloweth.

The copie of the letter obligatorie that K, Iohn made to the Pope, concerning the yelding vp of the crowne and the Realme of Englande into the Popes hands, for a certaine summe of money yearely to be paide.

TO al christen people throughout the world dwelling, The draught of instrument [...]bligatory where in king Iohn resigneth his kyngdome to the Popes hand. Christ was off [...]red a kingdom and would none of it, but the Pope d [...]th not refuse it. Iohn by the grace of God K of England, greeting.

To your vniuersitie known be it, that forasmuch as we haue greeued & offended God & our mother church of Rome: & forasmuch as we haue neede of the mercy of our Lord Iesu Christ: & we may nothing so worthy offer, & cōperent satisfactiō make to God & to holy church (but if it were our own body) as with our realms of Englād & of Ireland: Then, by the grace of the holy ghost we desire for to meke vs for the loue of him, that meked him to the death vpon the crosse. And through counsell of the nobles, earles & Baro [...] we offer & frely graunt to God & to the apostles S. Peter & Paul, and to our mother church of Rome, & to our holy father Pope Innocēt the 3. & to al the popes that come after him, all the realme: patronages of churches of England & of Ireland, with all the appurtenā ces, for remission of sins, & helpe & health of our kings soules, & of al christē soules: So that frō this time afterward, we wil receiue & hold of our mother church of Rome, as in ferme, doing sealtie to our holy father the Pope Innocent the 3. and to all the Popes that come after him in the maner abouesayd And in the presence of the wise man Pandolphe the Popes Southdeacon, wee make liege homage, as it were in the popes presence & we before him were, & that he himselfe shuld haue done al maner things abouesaid: and therto we bind vs, & all that come after vs & our heires for euermore without any gainsaying to the pope, & eke the ward of the church vacant. And in token of this thing euer for to last, we will, confirme, & ordaine, that he be our speciall renter of the foresaide realmes (sauing S. Peter pence) in all thing. To the mother church of Rome paying by yere a 1000. markes of siluer at 2. times of the yere for al maner customes that we should do for the saide realmes: that is to seine, at Michelmas & at Easter, that is for England 700: markes and 300. markes for Ireland. Sauing to vs & to our heires, our iustices and our other franchises. And all these things that before ben said, we will that it be firme & stable without end: & to that obligation we & all our successors, & our heirs in this maner, beth bound: that if we or any of our heirs through any presumption fal in any point againe these things aboue sayd (and he bene warned and wi [...]l not right amend him, he shall then lese the foresaid realmes for euermore: and this charter of obligation and our warrant for euermore be firme and stable without gainsaying. We shal from this day afterward be true to God & to the mother church of Rome, & to thee Innocent the 3. and to all that commen after thee: and the Realmes of Englande and of Ireland, we shall mainteine trewlich in all maner pointes against all maner men by our power, through Gods helpe.

Upon this obligation, the king was discharged the 2. day of Iuly,The vnreasonablenes of the clergy against their naturall Prince. from that Tirannicall interdiction, vnder which he continued 6. yeares and 3. monethes. But before the releasement therof, first he was miserably cōpelled (as hath bene declared) to geue ouer both hys crowne & scepter to that Antichrist of Rome, for the space of 5. daies: and his client, vassall, feudary, and tenant, to receiue it againe of him, at the handes of an other Cardinall, being bounde obligatorily, both for himselfe, & for his successours to paie yerely (for a knowledge therof) a M. marks, for England & Ireland. Then came they thether, from all partes of the Realme so many as had their consciences wounded for obeying their liege king (as blind Idiotes) and there they were absolued, euery one of his own bishop, except y• spirituall fathers and Ecclesiastical souldiours, for they were compelled to seake to Rome, as captiues reserued to the [Page] popes owne fatherhoode. In this new ruffeling the King easily graunted, that abbots, deanes and curates, shoulde be elected freely euery where, so yt the lawes of the realme were truly obserued. But against that, were the bishops, alledging their Canonical decrees and rules synodal, determini [...]g the king therein to haue nothing a do: but only to geue his consent after that they had once elected. But among this shauen rable, some there were which consented not to this wicked errour. A sort also there were of the prelates at that time, which were not pleased that yt lands interdiction shoulde cease, til the king had paid al y• which their Clergy in all quarters of the realme had demaunded without reason: yea, what euery saucie sir Iohn for hys part demāded, euen to the very breaking of their hedges, the stealing of theyr appels, and their other occasional damages, which grew to an incredible summe, and impossible to be answered. Such was the outragious cruel noyse of that mischieuous progenie Antichrist, against their naturall king.

Notwithstanding, that which is vttered afore concerning the bitter malice of the Clergye against their Prince: yet did the Popes Legate, and Cardinall Nicolaus Tusculanus, much fauor his doings, & allow his procedings. Wherfore they reported of him, that he was exceding parcial, & regarded not their matters ecclesiastical as he shuld haue done, for leauing the accompt of their restitiōs. He went with the kings officers (as the kings pleasure was) to the Cathedral minsters, abbeys, priories, deanries, and great Churches vacant. And there, for the next incumbent alwaies he appointed two: one for yt king, an other for the parties. But vpon him only whome the king nominated, he compelled most commonly the election to passe: whych vexed them wonderfully. Upon this therefore, they raised a new cōspiracy against the kings person, by helpe of their bishops, seditious prelates, & such noble men as they had drawen to their parties, We beheld (sayth Houeden) about the same time many noble houses and assemblies deuided in many places: the fathers and the aged men stoode vpon yt kings part, but the yonger sort contrary. And some there were, that for loue of their kindred, and in other sondry respects, forsoke the king again: yea, and the same went that time (sayth he) that they were cōfederated with Alexander the Scottish king, and Ieoline the Prince of Wales, to woorke him an vtter mischiefe. A councell at Oxforde the Archb. called: where at some would not tary, considering the confusion therof: the other sort (hauing very obstinate hearts) reuiled the king most spitefully behind his backe, and sayd: that from thenceforth he ought to be taken for no gouernour of theirs. Their outragious and franticke clamours so much preuailed in those daies, that it grewe to a grieuous tumult, and a most perillous commotion.

Anno. 1215.In the yeare of our Lorde 1215. as wytnesseth Paulus Aemilius & other hystories: Pope Innocent the third helde a general Synode at Rome, called the councell Laterane. The chiefe causes of that councell were these:The councell of Lateran holden by pope Innocent. In the daies of this Innocent, heresie (as he calleth the truth of God, or the doctrine that rebuketh sinne) began to rise vp very high, and to spread forth his braunches abroad. By reason wherof, many Princes were excommunicate as Otho the Emperour, Iohn the king of England, Peter king of Aragon, Raimund the Earle of Tholouse, Aquitania, Sataloni, and such other like, as is said afore. So that it could be no otherwise, sayth Doueden, but with the sharp axe of the gospel (so called the pope his excommunications) they ought of necessitie to haue bene cut off from the Churche. Therfore was this coūcell prouided, proclaimed, and prelates from al nations therunto called. And to colour those mischiefes which he then went about: hee caused it by hys Legates and Cardinals (very craftie marchauntes) to be noised abroad, that his entent was therin only to haue the Church vniuersally reformed: and the holy land from the Turkes handes recouered. But all this was craft & falsehode, as yt sequele therof hath manifestly declared. For hys purpose thereby was to subdue all Princes, and to make himselfe rich and wealthy, for there he made this antichristian act, and established it by publicke decree, that yt pope should haue from thenceforth the correction of all christian Princes,The Pope to haue iurisdictiō of all Churches and that no Emperor should be admitted, except he were sworne before, and were also crowned of him. He ordained moreouer, that whatsoeuer he were that should speake euil of the pope, he shuld be punished in hel wt eternall damnation. Conradus, Vrspergensis, Hieronimus Marius. He prouided confession to helpe these matters: he alowed theyr bread a pixe to couer him, and a bell when hee goeth abroad, and made the masse equal with Christes Gospell.

In this Councell was first inuented and brought in Transubstantiatiō:Ioánes Scotus. of which Ioannes Scotus, whō we call Dims, maketh mention in his 4. Booke, wryting in these wordes. The words of the scripture might be expounded more easily, Transub [...] tiation [...] brought▪ & more plainly without transubstantiatiō. But the church did chuse this sense, which is more hard, being mooued thereto, as it seemeth chiefly: because that of the Sacraments men ought to holde as the holy Churche of Rome holdeth. &c. And in the same place maketh mention of Innocentius the third.

Moreouer, in the said Councel was stablished and ratified the wretched and impious act, compelling Priestes to abiure lawful Matrimonie. Whereupon these meeters or verses were made the same time against hym, whych here folow vnder wrytten.

Non est Innocentius, imo nocens verè,

Qui, quod facto docuit, verbo vult delere.

Et quodolim inuenis voluit habere,

Modò vetus pontifex studet prohib [...]re.

Zacharias habuit prolem & vzorem,

Per viru [...]n quem genuit adeptus honorem,

Baptizauit etenim mundi saluatorem:

Pereat qui teneat nouum hunc errorem.

Paulus coelos rapitur ad superiores,

Vbi multas didicit res secretiores.

Adnos tandem rediens instruens (que) mores.

Suas inquit, habeant quilibet vxores,

Propter haec & alia dogmata doctorum,

Reor esse melius & magis decorum,

Quisque suam habeat & non proximorum,

Ne incurrat odium vel iram eorum.

Proximorum foeminas, filias, & neptes

Violare nefas est, quare nil doceptes,

Verè tuam habeas, & in hac delectes

Diem vt sic vltimum tutiùs expectes.

Nocent,

Mariage of priestes forbidden by Pope Ino [...] cent.

not innocent, he is that seeketh to deface,

By word the thing, that he by deed hath taught men to embrace

Which being now a Bishop old, doth study to destroy

The thing, which he a young man once did couet to enioy.

Priest Zachary both had a wife, and had a childe also,

By mean of whō there did to him great praise and honour grow,

For he did baptise him, which was the sauer of mankinde,

Ill him befall that holdeth this new error in his minde.

Into the higher heauens, good Paul was lifted from below,

And many secrete hidden things he learned there to know.

Returnde at length from thence to vs, and teaching rules of life,

He said, let eche man haue his owne and onely wedded wife:

For this and other documents of them that learned be,

Much better and more comely eke it seemeth vnto me.

That eche should haue hys own alone, & not his neighbors wife,

Least with his neighbour he do fall in hate and wrathfull strife.

Thy neighbours daughters or their wiues, or nieces to defile,

Vnlawfull is: therefore beware, do not thy selfe beguile.

Haue thou thine owne true wedded wife, delite in her alway,

With safer minde that thou maiest looke to see the latter day.

Now let vs returne to K, Iohn againe, & marke how the priests & their adherents were plagued for their humble handlings of his maiesties wil. In y• forsaid councel of Laterane, and the same yeare, was Steuen Langton the Archb. of Cant. excommunicated of pope Innocent, wt all those bishops, prelates, priests, barons, & cōmons, which had bene of counsail with him in the former rebellion. And when the sayde Archb. had made instant sute, of him to be absolued: anone he made him this answer wt great indignation. Brother mine, I sweare by s. Peter, thou shalt not so soone at my hande obteine the benefite of absolution: for why, thou hast not only done harme to the K. of Englād, but also thou hast in a great many of thinges iniured the church of Rome here, & therfore thou shalt tary my leyser. The archb. was also at yt time suspended out of ye Church, and commanded to say no masse at all,Stephen Langhton suspended out of the Church. neither yet to exercise any other ecclesiasticall office, because he would not at time cōuenient execute the popes curse vpon yc rebellious Barons. With them the said pope had ben so depely offended & angred a litle before, yt the great charter of the liberties of England (wt great indignation & countenance most terrible) he rent and destroyed, by sentence definitiue condemning it for euer. And by and by therupon cursed all the other rebels, with booke, bel, and candle. The greater captaines of them (with the citizens of London) for that assay were pronounced excōmunicate by name,Appeale to the genera [...]l councell. & remained still interdicted. They appealed then to the councel general.

In the same yere 1215.Ann. 1215. were those great men also summoned to appear at Rome in that general Sinode: which [Page] would not consent to their kings expulsion, nor yet tirannical deposing. Though they were called (they sayd) therunto by the Archb. of Cant. and others: and required by othe to subscribe to the same, yet coulde they not of conscience do it, because he had humbled himselfe, and also granted to keepe peace with all men. Thus was the whole realme miserably then deuided into two factions through malice of the clergie, so strifes encreased in the lande euery where. Yet were there of the Lordes & gentlemen a great number at that time, that followed the king and alowed his doings. But they which were on the otherside (not a little suspecting the state that they were in) fled speedely to the French K. Phillip:The discord betwene the nobles and the kyng. desiring him that he would graunt to them his eldest sonne Ludowike, and they would elect him to be their K. and that without much tariance. They besought him moreouer, that he would sende with him a strong and mighty power, as were able to subdue him vtterly, that they might (they said) be deliuered of such a wicked tyrant. Such was the reporte, that those most wicked papists gaue their christian gouernor, appoynted to them of God: whome they ought to haue obeyed, though he had bene euill, euen for very conscience sake. Rom. 13. And as certaine of the Lords and Barons were busie to chuse the sayde Ludowike for their king, the Pope sent thether one Gualo the Cardinal of S. Martin to those rash and cruel attempts,Gualo Cardinall sent into Englād. charging the French king vpon his allegeance, that he with all power possible, should fauour, maintaine, and defend king Iohn of England, his feudary or tenant. The French king therto made answer, as one not cōtented with that arrogant precept. The realme of Englande sayd he, was neuer yet any part of S. Peters patrimony, neither is it now, nor yet any time shalbe hereafter. Thys spake he, for that he was in hope to obtain it for his sonne, by treason of the Barons.

No prince of potentate (said Phillip the French king) may pledge or geue away his kingdome:The French kyng and his sonne reasoning about England. which is (beside the realme) the gouernment of his whole cōmon wealth, wtout the lawful consent of his Barons, which are bound to defend the same. If ye pope shal introduce or set vp such a president in christianitie, he shall at his pleasure bring all christian kings, and their kingdoms to naught. I like not this example, in these daies begon. I cānot therfore allow this fact of king Iohn of England: though he be my vtter aduersarie, yet I much lament that he hath so endamaged his realme, & hath brought that noble ground and Duene of prouinces, vnder miserable tribute. The chiefe Lordes and men of his nobilitie stāding by, when he vttred these wordes (being as it were in a fury) cried with one voyce: By the blud of God, in whom we trust to be saued, we wil sticke in this article to the loosing of our heads. Let the K. of England do therein what him liketh: no king may put his land vnder tribute, & so make his nobility captiue seruants, with yt came in Ludowike the kings eldest sonne, and so sayd vnto them all there present. I beseeche you, let not my purposed iourney: The Barons of England haue elected me for theyr Lorde and king, and I will not surely lose my right: but I wil fight for it euen to the very death, yea so long as hart shall stir within my brest: and I doubt not but I shall well obtaine it: for I haue frendes among them. Hys father the king stoode still as he had bene in a dompe, & answered neuer a word, but fared as though he had dissembled ye matter. Be like he mistrusted some thing therein, as he might well inough: for all was procured by the priestes, that they might liue licentiously in all wealth and fredome from the kings yoke.

About the same time were such treasons and conspiracies wrought by the Bishops,Prelates and pri [...]stes conspiring against the kyng. Priestes, and Monkes, throughout all the realme, that the king knew not where to become, or finde trusty frendes: he was then compelled by the vncertaintie of his subiectes to trauaile from place to place, but not without a great armie of men: looking euery day when his Barons & their confederates would cruelly set vpon him. At last he came to Douer, and there looked for aide from other quarters, which loued him better then did hys owne people. And thether to him resorted from Flaunders, Brabant & Holland, on the one side: and from Guiane, Gascoine, & Poitiers, on the other side: and from other countries more, a wonderfull number of men. The report then went, that the pope had wrytten to those countreis, mightely to assist him for diuers cōsiderations: one was, for that he had both submitted himselfe, and hys dominion to his protection. An other was, because he had taken on him (a little before) the liuery of the crosse, to win againe Hierusalem. The third was, for that he had gotten by him the dominion of England and Ireland, and feared to lose both, if he should chance to decay. For the space of 3. moneths he remained in the Isle of Wight, abroade in the aire, to quiet himself for a time from al manar of tumults: and led there a solitary life, among riuers and watermen: where as hee rather counted to die then to liue, being so traiterously handled of his Bishops and Barons, and not knowing howe to be iustly aduenged of them. Uppon the Purification day of our Lady therfore, he tooke vpon him the crosse or viage against the Turks for recouery of Hierusalem: mooued therunto rather for the doubts which he had of his people, then for any other deuotion else. And thus he said to his familiar seruāts: since I submitted my selfe and my lands, England and Ireland to the church of Rome (sorow come to it) neuer thing prospered with me, but all hath gone against me.

In the next yeare after 1216. was Symon Langton chosen Archbishop of Yorke:Anno. 1216. but that election anon arter was dissolued: for informatiō was geuen to the pope, that the said Simon was brother to Steuē Langton the archbishop of Cant. which had bene the occasion of all the tumults which were that time in England. And the Pope had the more hate vnto him,Walter Gray Archb. of York. for that he had brought hym vp of nought, and did finde him at that time so stuvburne: wherefore he placed in hys brothers place Walter Graie, the bishop of Winchester.

In the same yere,Gualo the popes Legate. Gualo the popes legate renued hys great curse vppon Lewes the French kings sonne, for vsurping vpon king Iohn. Likewise vpon Simon Langton and Gernais Hobruge, for prouoking him to y• same, and that wyth a wonderfull solemnitie: for in that doing hee made all the belles to be rong, the candles to be lyght, the doores to be opened, and the boke of excommunicatiōs and interdictions publikely to be read, committing them wholy to the deuil, for their contumacie and contempt. He also commanded the Bishops and Curates, to publishe it abroad ouer at the whole realm, to the terror of ad his subiects. The said Simon & Geruais laughed hym to scorne,Radul. Niger. cap. 43. 44. and derided much his doings in that behalfe, saying: that for the iust title of Ludowick, they had appealed to the generall councell at Rome.

The magistrates of London and citizens of the same,The popes curse laught to scorn. did likewise vilipende and disdainously mocke all that the Pope had there commanded and done. And in spight both of him and hys legate, they kept company with them that were excommunicated, both at table and at church, shewing themselues thereby, as open contemners, both of him and his lawes. Ludowicke at London taking himselfe for king, constituted Simon Langton for hys high Chancellor, & Geruais Hobruge for his chiefe preacher. By whose daily preachings, as well the Barons, and the Citizens themselues, being both excommunicated, caused all the church dores to be opened, and the seruice to be song, & the said Ludowicke was in all poynts fit for their handes. About this time,Pandulphus the Popes collector made bishop of Norwich. was Pandulphus (then Cardinal) collecting the Peter pence, an olde pillage of the Pope: taking great paines therin. And for his great labours in those affaires of holy Church, & for other great myracles besides: he was then made bishop of Norwich, to the augmenting of his dignitie and expenses.

It chaunced about this time,Mat. Paris. Radul. Niger. cap. 47. that the Uicount of Melun (a very noble mā of the realme of France, which came thether wyth the Prince Ludowicke) to fall deadly sicke at London: and also moued of conscience to cal certaine of the English Barons vnto hym (such as were there appoynted to the custodie of that citie) sayd vnto them. I lament your sorrowful case,The great prouidence of God for the helpe of Englande. and pitie with my heart the destruction yt is comming towards you and your countrey. The daungerous snares which are prepared for your vtter cōfusion, are hidden from you: ye do not behold them, but take ye hede of them in time. Prince Ludowicke hath sworne a great oth, & 16. of his Earles and noble men are of counsel with him, that if he obtaine the crowne of England, he will banish all them from seruice, & depriue them of lands and goods, as many as he findeth nowe to goe against their liege king, and are traitours to his noble person. And because yee shall not take thys tale for a fable, I assure you on my faith (lying nowe at the mercy of God) that I was one of them, which was sworn to the same. I haue great conscience therof, and therfore I geue you this warning. I pittie poore England, which hath bene so noble a region, that now it is come to so extreme misery. And when he with teares had lamented it a space, hee returned againe vnto them, and said: my frends, I counsel you earnestly, to looke to your selues, and to prouide the remeady in time, least it come vpon you vnwares. Your king for a season hath kept you vnder: but if Ludowicke preuaile, he will put you from all. Of two extreeme euilles, chose the more easy, and keepe that secret which I haue tolde you of good will, with that he gaue ouer and departed this life.

[Page]When this was once noysed among the Barons, they were in great heauinesse: for they saw themselues betrapped euery way, and to be in exceeding great daunger. And this daily augmented that feare which then came vpō the Barons. They were extremely hated of the Pope and his Legates, and euery weeke came vpon them newe excommunications. Daily detriments they had besides: in theyr possessions and goodes, in their lands & houses, corne and cattell, wines and children: so that some of them were driuen to such neede, that they were enforced to seeke prayes and booties for sustaining theyr miserable liues. For looke whatsouer prince Ludowick obtained by his warres, either territories or castels: he gaue them all to his French men (in spight of their heads) and said that they were but traitours, like as they had warning afore, whych greeued them worst of all. At the last, they perceiuing that they in seeking to auoid one mischief were ready to fall into an other much worse: they began to lay their heads together, consenting to submit themselues wholy with al humility, to the mercy of their late soueraigne, & natural liege Lord, king Iohn. And for that they were somewhat in doubt of their liues for the treason afore committed: many of the friendes of them which were of most credite wt him, made sute for them. So were a great number of them pardoned, after instant great suit made for them. I heere omit his recouery of Rochester castle and citie, wt many other dangerous aduentures against the foresayd Ludowicke, both at London, Yorke, Lincolne, Winchester, Norwiche & other places els, as things not perta [...]ning to my purpose. And now I returne to my matter againe.

Into Suffolke and Norffolke hee consequently iourneyed, with a very strong armie of men: and there, wyth great mischiefe hee afflicted them, because they had geuen place & were sworne to his enemies. After that, he destroied the Abbeis of Peterborough & Crowland, for the great treasons which they also had wrought against him, and so he departed from thence into Lincolneshire.

In this yeare, about the 17. day of Iuly, died Pope Innocent the 3. and was buried in a citie called Perusium in Italie:Pope Innocent the third dyeth. where as hee had trauailed to make a peace betweene the Genouaies and the Pyses, for his owne commoditie and aduauntage. After hym anone succeeded one Ciatius, otherwise called Honorius Tertius, a man of very great age: yet liued he in the papacy 10. yeres and an halfe & more. When this was once known in England: greatly reioyced all they which were king Iohns enemies, specially the priests: yet had they small cause, as will appeare hereafter. They noised it al the realme ouer, that this new Pope would set a new order, and not rule al things as the other Pope did: th [...]nking therby that he would haue done all thyngs to their commoditie: but they founde it otherwise. For he made al them which were excommunicate, to pay double and treble, ere they could be restored againe to their former liuings.

And in the selfe same yeare, as king Ihon was come to Swinestead Abbey, not farre from Lincolne, hee rested there two dayes:K. Iohn poysoned by a Monke. where (as most writers testifie) he was most traiterously poisoned by a monke of that Abby, of the secte of the Listercians or S. Bernardes brethren, called Simon of Swinsted. As concerning the noble personage of this Prince, this witnes geueth Roger Houeden therein: Princeps quidem magnus erat sed minus foelix: atque vt Marius vtram (que) fortunam expertus. Ex Chronico cui titulus Eulogium. Doubtles (sayth he) king Iohn was a mighty prince, but not so fortunate as many were. Not altogether vnlike to Marius the noble Romaine, he rasted of Fortune both wayes: bountifull in mercie: in warres sometime he wanne, sometime againe he lost. Munisicus ac liberalis in exteros fuit, sed proditionis causa suorum depraedator, plus aduenis quam suis confidens Hee was also very bounteous & liberal vnto strangers, but of his owne people (for their daily treasons sake) hee was a great oppressor, so that he trusted more to foreiners then to them.

Among other diuers and sundry cōditions belonging to this king, one there was which is not in him to be reprehended but commended rather: for that being far from the superstition which kings at that time were commonly subiect vnto, regarded not the popish Masse, as in certaine Chronicles wryting of him may be collected:Ex Math. Paris. for so I finde testified of him by Mat Parisiensis, that the king vpon a time in his hunting, comming where a very fat stag was cut vp and opened (or howe the Hunters terme it I cannot tell) the king beholding the fatnesse and the lyking of the stagge:The saying of K. Iohn deryding the Masse. See saith he, how easily and happily he hath liued, and yet for all that he neuer heard any Masse.

It is recorded and founde in the Chronicle of William Caxton,Ex Caxtono. lib. 7. called fructus temporum, and in the 7. Booke. The foresayde monke Simon, being much offended with certaine talke that the king had at his table, concernyng Ludouicke the Frenche kings sonne (which then had entred and vsurped vpon him) did cast in hys wicked heart, howe he most speedely might bring him to his ende. And first of all he counselled with his Abbot, shewing hym the whole matter, and what hee was minded to doe. Hee alledged for himselfe the Prophecie of Cayphas, Iohn 11. saying: It is better that one man die, then all the people should perish. I am well contented (sayeth he) to loose my life, and so become a Martyr, that I may vtterly destroy this tyraunt.Woebe [...] you that [...] good eui [...]l and euill good. Simō Mon [...] absolued o [...] his Abbot for poysoning hi [...]ing With that the Abbot did weepe for gladnes, and much commended hys feruent zeale, as hee tooke it. The Monke then being absolued of his Abbot for doyng this acte (aforehand) went secretely into a garden vppon the backe side, and finding there a most venemous Toad, he so pricked hym, and pressed him with his penknife: that he made him vomit all the poyson that was wythin hym. This done, he conueyed it into a cuppe of wine, and with a smiling and flattering countenance, he sayde thus to the King: If it shall like your Princely maiestie, here is inch a cuppe of wine, as yee neuer dronke a better before in all your life time. I trust this Wassail shal make al England glad.The [...] dyeth [...] own [...] And with that he dranke a great draught thereof, the king pledging him. The Monke anone after went to the farmerye, and there died (his guts gushing out of his belly) and had continually from thence foo [...]th three Monkes to sing Masse for his soule, confirmed by theyr generall chapter. What became after that of king Iohn, yee shall knowe right well in the processe following. I woulde ye did marke well the wholesome proceedings of these holy votaries, howe vertuously they obey their kings, whome God hath appoynted: and howe religiously they bestow their confessions, absolutions and masses.

The king within a short space after (feeling great griefe in his body) asked for Symon the monke: and aunswere was made, that he was departed this life. Then god haue mercy vpon me (sayd he) I suspected as much, after he had sayd, that al England should therof be glad: he ment now I perceiue then of his owne generation. With yt he commanded his chariot to be prepared, for he was not able to ride. So went he from thence to Slaford Castel, and from thence to Newerke vpon Trent:The [...] of K. [...] and there wtin lesse then 3. daies he died. Upon his death bed he much repented his former life, and forgaue all them with a pitifull heart, that had done him iniury, desiring that his elder sonne Beurie might be admonished by his example,A [...] be [...] his [...] and to learne by his misfortunes, to be natural, fauourable, gentle, and louing to his natiue people. When his body was enbaumed and spiced (as the maner is of kings) his bowels or intrailes were buried at Cropton Abbey, which was of the secte of Premonstratenses or Chanons of S. Norbert.K. [...] ried [...] ceter. His hired souldiours, both Englishmen and straungers were still about him, and folowed his corpes triumphantly in their armour, till they came to the Cathedrall Church of Worcester: and there honourably was he buried by Siluester the bishop, betwixt S. Oswalde and S. Wolstane, 2. Byshoppes of that Church. [...] 12 [...] He died in the yeare of our Lord 1216. the 19. day of October, after he had raigned in suche calamitie, by the subtile conueyaunce of his Cleargie 18. yeares 6. monethes, and odde dayes. So soone as Kyng Iohn was dead and buryed (as is said afore) the Princes, Lordes and Barons, so many as were of his part (as wel of straungers as of them that were borne heere) by counsaile of the Legate Gualo: gathered themselues together, and all with one consent proclaimed Henrie his sonne for their king. Of whome more shall followe the Lorde willing) hereafter.

Many opinions are among the Chroniclers of the death of king Iohn.The word [...] K. Iohn Some of them doe wryte that he died of sorrowe and heauinesse of heart, as Polydorus: some of surfetting in the night, as Radulphus Niger: some of a bloudy flixe, as Roger Houeden: some of a burning agewe, some of a cold sweat, some of eating apples, some of eating peares, some plummes, &c.

Thus you see what varietie is among ye wryters concerning ye death of this king Iohn. Of which wryters, although the most agree in this that he was poysoned by the Monke aboue named:Math. Parisian vitalihānis Reg [...]. yet Math. Parisiensis, (something differing from the other) wryting thus concerning his death. That he going frō Linne to Lincolnshire, and there hearing of the losse of hys cariage, & of his treasures vpon the washes, fell in great heauines of minde: in so much that he fel therby into a feruēt feuer being at the abbey of Swinsted. This ague he also encreased through euil surfetting & noughty diet, by eating peaches and drinking of new Ciser, or as we cal it Sider. Thus being sicke, he was caried from thence to the Castel of Laford, and from thence to the

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* The Description of the poysoning of King Iohn, by a Monke of Swinestead Abbeye in Lincolneshire.

[Page] Castell of Newerke: where calling for Henry his sonne, gaue to him the succession of his crowne & kingdom, wryting to all his Lordes and nobles to receiue him for theyr king. And shortly after vpō S. Lucies euen, departed this life, being buried at Worcester. &c.

In Gisburn, I finde otherwise, who dissenting from other, sayeth:Another description of kyng Iohns death Ex histor. G [...]alt. Hemyngford, [...]isburnensi. that he was poysoned with a dish of Peares which the Monke had prepared for the king therewith to poison him. Who asking the king whether he would taste of his fruite, & being bid to bring them in, according to the kings bidding so did. At the bringing in whereof, saith the said story, the pretious stones about the K. began to swete. In somuch yt the king misdoubting some poyson, demanded of yc monke, what he had brought. He said: of his frute, and that very good, the best that he did euer tast. Eate, said yc king: and he toke one of the peares, which he did know, and did eate. Also being bid to take an other, did eate lykewise sauerly. And so likewise the third. Then the king refraining no longer, tooke one of the poysoned peares, and was therewith poysoned, as is before. &c.

[...]he first [...]aior of Lō [...]on.In the raigne of this king Iohn the citizens of London, first obtained of the king to chose yerely a Maior. In whose time also the bridge of London was first builded of stone: which before was of woode. Rastall.

* King Henry the third.

[...] Henry the [...]rd. AFter this king Iohn had raigned as some say 17. yeres, or as some say, though falsly 19. yeres was (as is abouesaid) poisoned & died. Thys king left behinde him 4. sonnes, and 3. daughters, first Henry, second Richard, and he was Earle of Cornwall: Third William of Valentia: Fourth, Guido Disenay. He had also an other sonne, who afterward was made bishop. Of his daughters first was Isabel, maried afterward to Fredericke the Emperour. The second named Alinour, maried to William earl Marshal. The third to Mounfort the Earl of Leicester. [...]e issue of [...]g Iohn. &c. An other story sayth that he had but two daughters, Isabel and Elionore, or as an other calleth her Ioane, which was after Queene of Scotland, Ex Chronico vetusto Anglic.

This king Iohn being deceased, which had many enemies, both of Earles, Barons, & especially of the Popish Clergie, Henric hys eldest sonne was then of the age of 9. yeares. At what time the most of the Lordes of England did adhere to Ludouike or Lewes y• French kings sonne, whom they had sent for before, [...] example [...] worthy [...] faithfull [...]nsailour [...] oration [...]he Earle shall for [...]ng kyng [...]ty. [...]ly said, [...] you per [...]ed him, [...]ersecu [...]ye were [...] true mā [...]ur own [...]al king [...]well [...] Eng [...] cry out [...]urblind [...]es and [...]s on. in displeasure of king Iohn to be their king, and had sworne to him their allegeaunce. Then William Earle Marshall a noble man, and of great authority, and a graue and a sound coūseller, friendly and quietly called vnto him diuers Earles and Barons: and taking this Henry the young prince, sonne of king Iohn, setteth him before them, vsing these words: ‘Behold (saith he) right honourable and well beloued: although we haue * persecuted the father of this yong Prince for his euil demeanour, & worthely: yet this yong childe, whome here ye see before you, as he is in yeres tender, so is he pure and innocent from these his fathers doings. Wherfore in as much as euery man is charged only with the burthen of his owne workes and transgressions: neither shall the childe (as the Scripture teacheth vs) beare the iniquity of his father: we ought therefore of duetie and conscience to pardone this young and tender Prince, and take compassion of his age, as ye see. And now for so much as he is the kings natural and eldest sonne, and must be our soueraigne and king, and successor of this kingdom, come and let vs appoynt him our king and gouernour: and let vs remoue from vs this Lewes the French kings sonne, & suppresse his people which is a confusion and a shame to our nation, and the yoke of their seruitude let vs cast off from our shoulders.’ To these words spake & answered the Earle of Glocester. ‘And by what reason or right (sayd he) can we so do, seeing we haue called him hether, & haue sworne to him our feaultie.’

Whereunto the Earle Marshall inferred againe and sayd: ‘Good right and reason we haue, and ought of duety to do no lesse, for that he contrary to our minde and calling hath abused our affiance and feaulties. Truthe it is, we called him, &c ment to prefer him to be our chieftaine and gouernor: but he estsones surprised in pride, hath contemned and despised vs: and if we shal so suffer him, he will subuert and ouerthrow both vs and our nation, and so shall we remaine a spectacle of shame to all men, and be as outcastes of all the world.’

At these words all they, as inspired from aboue, cried altogether with one voice: be it so, he shalbe our king. And so the day was appoynted for his coronation, [...] Chron. [...]. Gis [...]. which was the day of Simon & Iude. This coronation was kept not at Westminster, for as much as Westminster yc same tune was holde [...] of the Frenchmen, but as Glocester: the safest place (as was thought) at that time in the realme. an. 1216. by Swallow the Popes Legate through counsel of all the Lords and Barons that held with his rather king Iohn,K. Henry the 3. crowned. to witte, the Bishop of Winchester, Bishop or Barn, Bishop of Chester, and Bishop of Worcester, the Earle Radulph of Chester, William Earle Marshal, William Earl of Pembroke, William Tren Earle of Feres, William de Bruer, Serle or Samarike de mal Baron. These were at the crowning of the king at Glocester. Many other lords and Barons there were, which as yet helde wyth Lewes the French kings sonne, to whom they had done their homage before. And immediatly after the crowning of thys king, he held his coūcell at Bristow at S. Martines least: where were assembled 11. Byshops of England & Wales, with diuers Earles & Barons and knights of England. All which did sweare feaultie vnto the king. After which homage thus done to the king, the legate Swalo interdicted Wales because they held with the foresaid Lew•es: and also the Barons & al other as many as gaue help or counsell to Lewes, or any other that moued or stirred any war against Henry the new king, he accursed them. All which notwithstanding, the sayde Lewes did not cease, but first laid siege to the Castel or Douer xv. daies:Berkhamstead and Hartford taken by Lewes. when he could not preuaile there, he tooke the castel of Berkhamsted, and also the castel of Hartford, doing much harme in the countreis, in spoiling & robbing the people where they went: by reason wherof, the Lordes and Commons which held wt the king, assembled thēselues together, to driue Lewes and his men out of the land. But some of the Barōs with the Frenchmen,Lincolne taken by Lewes. in the meane season went to Lincoln and tooke the Citie, and held it to the vse of Lewes. Which being knowen, ensoones a greate power of the kinges parte made thether, as the Earle Ranolfe of Chester, William Earle Marshal and William de le Brues, Earle of Feres, wt many other Lords,Anno. 1217. and gaue battaile vnto Lewes and his party: so that in conclusion Lewes lost the field, and of his side were slaine the Earle of Perchis, Saer de Quincy Earle of Winchester, Henry de la Bohon Erle of Herford, and syr Robert le Fizwater, with diuers other moe. Wherupon Lewes for succour fled to London, causing the gates there to be shut & kept, waiting there for more succour out of France. Which assoone as the king had knowledge off, immediatly sent to the Maior and Burges of the Citie, willing them to render them and their Citie to him as their chiefe lord and king, promising to graunt to them againe all their fraunchises and liberties as in times past, & to confirme the same by his great Charter and seale.This Eustace some say he was a Spanyard. In this meane time on Bartholmew euen, Eustace a French Lord, accompanied with many other Lordes and nobles of Fraunce, came with a great power, to the number of a 100. shippes,A noble victory by Gods grace giuē to K. Iohns sonne. to aide and assist the sayd Lewes. Who before they arriued, were encountred vppon the seas by Richard king Iohns bastarde sonne, who hauing no more but 18. shippes to kepe the Cinque portes, set egerly vpon them, and through Gods grace, ouercame them. Where presently he smote of the heade of Eustace, the rest of the Frenche Lordes to the number of 10. hee brought with him to the lande, where he imprisoned them in the Castell of Douer, and slewe almost all theyr men that came with them, and sonke their ships in the sea, onely 15. ships (sayeth some of my stories) escaped away. Ludouike or Lewes hearing this losse of his ships and men, and misdoubting his own life for the great mischief he had done to the realme, sought meanes by Swalo, and the Archbishop of Caunterburie, and by other Lordes, to be at accorde with the king. With whome at length it was so concluded and agreed, that for his costes and expenses he to haue a thousande pounde of siluer geuen.Ex Math. Parisiensi. Paris. speaketh of 15. thousand markes (which he borowed of the Londiners) that he shoulde departe the realme, neuer to returne into England againe, neither he nor none of his.

This done, and vppon the same, he with all the other Barons yt tooke his parte,Lewes the frēch kings sonne [...] uen out of Englande. was assoiled of Swalo the Legate. And thus peace being confirmed at Merton, Lewes tooke his leaue, and being brought honorably to the Sea with the Bishop of Canterbury & other bishops, Earles, and Barons, returned home into Fraunce.

And here sayth Gisburn. it was truly verified, that was before spokē of the Frēch king, father of Lewes: At what time ye said Lewes was in Englād, his father the French king demanded of his messengers comming into France, where his sonne was, and they said at Stamforde: And he asking againe,The answere of the French king concerning his sonne Lewes. whether he had got the Castell of Douer, and they said no: Then the father swearing by the arme of s. Iames: My sonne (quoth he) hath not one foote in England, as afterward wel proued true. Ex Gisburn.

But the chiefest help that repelled Lewes & the Frēch [Page] men out of ye realme, and that most preferred king Iohns sonne to the crowne, was the singular working of Gods hand, whereof ment: on was made before, pag. 250. which was through the confession of a certaine gentleman of the French host (as Florilegus doeth testifie.)Ex Florilego. Who lying sore sicke at the point of death, & seeing no hope to escape, was touched in cōscience for danger of his soules health, openly to confesse & vtter to the barons of England, what was the purpose of ye Frenchmen to do: who were conspired & sworn together among themselues, with a priuy compaction, yt so soone as they subdued the land, they should thrust all the chiefe & nobles thereof, into perpetuall exile out of the realme, where out they should neuer returne againe. This, cōming to the eares of the Barons, as is said: gaue them to consider more with themselues, whereby many of them were the more willing to leaue Lewes,An admonition to Englishmen not to admit foreine rulers into the realme. and apply to their naturall king and prince. Which no lesse may also be an admonition to all times and ages, for English men to take heede, not to admit or to place forreine rulers into the realme, least perhaps it followe that they be displaced themselues.

It is a bad wind that bloweth no man profit.After the happy departure of this Lewes & his French men out of the land, whereby the state of this realme long vexed before, was now somewhat more quieted: immediatly Swalo the Legate looking to his haruest, directeth forth inquis [...]tors through euery shire, to search out all such Bishops, Abbots, Priors, Canons & Secular priestes, of what order or degree so euer they were, that with any succor or counsail, did either help, or els consented to Lewes. For all these were exempted out of the charter of pardon & absolution made before,Money cōming into the Pope and Cardinall. Hugo B. of Lincolne redemeth his Bishopricke for a 1000. marks betweene the king & Lewes. By reason whereof no small gaine grewe to the Pope and the Cardinall: for all such were either put out of their liuings and sent vp to the Pope, or els were fame to fine sweetely for them. Among whome (besides a great number of other clerkes, both religious and seculare) was Hugo bishop of Lincolne: who for the recouerie of his bishoprike, disbursed 1000. markes to the Pope, and 100. markes to the foresaid Swalo the Legate,Ex Mat. Paris. in vita Reg. Henri. 3. Pope innocent the third. who nowe (as Paris. recordeth) by this time had gathered in a faire crop of that, which he did neuer sowe. Ex Mat. Paris. &c.

About this season, or not much before, died Pope Innocent the 3. in the 19. yere of his popedome: to whose custodie, Fredericus the nephewe of Fredericke Barbarossa being yet yong, was committed by the Empresse his mother, of whom more shal follow (the Lord willing) hereafter. After this Innocent,Pope Honorius the third. next succeeded Pope Honorius the 3. who wryting to yong king Henry in a special letter, exhorteth him to the loue of vertue, & to the feare of God, namely to be circumspect with what familiars & resort,The effect of the letter of Pope Honorius the 3. to king Henry the 3. Ex parisien. he acquainted himselfe: but principally aboue al other monisheth him to reuerence the Churche which is the spouse of Christ, and to honor the ministers therof, in whom Christ himselfe (saith he) is both honored or despised. And this semeth the chiefest article of that his wryting to him.

A straunge tale of pope Honorius if it be true.Of this Pope Honorius, Abbas Vrspergensis, (who liued in the same time) reporteth a straunge wonder, more strange peraduenture then credible, which is this: Honorius being priest in Rome (whose name was then Centius) and procurator to Iacinthus a Cardinal. So it befell, that his maister sent him abroad about Rome, to borowe & procure mony for him against his iourny into Spaine: for pope Clement then intēded to send the said Iacinthus his Legate vnto Spaine. As this Centius was walking by himselfe all sad and sollicitous to speede hys maisters message, commeth to him a certain aged and reuerend father, and asketh him what cause he had to walke so heauie and carefull. To whom he answered againe, and signified the occasion of his busines, what then he had to doe. Then the old father said to him: Go and returne home again: for thy maister saith he, shall not at this time goe to Spayne. Now so quoth the other, how is that true? As true (sayde he) as it is certaine that the pope shall die, and the sayd thy maister shall be Pope after him. Centius thinking that to be vnlikely, sayd: he could not beleeue that to be true. To whome the other inferreth againe. So know this, said he, to be as certaine, as it is true that the citie of Ierusalē this day is taken of the Saracens, and shall not be recouered from them, before the time of thy Papacie. And thus speaking, sayeth Vrsperg. he voided sodenly away. Ex Abbate Vrsperg. Ex Abbate Vrsperg. in Chronico. All which sayth the sayd author came afterward to passe: and were testified of the same Honorius being pope afterward in his publike sermons at Rome. All which I graunt may be, and yet notwtstanding this fabulous narration may be a piece of the popes old practises subtilly inuented, to driue men forth to Ierusalē to fight, &c. Againe, after Honorius (when he had gouerned x. yeres) followed Gregorius the ix. Whiche two popes were in the tyme of this king Henry 3. and of Fredericke the Emperour, of whome we mynde (Christ willing) farther to touch, after that we shall haue prosecuted more, concerning the histo [...] of kyng Henry and matters of England.

After that it so pleased the mercifull prouidence of almighty God, to worke this great mercy vpon the stock of K. Iohn (which notwithstanding the vnkinde prelates wt their false prophetes had declared before, that neuer none should succeed in the throne after that K.) and also vnto the whole common wealth of the realme, in deliuering them frō the dāgerous seruice of Ludouike & the foresayd Frēch men. After their departure, the next yeare following: anno. 1218. which was the third of this kyngs raigne,An. 1218. the Archbyshop, S. Lancton and the bishops, Erles and Barons, resorted to Londō vnto the kyng at Michaelmas next following: and there held a great parliament,K. Henry [...] firmed [...] liberties [...] ted by [...] Iohn. wherein were confirmed and graūted by the king all y• franchises, which were made & geuē by K. Iohn his father at Ronemedow: and them he confirmed and ratified by his charter, whiche long tyme after, sayth my author, vnto hys dayes did continue and were holden in England. For the which cause, by the nobles and the commons was geuen & graūted agayn vnto the K. ij. shillinges for euery plow lād through England.Two [...] lings of [...] ry pl [...] land gr [...] ted to [...] Henry. T [...] Becket [...] ned. And Hubert of Burgh was made chiefe Iustice of Englad, of whose troubles more is to be said hereafter. And this was the third yeare of K. Henry, and 50. yeare after the death of Tho. Becket: wherefore the said Becket, the same yeare or next following was takē vp and shryned for a new S. made of an old rebell. Thether came such resort of people of England and of Fraunce, that the country of Kent was not sufficient to sustaine them. Ex histor. De Scales. Ex histor D. Scales. W. Marshal dieth and was buried at the Te [...] ple. About the same tyme Isabell the kinges mother was maryed to the Earle of March. And William Marshall the good Erle dyed, whiche was the gouernour of yt king and the realme, not without great lamentation of the people of England. Then was the king committed to the gouernment of Peter B. of Winchester. This noble Erle left behinde him v. sonnes, and v. daughters.

The yere next insuing an. 1219.Anno. 1219. It was ordeined and proclaimed through all the lād, that all aliens & foreiners should depart the realme, and not to return to the same agayn: onely such excepted,Aliens comaunde [...] out of E [...] lande. as vsed trafick or trade of marchaundise, vnder the kings safe conduct. This proclamation was thought chiefly to be set forth for the cause to auoid out of the land Faukes de Breute, Phillip de Markes, Engelardus de Ciconia, William Erle Albemarke, Robert de veteri ponte, Brihenne de insula, Hugo de Bailluel, Robert de Gaugi, with diuers other straungers mo, which kept castles and holdes of the kinges agaynst his will.Faukes de Breut [...] leth a [...] king He [...] Of whom the foresayd Faukes was ye principal, who fortefied & held the castle of bedford, which he had by yt gift of K. Iohn, wt might and strength against the K. and his power, nere the space of 3. monthes. Moreouer he went about to apprehend the kings iustices at Dunstable, but they being warned therof, escaped all, except Henry Braibrocke, whom he imprisoned in the said castle. The K. hearing therof, & cōsulting with his clergy and nobles, made his power against the same. Which after long siege and some slaughter at length he obteined it, & hanged almost all that were within, to ye nūber of 97, which was (as Parisiens. writeth) about yc 7. or 8. yere of his raigne. Faukes the same time was in wales, who hearing of the taking of the castle, conueyed himselfe to the church of Couētry. At length submitting himselfe to the kings mercy, vpon consideration of his seruice done before to the kings father, was committed to the custody of Eustace bishop of London, and afterward being depriued of all his goods, possessions & tenements within the realme, was forced to perpetuall banishment, neuer to returne to England agayne.

Here (by the way) I finde it noted in Parisiens. Ex Par [...] ens. that after this foresayd Faukes, had spoyled and rased yc church of S. Paule in Bedford, for the building vp of his Castle: the Abbase of Heluestue hearing thereof, caused the sword to be taken from the Image of S. Paule standing in the Church so long as he remayned vnpunished. Afterward, she hearing him to be cōmitted to the custody of S. Paule in Londō, caused the sword to be put into the hands of the Image agayne. Mat. Parisiens. in vita. Henr. 3.

About this yeare the young king the second time was crowned agayne at Westminster,Anno. 1220. about which time begā the new building of our Ladye Churche at Westminster.K. Henry crowned [...] second [...] at Wes [...] ster. Shortly after Gualo the Legate was called home againe to Kome. For the holy Father (as Math. Pariens. reporteth) being sicke of a spiritual dropsie, thought this Gualo (hauing so large occupying in england) to be able somewhat to cure his disease. And so that Legate returned with all [Page] hys bagges well stuffed, leauing Pandulphe behynde h [...]m to supply that Baliwike of hys great graundfather the Pope.

The lyfe and Actes of pope Innocentius the 3. are partly described before, how he intruded Stephē Langhtō against the kings wil into the archbishopricke of Canterbury, stirring vp also 64. Monkes of the same Church of Canterbury,Pope Innocentius. The deedes and decrees of pope Innocent. 3. priuily to work agaynst the king. Moreouer how he did excommunicate the sayd kyng as a publike enemy of the Church, so long as the sayd King withstoode his tirannical doyngs: putting hym and his whole kingdome vnder interdiction, for the space of 5. yeares and 3. monthes. And at length deposed and depriued hym from hys scepter, keeping it in his owne handes for v. dayes. Now he absolued hys subiectes from their due obedience & subiectiō vnto hym. Now he gaue away his kingdōes & possessions vnto Lewes the Frenche kyngs sonne, commaunding the sayd Lewes to spoyle hym both of landes & lyfe. Whereupon, the K. (being forsakē of hys nobles, prelates, & commons) was enforced agaynst hys will to submit himself, and sware obedience vnto the P. paying vnto him a yearely tribute of a M. markes by yeare, for receauing hys kyngdome agayne, wherby both he & his succescessors after him, were vassals afterward vnto the P. And these were the Apostolicall actes of this holy Vicar in the realme of England. Moreouer he condemned Almericus a worthy learned man & a byshop, for an hereticke, for teaching & holding agaynst images. Also he condemned the doctrine of Ioachim Abbas (whō we spake of before) for heritical. This pope brought first into the church the paying of priuate tythes. He ordayned the receauing once a yeare at Easter.Almerieus condemned, Ioachim Ab bas condemned. Priuate riches brought in. Bell and cādle before the sacramēt Canon of the masse authorised. Transubstā tiation. Mariage in the 3. degree forbidden. Vnto the papal decretals he added the decree. Omnis vtrius (que) sexus. &c. Also the reseruation of the sacrament, and the goyng with the bell, and light before the Sacrament was by hym appoynted. In the sayd Counsell of Laterane, he also ordayned that the Canon of the Masse should be receaued wt equall authoritie as thoughe it had proceeded from the Apostles thēselues. He brought in transubstantiation, looke in the decretals. Titulo 1. De summa Trinit & fide Catholica. cap. firmiter credimus.

Item, the sayd Innocentius the 3. ordayned that none should mary in the third degree, but only in the fourth degree, and so vnder.

The sayd Pope styrred vp Otho agaynst Phillip the Emperor, because the sayd Phillip was elected Emperor agaynst his will. Vpon yt occasion wherof followed much warre and slaughter in Germany. And afterward against the sayd Otho, whome he had made Emperour, he set vp Fredericke K. of Cicile,The pope setteth kings and Emperours together by the eares. Philip the Emperour deposed. Otho the Emperour deposed. and caused the archb. of Mayence to pronounce hym excommunicate in all hys titles, and to be deposed of hys Empire. For the which cause the Princes of Germany did inuade hys byshopricke, spoyling and burning hys possessiōs. The cause why the pope so did accurse and depose hym, was for that the sayd Otho did take and occupy cittyes, townes, & castles, which the pope said appertayned to hym.

Item, the sayd pope ordayned that if any prince offended one an other, the correction should appertayne vnto ye Pope. In thys Councell of Laterane were Archbishops and Primates 61. Byshops, 400. Abbots 12. Priors and Conuentuals 800. besides other Embassadors, Legates Doctors and Lawyers an innumerable sort &c.

In the history of Hermanus mutius, we read how in the yeare of our Lord.The councel of Lateran. 1212. in thys popes tyme diuers noble men, and other in the countrey of Alsatia, contrary to the tradition of the Romish Popes dyd holde, that euery day was free for eating of flesh,Martyrs of Alsatia, to the number of all. 100. burned in one day. Ex Herm. Mutio. so it be done soberly. Also that they did wickedly which restrayned Priests and ministers from their lawfull wyues, for the which cause (as is in the foresayd author) by this poore Innocentius the 3. and hys byshops, an hundreth of them in one day were burned and Martyred.

Some other historyes (as Nauclerus) recordeth also, yt at the same tyme many were in the Cittye of Millaine of the sayd doctrine, which vsed to send collects, vnto the foresayd sainctes of Alsatia. Ex Nauclero.

Collectes sent from the brethrē of Millane, to them of Alsatia. Obseruant Friers begā.In the cronicle of Gualter Hemingford otherwise called Gisburnensis, it is recorded that in the dayes of this K. Iohn, and pope Innocent, began ye two sectes & orders of Friers, one called the preachers order, or black Fryers of S. Dominike. The other called ye Minorites of S. Frances. The preachers or blacke Fryers order began of one Dominike a Spaniard, about the parts of Tholous, who after he had laboured 10. yeares in preaching agaynst the Albingenses,Dominick▪ and such other as did hold agaynst yc churche of Rome: afterward comming vp to the Councell of Lateran with Fulco B. of Tholouse, desired of the foresayd Innocent the 3. to haue his order of preaching Fryers cō firmed, which the pope a great while refused to graunt: at length he had a dreame, that the Church of Laterane was ready to fall. Which when he beheld, fearing & much forrowing thereat, commeth in this Dominicke: who with his shouldiours vnderpropped the church, and so preserued ye building therof frō falling: &c. And right well this dreame may seeme verified, for yt Fryers haue bene alwayes the chief pillers & vpholders of ye popes church.Friers vpholders of the popes Church. Vpon this, ye pope (waking out of hys dreame) called Dominike to him and graunted his petition. And so came vp this Woluish order of the Dominickes. I call it Woluish, for that hys mother when she was great with this Dominicke, dreamed that she had in her wombe a wolfe, which had a burning torch in his mouth. The which dreame, the preachers of that order do greatly aduaunce, and expounded to their orders glory, as well as they can. Neuerthelesse, howsoethey expound it: they can make a wolfe but to be a wol [...]e, and this a Woluish order. The rule which they follow semeth to be taken out of S. Augustine, as who should say, that Christes rule were not inough to make a Christian man. Their profession standeth vpon 3. principall pointes as thus described. Charitatem habentes, humilitatem seruantes, & paupertatem voluntariam possidentes: That is, hauing charitie, holding humilitie, and possessing wilfull pouerty. Their habite and clothing is blacke.

The order of the Minors or Minorite Friers descended from one Francis an Italian, of the city Asisiū. This Assisian Asse, whō I suppose was some simple and rude Idiot, hearing vpon a tyme how Christ sent forth his disciples to preach:The Minorite Friers discended from Sainct Fraunces. thought to imitate the same in himself and his disciples, and so left of shoes, had but one coate, & that of a course clothe. In steade of a latchet to hys shoe, and of a girdle: he tooke about him a hempen corde, and so apparelled his disciples, teaching them to fulfil (for so he speaketh) the perfection of the gospell, to apprehend pouerty, & to walke in the way of holy simplicitie. He left in writing to hys disciples and followers, hys rule whiche he called Regulam Euangelicam. 1. the rule of the Gospell, as though the Gospell of Christ were not a sufficient rule to all Christen men, but it must take hys perfection of Frantick Frā cis. And yet for all that great presumtion of this Francis, and notwithstanding this hys rule, sounding to the derogation of Christes Gospell, he was cōfirmed by this pope Innocent. Yea and such fooles this Frauncis sound abroad, that not onely he had followers of hys doltish religion (both of the nobles, and vnnobles of Rome) but also some there were, which builded mansions for hym & hys Fryers. This Frauncis, as he was superstitious in casting all things from hym as hys girdle, girding a corde abouthim, so in outwarde chastising of himselfe, so straight he was to hys fleshe (leauing the ordinary remedye appoynted by God) that in wynter season, he couered hys body with Ise and Snow. He called pouerty hys Lady, he kept nothing ouer night. So desirous he was of Martyrdome, that he went to Syria, to the Souldane, whiche receaued him honourably: wherby it may be thought, that (surely) he told him not the truth, as S. Iohn Baptist dyd in Herods house. For truth is seldome welcome in courts aud in the world. But it is hard to make a martyr of hym which is no true confessor. I will here passe ouer the fable, howe Christ and hys sayntes dyd marke hym with fiue woundes. These Franciscane or beggyng Fryers, although they were all vnder one rule and clothing of S. Frauncis:Diuers sectes of Franciscans. yet they be deuided in many sectes, and orders: some go on treen shoes or Pattins, some barefooted, some regulare Franciscanes or obseruauntes, some Minors or Minorites, other be called Minimi, other of the Gospell, other de Caputio. They all differ in many things, but accord in superstitiō & hipocrisie. And for somuch as we haue here entered into the matter of these 2. orders of Friers: by the occasion hereof, I thought a little by the waye to digresse from our story, in reciting the whole catologue or rablement of Monkes, Fryers, and Nunnes, of al sectes rules, and orders set vp and confirmed by the Pope. The names of whome here in order of the Alphabet followe vnder written.

The rablement of religious orders.

The table of all religious orders.

AVstinians, the first order.

Ambrosians two sortes.
490

Antonies heremites.
324

Austines heremetes.
498.

Austines obseruauntes.
490

Armenians sect.

Ammonites and Moabites.

Basilius order.
384

Benets order.
524

Bernardus order.
1120

Barefooted Friers.
1222

Brigits order.
1370

Beghartes or white spirites.
1399

Brethren of Ierusalem.
1103

Brethren of S. Iohn De Ciuitate blacke Frier.
1220

Brethren of wilfull pouertie.

Cluniacensis order.
913

Canons of S. Augustine.
1080

Charterhouse order.
1086

Cisterciensis order.
1098

Cros bearers or crossed Friers.
1216

Carmelites or white Friers.
1212

Clares order.
1225

Celestines order.
1297

Camaldulensis order.
950

Crosse starred brethren.

Constantino politanish order.

Crosse bearers

Chapter monkes.

Dutch order.
2216

Dominicke blacke Friers.
1220

Franciscanes.
1224

Graundmontensis order.
1076

Gregorian order.
594

Georges order.
1407

Guilhelmites.
1246

Gerundinensish order.

Galilei or Galileans.

Heremites.

Helenes brethren. Humiliati.
1166

Hospitall brethren.

Holy Ghost order.

Ieromes orders two sortes.
1412.

Iohns Hermites.

Iustines order.
1432.

Iohns order Ioannites.
380

otherwise knightes of the Rodes.
1308

Iniesuati.
1365

Ieromes heremites.
490

Iosephes order.

Iacobites sect.

Iames brethrens order.

Iames brethren with the sword.

Indians order.

Katherine of Senes order.
1455

Keyed Monkes knightes of rhodes.

Lazarites or Mary Magdalens our Lady brethren.
1034

Lordes of Vngary.

Minorites. which be deuided into.

Conuentuales.

Obseruauntes.

Reformate.

Collectane.

De Caputio.

De Euangelio.

Amedes.

Clarini, and other.

Minors or Minorites.
1224

Maries seruaunts.
1304

Monkes of mount Oliuete.
1046

Marouinies sect.

Moronites sect.

Monachie and Monache.

Morbonei and Merestei.

Menelaysh and Iasonish sect.

New Chanons of S. Austen.
1430
Nestorini.

Nalharte brethren.

New order of our Lady.

Nazarei.

Paules Hermites.
345

Premonstratensis order.
1119

Preacher order, or blacke Friers.

Peter the Apostles order.
1409

Purgatory bethren.

Rechabites.

Sarrabaites.

Sambonites.
1199

Scourgers the first sect.
1266

Souldiours of Iesus Christ.
1323

Scopenites, or Sainct Saluators order.
1367

Specularij or the glasse order.

Sepulchers order.

Sheere order.

Swerdes order.

Starred Monkes.

Starred Fryers.

Sclauony order.

Scourgers the second sect, called Niniuites.

Stoole brethren.

Scotland brethren order.

Sicarij.

Sainct Sophis order.

Templar Lordes.
1110

Templar knightes.
1120

The vale of Iosophat hys order.

Vallis vmbrose.
1400

Waldensis sect.

Wentzelaus order.

Wilhelmer order.

White Monks of mount Oliuet.
1406

Zelotes order.

Thus hast thou, if thou please (gentle reader) to know what orders and what sectes of religion haue bene set vp by the pope, the catalogue and number of them all, so far as we could search them out: not onely in bookes printed of late in Germany, namely by the reuerend father Martine Luther: but also conferred with an other english book which came to our handes, containing the same like notes of auncient antiquitie, the number of whiche rablement of religious persons came to 101. Now as I haue reckoned vp the names and varieties of these prodigious sectes: it commeth to minde consequently to inferre the prophecie of Hildegardis, as well agaynst the whole route of Romish prelates, and the fall of that Church, as especially agaynst the begging Fryers and suche other vnprofitable bellyes of the Church. Thus Hildegardis is holden of the papistes themselues to be a great Prophetisse, whose prophecie proceedeth in this maner, first agaynst the Priestes and prelates of the Romishe Church, as followeth.

The prophecie of Hildegardis, of the ruine of Rome, and agaynst the begging Friers.

HIldegardis a Nonne, and (as many iudged a prophetisse) liued in the yeare 1146. In her prophecies she doth most greeuously reprehend, not only the wicked and abhominable lyfe of the spirituall papistes: but also the cō tempt of ecclesiasticall office, & also the horrible destruction of the church of Rome. In a certayne place shee hath these wordes. And now is the law neglected among the spirituall people, which neglecte to teach and doe good things The mayster lykewise and the prelates do sleep: despising iustice & laying it aside. In a certayne vision: the Churche appeared to her in the shape of a woman, complayning yt the priestes had berayed her face with dust, & rent her coat &c. and that they did not shyne ouer the people, neyther in doctrine, neyther in exāple of lyfe: but rather contrariwise, that they haue driuen the innocent lambe from them. She sayd moreouer, that all ecclesiasticall order did euery daye become worse and worse, and that priestes did not teache but destroy the law of God. And for these horrible crimes and impieties, she threatneth and prophecieth vnto them Gods most heauy wrath and displeasure, and dolefull punishmentes. There is no cause why the spirituall papists should flatter themselues vpon this: that she promised agayne to the ministers of the Church those good things to follow, lyke as Ioannes de Rupe scissa doth, and other suche like prophetes: for they say it will come to passe, that they must repent before the tymes be amēded. By which thing (vndoubtedly) they meane, the godly ministers in ye reformed Churches, which for the most part were of the spirituall nūber, and yet did forsake the dishonest lyfe, & those wicked idolatries. Now, where as the priestes & monks, that is, the whole rable and spiritualtie doe account Hildegard for a true prophetisse: howe they ought to consider that by her they are more seuerely accused: not as by a woman, but as by God hymself. And I pray you, what abhomination, impiety, and idolatry hath bene committed since that tyme by the spiritualitie? I wil note heare a certaine prophecy of hers, taken out of the common places of Henry Token▪ A prophe [...] for the dee [...] of the Remish church because we see it manifestly fulfilled in our time. She prophecieth of the reformation of religion, and sayth that it shall be most godly.

Then shall the crowne of Apostolicall honour be deuided, because there shalbe found no religion among the Apostolicall order, & for that cause shall they despise the dignitie of that name, and shal set ouer them other men and other Archbish. In so much, that the Apostolike sea of that tyme (by the diminution of hys honour) shall haue scarse Rome, and a fewe other Countryes thereabout vnder hys crowne. And these thinges shall partly come to passe by incursion of warres, and partly also by a common coū cell, and consent of the spiritual and seculer persons. Then shall iustice florish, so that in those dayes men shall honestly apply themselues to the ancient customes and dicipline [Page] [...] [Page] of auncient men, and shall obserue them as the auncient men did. The glose agreeth &c.

These things thus premised, now will we come to the prophec [...]e or the foresaid Hildegard concerning the foresaid begging Friers aboue metioned: reciting her words: not only as they are printed in a book, printed of late in Germany, but also as my selfe haue seene and read, agreeing to the same booke word for worde, and yet haue the same to shew: written in old partchment leaues, in such sort as the thing it selfe most euidently declareth a great iniquitie of tyme. The wordes of her prophecie be these.

In those dayes shal rise a senceles people, proud, greedy, without fayth, [...]ildegardis [...]ophecying [...]rier, and [...]onkes. & subtile, the which shall eare the sinnes or the people, holding a certayne order of foolish deuotion vnder the tayned cloke of beggery: preferring themselues aboue all other, by their fayned deuotion: arrogant in vnderstanding, and pretending holines: walking without shamefastnes, or the feare of God: in inuenting many new mischiefes strong and stout. But this order shall be accursed of all wyse men, and faythfull Christians: they shall cease from all labour, and geue themselues ouer vnto idlenes: chusing rather to liue through flattery, and begging. Moreouer, they shall together study, how they may per [...]er [...]y resist the teachers of the truth, & stay them together to the noble men. How to seduce and deceiue the no [...]ilitie, for the necessitie of their liuing, and plesures of this world, for the deuill will graft in them foure principall vices (that is to say) flattery, enuy, hipocrisie, and [...]launder. Flattery, that they may haue large giftes geuen them. Enuy, when they see giftes geuen vnto other, and not vnto them. Hypocrisie, that by false dissimulation, they may please men. Detraction, that they may extoll and commend themselues, and bacbite others, for the prayse of men, and seducing of the simple. Also, they shall instantly preache, but without deuotion or example of the Martyrs: and shall [...]etracte the secular Princes, taking awaye the Sacramentes of the Church from the true pastors, receauing almes of the poore, diseased, and miserable, and also associating themselues with the common people: hauing familiaritie with women, instructing them how they shall deceiue their husbandes and friendes by their flattery and deceitfull wordes, and to robb their husbandes to geue it vnto them: for they will take all these stolne and euill gotten goodes, and say: geue it vnto vs, and we will pray for you, so that they being curious to hide other mens faults, do vtterly forget their owne. And alas, they will receaue all thinges, of rouers, pickers, spoylers, theeues and robbers, of sacrilegious persons, vsurers, adulterers, heretickes, schismatickes, apostataes, whores and baudes, of noble men, periurers, marchantes, false iudges, souldiors tyrauntes, Princes, of such as liue contrary to the lawe, & of many peruerse and wicked men, following the perswasion of the deuill, the sweetenes of sinne, a delicate & transitory life, and fulnes euen vnto eternall damnation.

All these thinges shall manifestly appeare in them vnto all people, and they (day by day) shall waxe more wicked & hard harted: and whē as their wickednes & deceits shal be found out, then shall their giftes cease, & then shal they goe about their houses hungry, & as mad dogges looking down vpō the earth, & drawing in their neckes as doues, that they might be satisfied with bread: then shall the people cry out vpon them. Wo be vnto you ye miserable children of sorrowe, the world hath seduced you, and the deuill hath bridled your mouthes, your fleshe is frayle, and your hartes without fauour, your mindes haue bene vnstedfast and your eyes delited in much vanitie & folly, your dainty bellies desire dellicate meates, your feet are swift to runne vnto mischiefe. Remember when you were apparantly blessed, yet enuious: poore in sight, but rich, simple to see to, but mighty flatterers: vnfaythfull betrayers: peruerse detracters: holy hipocrites: subuerters of the truth: ouermuch vpright: proud, vnshamefast, vnstedfast teachers, delicate martyrs, confessors for gayne: meeke, but slaunderers: religious, but couetous: humble, but proud: pitifull, but hard harted lyers: pleasaunt flatterers, peacemakers, persecuters, oppressors of the poore, bringing in new sectes newly inuented of your selues: mercifull thought but found wicked, louers of the world, sellers of pardons, spoylers of benefices, vnprofitable orators, seditious conspirators, dronkardes, desirers of honours, maintainers of mischiefe, robbers of the worlde, vnsatiable preachers, men pleasers, seducers of women, and sowers of discord, of whom Moyses the glorious prophet, spake very wel in his song. A people without counsell or vnderstanding: would to God they did know, and vnderstand and foresee the end. You haue builded vp on high, and whē you could ascend no higher, then did you fall euen as Simon Magus, whome God ouerthrew, and did strike with a cruell plague, so you likewise through your false doctrin, naughtines, lyes, detractions, & wickednes, are come to ruine. And the people shall say vnto them, goe ye teachers of wickednes, subuerters of truth, brethrē of the Sunamite, fathers of heresies, false Apostles, which haue fayned your selues to follow the lyfe of the Apostles, and yet haue not fulfilled it in part: ye sonnes of iniquity, we will not folow the knowledge of your wayes, for pride and presumption hath deceiued you, and insatiable concupiscence hath subuerted your erroneous hartes. And when as you would ascend higher then was meete or comely for you (by the iust iudgement of God) you are fallen backe into perpetuall opprobry and shame.

This Hildegardis whose prophecie we haue mentioned, lyued about the yeare of our Lord. 1146. as was read in Chronico Martini.

About the same tyme that these Franciscans, and Dominicke Friars began (which are aboue mentioned) sprāg vp also the crossebearers,Crossebearer Fryer [...]. or crouched Friers, taking their originall & occasion or Innocent ye third: which Innocent raysed vp an army (signed with a Crosse on their [...]) to fight agaynst the Albingenses, whom the pope and his sect accompted for heretickes, about the partes of Tholouse. What these Albingenses were,Albingenses. it cannot be well gathered by the olde popish historyes: For if there were any that did hold, teach, or mayntayne agaynst the Pope, or his papal pride: or withstand & gainsay his beggarly traditiōs, [...]es and religions. &c. the historicians of that time (for the most part in writing them) do so repraue and misreporte them (suppressing the truth of their articles) that they make thē and paynt them forth to be worse then Turkes and Infidels. And that as I suppose, caused Mathew Parisiensis and other of that sort, to write so of thē as they did: Otherwise, it is to be thought (and so I finde in some reco [...]e [...]) that the opinions of the said Albingenses were sound inough: holding and professing nothing els, but only agaynst the wā ton wealth, pride, and tyranny of the Prelates: denying the Popes authoritie to haue gro [...]d of the Scriptures: neyther coulde they away with their ceremonies and traditions, as Images, Pardons, Purgatory of the Romish church, calling them (as some say) blasphemous occupyinges. &c. Of these Albingenses were slayne (at times) and burned, a great multitude, by the meanes of the Pope, and Symon Ecclesiasticus with other moe. It seemeth that these Albingenses were chiefly abhorred of the Pope, because they set vp a contrary Pope against him, about the coastes of Bugarorum. For the which cause, the Byshop called Portinensis beyng the popes Legate in those quarters, writeth to the Archbishop of Roan and other Byshops in this wise.

VEnerabilibus patribus Dei gratia Rothomagensi Archiepiscopo & eius suffraganeis Episcopis. Sal. in Domino Iesu Christo.A letter of the Bishop Portinensis concerning the Albingenses.

Dum pro spōsa veri crucifixi vestrum cogimur auxilium implorare, potiùs compellimur lacerari singultibus & plorare. Ecce quòd vidimus loquimur, & quod scimus testificamur. Ille homo perditus qui extollitur super omne quod colitur, aut dicitur Deus, iam habet persidiae suae praeambulum haeresiarcam, quē haereteci Albingenses Papam suum nominant, habitantem finibus Bugarorum & Croaticae, & Dalmitiae, iuxta Hungariorum nationem. Ad eam confluunt haeretici Albingenses, vt ad eorū consulta respondeat. Etenim de Carcasona oriundus vices illius Antipapae gerens Bartholomaeus, haereticorum Episcopus, funestam ei exhibendo reuerentiam, sedem & locum cōcessit, in villa que Porlos appellatur, & seipsum transtulit in partes Tholosanas. Iste Bartholomaeus in literarum suarum vndique discurrenrentium tenore, se in primo salutationis alloquio, intitulat in hūc modum: Bartholomaeus seruus seruorum. M [...]sanctae fidei salutē. Ipse etiam inter alias enormitates creat Episcopos, & Ecclesias perfidè ordinare contendit. Rogamus igitur attentiùs, & per aspertionem sanguinis Iesu Christi, & propensiùs obsecramus, authoritate Domini Papae qua fungimur, in hac parte districtè praecipientes, quatenus veniatis Senonas in oct. Apostorum Petri & Pauli proximè futuris, vbi & alij praelati Franciae, fauente Domino congregabuntur, parati consilium dare in negotio praedicto, & cum alijs qui ibidem aderunt prouidere super negotio Albingensi. Alioqui inobedientiam vestram. D. Papae curabimus significari.

Datum Apud Plauuium. 6. Nonas Iulij.

For somuch as mention is here made of these superstitious sectes of Fryers, and such other beggerly religions, it might seeme not much impartinent, being moued by the occasion hereof, as I haue done in Hildegardis before: so now to annexe also to the same, a certayne other auncient [Page] treatise compyled by Geoffray Chawcer by the way of a Dialogue or questions moued in the person of a certayne vplandish and simple ploughman of the country. Whiche treatise for the same,The blind ignorance of fryers described. the author intituled Iacke vpland: wherein is to be seene and noted to al the world, the blind ignoraunce and variable discord, of these irreligious religions, how rude and vnskilfull they are in matters and principles of our Christian institution. As by the contents of this present Dialogue appeareth, the wordes wherof in the same old English, wherein first it was set forth, in this wise doe proceede. Wherein also thou mayst see, that it is no new thing that theyr blasphemous doyngs hath by diuers good men in old tyme bene detected, as there are many and diuers other olde bookes to shew.

A treatise of Geoffrey Chawcer Intituled Iacke vpland.

The fruites of Antichrist. I Iacke vpland make my mone to very God and to all true in Christ, that Antechrist and his Disciples (by colour of holines) walking and deceauing Christes Church by many false figures: where through (by Antechrist and hys) many vertues bene transposed to vices.

But the felliest folke that euer Antechrist found, bene last brought into the church and in a wonder wise: for they bene of diuers sectes of Antechrist, sowne of diuers countreys and kindreds.Antichrist his broode. And all men knowne well, that they be not obedient to Byshops, ne liege men to kinges: neyther they tyllen, ne sowne, weden, ne repen, woode, corne, ne grasse, neither nothing that man should helpe: but onely themselues their lyues to sustayne. And these men han all maner power of God as they seyn in heuyn & in yerth, to sell heuyn and hell to whom that them liketh, and these wretches were neuer where to bene themselfes.

Patience proueth M. Fryer.And therfore (Frere) if thine order & rules bene grounded on Goddys law, tell thou me Iacke vpland: that I aske of thee: and if thou be or thinkest to be on Christes side keepe thy paciens.

SAint Paule teacheth, that all our deedes should be do in charite:The Fryer must answere according to Gods worde. and els it is nought worth, but displeasing to God and harme to our owne soules. And for that Freres challenge to be greatest Clerkes of the Churche, and next following Christ in liuing: men should for charite axe thē some questions, and praye them to grounde theyr aunsweres in reason and in holy write, for els their aunswere woulde nought bee worth, be it florished neuer so fayre and as mehinke men might skilfully axe thus of a Frere.

1. ¶ Frere, how many orders be in erth: and which is the perfitest order? of what order art thou? who made thyne order?Friers may better breake Gods law then mans lawe. what is thy rule? Is there any perfecter rule then Christ himselfe made? If Christes rule be most perfite why rulest thou thee not therafter? without more why, shall a Frere be more punished if he breke the rule that hys patron made, then if he breke the heestes that God hymsefe made?

2. Approueth Christ any more religions then one, that S. Iames speaketh of?There is but one religion. If he approueth no more, why hast thou left his rule and takest an other? why is a Frere apostata that leuyth his order & taketh an other sect, sith there is but one religion of Christ.

The Frier more bound to his habite then the man to his wife.3. Why he ye wedded faster to your habites then a man is to hys wife: For a man may leaue hys wife for a yeare or two as many men done, and if you leue your abitea quarter of a yeare, ye shuld beholden apostatase.

4. Makith your habite you men of Religion or no? If it do,If the habite make the Fryer religious, as his habit weareth so doth his religion. then euer as it wereth, your religion wereth, and after that that your habite is better, your religion is better: and when ye haue liggin it beside, then lig ye your religion beside you, and byn apostatase, why bye ye you so precious clothes, sith no man seekith such but for vayne glory, as S. Gregory sayth.

What betokeneth your great hood, your scaplery, your knotted girdle, and your wide cope?

5. Why vse ye all one colour, more then other Christen mē do? what betokeneth that ye bene clothed all in one maner clothing?

If ye say, it betokenith loue and charite: certes, then ye be oft hipocrites,Holines of all hipocrites consisteth in clothing and outward appearāce whē any of you hateth other, and in that that ye woole be sayd holy by your clothing.

Why may not a Frere weare cloathing of an other sect of Freres, sith holines stondeth not in the clothes.

6. Why hold ye silence in one house more then an other, sith men ought ouer all to speke the good & leaue the euil?

Why eate you flesh in one house more then in an other? if your rule and your order be perfite, and the patron that made it?

7. Why gete ye your dispensatiōs to haue it more esy:All Fry [...] found [...] certes, other it seemeth that ye be vnperfite, or he that made it so hard: that ye may not hold it. And seker, if ye holde not the rule of your patrons, ye be not then her Fryers and so ye lye vpon your selues.

8. Why make ye you as dede men,Fryers be dead men and [...] begga [...]. when ye be professed, and yet ye be not dede, but more quicke beggers then ye were before? and it seemeth euill a dede man to goe about and begge.

9. Why will ye not suffer your Nouices, heare your coū sels in your chapter house ere that they haue bene professed if your counsels byn true and after Gods law?

10. Why make ye you so costly houses to dwell in? sith Christ did not so,Gra [...]es [...] for de [...] [...] and no [...] courtly [...]. and dede men should haue but graues, as falleth it to dead men, and yet ye haue more Courtes then many Lordes of England. For ye mowe wenden through the realme, and each night well nigh lyg in your owne courts, and so mow but right few Lordes do.

11. Why heyre ye to ferme your limitors, geuing therefore ech yeare a certayne rent, and will not suffer one in an others limitation, right as ye were your selfes Lordes of countreys.

Why be ye not vnder your Bishops visitations,Friers [...] the king [...] liege [...] Friers [...] no m [...]s p [...] ers. and liege men to our king.

Why are ye no letters of brether heds of other mens prayers, as ye desire that other men shoulde aske letters of you?

If your letters be good, why graunt ye them not generally to all maner of men for the more charitie?

12. Mow ye make any man more perfite brother for your prayers then God hath by our beleeue?Friers gra [...] ter and beter thé [...] by our baptisme and hys owne graunt? if ye mow, certes then ye be aboue GOD.

Why make ye men beleue that your golden trentall song of you to take therefore x.s. or at the least. v.s. wole bring soules out of hel,O vnch [...] table Fri [...] or out of purgatory? if this be soth, certes ye might bring al soules out of payne, and that wull ye nought, and then ye be out of charitie.

13. Why make ye men beleue, that he that is buryed in your habite shall neuer come in hell, and ye wyte not of your selfe whether ye shall to hell or no: and if this were sothe, ye shuld sell your hye houses to make many habites, for to saue many mens soules.

14. Why steale ye mens Children for to make hem of your sect sith that theft is against Gods hestes,Friers stealers of me [...] children. and sith your sect is not perfite: ye know not whether the rule that ye bynde hym to, be best for him or worst.

15. Why vnderneme ye not your brethrē for their trespas after the law of the Gospell: sith that vnderneming is the best that may be. But ye put them in prison oft when they do after Gods law, and by Saint Augustines rule: if anye did amisse and would not amend him, ye should put hym from you.

16. Why couete ye shrifte and burying of other mens parishens, and none other Sacrament that falleth to Christen folke.Shrift, an [...] burials [...] more ga [...] full then [...] ministring of the sacr [...] ments.

Why bussy yee not to here to shrift of pore folk as wel as of rich Lords and Ladyes? sith they mowe haue more plē ty of shrift fathers then poore folke mow.

Why say ye not the gospell in howses of bededred men? as ye do in riche mens that mow go to Churche and heare the Gospell.

Why couete you not to bury poore folke among you?Poore [...] haue no soules says my fello [...] Fryer. sith that they bene most holy (as ye sayne that yee, beene for your pouerty.)

17. Why will ye not be at her diriges as ye haue bene at rich mens? sithe God prayseth him more then he doth other men.

What is thy prayer worth?These be they that will not [...] ter themselues no [...] suffer othe [...] men that would. The Frier getteth by In prine [...] & yet hateth the Gospe [...] Iudas for; [...] pence, but the priest [...] Frier for 4. pence selleth Christ. sithe thou wilt take therefore: for of all chapmen ye nede to be most wise for dread of simonie.

What cause hast thou that thou wilt not preach the gospell, as God sayth that thou shouldst? sith it is the best lore and also our beleue.

Why be ye euill apayd that secular priests shuld preach the Gospell? sith God himselfe hath bodden hem.

18. Why hate ye the gospell to be preached, sithe ye be so much hold therto: for ye wyn more by yere with In principio, then with all the rules that euer your patrons made, and in this minstrels bene better then ye, for they contrarien not to the mirthis that they maken, but ye contrarien the Gospell both in word and deede.

19. Frere, when thou receiuest a peny for to say a Masse: whether sellest thou Gods body for that peny, or thy prayer or els thy trauell? if thou sayest thou wolt not trauell for [Page] to say the Masse,A compari [...]on betwene [...]u [...]as & the [...]rier. but for the peny, that oertes if this be soth then thou louest to little mede for thy soule, and if thou sellest Gods body, other thy prayer: then it is very simonie, and art become [...] chapman worse then Iudas that solde it for thirty pence.

20. Why writest thou her names in thy tables that yeueth the mony? sith God knoweth all thing: for it seemeth by thy writing:The Frier writeth be [...]ause God [...]orgetteth. that God would not reward him, but thou write in thy tables, God wold els forgetten it.

Why bearist thou God in honde and s [...]laundrest hym, that he begged for hys mete? sithe he was Lorde ouer all, for then had he bene vnwyse to haue begged, and haue no neede thereto?

Frere after what law rulest thou thee? where findest thou in Gods law that thou shouldest thus beg?

21. What maner men needeth for to beg?

For whom oweth such men to beg?

Why beggest thou so for thy brethren?

If thou sayest, for they haue neede, then thou doest it for the more perfection, or els for the lest, or els for the meane. If it be the most perfection of all: then should al thy brethren do so, and then no man needed to beg but for himselfe: for so should no man beg but him neded. And i [...] it be the lest perfection, why lonest thou then other men more then thy self▪ For so thou art not wel in charitie, sith thou shouldst seeke the more perfection after thy power, liuing thy selfe most after God: and thus leauing yt imperfectiō thou shouldest not so beg for them. And if it is a good meane thus to beg as thou doest, then should no man do so, but they bene in this good meane, and yet suche a meane graunted to you may neuer be grounded on Gods law: for then both ler [...] and lewd that bene in meane degre of this world, [...] is better [...] labour & [...]eue: then [...] loiter and [...]g M. Frier. shoulde goe about and beg as ye do. And if all shoulde doe so, certes well nigh all the world should goe about and beg as ye done, and so should there be ten beggers against one ye [...]

Why procurest thou men to yeue thee their almes, and sayest it is so needefull, and thou wilt not thy selfe wynne thee that mede?

22. Why wilt not thou beg for poore bedred men that ben [...] poorer then any of youe sect: that liggen and mow not goe about to helpe himselfes, sith we be all brethren in God, & that bretherhed passeth any other that ye or any mā coulde make, and where most neede were, there were most perfection, either els ye hold them not your pure brethren but worse: but then ye be vnperfite in your begging?

Why make ye so many maysters among you: sithe it is agaynst the teaching of Christ and his Apostle.

23. Whose bene all your rich courtes that ye han and all your rich inells? sith ye seyne that ye han nought ne in properue in common. If ye sayne they bene the popes? why gether ye then of poore men and Lords so much out of the kinges hand to make your pope riche. [...]lers begge [...]om al men [...] make the [...]ope rich. And sithe ye sayne that it is great perfection to haue nought in proper ne in commen? why be ye so fast about to make the Pope that is your father rich, and put on him imperfection? sithen ye sayne that your goodes bene all hys, and he should by reason be the most perfite man, it seemeth openlich that ye ben cursed children so to sclaunder your father and make hym imperfect. [...] it be im [...]erfectiō to [...]e rich, why [...]o the friers [...]esire to [...]ake the [...]ope vnper [...]ct. And if ye sayne that the goodes be yours, then do ye ayenst your rule: and if it be not ayenst your rule, thē might ye haue both plough and cart and labour as other good men done, and not so to beg by losengery, and idle as ye done. If ye say, that it is more perfection to beg them to trauell or worch with your hand, why preach ye not openly and teach all men to doe so? sithe it is the best & most perfite life to the helpe of their soules, as ye make children to beg that might haue bene riche heyres.

23. Why make ye not your festes to poore men and yeueth hem yeftes, as ye done to the rich? sith poore men han more nede then the rich.

What betokeneth that ye go tweyne and tweyne together? If ye be out of charitie, ye accord not in soule.

Why beg ye and take salaries thereto more then other priestes? sith he that most taketh, most charge hath.

24. Why hold ye not S. Frauncis rule and his testamēt? sith Frauncis sayth,Fraunces [...]der be cō [...]ary to Christ his [...]stament, [...] is Fran [...]s accursed. that God shewed him this liuing and this rule: and certes if it were Gods will, the Pope might not fordoe it: or els Frauncis was a lyer that sayd on this wise. And but this testament that he made, accorde with Gods will: or els erred he is a lyer that were out of charitie, and as the law sayth, he is cursed that letteth the rightfull last will of a dead man. And this testament is the last will of Frances that is a dead man: it seemeth therefore that all his Freres bene cursed.

25. Why will ye not touch no coyned mony with the crosse ne with the kings hed, as ye done other iuels both of gold and siluer? Certes if ye despise the Crosse or the kinges h [...]d then ye be worthy to be despised of God and the king:He that is more holy in hand th [...] in heart, is false to God. and sith ye will receiue mony in your harts, and not with your handes, and it seemeth that ye holde more holines in your hands than in your hartes, and then be false to God.

26. Why haue ye exempt you from our kinges lawes, and visiting of our byshops more then other Christen men that liuen in this realm: if ye be not gilty of traitory to our realme,A subiect to exempt him selfe from the lawes of his prince smelleth o [...] treason. or trespassors to our Bishops? But ye will haue the kinges lawes for the trespasse do to you, and ye wyll haue power of other Byshops more then other priestes, and also haue leaue to prison your brethren as Lordes in your courtes more then other folkes hau [...], that bene the kinges liege men.

27. Why shall some sect of you Freres pay eche a yeare a certayne to her generall prouinciall or minister,Friers are forced to be theeues. or els to her souereignes: but if he steale a certayne number of children (as some men sayne) and certayne if this bene sothe, then ye be constre [...]ed vpon certayne payne to do theft agaynst Gods commaundement. Non furtum facies.

28. Why be ye so hardy to graunt by letters of fraternitie to men and women,Workes of supererogation. that they shall haue part and merite of all your good dedes, and ye witen neuer whether God be apayd with your dedes because of your sinne? Also ye witten neuer whether that man or woman be in state to be saued or damned, then shall he haue no merite in heuyn for hys owne dedes ne for none other mans. And all were it so, that he should haue part of your good dedes: yet shuld he haue no more then God woulde geue him after that he were worthy:God is the limiter of n [...]eede and reward, and not the Frier. and so mich shal ech man haue of Gods yeft without your limitation. But if ye will say that ye bene Gods fellowes, and that he may not doe without your assent, then be ye blasphemers to God.

29. What betokeneth that ye haue ordeyned, that whē such one as ye haue made your brother or sister,Friers will not pray, but for them that be of their fraternitie. and hath a letter of your scale, that letter mought be brought in your holy chapter, and there be rad, or els ye will not praye for him. And but ye willen pray especially for all other that were not made your brethren or sistren? then were ye not in right charitie: for that ought to be commen, and namely in Ghostly thinges.

30. Frere, what charitie is this to ouercharge the people by mighty begging vnder color of preaching, or praying, or masses singing? sith holy write biddeth not thus, but euen the contrary: for all such ghostly dedes shuld be done freely, as God yeueth them freely.

31. Frere, what charitie is this to beguile children or they commen to discretion, and bynde hym to your orders that byn not grounded in Gods law, against her frendes will: sithen by this folly bent many Apostataes both in wil and dede,Friers doe make Apostataes. and many bene Apostataes in her will, during al her lyfe that would gladly be discharged if they wist how, and so many bene Apostataes, that shoulden in other states haue byn true men.

32. Frere, what charitie is this to make so many Freres in euery country to the charge of the people: sith persons & vicares alone, ye secular priests alone, ye monkes & Chanons alone, with bishops aboue them: were inough to the church to doe priestes office? And to adde moe then inough is a foule error, and great charge to the people, and this openly agaynst Gods will that ordayned all thinges to be done in weight,The number of Friers are superfluous & as necessary as ten fingers on one hande. number and measure, and Christ himselfe was apayd with 12. Apostles and a few disciples to preach and doe priestes office to all the whole worlde, then was it better do then is now at this tyme by a thousand dele: and right so as foure fingers with a thumbe in a mans hand helpeth a man to worch, and double number of fingers in one hand should let hym more: and so the more number ye there were passing the measure of Gods ordinaunce, the more were a man letted to worke. Right so (as it seemeth) it is of these new orders that ben added to the church without grounde of holy write and Gods ordinaunce.

33. Frere,See so fast the Frier followeth Christ in his pouertie. what charitie is this to the people to lye and say that ye follow Christ in pouerty more then other mē done, and yet in curious and costly howling, and fine and precious clothing, and delicious and liking feeding, & in treasure and iewels, & rich ornamentes, Freres passen Lordes and other rich worldly men: and soonest they shold bryng her cause about (be it neuer so costly) though Gods lawe be put abacke.

34. Frere what charitie is this to gather vp the books of holy write and put hem in treasory,Friers are the letters of preaching the Gospell. and so emprison them from secular priestes and curates, & by this cautell let hem to preach the Gospell freely to the people without worldly mede, and also to defame good priestes of heresie & lyen on hem openly for to let hem to shew gods law by the holy gospell to the Christen people?

35. Frere, what charitie is thys to fayne so much holines [Page] in your bodely clothing (that ye clepe your habite) that many blynd fooles desiren to die therein more then in an other: and also that a Frere that leuith his habite late founden of men,What holynes is in a friers coat may not be assoyled till he take agayne, but is Apostata as ye seyn, and cursed of God and mā both. The Frere beleueth truth, and patience, chastitie, meeknes and sobriety:The stouter begger the nobler Fryer. yet for the more part of his life, he may soone be assoyled of his Prior, and if he bring home to his house mich goad by the yeare (be it neuer so fal [...]y begged & pilled of the poore and nedy people in in countries about) he shal behold a noble Frere,Why fryers so much desire to haue rich men buryed in their frieries. O Lord whether this be charitie?

36. Frere, what charitie is this to prease vpon a rich [...] man, and to entice him to be buryed among you from hys parish Church, and to such riche men geue letters of fraternitie confirmed by your generall seale, and thereby to beare him in hand that he shall haue part of all your masses, mattens, preachinges, fastinges, wakinges, and al other good dedes done by your brethren of your order (both whiles he liuith, and after that he is dead) and yet ye wytten neuer whether your deedes be acceptable to God, ne whether that man that hath that letter be able by good liuing to receiue any parte of your deedes: and yet a poore man (that ye wyte well or supposen in certaine to haue no good of) ye ne geuen to such letters, though he be a better man to God then such a rich man: neuerthelesse this poore man doth not retche thereof.Friers behestes are false deceits. For as men supposen suche letters and many other that Freres behotten to men, be full false deceites of Fryers: out of all reasō, and gods law and christen mens fayth.

37. Frere, what charitie is this, to be Confessours of Lordes and Ladies and to other mighty men, and not amend hem in her liuing: but rather as it seemeth, to be the bolder to pill her poore tenauntes, and to liue in lechery, & there to dwell in your office of confessour for wynning of worldly goodes,Friers desire to be Lordes and Ladies confessors. and to be holde great by colour of suche ghostly offices: this seemith rather pride of Freres than charitie of God.

38. Frere, what charitie is this to sayne, that who so liuith after your order, liuith most perfitely, and next followeth the state of Apostles in pouertie and penaunce: & yet the wisest and greatest clerkes of you, wend or sēd or procure to ye court of Rome to be made Cardinals, or bishops or the popes chaplaines, and to be assoyled of the vowe of pouertie and obedience to your ministers in the which (as ye sayne) standeth most perfection and merite of your orders: and thus ye faren as Phariseis that sayen one and do an other to the contrary.Fryers and Pharises say one and doe another.

Why name ye more the Patrone of your order in your Confiteor when ye beginne masse: then other Sayntes, Apostles or Martyrs, that holy Churche hold more glorious, then hem? and clepe hem your Patrons and your auowries.

Frere, whether was S. Frauncis in making of hys rule, that hee set thine order in, a foole & a lyer, or els wyse and true?Dilemma. If ye sayne that he was not a foole, but wise, ne a lyer, but true: why shewe ye contrary by your doyng? whan by your suggestion to the pope ye sayde, that your rule that Fraunces made was so harde, that ye might not liue to hold it, without declaration and dispensation of the pope. And so, by your deede: ne lete your Patrone a foole that made a rule so harde, that no man may well keepe: and eke your dede proueth him a lyer, where he saith in his rule, that he tooke and learned it of the holy Ghost. For how might ye for shame pray the Pope vndoe that the holy ghost bit, as when ye prayed him to dispense with the hardnes of your order.Which is the best order of Friers.

Frere, whiche of the foure orders of Friers is best to a man that knoweth not which is the best, but would fayne enter into the best, and none other? If thou sayst that thine is the best, then sayst thou that none of the other is as good as thine: and in this ech Frere in the 3. other orders wolle say that thou lyest, for in the selfe maner eche other Freere woll say that hys order is best. And thus to eche of the 4. orders bene the other three contrary in this poynt: in the which if anye sayth sooth, that is one alone, for there may but one be the best of foure: so followeth it that if each of these orders aunswered to this question as thou doest, iij. were false, and but one true: and yet no man should wyte who that were.Friers neuer agree one with an other. And thus it seemeth, that the most part of Freeres, byn or should be lyers in this poynt, and they should aunswere thereto. If you say that an other order of the Freres is better then thine, or as good: why tooke ye nat rather therto as to the better, when thou mightst haue chose at the beginning: And eke why shouldest thou be an Apostata to leaue thine order, and take thee to that is better, and so why goest thou not from thine order into that?

Frere, is there any perfiter rule of religion than Christ Gods sonne gaue in his Gospell to his brethren? Or then that religion, that Sainct Iames in his Epistle maketh mention of? If you say yes, then puttest thou on Christ (that is the wisedome of God the father) vnkunning,The Frye [...] thinkes: [...] rule pe [...] ter the [...] stes, bee [...] be lea [...] the one [...] follow [...] the other. vnpower, or euill will: for than he could not make his rule so good as an other did his. And so he had be vnkunning, that he might not so make his rule so good as an other man might, and so were he vnmighty, and not GOD, as he would not make his rule so perfite as an other did his, and so he had bene euill willed, namely to himselfe.

For if he might, and could, and would haue made a rule perfite without default, & did not: he was not Gods sonne almighty. For if any other rule be perfiter then Christes, then must Christes rule lack of that perfection by as much as the other weren more perfiter, and so were default, and Christ had fayled in making of his rule: but to put any default or failing in god is blasphemie. If thou say yt Christs rule, and that religion of that S. Iames maketh mention of, is the perfitest: why holdest thou not thilke, rule wtont more. And why clepest thou the rather of S. Fraunces or S. Dominikes rule or religion, or order, then of Christes rule, or Christes order?

Frere, canst thou any default or assigne in Christs rule of the Gospell (with the which he taught al men sekerly to be saued) if they kept it to her ending? If thou say it was to hard,Dilemma. then sayest thou Christ lyed: for he sayd of his rule: My yoke is soft, and my burthen light. If thou say Christes rule was to light, that may be assigned for no default, for the better it may be kept. If thou sayest that there is no default in Christes rule of the Gospell, sith Christ himselfe saith it is light and easy: what neede was it to patrons of Freres, to ad more thereto? and so to make an hardar religion to saue Fryers, then was the religion of Christes Apostles and his disciples helden and were saued by. But if they wolden that her Freres saten aboue the Apostles in heauen for the harder religion that the kepen here: so wold they sitten in heauen aboue Christ himself,Fryers [...] sit in [...] aboue the Apostles. for they mo and straight obseruations: than so should they bee better then Christ himselfe with mischaunce.

Goe now forth & frayne your Clerkes, and ground ye you in Gods law, & gyf Iack an aunswere: and when ye han assoiled me that I haue sayd sadly in truth, I shal so [...]e thee of thine ordes, and saue thee to heauen.

If Freres kun not or mow not excuse hem of these questiōs asked of hem: it seemeth that they be horrible gilty against God, and her euen Christen. For which g [...]tes & defaultes, it were worthy that the order that they call theyr order were fordone. And it is wonder that men sustayne hem or suffer hem lyue in such maner. For holy writ biddeth that thou doe well to the meke, and geue not to the wicked, but forbed to geue hem bread, least they be made thereby mightier through you.

After these digressions, now to returne to the course of our story agayne. As Henry this king succeeded K. Iohn his father,Otho the Empero [...] set vp [...] deposed againe by [...] Pope. so after Innocent the Pope, came Honorius 3. then Gregorius 9. &c. And after Otho the Emperoure (whom the Pope had once set vp, & after depriued agayn) succeeded Fredericke the second, as is partly before touched. In the dayes of these kinges, popes and Emperors: it were to long to recite al that happened in England, but especially in Germany, betwixt Pope Honorius, Gregorius and Fredericke the Emperour: the horrible tragedy wherof, were inough to fill a whole booke by it selfe. But yet we meane God willing, somewhat to touche concerning these Ecclesiastical matters, first beginning with this realme of England.

After that the kingdome of England had bene subiected by K. Iohn, as hath bene sayd, and made tributary to the pope and the Romish Church: it is incredible how the insatiable auarice and greedines of the Romaines did oppresse and wring the commons and all estates & degrees of the realme, especially beneficed men and such as had any thing of the Church. Who, what for theyr domesticall charges within the realme, what for the pope, what for the Legates, what for contributing to the holy land, what for relaxations, and other subtile sleightes to get away theyr money, were brought into such slauery, captiuitie, and penury, that where as the king neyther durst nor might remedy their exclamations by himselfe: yet notwithstanding by his aduise, Symon Mounfort, and the Earle of Leiceister, and other noble men (not forgetting what great greuances and distresses the realme was brought into by the Romaines) thought to worke some way, how to bridle & restrayne the insatiable rauening of these greedy wolues. Wherefore they deuised their letter, geuing straight commandement to the religious men, and to such as had their churches to terme: that hēceforth they should not answere [Page] the Romaynes of such fermes and rentes anye more, but should pay the sayd fermes or rents vnto their own proctors appoynted for the same purpose, as by their writings sent abroad to byshops or chapters, & other Ecclesiasticall houses, may appeare in this forme and effect as followeth.

TO such and such a byshop, and suche a chapter: all the vniuersitie and company of them, that had rather dye then to be confounded of the Romaines, wisheth health. How the Romaines and their Legates haue hitherto behaued themselues toward you, and other Ecclesiasticall persons of this realme of England,A complaint of the nobles of England against the couetousnes of Rome.it is not vnknowne to your discretions, in disposing and geuing away the benefices of the Realme after their owne lust, to the intollerable preiudice and greuaunce both of you and all other Englishmen. For where as the collation of benefices shoulde and doe properly belong to you and other your fellow byshops (Ecclesiasticall persons) they thundring agaynst you the sentence of excommunication, that you should not bestow them vppon anye person of this Realme, vntill in euery Diocesse and Cathedrall Churche within the Realme, fiue Romaines (such as the Pope shall name) be prouided for, to the value of euerye man an hundred poundes by yeare. Besides these, many other greuaunces the sayd Romanistes doe inflicte and inferre, both to the Laitie and Nobles of the Realme, for the patronages and almoise bestowed by them and their auncestours: for the sustentation of the poore of the Realme, and also to the Clergy and ecclesiasticall persons of the Realme, touching their liuinges and benefices. And yet the sayd Romanistes not contented with the premisses, do also take from the Clergy of this Realme, the benefices whiche they haue, to bestow them vpon men of their owne country. &c.

Wherefore, we considering the rigorous austeritie of these foresayd Romanistes, which once comming in but as straungers hether, nowe take vpon them not onely to iudge but also to cō demne vs, laying vpon vs vnportable burdens, whereunto they will not put to one of their owne fingers to moue: laying therfore our heades together vppon a generall and full aduise had among our selues concerning the same, haue thought good (although very late) to resist and withstand them: rather, then to be subiect to their intollerable oppressions, & greater slauery more hereafter to be looked for. For the which cause, we straitly charge and commaund you, as your friendes (going about to deliuer you the Church, the king, and the kingdome from that miserable yoke of seruitude) that you doe not intermedle or take any part, concerning such exactions or rentes to be required or geuen to the sayd Romaynes. Letting you to vnderstand for trueth, that in case you shall (which God forbid) be found culpable herein: not onely your goodes and possessions shall be in daunger of burning, but also in your persons shall incurre the same perill and punishmēt, as shall the sayd Romish oppressors themselues.

Thus fare ye well.

Example reaching neuer to take part against their king with foreigne power.¶ Thus much I thought here to insert and notifie cō cerning this matter, for that not onely the greedy and auaritious gredines of the Romish church might the more euidently vnto al Englishmen appeare: but that they may learne by this example: how worthy they be so to be serued & plagued with their owne rod, which before would take no part with their naturall king, agaynst forreine power, of whom now they are scourged.

To make the story more playne. In the raygne of thys Henry the third (who succeding as is said, after king Iohn his father raygned sixe and fifty yeares) came diuers Legates from Rome to Englande: First Cardinall Otho sent from the Pope with letters to the king,Cardinall Otho Legat lyke as other letters also were sent to other places for exactions of money.

The king opening the letters and perceiuing the contentes: aunswered that he alone coulde say nothing in the matter, which concerned all the clergye and commons of the whole Realme. Not long after, a Councell was called at Westminster, where the letters beyng opened the forme was this. ‘Petimus imprimis ab omnibus Ecclesijs Cathedralibus duas nobis praebendas exhiberi,The pope requireth two prebēdships in euery cathedrall Church.vnam de portione Episcopi, & alteram de capitulo. Et similiter de Coenobijs vbi diuersae sunt portiones Abbatis & conuentus: a conuentibus quantum pertinet ad vnum Monachum, aequali facta distributione honorum suorum, & ab Abbate tantundem’. That is: ‘We require to be geuen vnto vs first, of all Cathedrall Churches two Prebendes, one for the Byshops part, one other for the Chapter. And likewise of Monasteryes, where be diuers portions, one for the Abbot, an other for the Couent: Of y• Couent, so much as appertayneth to one Monke, y• portion of the goods beyng proportionly deuided: Of the Abbot likewise as muche.’ The cause why he required these prehendes was this. It hath bene (sayth he) an old slaunder, and a great complaynt agaynst the Church of Rome, to be noted of insatiable couetousnes,Note the cause why the pope is compelled to craue money of other countries. which as ye knowe is the roote of all mischiefe: and al by reason that causes be wont commonly not to be handeled, nor to proceed in the Church of Rome without great giftes and expense of mony. Wherof, seyng the pouerty of the Churche is the cause, and why it is so slaundered and ill spoken of: it is therefore conuenient, that you (as naturall children) should succour your mother. For vnlesse we should receaue of you and of other good men as you are: we shoulde then lacke necessaryes for our lyfe, whiche were a great dishonour to our dignitie. &c.

When those petitions and causes of the Legate were propounded in the foresayde assembly at Westminster on the Popes behalfe (the Bishops & Prelates of the realme beyng present) aunswere was made by the mouth of maister Iohn Bedford on this wise: that the matter there proponed by the Lord Legate, in especiall concerning the kyng of England, but in generall it touched all the archbishops with their Suffraganes, the Byshops, and al the prelates of ye realm. Wherfore, seing both the king by reason of his sickenes is absent, and the Archbishop of Caunterbury with diuers other Bishops also were not there: therefore in the absence of them they had nothing to say in the matter, neyther could they so doe without preiudice of thē which were lacking. And so the assembly for that tyme brake vp.

Not long after, the sayd Otho Cardinall De carcere Tulliano, comming agayne from Rome cum autentico plenariae potestatis, A councell at London called. indicted an other Councell at London: caused all Prelates, Archbishops, Bishops, Abbots, Priors, and other of the clergy to be warned vnto the same Councell, to be had in the Church of S. Paules at London, about the feast of S. Martin: the pretence of whiche Councell was for redresse of matters concerning benefices and religion, but the chiefe & principal was to hunt for money. For putting them in feare and in hope, some to lose, some to obtein spirituall promotiōs at hys hand, he thought gayn would rise thereby, and so it did. For in the meane time (as Parisiensis in vita Henrici. 3. writeth) diuers pretious rewardes were offered him in Palfreis, in rich plate and iewels, in costly and sumptuous garments richly furred, in coyne, in vitals, &c. In so much that onely the bishop of Wintchester (as the story reporteth) hearing that he woulde winter at London,Great rewardes giuen to the Cardinall. sent him L. fat Oxen, an C. come of pure wheat, 8. tunne of chosen wine, toward hys house keeping. Likewise other byshops also for their part offred vnto the Cardinals boxe, after their habilitie.

The time of the Councell drawing nye: the Cardinall commanded at the West end of Paules Churche an high & solēne throne to be prepared, rising vp wt a glorious scaffold vpon mighty and substantiall stages strongly builded and of a great height. Thus agaynst y• day assigned, came the sayd archbishops, Bishops, Abbotes and other of the prelacy, both farre and neare throughout al England, weried and vexed with the winters iorny, bringing their letters procuratory. Who being together assembled, the Cardinall beginneth his sermon.Contention for sitting on the right hand of the Cardinall. But before we come to y• sermon, there happened a great discord betweene the 2. archbishops of Caunterbury and of Yorke, for sitting at ye right hand and left hand of the glorious Cardinal: for the which the one appealed agaynst the other. The Cardinall to pacifie the strife betwene thē both, so that he would not derogate from eyther of them, brought forth a certayne Bull of the Pope: in the middest of which Bull was pictured the figure of the crosse. On the right side of the crosse stoode the image of S. Paule, and on the left side, S. Peter. Loe saith the Cardinall (holding open the Bull with the crosse) here you see S. Peter on the left hand of the crosse, and S. Paul on the right side, and yet is there betwene these two no cō tention. For both are of equall glory.Why Saint Paul standeth on the right hand of the popes crosse Why the archb. of Cant. hath the right hand and the archb. of Yorke the left hande. And yet S. Peter for the prerogatiue of his keyes, & for the preheminence of his Apostleship and Cathedral dignitie seemeth most worthy to be placed on the right side. But yet, because S. Paul beleued on Christ, when he saw him not, therfore hath he the right hand of the Crosse: for blessed be they, sayth Christ, which beleue and see not. &c. And from that tyme forth, the Archbishop of Canterbury inioyed the right hand, & the archbishop of Yorke, the left. Wherein yet, this Cardinall is more to be commended then the other Cardinall Hugo mentioned a little before, pag. 208. whiche in the like contention betwene these Archbishops, ran his way.

Thus the controuersie ceased,Note the theam of the Cardinall applyed to and composed betweene these two: Otho the Cardinall sitting aloft betweene these 2. archbishops beginneth his sermon, taking the theame of the Prophet. In medio sedis, & in circuitu eius quatuor animalia plena oculis ante & retro. &c. That is.

In the midst of the seat, and in the circuit about the [Page] seate, were foure beastes full of eyes before and behind. &c. Upon this theme,God, howe he applyeth it to him selfe. Scripture clerkly applyed. the Cardinall proceeded in hys sermō, sitting like a God in the middest. He compared thē about him, to yt foure beastes about the seate, declaring how they ought to haue eyes both before & behind (that is) that they must be prouident in disposing of secular thinges, and circumspect in spiritual matters, continuing & ioyning wisely things past with thinges to come, & this was the greatest effect of this Clerkly Sermon. That done, he geueth forth certayne statutes for odering of Churches: as for the dedication of temples, for seuen sacramentes, for geuing of orders, for ferming of benefices, collations and resignations of benefices and vicarages, priestes apparell, & single life, for eating of flesh in religious houses, for archdeacons bishops, proctors, and such other lyke matters. But the chiefest intent of all his proceeding was this, yt they should be vigilant, prouident, and circumspect, with all their eyes (both before and behynd) to fil the popes pouch: as appeared not onely by this, but all theyr other trauailes besides. Insomuch, that the kyng dreading the displeasures of his commons for the doyngs of the Legate, willed hym to repayre home to Rome agayne: but yet could not so be rid of him, For he, receiuing now commaundementes from the Pope: applyed hys haruest, still glening and raking what soeuer he might scrape, writing and sending to Byshops and archdeacons in this forme and tenour.

A letter of the Cardinal to bishops and archdeacons. Censure of the Church well applyed. OTto miseratione diuina &c. discreto viro N. Episcopo vel N. Archidiacono sal. Cum necesse habeamus de mandato summi pontificis moram trahere in Englia longiorem nec possimus proprijs stipendijs militare, discretionem vestram, qua fungimur autoritate rogamus, vt procurationes vobis debitas in Episcopatu, vel Archidiaconatu vestro colligi faciatis nostro nomine diligenter, eas quàm citius poteritis nobis transmissuri, contradictores per censuram Ecclesiasticam compescendo. Prouiso, quòd quaelibet procuratio summam 4. mercarum aliquatenus non excedat, & vbi vna Ecclesia non sufficiet ad procurationem huiusmodi habendam,Foure markes to be paide to the Pope of euery procuration.duae pariter vnam soluant.

Datum. Lond. 15. Kal. Mar Pont. D. Grego Papae. 9.

And moreouer, note agayn the wicked & cursed traines of these Romish rakehels:Note the craftie practise of the Romish prelats to proyle for money. who to picke simple mens purses, first send out their Friers and preachers to stirre vp in al places and countryes men to go fight against ye Turks. Whom, when they haue once bound with a vowe, & signe them wt the crosse: thē send they their bulles to release them both of their labour, and their vow for mony. As by theyr owne stile of writing is here to be seene, thus proceeding.

N. Episcopus dilectis in Christo filijs omnibus Archidiaconis per Diocesim suam constitutis sal Literas Domini Legati suscepimus in haec verba. Otto miseratione diuina. &c. Cum sicut intelleximus nonnulli cruce signati regni Angliae, qui sunt inhabiles ad pugnandum, ad sedem Apostolicam accedant: vt ibidem a voto crucis absolui valeant, & nos nuper recipimus a summo pontifice in mandatis, vt tales non solùm absoluere, verùm & ad redimenda vota sua Note the stile of Rome. compellere debeamus, volentes eorum parcere laboribus & expensis, fraternitatem vestram qua fungimur, monemus, quatenus partem praedictam a summo pontifice nobis concessam faciatis in nostris diocesibus sine mora qualibet publicari, vt prefati cruce signati ad nos accedere valeant, mmo malesicium & naufragiū pecuniae. beneficiū super his iuxa formam nobis traditam accepturi. Datum Londini xv. kal. Marc. Pont D N. Papae Grego. 9.

The cause why the pope was so greedy & needy of mony was this: because he had mortall hatred, & waged continuall battaile the same time against the good Emperour Fredericke the 2. who had to wife king Iohns daughter,Fredericke the Emperour maried king Iohns daughter. and sister to this king Henry thee 3. whose name was Isabell. And therefore because the popes warre could not be susteined without charges: that made the pope, the more portimate to take vp mony in all places, but especially in Englād.The fifth part of euery spirituall mans liuing giuen to the Pope Insomuch that he shamed not to require the fifth part of euery ecclesiasticall mans liuing, as Parifiensis writeth. And not onely that but also the sayde Pope Gregory (conuenting with the Citizens of Rome) so agreed with them: that if they would ioyne with him in vanquishing yt foresayd Fredericke, he would (and so did) graūt vnto thē, that all the benefices in England which were or should be vacant (namely pertayning to religious houses) shuold be bestowed at their owne will & commaundement to their children & kinsfolkes. Whereupon it followeth in the forenamed history,Three hundred Romanes to be placed in the best benefices of England. vnde infra paucos dies misit D. Papa sacra praecepta sua Domino Cant. Archiep. Eliensi. & Lincol. & Salisb. Episcopis vt trecentis Romanis, in primis beneficijs vacantibus prouiderent, scientes se suspensos a beneficiorum collatione donec tot competenter prouideretur. That is.

The Pope sent in commaundement to the Archbishop of Cant. and 4. other Byshops: that prouision shoulde be made for 3. hundred Romanes in the chiefest & best benefices in all Englād, at the next voydance. So that the foresayd Aarchb. and byshops should be suspēded in the meane time frō all collation or gift of the benefite, vntill these foresayd 3. hundred were prouided for-whereupon the Archb. the same tyme seeing the vnreasonable oppression of the Church of Englād, left the realme and went into Fraūce.

Agayne,Petrus R [...] beus the Popes age [...] marke an other as much or more easie sleight of the pope in procuring mony: he sēt one Petrus Rubeus the same tyme, with a new deuise, which was this: not to work anything openly,A Romish sleight of [...] pope to ge [...] English m [...] ney. but priuily to go betwixt Bishop and Bishop, Abbot and Abbot &c. telling in theyr eares such a Byshop, such an Abbot hath geuen so muche and so much vnto the Popes holines, trusting that you also will not be behinde for your part &c. By the meanes whereof it is incredible to thinke what a masse of money was made out of the Realme vnto the pope.

At length the foresayd bishops, Abbots, and Archdeacons feeling their owne smart, came to the king (whose father before, they did resist) with their humble suite lamētably complaining of the vnmeasurable exactions of y• pope: and especially agaynst Petrus Rubeus and hys fellowe Otto the Legate, desiring the K. that seing the matter toncheth not themselues alone, but the whole church, and seing the valuation of Churches was knowne better vnto their archdeacōs then to themselues: therfore they desired a generall calling and talke to be had in the matter. In the Octaues of S. Iohn the Baptist, the day and place was assigned where they should talke. At which day, and place the Prelates of England conuenting together, durst not geue any direct denay of that contribution, but after a modest sort did insinuate certayne acceptions agaynst ye same.

1. First they say, that forsomuch as the contribution is demaunded to warre agaynst hym,

Exceptio [...] alledged fo [...] not contributing to the Pope.

who was ioyned to matrimony with their prince, they were not bound so to doe.

2. Secondly, for that the sayd contribution tended to the shedding of Christen bloud: for so the forme of the bill pretended, to fight agaynst the Emperour.

3. Thirdly, beeause it was agaynst the libertie of the Churche: for so it is in the bill: that they that woulde not, should be excommunicate.

4. Fourthly, because that when a late they gaue the tenth part of their goods, it was with this protestatiō, that they should contribute to the pope no more hereafter.

5. Item, because they had cōtributed before, if they should now contribute againe, it were to be feared least an action twise done should grow into a custome, as is in the lawe. Lege nemo &c.

6. Item forasmuch as they shall haue causes continually to seeke to Rome through the Emperours land: it were to be feared, least the sayd Emperour by the way woulde worke theyr annoyance.

7. Item, because the king hath many enemies abroad, & for his warres hath need of much mony at home: it is not conuenient that the goods of the realme should be alienated out of the Realme.

8. Item, because that coulde not be done without preiudice to the patrones of their churches, not knowing whether their patrons did or would agree vnto the same.

9. Lastly, because they heare say, that the generall state of the Church is in daunger: for the whiche they vnderstand there shall be shortly a generall Councell, wherein suche matters shall be determined: and therefore if they shoulde contribute nowe, it should be to the hinderance and dammage of the Church.

The Legate and hys fellow hearing these allegations, seing their owne confusion were the lesse importunate.

Not long after this, followed a general Councel at Lions, called by Pope Innocentius 4. in the which Councell the Englishe nation did exhibite certayne articles of their greuāces, not vnworthy to be knowne. Grauatur regnum Angliae eo quòd D. Papa non est contentus subsidio illo quòd vocatur denarius be. Petri. &c. In English thus.

1. The kingdome of England is greued that the pope being not contented with his Peter pence,

Articles exhibited in the councel of Lugdun [...] for the greuances susteined by the pope. The 1. greuance. The secon [...].

requireth and extorteth from the Clergy great exactions, and (more is like) without the consent both of the king, and agaynst the customes of the realme.

2. Item, the church and kingdome of England is greued, that the patrons of the same, cannot present as they were wont into their Churches, for the popes letters. But the churches are geuen to Romaines, which knowe neyther the realme, nor the toung therof, both to the great perill of soules and robbing away the mony out of the realme.

3. Item,

The third.

it is greued, for that the Pope promising by the [Page] tenor of his letters, that in requiring of pensions and prouisions in the realme of England, he woulde require but onely twelue benefices▪ now contrary to the tenour therof, many more benefices and prouisions are bestowed away by him.

The fourth.

4. Item, the realme is greeued and complayneth, that in the benefices in Englād, one Italian succeedeth an other, the English men being not onely excluded, but also cōpelled (for y• determining of their matters) to seke to Rome: contrary both to the customes of the Realme, and also to the priueledges graunted by the popes predecessors to the king and kingdome of England.

The fifth. He meaneth [...]ercase O [...]ho or mai [...]er Marti [...]s.

5. The fift greuance is, for ye oft recourse of that infamous Legate, by whom both fayth and fidelitie, the auncient customes of the realme, the authoritie of olde grauntes, statutes, lawes, and priuiledges, are imbeseled and abrogate: whereby an infinite number in Englande be greeuously afflicted and oppressed.

The sixte.

6. The sayd realme is also greued in generall tallages, collections, and assises, made without the kings consent, the appellation and contradiction of the kinges Proctors to the contrary notwithstanding.

The seuenth

7. Seuenthly, the foresayd realme complayneth and is greeued: that in the benefices geuen to Italians, neither y• old ordinaunces, nor reliefe of the poore, nor hospitalitie, nor any preaching of Gods word, nor care of mens soules, nor seruice in the Church, nor yet the walles of the Churches be kept vp and mayntayned, as the maner & custome of the same realme requireth. Ouer and aboue these foresayd greuances, there came moreouer from the pope other fresh letters,

The Babilo [...]icall capti [...]tie & sla [...]ery of Englande vnder the Pope.

charging and commaunding the prelates of England to finde of their proper costes and charges, for one whole yeare, some ten armed souldiours, some 5. some 15. to be ready at the popes commaundement there, where he should appoynt.

After these and other greuances & enormities of Rome the states of England consulting together, direct their letters to the pope for reformation therof: first the Abbots & Priors, then the byshops and Suffraganes, after the Nobles and Barons, last of all the king himselfe. But as the prouerbe is, venter non habet aures. so the popes purse had no eares to heare. And as our common saying goeth, as good neuer a whit, as neuer the better, so went it with the pope. Who not long after the same, sent ye for new tallage and exactions to be collected: which thing when it came to the kings eare, he being moued and disturbed vehemently withall, writeth in this wise to the bishops, seuerally to euery one in hys diocesse.

The letter of K. Hēry the third to the Byshops. HEnricus tertius dei gratia. &c. Venerabili in Christo N Episcopo Salutem. Licet aliàs vobis. &c. In Englishe thus.

Henry the third by the grace of GOD, to the reuerend in Christ byshop of N. Whereas we haue heretofore written vnto you once. K. Henry the [...]. commaundeth no taxe nor tallage to be sent to the pope. twice, thrice, as well by our priuy seales, as also by our letters patentes, that you shoulde not exact or collecte for the popes behalfe, any tallage or other helpe of our subiectes eyther of the Clergy or of the Laity, for that no suche tallage nor help, either can or is vsed to be exacted in our realm without the great preiudice of our princely dignitie, which we neither wil nor can suffer or sustayne: yet you contemnyng and and vilepending our commaundement, and contrary to the prouision made in our last Councell at London (graunted and agreed vpon by our prelates, Earles, and Barons) haue that notwithstanding, proceeded in collecting the sayd your taxes and tallages. Whereupō we do greatly maruell and are moued (especially seeyng you are not ashamed to doe contrary vnto your own decrees) whereas you and other prelates in the sayd Councell in this did all agree and graunt, that no such exactions should be hereafter, vntill the returne of our & your Ambassadours from the court of Rome, sent thither purposely of vs, and in the name of the whole realme for the same, for to prouide redresse agaynst these oppressions. Wherefore, we straitly will and command you, that from henceforth you do not proceede any more in collecting and exacting such tallages or helps, as you will enioy our fauour, and suche possessions of yours, as within this our Kingdome you haue and hold. And if you haue already procured or gathered any such thing: yet that you suffer not the same to be transported out of our realme, but cause it to be kept in safe custody, till the returne of the sayd Ambassadors, vnder the payne of our displeasure in doyng of the contrary: and also of prouoking vs to extend our hand vpon your posessions, farther then you will thinke or beleue. Moreouer, willing & charging you, that you participate & make common this our inhibition, with your Archdeacons and Officials, which we here haue set forth for the liberties of the clergy and of the people, as knoweth God. &c.

At length, the Ambassadours whiche were at Rome, came home about the latter end of December, bringing word,The popes saying against kyng Henry. that the pope hearing what was done in the Councell of Winchester and of the king, was greatly displeased with him and the realme, saying: ‘Rex Anglorum qui iam recalcitrat et frederisat suum habet consilium; ego verò & meum habeo, quod & sequar. &c.’ Whereupon, when the Ambassadours began to speake in the kinges behaue: frō that time, they were halfe counted for schismatickes, & could no more be heard in y• court of Rome.K. Henry againe restraineth the popes taxes. The king hearing this, was maruelously incensed therwith, commaunding by general proclamation through all this realme: that no mā should hereafter cōsent to any taxe or subsidie of mony for ye court of Rome. When this came to the popes eare, vpon a cruell rage,The pope taketh against the king. he directed hys letters to the Prelates of England, charging that vnder paine of suspence or interdiction, they should prouide the same summe of mony to be collected agaynst the feast of the Assumption, the charge being geuen to the Bishop of Worcester to be executor of the said cursse. The king, that lately entended to stand to the liberties of the Church: now for feare of the pope, and partly for perswasions of the sayd Byshop of Worcester and other Prelates, durst not stand to it,The kyng compelled for feare to gyue ouer to the pope. but gaue ouer. Moreouer, the greedy gulfe of the Romish auarice waxt so vnmesurable, that at length the pope shamed not vpō the censure of hys cursse, to aske the third part of the Church goodes, and the yearely fruite of all vacant benefices,The pope asketh the 3 part of the church goods. The chiefe doers and Legates in England, were Otho, Stephanus Capellanus, Petrus Rubeus nuncius, Mag. Martin. & Mag. Marinus, Ioannes Anglicus Episcopus Sabi [...]ensis. Of whom to speake further (for that I haue matter much more to write) for this present tyme I thinke beast to surcease: least in opening all the detestable doyngs and pestilent workinges of those men, I might perhaps not onely molest good cares: but also infect the ayre. Yet one thing concerning the sayd Otho, I cannot well ouerpasse.

This Otho, as he left no place vnsought, where anye vauntage might be got:A story of Cardinall Otho at Oxford. so amongst all other he came to Oxford. Where lying in the house of Osney, he was receaued wt great honor: the schollers presenting him honourably with suche dishes and rewardes as they had, thinking to gratifie the Cardinall after the best maner. This beyng done before dinner, & the dinner ended, they came reuerētly to see and welcome him, supposing yt they also should wt like curtesy agayn of hym be intertayned. As they came to ye gate, the porter (being an Italian) with a loud voyce asketh what they woulde haue. They sayd they came to see the Lord Legate. But Cerberus the porter holding the dore halfe open, with proud and contumelius language thrust them out,A skirmish betwene the scholers of Oxford and the Cardinals men. and would not suffer them to enter. The Shollers seeyng that, by force thrust open the gate and came in: whome when the Romaynes which were within would haue repelled with their fistes, and suche staues as they had in their handes, they fell to alar [...] and by the eares together, with much houing and shouing and many blowes on both sides. In the meane tyme while some of the schollers ran home for their weapons, their chaunced a poore scholler (an Irishman) to stand at the gate waityng for hys almes. Whom when the mayster Cooke saw at the gate, he taking whote skalding water out of the pan where the meate was sodden: did cast it in hys face. One of the schollers a Welchman, that came wyth hys Bowe and shaftes, seing that: letteth driue an arrow, and shooteth this Nabuzardan (that mayster of Cokes) cleane through the body, and slayeth hym out of hand. The Cooke falling dead: there was a mighty broyle, & a great clamor,The Cardinall runneth away. throughout all the house. The Cardinall hearing the tumult and great noyse about him, lyke a valiant Romayn runneth as fast as as he could into the steple & there locket y• dores fast vnto him, where he remained till midnight. The schollers in ye meane while not yet all pacified sought all corners about for the Legate, exclayming & crying out: wher is that vsurer, yt symoniack, that piller & poler of our liuinges, yt proyler and extortioner of our mony which peruerteth our king: and subuerteth hys kingdom; enriching himselfe with our spoyles. &c. all this heard the Cardinall, and held his peace. When the night approching had broken vp the field: the Cardinall comming out of his forte, and taking his horse (in silence of the night) was priuily conueyed ouer the riuer toward the king, conueying himselfe away as fast he could. After the king heard thys, he sendeth to Oxford a garrison of armed men, to deliuer y• Romaines which were there hidden for feare of schollers. Then was maister Odo a lawer,Thirtie scholers taken and had to prison. with 30. other schollers apprehended, & caryed to Walingford Castle: & frō thence had in Cartes to London, where at length through much entreaty of the byshops) being brought barefoote to y• Legates dore, had their pardon, & the Uniuersitie released of [Page] interdiction. And thus much concerning the Popes Legates in England.

Thus partly you haue heard, & do vnderstand the miserable thraldome and captiuitie of this realme of England and the clergy of the same: who before refused to take part with king Iohn their naturall Prince, agaynst the forreigne power of the pope: and nowe how miserably they are oppressed and scourged of the same pope. Whose insatiable extortion & rapacity, did so exceede in pilling & poling of this realme long after this, that neyther the K. now could help thē, neither could the pope with any reasonable measure be contēt. In so much (as writers record) in the dayes of Sudbury Archb. of Canterbury an. 1360. the pope by hys proctors gat from the Clergy in lesse then one yeare,Three score thousand Florens contributed to the pope in one yeare of the clergic. more then lx.M. florences, of mere contributiō: besides hys other auayles & common reuenues out of benefices, prebendaries, first fruites, tributes, Peter Pence, collatiōs, reseruatiōs, relaxations, & such marchandise. &c.

Mention was made a little before pag. 231. and 239. of Albingenses keeping about the City of Tholouse. These Albingauses because they began to smell the pope, and to controle the inordinate proceedinges and discipline of the sea of Rome: the Pope therefore recounting thē as a people hereticall, excited and stirred vp, about this presēt time & yeare an. 1220.Ludouicke the French kyng. Ludouick the yong French king through the instance of Phillip his Father: to lay siege agaynst the sayd City of Tholouse, to expugne & extinguishe these Albingenses hys enemies.Ludouicke fighteth against Albingenses. Wherupon Ludouicke (according to his fathers commaundement) reared a puissant and a mighty army, to compasse about and beset the forenamed city: and so did. Here were the men of Tholouse in great daunger.Ludouicke besiegeth Tholouse. The hand of God fighting for his people. Ex Mat. Pariensian vita Henrici. 3. But see how the mighty protection of God fighteth for hys people, agaynst the might of man. For after that Ludouicke (as Mathew Paris. testifieth) had long weryed himselfe and hys men in waste, and could do no good with all their ingines and artilery agaynst the City: there fell moreouer vpon the French hoste by the hand of God, such famine, and pestilence both of men and horses, beside the other dayly slaughter of the souldiours: that Ludouick was enforced to retyre, and with suche as were left to returne agayne home to Fraunce from whence he came. In the slaughters of whiche souldiours besides many other,The generall of the army slaine. was Erle Simon de monti forte, generall of ye army, to whō the landes of the Erle of Tholouse was geuē by the pope, who was slayne before the gate of the Citty with a stone. And so was also the brother of the sayd Symon the same time in besieging a castell neare to Tholouse slayne with a stone in like maner.The siege against Albingenses broke vp. And so was the siege of the Frenchmen agaynst Tholouse broke vp. Ex Mat. Par.

As the siege of these French men could doe no good against the Citty of Tholouse:The expugnation of a certaine strong castle of Dami [...]ta in Egypt by the Christians. so it happened the same time that the christiās marching toward the holy land, had better luck by the way in laying their siege to a certaine tower or castle in Egipt, neare to the city Damieta: which seemed by nature, for the situation and difficultie of the place, inexpugnable: as which being situate in the middest of the great floud Nilus (hard by the citty called Damieta) could neither be come to by land, nor be vndermined for the water, nor by famine subdued for the nearenes of the citty, yet notwithstanding, through the helpe of God and policy of man, in erecting scaffoldes and Castles vppon tops of mastes,Damieta taken by the christiās. the Christians at last conquered it: and after that the Citty also Damieta, albeit not without great losse of Christen people. In the expugnation of this City or forte, among other that there died, was the Lantgraue of Thuring named Ludouicke,The story of S. Elizabeth. Elizabeth daughter of the kyng of Hungary. S. Elizabeth prouoketh her husband to goe and fight for the holy lande. the husband of Elizabeth, whom we vse to call S. Elizabeth. This Elizabeth (as my story recordeth) was the daughter of the kyng of Hungary, and maryed in Almayne, where she liued with the forenamed Ludouicke Lantgraue of Thuringe. Whom she thorough her perswasions prouoked and incēsed to take that vyage to fight for the holy land, where he in ye same vyage was slayne. After whose death, Elizabeth (remaynyng a widow (entred the profefliō of cloysterly religion, & made her selfe a Nunne. So growing and increasing from vertue to vertue, that after her death, all Almayne did sounde with the fame of her worthy doynges. Mat. Paris. addeth this more,The mother of S. Elizabeth accused of adulterye. The sentence of a double meaning. that she was the daughter of that Queene, who being accused to be naught with a certayne Archbishop: was therfore condemned wt this sentence pronounced agaynst her. ‘Reginam interficere nolite temere bonum est: etsi omnes consenserint non ego contradico’. That is (although it be hard in English to be translated as it standeth in Latine) To kill the Queene will ye not to feare that is good: And if all men consent thereunto, not I my selfe do stand agaynst it &c. The which sentence beyng brought to Pope Innocent, thus in poynting the sentence which otherwise seemeth to haue a double vnderstanding,The [...] of a [...] sentence. so saued the Queene: thus interpreting and poynting the sentence: ‘Reginam interficere nolite, timere bonum est: & si omnes consenserint, non ego. Contradico’. That is: To kill the Queene will ye not: to feare, that is good. And if all doe consent thereto, yet not I: I my selfe do stand agaynst it: And so escaped she the daunger.Elizabe [...] Can [...] Saint [...] mayne. This Queene was the mother as is said, of Elizabeth the Nunne, who for her holy Nunny shenes was canonised of the popes church, for a Sainct in Almanie, about the yeare. 1220. Ex Mat Parisiens.

And this by the way, nowe to proceede farther in the yeares and life of this king Henry. The next yeare following which was an. 1221. the king went to Oxford:Ann. 1221. where he had something to do with William Earle de Albemartia, who had taken the Castle of Biham: but at last for hys good seruice he had done in the realme before,Ex [...] pens [...] dius [...] The gray [...] ers [...]tred into England The [...] Gray [...] first c [...] med. was released of the king with all his men, by the intercession of Walter Archbishop of York, and of Pandolphe the Legate. About which present yeare, entred first the Friers Minorites, or gray friars into England, and had their first house at Cā terbury: whose first patron was Fraunciscus, which dyed an. 1127. and hys order was confirmed by the pope Honorius 3. an. 1224.

About the first comming of these Dominicke and gray Friers Franciscane into the Realme (as is in Nic. Triuet testified) many Englishmen y• same time entred into their orders. Among whome was Iohannes de sancto Egideo, a man famously expert in the science of Phisicke and Astronomy. And Alexander de Hales both Englishmen and great diuines.Ioannes o [...] Egideo. Alexan [...] de Ha [...]. This Iohannes making hys Sermon ad clerum, in the house of the Dominick Fryers: exhorted his auditory with great perswasiōs vnto wilful pouerty. And to confirme his words the more by hys owne example, in the middest of his sermon he came downe from the pulpite and put on hys Fryers habite: and so returning into the pulpite agayne made an end of hys Sermon. Likewise Alexander Hales entred the order of the Fraunciscanes, of whom remayneth yet the booke intituled De. Summa Theologiae in old Libraries.

Moreouer,Charterhouse [...] founded by Williā [...]. Ela so [...]dre [...] of the [...] of La [...] not long after by William de longa spata, which was the Bastard sonne of K. Henry 2. and Earle of Salisbury: was first founded the house of the Carthusian monkes at Heytrope. an. 1222. After whose death his wife Ela was translated to ye house of Hentone in Barkeshyre, an. 1227. which Ela also founded the house of Nunnes at Lacockes, and there continued her self Abbes of the place. The Byshop of London named William, the same tyme gaue ouer his byshopricke: after whom succeeded Eustace in that sea. Flor. hist.

In the towne of Oxforde aboue mentioned, where the king kept his Courte: Symon Langton Archbishop of Canterbury held a Councell,Two [...] ned at [...] cell in Oxford. where was condemned and burned a certayne Deacon, as Nic. Triuet sayth, for apostasie. Also an other rude country man who had crucified him selfe, & superstitiously bare about the woundes in his feete & handes, was condemned to be closed vp perpetually wt in walles.Ex Nic. [...] uet. Ex Nic. Triuet. About which yeare also Alexāder kyng of the Scots maryed Iohanne sister to king Henry.

Not long after, began the new building of the minster of Salisbury. Whereat Pandulphus the Popes Legate, layd the fiue first stones: One for the Pope (suche was the fortune of that Churche to haue the Popes stone in hys foundation) the second for the yong king Henry: the third, for the good Earle of Salisbury. The fourth for the Counties: The fift for the Byshop of Salisbury. &c. Which was about the same yeare aboue mentioned. an. 1221. Ex Chron. Do. Sal.

In the same yeare about S. Iames tyde,Dissent [...] betweene the Citiz [...] of London, & of Wesminster. fell a dissention betwene the Citizens of London, & men of Westminster, the occasiō wherof was this. A certein game betwene these two parties was appoynted to try whether parte in wrastling could ouercome the other. Thus in striuing for maistry, ech part contending agaynst the other (as the maner is in such pastime) it happened the Lōdiners to get the uictory, and the other side was put to foyle, but especially the stuard of the Abbot of Westminster. Who beyng not a litle confounded therwith, begā to forethinke in his minde how to be reuenged agayne of the Londiners. Wherupō, an other day was set, which was at Lāmas, that the Lō diners should come agayn to wrastle: and who so had the victory, should haue the belweather, which was the price of the game appointed. As the parties were thus occupied in their play, ye stuard sodenly bringeth vpon ye Londiners vnwares a company of haruest mē, prepared for the same before, & letteth driue at the Londiners. Who at length beyng wounded and greeuously hurt, after much bloudshed were driuen backe agayne into the Citie. This contumely [Page] thus beyng receaued, the Citizens egerly stroken with ire and impacience, ran to the common vell: and by yt ringing therof, assembled their commons together to consult with themselues, what was to be done in the case so contumelious,Wholsome counsayle of the Maior of London refused of wilde heads wherin, when diuers sentences were giuen diuersly Serle the same tyme Maior of London (a wise & discrete man) gaue this counsaile, that the Abbot of Westminster should be talked withal: who if he would rectifie the iniurie done, and satisfie for the harme receiued, it should be to them sufficient. But contrary, on [...] Constantine a great mā then in the Little of London, in much heat exciting yt people, gaue this sentence: that all the houses of the Abbot of Westminster, but especially the house of the steward, shold be cast downe to the ground. In fine, that which he so vnaduisedly counsailed, was as madly performed: for the furious people, according to his coūsaile so did. This tumultuous outrage, as it coulde not be priuye, comming to the knowledge of Hubert de Burgo Lord chief iustice of england aboue mentioned, he comming wt a sufficient strēgth of armed souldiours to the City of London, sēt to the Maior & Aldermen of the city to will them to come vnto him. Who so obeying his commaundement, required of thē the principall beginners of the ryot. To whome Constantine there being present answered, that he woulde a warrant yt which was done:Constantine executed at London for ryot. sorrowing moreouer, that they had not done more then they did, in yt matter. The iustice vpon the same his confession, commaunded him with 2. other, wtout any further tumult to be taken. And so, with the same two was hāged, offering for his life, xv. thousand markes. &c.

The sayd Hubert Erle of Kent, & Lord chiefe iustice, although he was a faythfull & trusty officer to hys prince,Hubert lord chiefe iustice of England. & had the whole guiding of the realme in his own hands, the king as yet beyng in hys minoritie: yet afterwarde, what indignation he sustained for this his seuerit [...]e and other thinges, both of the nobles & of the commons: & how sharpely he was tossed and trounsed of hys prince, wōder it is to see,Ex Math. Parisiensi. as in his due place & time (by the Lords leaue) hereafter shall appeare. Haec'ex Mat. Parisiens.

And for somuch as mētion hath bene made of the wrā gling betwene the cōmoners of Londō & of Westminster:Discord and contention amōg church men. both time & occasion bringeth me in remembraunce, somthing to speake likewise of the Ecclesiasticall conflictes among churchmē, nothing inferiour, in my minde, nor lesse worthy to be noted,Ex Math. Paris. & ex Florilego. then the other. For so I read in Mat. Parisiens. and in Flor histor. that at what time this wrasfling was among the Citizens for the sheep: the like contē tion kindled & flamed betweene Eustace Byshop of London,Whether the monastery of Westminster be exemted from the subiection of the bish. of London or not. & the chapter of Paules on the one side: & the Abbot of Westminster with his Couent on the other side about spirituall iurisdiction & subiectiō: to wit, whether the monastery of Westminster were exempted from the subiection & iurisdiction of ye B. of Londō, or not. Which controuersie at last cōming into comprimis was cōmitted to the arbitrement of Stephen Archb. of Canterbury, Phillip Bishop of Wintchester, Thomas of Merton, & Richard prior of Dunstable. And at length was thus agreed, that the monastery of Westminster should be vtterly exempted frō the iurisdiction of the bishop of London. And that Stanes with the appurtenaunce therto belonging, should appertayn to the Monastery of Westminster. Also, that the Manure of Sunnebury should be due & proper to the Church of S. Paule, and also the Church of S. Margarite with all the landes belonging to the same, to be exempted from all other iurisdiction, but onely to the Bishop of Rome. And so was this matter decided. an. 1222.Anno. 1222. Ibidem Floro histor.

The same yeare, as writeth Mat Parisiens. horrible tempestes,horrible tē pest in Englande. A woman with 8. of her householde slaine with thunder. with such thrundring & lightning, & whirlewindes went through all the land, that muche harme was done, Churches, steeples, towers, houses, & diuers trees wt the violēce of winds were blown vp by the rootes. In Warwickeshyre, a certeine wife with eight other in her house were slayne. In Grantham the Church was set on fire by lightning most terrible. with suche a stincke left there behinde, that no man could after a long tyme abide it. The author addeth,Grantham church burned with lightning. that manifest markes of the tempest did remayne long after in that Monastery to be seene. Some also write, that firie Dracons and spirites were seene then flying in the ayre.

An. 1223.Anno. 1223. Phillip the French king dyed, after whō hys sonne Ludouicke succeeded in the crown.Lewes king of Fraunce. The French king false of his promise. To whom kyng Henry sēding his message, and desiring him to remember his promise and couenaunt made in rendring agayne the landes lost in Normandy, coulde obtayne nothing at hys hands. Whereupō Richard Earle of Cornewale, also William the kinges vncle Earl of Salisbury, with diuers other nobles, made ouer into Fraunce: where they recourred Poytiers, & kept Gascoine vnder the kinges obediēce. Ex Mat. Parisiens. Triuet. Flor hist.

In the same yeare,Anno. 1224. or as Fabian geueth, the next following which was. 1224. by the vertue of a certayn Parliament:Wardship first graunted to the kyng. was graunted of the Lordes and Baronie of the lād the king and his heyres, to haue the ward and maryage of theyr heyres: which thē was called, & after so proued, to be Initium malorum, the beginning of harmes.

In the same yeare,Ex Gisburnensi. & aelijs. by the count of Gisburne and other writers, the said king ho [...]ding an other Parliamēt at Oxford, by the aduise of his counsaile & of his clergy: did graūt and confirme vnder his great seale, two chartes of the old liberties and customes of this realme, for euer to be kept & obserued,Magna Charta▪ Charta de foresta. the one called Magna Charta: the other Charta de foresta. The contentes whereof, fully in the forenamed author be expressed. For the which cause, was graūted agayn by the whole Parliament a Quindecim, or a fifteene of all his subiectes as well of lay men, as also of the Clergy.

¶ Where is to be noted, yt these liberties were afterwarde broken, and confirmed agayne by the sayd king. an. 1236.

An. 1226. dyed pope Honorius a great aduersary against Fredericke the Emperor, after whom succeeded Gregory the ix. more greeuous then hys predecessor. In the whiche yeare also dyed Ludouick the periured French king, at the siege of Auinion. Whom the pope now the second or thyrd tyme had set vp to fight agaynst Reimund the good Erle of Tholouse, and the heretickes Albingensis of that country▪ For so the pope calleth all them, which h [...]ld not in all pointes, with his glorious pride, & vsurped power & vngodly proceedings. The origine whereof was this, as in Mat. Parisiens. appeareth. In the daes of Phillip the Frēch king, this Reimundus Earle of Tholouse was disdayned of the Pope for holding wt the Albingenses: & therefore by the instigation of the pope, the landes of the Earle were taken from him & geuen to Simon Montfort▪ and instrumentes made vpō the same. But when the sayd Erle Reimundus would not be remoued frō the right of his possessions by vnrighteous dealing: then the pope setteth Phillip the Frēch king, to make open war against him. Wherupō, Lewes the Frēch kings sonne was sent with a great power (as is aboue declared) to besiege the City of Tholouse.The Pope raiseth warre. But beyng repulsed from thence, by the merueilous band of God fighting for hys people, could not preuayle, & so returned home, after he had lost the most part of hys army by pestilence, and other calamitie as hath bene before described. And thus continued the good Earle still in quyet possession,Anno. 1226. till this present time. an. 1226. In the whiche yeare, the pope not forgetting his olde malice agaynst the Earle,The popes wicked malice against the Christian Earle of Tholouse. and no lesse enflamed with insatiable auarice, directeth downe his Legate master Romanus to the partes of Fraunce, for 2. seueral purposes. One to extirye the Erle, the other to enlarge his reuenewes. Thus the Legate being entred into Fraunce, beginneth to summone a Councell, willing the French king with the Archbishops, Byshops, & Clergy of Fraunce to appeare before him at Bitures. To whom estsoones repayred vi. Arcbishops with the bishops & Suffragans of ix. prouinces, to the nūber of 100. besides the Abbates,Marke reader the right nature of pharisies striuing for the chiefe place. Priours, & Proctors of al the couentes of Fraunce, to heare the popes wil & commaundement: but because there was a discorde feared to ryse (sayth Mathaeus) about preheminence of sitting, for that the Archbishop of Lyons challenged the superiour place aboue the Archbishop of Sene. Also the archbishop of Roane, aboue the archbishop of Britures, and aboue the Archbishop of Harbone. &c. Therfore the session was holdē there, not in maner and forme of a Councell, but of a certayne parlie, or consultation. Thus the meke and holy Councel being set, & the popes maiesties letters read & declared: appeareth before them Reimund Earle of Tholouse of the one part.The Pope geueth the right possessions away from the owners. Reimundus wrongfully disherited by the Pope. And Simon Mountfort on the other part. Which Symon required to be restored vnto him the lands and possessions of the sayd Reimund, which the pope & Phillip the French king, had geuen to him & to hys father before: hauing good euidences to shew for the same, confirmed by the donation of the pope, and of the kyng. Adding moreouer, that the Earle Reimund was depriued and disherited in the generall Councel at Rome for heresie, which is called the heresie of Albingenses. At least if he might not haue the whole yelded vnto him, yet the most part of hys Lordships he required to be graunted him.

To this the Earle Reimund aunswered agayne,Reimundus the good Earle of Tholouse answereth for him selfe. offering himselfe ready to all duetyes & office both toward the French king, and to the church of Rome, whatsoeuer duely to him did appertein. And moreouer touching the heresie, wherwith he was there charged: he did not onely there offer himselfe in that Councell before the Legate but most humbly did craue of him, that he would take the paynes to come into euery Citty within hys precinct to enquire of [Page] euery person there the articles of his beliefe: and if he foūd any person or persōs,Albingenses falsly suspected for heresie. holding that which was not Catholike, he would see the same to be corrected and amēded, according to the censure of holy Church to yt vttermost. Or if he should finde any citty rebelling agaynst hym, he to the vttermost of his might with the inhabitance therof, would compell them to doe satisfaction therfore. And as touching himselfe, if he had committed or erred in any thing (which he remembreth not to haue done) he offered their full satisfaction to God & Church, as becommed any faithfull christen man to doe,The proud vilanie of the Popes Legate. requiring moreouer therefore the Legate to be examined of his fayth. &c. But all this (sayth Mathaeus) ye legate despised: neither could the catholike Erle (saith he) there find any grace, vnlesse he would depart from hys heritage: both from himselfe and from his heires for euer. In fine, when it was required by the cōtrary part that he should stand to the arbitrement of xii. peeres of France: to that Reimundus answered, that if the French king would receaue his homage, which he was redy at al times to exhibite, he was cōtented therewith. For els they would not (sayd he) take him, as one of their society & fellowe subiect.

After much altercatiō on both sides about the matter, the Legate willeth euery archbishop to call aside his Suffraganes, to deliberate with them vpon the cause: and to geue vp in writing what was concluded. Whiche being done accordingly, the Legate denounceth excommunication to all such as did reueale any peece of that whiche was there concluded, before the pope and the king had intelligence there of.

These things thus in hudder mutter among thēselues concluded, the Legate gaue leaue to al proctors of couents and chapters to returne home, onely reteining with him yt Archbishops, bishops, and Abbots, & certayne simple prelates, such as he might be more hold withall to opē, and of thē to obtaine the other part of his commissiō: which was in deed to obtein of euery cathedral church 2. prebendships one for the bish. the other for the chapter. And in monasteries also after yt like sort, where the Abbot and the Couent had diuers and seueral portions: to require two churches, one for ye Abbot, the other for the couent, keeping this proportion: that how much should suffice for the liuing of one Monk, so much ye whole couent should find for their part, and as much the Abbot likewise for his. And for so muche as he would not seeme to demaūd this without some color of cause, his reason was this: that because the Courte of Rome had long bene blotted wt the note of auarice, whiche is mother of all euil, for that no man could come to Rome for any busines, but he must solfe for the expedition of the same: therfore for the remouing away of the occasiō of that slaunder: the publike helpe of the Churche therefore must necessarily be required. &c.

The proctors and parties thus sent home by the Legates, merueiling wt themselues why the Bishops & Abbots should be stayd & they sent home,Marke reader the practise here of prelates, for thy learning & suspecting no les but as the matter was in deed: conferred their counsailes together, & deuised wt themselues to send certain vnto him in the behalfe of all the cathedrall & conuentuall Churches in Fraunce, & sent to the sayd Legate the message, to signifie vnto him: That they were credibly informed, that he came wt special letters from the court of Rome, for the obteining of certein prebendaries wtin euery cathedrall and conuētuall church. Which being so, they much merueiled yt he would not in the publike counsaile,The clergie of Fraunce answering to the legate. make manifest to thē those letters which specially cōcerned thē as much as the others. Wherfore their request was to him in y• Lord, that no such offensiue matter might rise by him in yt Frēch church: knowing this that the thing which he enterpriseth could not be brought to effect, without great offence taken, and inestimable damage to the Churche of Fraunce. For graunt sayde they, that certayne will assent vnto you, yet their assent standeth in no effect, concerning such matters as touch the whole: especially, seeyng both the states of the Realme with all the inferior subiectes, yea and the king himselfe, they are sure, will withstand the same: to the venture nōt onely of their honour, but of their lyfe also, considering the case to be suche, as vpon the offence whereof, standeth the subuersion both of the realme publike, and of the whole Church in generall. Declaring moreouer the cause of this feare to rise hereof, for that in other realmes such communicatiō hath bene with byshops & prelates, for the procuring of such prebendships, where as neither the prince nor the subiectes, were made anye thing priuy therto.

Inferiors euermore bolde to speake in difficult causes of trueth, then the rich.In conclusion, when the matter came to debating with the Legate, the obiections of the inferior parties, agaynst the cruell exaction, were these in briefe effect, as is in Parisiens. noted.

First they alledged their great damag [...]s and expences whiche they were like to sustayne thereby by reason of the continuall procurators of the Pope,The obiect [...] ons of the clergie [...] Fraunce, against the Popes [...]. whiche in euery diocesse must liue not of their owne, but must be susteined vpon the charges of the cathedrall Churges, and other churches also: and many times they being but procurators wil be found as Legates.

Item, by that meanes, they sayd great perturbations might ensue to the couentes and Chapters of Cathedrall churches in their elections: for so muche as the Popes agents and factors being in euery cathedrall church & chapter house, percase the pope woulde commaund hym in hys person to be present at their elections, and so might trouble the same: in delaying and deferring till it might fall to the court of Rome to gene. And so shoulde be placed moe of the Popes clientele in the churches of Fraunce, then of the proper inhabitance of the land.

Item, by this meanes they affirmed, that al they in the court of Rome should be richer and shoulde receiue more for their proportion, then the king of the realme: by reason of whiche aboundaunce of riches, it was like to come to passe, that as the worm of rich men is pride: so by the meanes of this their riches, the court of Rome would delay & driue of great suites, and scarce would take any paynes wt small causes: the experiment whereof is euident, for that now also they vse to delay their matters whē they come wt their giftes, and being in assuraunce to receiue. And thus should iustice stand aside, and poore suters dye at ye gates of the court of Rome, thus flowing and triumphing in ful aboundance of all treasure and riches.

Item, for somuch as it is mete and conuenient to haue friendes in the court of Rome, for the better speeding of their causes: therefore they thought to keepe them needy, whereby their giftes may be the sweeter and their causes sooner dispatched.

Item, when as it is impossible the fountaine of greedy desire to be stopped, it was to be feared, that eyther they would do that by other, which they were wont to doe by themselues: or els they should be enforced to geue greater rewardes then before. For smal giftes in the sight of great rich men are not looked vpon.

Item, where he alledged the remouing awaye of the slāder which goeth on the court of Rome: By this means rather the contrary were to be feared: wherein they alleaged the sentence of the verse, that great riches stop not the taking of much, but a mynde contented with a little.

Quòd virtus reddit, non copia sufficientem.

Et non paupertas sed mentis hiatus agentem.

Farther they alledged that great riches woulde make the Romaines mad: and so might kindle among thē sides and partes taking: so that by great possessions sedition might follow, to the ruine and destructiō of the city: wherof some experiment they had already.

Item, they added that although they woulde condescend and oblige themselues to that contribution, yet their successors would not so be bound, nor yet, ratifie the bond of theirs.

Lastly thus they conclude the matter, desiring him that the zeale of the vniuersall Churche, and of the Churche of Rome would moue him. For if this oppression of ye church should be vniuersall: it were to be doubted,God graunt say we. least any vniuersall departing might follow from the Church of Rome (which God forbid say they) should happen.

The Legate hearing these words, being therwith somthing moued, as seemed, thus excused himself, that he being in the court, neuer agreed in this exaction. And that yt letters hereof came not to hym before he was in Fraunce,The Card [...] nall repulsed, and defeyted of hi [...] purpose in Fraunce. whereat he sayd was greatly sory. Adding this withall, that the words of his precept included this secret meaning in them, thus to be vnderstand and taken: so farre forth as the Empire and other realmes would agree vnto ye same. And as for hym, he would stirre no more in the matter, before it were proued, what other countryes would say and doe therein.

And thus much concerning the second part of the blind commission of this Legate, touching his exaction of prebendships in euery Cathedrall and conuentuall Churche, wherin as ye heare,Ex Math. Parisiensi. Pag. 63. The Pope rayseth was against the Earle & the people of Tholouse. he was repulsed. Ex Mat. Paris. pag. 62. [...] How to returne to the first part of his commissiō again which was cōcerning Reimundus ye godly Erle of Tholouse, thus ye story proceedeth. That while the legate was in hand with this matter of the popes mony, in the meane season certayn preaching Fryers were directed by the said Romannes the Popes Legate, into all France: to incite & stirre vp the Frenchmen to take the crosse vpon them, and to war agaynst the Erle of Tholouse, and the people therof [Page] of whome they accounted then for heretickes. At the preaching wherof, a great number of prelates and lay mē signed themselues wt the crosse, to fight against the Tholosians, being therto induced as the story sayth, more for feare of the French king, or fauor of the legate, then for any true zeale of iustice. For so it followeth in the woordes of Paris.

‘Videbatur enim multis abusio, [...]e [...]timony [...] the autor [...] the cl [...]a [...]nge [...] Reimun [...]s and of [...] Albin [...]oles. vt hominem fidelem Christianum infestarent: praecipuè cum constaret cunctis eum in concilio nuper Bituriensi, multis precibus persuasisse leg [...]to, vt veniret ad singulas terrae suae ciuitates, inquirens a singulis articulos fidei: & si quempiam contra fidem iuueniret▪ &c. i. For to many, sayeth he, it seemeth an abuse to moue warre against a faithful Christen man: especially seeing in the councell of Bitures (before all men) he intreated the Legate with great instance, that he would come into euery Citie within his dominions. And there to require of euery person the articles of his faith. Where, if he founde any man to holde any thing contrary to the Catholicke faith, he promised a full satisfaction to be had thereof according to the censure of the Church, to the vttermost. &c.’

Yet all this notwithstanding, the proude Legate contemning this so honest & reasonable purgation of the earl Reimundus, [...]he vnrea [...]nable ty [...]nny of the [...]ope against [...] Tholos [...]ins. ceases not by all maner meanes, to prosecute the Popes fury against him and his subiectes, stirring vp the king and the French men vnder paine of excommunication, to warre against them. Ludouick the French king thus being enforced by the Legate, answered againe, that he for his owne safety would not atchiue that expeditiō or aduenture against the Earle, vnles it were first obtained of the Pope, to wr [...]te to the king of England: commaunding him, that during ye tune of that expedition, he should inuade and molest no peece of his landes and possessions, which he the same present time did hold, whether by ryght or by wrōg, or howsoeuer they were holden, while ye time of the said warre against the heretickes (as they were then termed) did indure: but rather should aide and assist hym with counsaile and money in that enterprise. All which being done and accomplyshed, the French King and the Legate (crossing themselues to the field) appoynted a day peremptory, for the French army to meete together at Lions, [...]commu [...]cation a [...]sed. vnder paine of the popes excōmunication, and wyth horic and harnes to set vpon the Tholosians, against the Ascension day next ensuing.

When the Ascension day was come, which was ye day peremptory appoynted. [...]wes the [...]ench king [...] Romanus [...] Popes [...]gate, mar [...]ing against [...]lbingenses The French king hauing prepared at Lyons all things necessary for his armie, marcheth forward with a great and mighty hoste: after whome also commeth the Legate, with his Bishops & Prelates. The number of fighting men in his armie besides the vitlars and wagoners were 50000. men. The Legate by the way openly excommunicated the Earle of Tholouse, & all that tooke his parte, & furthermore interdicted his whole land. Thus the king came marching forwarde, till he came into the prouince of Tholouse, [...]eimundus, [...]le of Tho [...]use excom [...]unicated. & the first citie which they came vnto there of the Earles, was Auinion. Which Citie they thought first to haue besieged, and so in order after, as they went to haue destroied and wasted all the whole prouince belonging to the Earle. And first the King demaunded of them to haue hys passage through their citie, faining himselfe in peaceable wise for the expedition of his iourny, but to passe through the same. The Citizens consulting with themselues what was to be done, at length gaue aunswer that they mistrusted their comming, [...]he citie of [...]uinion be [...]eged. and supposed that in deceit they required the entrance of their Citie, and for no necessity of their iourney.

The king heere at being much offended, sware an othe that he would not depart thence till he had taken the citie, & immediatly in those places where he thought most mete he began to geue sharpe assaults, withall maner of saultable engins: The Citizens againe within, manfully defended themselues, casting stone for stone, and shooting shot for shot, and slew and wounded many of the French men. Thus, when they had lōg besieged the citie and could not winne the same: at length vittailes in the French campe began to faile, and many of them died for hunger. For the Earl of Tholouse as a wise man of warre,Po [...]licie of [...]arre. hearing before of their comming, tooke into the Towne, all the prouision that was abroade, and left nothing wtout to serue for theyr defence and succour, he plowed vp the fieldes, that there should no stouer be found to serue their horses, be put out of the towne all the olde people, & yong children, least they should want vittailes that kept the towne, & before theyr comming sent them farre away. So that within ye towne they had plenty, and without they died for famine: and besides in seeking farre for their forage, many fell into the hands of them that kept the citie, who secretly lay in wait for them abroad and slewe many of them. Besides a great number of cattell and horses died for want of forage: and poore souldiours that had no great store of money,Famine and pestilence in the French campe. died for want of vittailes. By which mortalitie and stench both of men and cattel, grew great infection & pestilence amongst them, insomuch that the king himselfe and also the Legate were greatly dismayed, thinking it to be no litle shame as well to the realme of Fraunce, as also to Rome, that they shoulde so depart and breake vp their siege. Thus againe thought the souldiours, that much better it were for them to ende their liues by battel, then so to die like dogges and sterue: wherfore with one consent they purposed to geue a new assaut at the bridge that goeth ouer the floude Rodanus into the towne, to which place they came in such nō ber, that either by the debilitye of the bridge, or subtiltyé of the souldiours that kept the towne:The frēch souldiours destroied at the siege of Auinion. 3000. of them wyth bridge and all, fell armed into the violent streame & were browned▪ What was there then but ioy and gladnes of the Citizens part, and much lamentation & heauinesse on the other part. Then shortly after, the Citizens of Auinion (when they saw a conuenient time whilest their enemyes were in eating meate) came sodenly vpon them out of the towne, and slew of them 2000, and tooke the towne againe with safety. But the Legate with his company of prelates (like good men of warre) practised none other Martiall feats, but all to be cursed the Earle of Tholouse, hys Cities, and his people.Lewes the frēch kyng dyeth at the siege of Auinion. Ludouicus the king, to auoyde the pestilence that was in the campe, went into an Abbey not far off, where shortly after he died, of whose death are sondry opinions, some saying that hee was poysoned, some that he died of a bloudy flixe.

Whose death notwithstanding, the Legate thought to kepe secret & conceale, till that the towne might be rendered and geuen vp:The false dealing of the popes Legate, in betraying the citie of Auinion. for he thought himself shamed for euer, if he should depart before the towne were won: wherfore, after he had encouraged the souldiours a fresh, and yet after many sharp assaults could not preuaile: He bethought him how by falshode he might betray them, and sent vnto them certaine Haroldes, to will them that they should amongst themselues consult vpon articles of peace, & bring the same to their camp, whose safe conduite they faithfully promised and warrāted both of comming and going. And when they had geuen their pledges for y• same, the messengers from the Citizens talked with the Legate: who promised them if they would deliuer vp their city, they should haue their liues, goodes, & possessions in as ample maner as now they enioyed the same. But the citizens and soldiors refused to be vnder the seruitude of the French kyng, neither wold so deliuer vp their citie, to those of whose insolent pride they had so good experiment. After much talke on both sides, & none like to take effect: the Legate requested them and frendly desired, yt he and his Prelates which were about him, might come into their Citie to examine what faith & beliefe they were of, and yt he neyther sought nor ment any other thing therby, but their owne safeties, as well of body as soule, which thing hee faithfully sware vnto: for (sayeth he) the brute of your great infidelitie hath come to the lord popes eare,The popes Legate wickedly periured. & therefore desired he to make true certificate therof. Wherupon the citizens not mistrusting his faithfull othe and promise made to them, graunted entrance to him and the residue of the clergy, bringing with them no weapon into the towne. The souldiours of ye campe as it was agreed before,Periury of the papistes. The citie of Auinion taken by treason and periury of the popes Legate. made them ready: so that at the entraunce of the prelates in at the gate, nothing regarding their oth & fidelitie: The other sodenly were ready, and with violence rushed in, slew the porter and warders, and at length wanne the city and destroied the same, & slue many of them that were within. Thus by falshoode and policie, when they had got this noble citie, they caried the kings corps to Paris where they buried the same.The number of the French soldiours in this siege destroyed. Of the whole number of the French souldiours which in this siege were destroyed by famine, pestilence, & drowning, be recounted mothen 22000. Whereby sayth the story of Mat. Pariens. it may euidently appeare the warre was vniustly taken in hand. &c. Ex Mat. Parisiens.

After these things finished,The incontinent lyfe of these Romish prelate [...] to be noted. and after the funerall of the king celebrated at Paris, it followeth more in the sayd history of Pariens. that the sayde Legate Romanus was vehemently suspected, & greuously infamed to abuse himselfe with Blauca the kings mother. ‘Sed impium est (sayeth he) hoe credere, quia aemuli eius hoc disseminauerunt. Benignus autem animus dubia in melius interpretatur. i.’ But it is vngodly to suspect any such thing of him, because his enemies so rumored the same abroad, but a gentle minde expoundeth things doubtfull in the better part.

To passe further to the yere next folowing,Anno. 1227. which was 1227. of the Lorde: first is to be noted, that in thys yeare king Henry beginning to shoote vp to the 20. yeare of hys age, came frō Reding to Londō, where he began to charge [Page] the Citizens of London for old reeknings, namely for geuing or lending 1000. markes to Lewes the French king at his departing out of the Realme, to the great preiudice of him & of his kingdom. For the recompen [...]e wherof, they were constrained to yelde to the king the full summe of the like money.The kyng claymeth to be freed from gouernours and to be his owne man. That done, he remoued to Oxforde, where he assembled a great counsail, there denouncing & protesting before them al, that he was come to sufficient age, no more to be vnder tutors & gouernours but to be his own man, requiring to be freed from ye custody of other. Which thing being protested, and contraried forthwith: he, by the counsaile of Hubert the chiefe iustice (whome hee made then the Earle of Kent) remooued from his company, the bishop of Winchester, and other vnder whome he was moderated. And immediatly in the same counsaile,Hubert the iustice made Earle of Kent. The kyng vndoeth and dissolueth the liberties which before he graunted by the sinister persuasion of some, doth adnihilate & make void the charters, & liberties before by him graūted, pretending this colour: for that they had bene graunted & scaled in the time of his minoritie, at what time he had the rule neither of himselfe, nor of his seale. Whereupon much muttering & murmuring was among the multitude. Who did all impute the cause to Hubert the iustice. Moreouer it was ye same time proclaimed,Practises of princes to set in money. that whosoeuer had any charter, or gift sealed vnder the time of the kings minoritie, they shoulde come and renew the same againe vnder the new seale of ye king, knowing otherwise that the thing should stande in no effect. And finally for renewing of their Seales, were taxed not according to their habilitie, but according as it pleased the iustice and other to leuie them.

Moreouer beside this generall subsidie of the fifteene graunted to the king through the whole Realme, & beside also ye contribution of the Lōdiners, diuers other parcels and paunents he gathered through seuerall places: as of the Burgesses of Northampton he required a 1000. & 200. markes, for his helping of them, and so of other likewise. All this preparation of money was made toward the furnishing of his vyage to recouer Normandy.The citizens of London freed frō tole through all England. And yet because he would gratifie the Citie of London againe wyth some pleasure: he graunted the citizens therof should passe tole free (saith Fabian) through all England. And if or any Citie, borough, or towne they were cōstrained at any time to pay their tole,Anno. 1228. then the Shyriffes of London to attache euery man cōming to London of the sayd city, borough, or towne, and him & his goods to withhold, til the Lōdiners were againe restored of al such mony paid for the said tole, wr all costes and damages susteined for the same.Ex Fabiae. part 7 Ex Fabia.

I declared before, howe after the death of Honorius, succeded pope Gregory the 10. betwene the which Gregory & the people of Rome, this yere, fel a great sedition. In so much yt about the feast of Easter,Seditiō betwene the Romanes and the Pope. they thrust the Pope out of the Citie, pursuing him vnto his Castel at Witerbium. Where also they inuaded hym so valiauntly, that they chased him to Perusium. Then hauing no other remedie wherewith to reuenge his persecutors, fiersly did excommunicate them. Ex Mat. Paris. pag. 69.

¶ Heere, by the way, is to be obserued and considered Christian reader,The Popes Church may be iudged by their dissentions and schismes. not only by this sedition, but by so many other schismes, diuisions, tumults, fightings, braules and contentions, in the Church of Rome from the first beginning of the popes vsurped power, & that not only within the Citie of Rome, but vniuersally almost in all Popish Monasteries, Collegies, Churches, and Couents vnder the Pope subiected,No peace in the Popes Church. continually raigning amongst them, what is to be thought of their religion & holines, hauing so litle peace, so great disquietnes, dissentions, and wrangling amongst them, as in stories both manifest it is to behold, and wonderous to consider.

And for as much, I haue eutred here into the mention of this schisinatical commotion betwene the none and his citizens:Dissention betweene the prior an [...] couent of Durham, & the kyng. it followeth moreouer in the history of Parisiensis, who maketh relation of a like brawling matter, which befell the same yeare & time. An. 1228. betwene the prior and couent of Durham, and this king Henry the [...] ▪ vpon this occasion. After the death of Richard Bishop of Durham, the Prior and Chapter of the said church, came to the king to obteine license for the electing of their bishop. The king offered to them one Lucas a Chaplaine of hys, requiring them instauntly to elect him for their Bishop. To this the Monkes answered, that they would receaue no man, but by their order of Canonicall election. Meaning belike by their Canonical election,Canonicall election. that is, when as they elect either some Monke out of their own company, or els some monkish priest, after their owne liking▪ Contrary, the king againe sendeth word vnto them, and bound it with an oth, that they should tary 7. yeares without a Byshop, vnlesse they would admit the foresayd Lucas to that place of that dignitie. All which notwtstanding, the monkes proceding in their election, refused the sayde Lucas, and preferred an other clerk of theirs, named William archdeacon of Worcester,The [...] of [...] sende [...] ▪ Rome [...] gains [...] [...] kyng. and him they presented to the king. But the King bringing in exceptions and causes against ye party, would not admit him. Then the monkes in al hasty [...]pede sent vp to Rome certain of their Couent, to haue their electiō ratified, by the authoritie Apostolicall. On the other side the king likewise hearing, sendeth also to Rome against the Monkes: the Bishop of Chester, and the Prior of Lentonie on his behalfe, to withstande the purpose of ye monks. And so the matter being trauised with great alteration on both sides,Appel [...] to Rome [...] ▪ gaynst [...] kyng. did hang in suspense, sayeth mine author till at length thus it was coucluded, betwene both that neither master William, nor yet Lucas shoulde be taken, but that Richard Byshop of Sarum should be translated to Durham,Ex Math. Paris. and be Byshop there. An. 1228. ex Mat. Parisiens.

The like stirre also happened, both the same yeare and for the like matter,Another [...] ▪ tention [...] tweene [...] Monkes [...] Couent [...] & the C [...] nons of L [...] field. betwene the monkes of Couentry, and the Canons of Lichfield, about chusing of theyr Byshop, which of them should haue the superior voyce, in the election of their Prelate. Aftermuch a doe, the cause at length being hosted vp to Rome, had this determination: yt the monks of Couentry, and the Church of Lichfield shoulde chuse their Bishop by course, eche part keeping his turne the one after the other: prouided notwithstadyng, that the Prior of Couentry should alwaies haue the first voyce in euery election, where as the old custome was, sayth mine author,Ex Mat [...]. Parisien [...]. pag. 68. Stephe [...] [...] Ate [...]o [...]. The ch [...] t [...]rs of the bible [...] stinc [...] by Stephen Langhto [...] that the Couent wyth the Prior of Couentry was wont to haue the whole election of the bishop without the Canons. This was. An. 1228. Ex Parisiens. pag. 68.

In the which yeare died Stephen Langton Archb. of Cant. by whome (as is recorded by Nic. Triuet.) the Chapters of the Bible, in that order and number, as we nowe vse them were first distincted: The sayde Langthon a [...]so, made Postiles vpon the whole Bible. The same moreouer builded the new hall in the palace of Canterbury.

After the death of thys Langthon, insued an other variance about the election of the Archbishop of Canterbury betwene the monkes of Canterbury and the k [...]ng. The purturbation whereof as it was no lesse seditious, so the determination of ye same was much more costly. After the death of Stephen Langthon, the monkes of Canterbury obtaining licence of the king to procede in the election of a new archbishop,An other conte [...] disten [...]r. [...] Monkes of Cante [...]bu [...] and K. [...] the third. Obiection laide ag [...] the new. Archb. did chuse one of their own society named master Walter Demesham. Whom when the monks had presented to the King, he after long deliberation, began to obiect against yt election, saying: first, that the monkes had elected such one as neyther was profitable to hym nor to his kingdom. Secondly, he obiected against ye party elect, that his father was conuict of felony, & hanged for y• same. Thirdly, that he stode in causes against his father k. Iohn in the time of the interdict. Moreouer the bishops his suffraganes charged the partie elect, that hee had lien wyth a certaine Nunne, and had children by her: adding farther, that the election of the archbishop was without their presence, which ought not to be. &c. But ye archbishop againe stoutly standing to his electiō,Appea [...] [...] to R [...]. appealed vp to Rome, and estsoones taking with him certaine monks, presented him selfe to the popes owne proper person, there to sue his appeale: instantly intreating, that hys election might stande confirmed by his authority pontificall. But the pope, vnderstanding that the said election was resisted by the king & the bishops, differred the matter, till he did heare farther of the certeinty therof. The king & the bishops hauing intelligence that the Archb. with hys monkes were gone to Rome, thought good to articulate the foresayd obiections aboue alledged or wryting: and sealing the same wyth the seales both of the king and of the bishops to exhibite them to the Bishop of Rome.K. Henr. se [...] deth to [...] Pope. The messengers of these letters were the Byshop of Rochester, of Chester, and the Archdeacon of Bedforde maister Iohn. &c. who comming to Rome, and exhibiting their message wt their letters vnto the Pope (consideration being had vppon the same) were commanded to wait attendance against the next day after Ash wednesday: then to haue a resolute answer cōcerning the cause, which was the 2. day of March, the yere next folowing. videlic. An. 1229. In the meane season, the kings proctors ceased not wt all instance to labour the Pope and his Cardinals to be fauorable to the kings side.Tithe of amoueable goods in England [...] Ireland pr [...] mised to the Pope for grauntin [...] the kin [...]s sute. But fineding them somewhat hard & straite in the matter (as is the guise of that Court) they began to misdout their speeding. Wherfore consulting together with themselues vpon the premisses, they came [...] the Pope, promising in the kings behalf, to be geuen and granted to him out of the realmes both of England and Scotland, the rith or tenth part of al the goods within the sayd Realmes mooueable, to susteine his warres against the Emperor, so that he would incline [Page] fauorably to the kings sute and petition herein. [...] sacra [...]. [...]pitie the [...] will [...]. At Dominus Papa (sayth Pariens.) qui rebellem Imperatorem super omnia aestuabat deijcere, tantis promissionibus exhileratus trahitur ad consensum. That is. But the pope (sayeth the author) which boyled with desire aboue all measure, to haue the Emperour his ennemie cast downe: being cheared wyth so great promises, graunted his consent to them, who sitting then in his consistorie had these wordes, as here followe.

There hath come a late to our intelligence, [...] Pope [...] [...] t [...] the election of Walter Archb. of C [...]t. the election of a certaine Monke named Walter, to be Archb. of Cant. whereupon after that we hard and aduised as wel those things, which the said Monke hath saide for himselfe, and for his election: as also on the contrary side, the obiections & exceptions of the bishops of England alleaging against him, and against his election: Namely of the bishop of Chester, the bishop of Rochester, and Iohn Archdeacon of Bedforde: We vpon the same committed the examination touching the person of the man, vnto our reuerende brethren Lorde Cardinall Albany, L. Cardinall Thomas de Sabina, and master Peter. And when the foresaid elect comming before them was asked of them,No, but whē your darling Tho. Becket came, hee wa [...] heard without such communicat [...]ns.first concerning the Lordes descending into hel, whether he descended in flesh, or without his flesh, he aunswered not well. Item, being asked touching the making of the body of Christ on the aultar, he answered likewise not soundly: Being asked moreouer, howe Rachell wept for her children, shee being deade before, hee aunswered not well. Item, being asked concerning the sentence of excommunication denounced against the order of law, he answered not well. Againe being required of matrimonie, if one of the maried parties be an infidel, and do depart, he answered therto not well. Vpon these articles he was (as is sayd) diligently examined of the Cardinals, to the which (we say) he aunswered not only not well, but also very ill. For so much therefore, as the Church of Cant. is a noble churche, and requireth a noble prelate, a man discrete and modest, and such as ought to be taken out of the bosome of the church of Rome: and forasmuch as this new elect (whom not onely here we pronounce to be vnworthy, The election of Walter Archb. of Cant dissol [...]e [...] of the P [...]pe for the kings mony. but also should say more of him, if we would proceede with hym by the rigour of the law) is so insufficient, that he ought not to be admitted to such a roume: we do vtterly infringe, annihilate, and euacuate his election alwaies referuing to our selues the prouision of the sayd church. Haec ex Math. Paris. ad verbum.

Thus the election of Walter being frustrate and dissolued, the kings procurators bringing forth the letters of the king,Richarde chācelour of Lincolne [...]ommended [...]o the Pope [...]o be Archb. [...]f Cant. and of the suffraganes of the Church of Cant. presented the same vnto the pope for the ratification of Richarde Chancellor of Lincolne, to be appoynted Archb. of Cant. whome they with great commendation of woordes did set forth to be a man of profound learning and knowledge: of an honest cōuersation, & which was greatest of al, yt he was a man much for the profite of the church of Rome, as also for the realme of England. And thus the saide Richard being commended to the Pope by the letters procuratorie of the king and of the bishops,Richarde [...]ade archb. [...]f Cant. by [...]he Pope without election. had the consent of the pope and of the Cardinals, and so was made Bishop of Cant. before he was elected. Whereupon the said pope Gregory in his behalfe, directeth downe his letters to all and singular suffraganes of the church of Cant. declaring thus, and beginning first with a lie, that for so much as by the fulnes of ecclesiastical power, the charge of pastorall office is committed to him in general vpon al churches: he therefore for the sollicitude he beareth as wel to all other churches in generall, as in speciall to the Metropolitan church of Cant.The effect of the Popes letters to the [...]uffraganes of Cant. The pope beginneth first with a [...]. Ex Math. Paris. repudiating and disanulling the former election of Walter the Monke vpon iust causes, hath prouided for that See, a man as in all other good giftes perfect and excellent, by the report of them that know him: so for that function very fit and commodious: and willeth and commādeth them, and all other by his authority Apostolicall, with all deuout reuerence to receiue him, and humbly to obey him, &c. which was An. 1229. Ex Paris.

These things thus finished at Rome, the pope not forgetting the sweete promises made of the English siluer,This was a deare archb. of Cant. bought with [...]he tythes of [...]ll England. which he so greedily gaped for, omitting neither time nor diligence in all spedy wise sendeth to the king of England M. Stephen his own chaplein & trusty Legate, to require & collect the foresaide tithes of all the moueable goods both of England, Ireland and Wales, which were promised to him before, therewt to maintaine his warre against Fredericke the Emperor. And to the intent he might inflame all christē realmes wyth the like hatred which he bare against Frederike the Emperor, sendeth also wt the sayde Stephen special letters ful of manifold complaints and greuous accusations against the said Emperor, whereof more (Christ graunting) shall be shewed hereafter. Upon the comming of this Stephen the legate, the king assembled all his erles and barons, wyth the Archbishops, byshops, abbots, priors, templaries, hospitalers, parsons & vicares, and other such as held of him in capite, to appear before him at Westminster, to heare and to common of the matter.The Pope requireth the t [...]nthes of all the moueables in Englande, Wales, and Irelande. The contentes of the Popes letters, to the kyng. The false pretēce of the pope vnder the name of the church, wrekyng his owne cankered malice. In the assembly of whome, the Popes patent letters were brought forth and red, wherin he required ye tenths of all the moueables in England, Wales and Ireland, as wel of the clergy as of the laitie, to maintaine his expedition against the foresaid Frederike the Emperor. The which expedition as he pretended to atchieue & to take in hande for the cause of the vniuersall Church, and happely had begon the matter already: and for so much, as the richesse of the Apostolicke See did not suffice, for the accomplishing of so great an enterprise: he therfore enforced by mere necessity, did implore the aide and helpe of all the true obedient and natural chickens of the church of Rome, least the members thereof together with the head should be subuerted. These letters of the Pope, to this effect, being openly recited and explaned by the Popes chaplaine, which hee with much more allegation and perswasion of words did amplifie to his vttermost,The kynges mouth stopped. the king (sayth mine author) in whō al men did hope an helpe to their defence, became then as a staffe of reede. For as much as he had obliged himselfe to the same before, for the election of his archb. now could say nothing against it,The Earles and Barons refused payment to the Pope. The prelates in feare of the Popes curse. but held his peace. The Earles, Barons, & all the laitie vtterly refused so to bind their Baronies to the Church of Rome: but the Bishoppes, Abbots, Priors, wyth other Prelates of the Church, first requiring space and respite to deliberate for 3. or 4. dayes: at length for feare of the popes cursse (although they durst not vtterly wythstande) had brought to passe to haue concluded for a summe of money much lesse, had not Stephen Segraue, one of the kings counsailers, [...]raftily conuented wt the Legate: and by subtile meanes brought it so to passe, that the whole tenthes was gathered and paide, to the inestimable damage (sayth Pariens.) both of the Ecclesiasticall and Temporall state. The meanes whereof (sayeth the authour) was this. The Legate shewing to the prelates his procuratory letters to collect and gather vp all the foresayde tenthes in the name and authoritie of the Pope,Excommunication abused. declared moreouer full authoritie to him graunted by the vertue of hys commission, to excommunicate all such, and to interdicte their Churches, who soeuer did gainstand or go contrary to the said collection. Whereupon by the said vertue legantine, he sendeth to euery shire, his Proctors to gather the Popes money, or els to excommunicate them which denied to pay:The Popes extortion. and for so much as the present nede of the pope required present help without delay, he sendeth moreouer to the byshops & prelates of the Realme, in paine of interdiction foorthwith to procure and send to him either of theyr owne, or by loue, or vsance, or by what meanes so euer, so much money in all post spede, for the present vse of the pope. And after to take vp agayne the said money of the tenthes of euery singular person, by the right taxing of their goodes. Upon this, the Prelates to auoide the daunger (hauing no other remedy) were driuen to sel their chalices, cruets,Vsurers brought into England by the Pope to serue him with money. copes, iewels, and other church plate: and some to lay to morgage such things as they had, some also to borowe vpon vsance, to make the money which was required. Moreouer, the sayd Stephen the Popes chaplaine (as reporteth Paris.) brought wt hym into England for the same purpose, such bankers and vsurers, who lending out their money vpon great vsurie, did vnreasonably pinch the English people, which marchant vsurers were then called Caursini. Briefly suche straight exaction was then vppon the poore English men, that not onely theyr present goodes were valued and taxed, but also the corne yet growing in the field,Co [...]ne vpon the ground tythed to the Pope. Ranulphus Erle of Chester denyeth to paye the Popes te [...]hs against the next haruest was tithed, &c. Only the Earle of Chester named Ranulphus, stood stoutly against the Pope, suffring none within his dominion either lay man or clearke to yeld any tenths to the popes proctors. Ex Math. Paris. pag. 74. And thys was the end of the strife betwene the Monkes of Caunterbury, & the king for the election of their Archbyshop which was about the yeare of our Lord 1229.Anno. 1229. In the which yere was finished the new Church of Couētry, by Alexander bishop of the sayd Citie, and partly by the helpe of the king:The Church of Couentry finished. which Church, Richard his predecessor bishop before him of Couentrie had begon.

The French men about thys time againe prepared themselues towarde Prouince, to warre against the foresayde Reimundus Earle of Tholouse,The popes frēch army thinking to destroy Reimunde is deby the way. and to expulse him out of his possessions. And hearing that he was in his Castle of Saracene, they made thither all their power, thinking there to enclose and compasse him about: but the erle being priuie of their conspired purpose, set for them by the way, appointing certaine bushments in woodes, not so secretly as strongly, there to waite and receiue the comming of the Frenchmen, and to geue them their welcome. Thus when the French were entred the woode, the Earle wyth his traine of wel armed and able warriors, sodenly did flie [Page] vppon them vnwares, and gaue them a bitter meeting, so that in that conflict 500. of the French soldiors were taken, and many slaine. Of their seruitures to the nūber of 2000. men with their armor were takē. Of whom some lost their eyes, some their noses, some their eares, some their legs, and so sent home. The rest were caried away prisoners into the castel. And to be brief saith the history, thrise the same sommer, were the Frenchmē discomfited, put to flight, taken and imprisoned by the foresayd Reimundus the godly erle. Ex Paris. pag. 69. Wherin is to be sene, and to be praised, the gracious protection of the Lorde our God against the furious papists, which is glorious alwaies in hys saints.

¶ The same yeare the king being at Portesmouth, had assembled together all his Nobility, Earles, Barons, and knightes of England with such an armye of horsemen and footemen, as hath not ben lightly sene, thinking to recouer againe the Countrey of Normandie, of Gaunt, and other possessiōs which king Iohn his father before had lost. But when the captaines and marshals of the fielde should take shipping,The inconstant loue of Princes toward them that be chiefe about them. there were not halfe ships enough to receiue the host. Wherupon the king was vehemently inflamed with anger, laying all the fault to Hubert, the Lorde chiefe Iustice (who vnder the King had all the gouernement of the Realme) calling him olde traitour, charging him that hee should be the let of his voyage, as he was before, when hee toke of the French Duene 5000. markes, to stay the kings iourney into Normandy. In so much the rage of the king was so kindled against him, ytdrawing his sword, he made at him to runne him through, had not the Earle of Chester Ranulph stopt the king. Hubert withdrew himselfe away till the kings rage was past. This was about the time of Michaelmas, at which time arriued Henry Earle of Normandie in the hauen of Portesmouth in the month of Deto [...]. Who shuld haue conducted the king vpon his allegeance & othe into Normandie. But he wt other of the kings armie counsailed the king not to take that voyage toward winter, but rather to defer it to the Easter next following: wherwith the king was staid and well contented, and paci [...]ied againe with Hubert the Iustice. &c. Ex Mat. Paris.

Fabian recordeth this yeare the liberties and fraunchise of the Citie of London to be confirmed by the king, and to enerich of the shriues to be graunted two clerkes, and two officers without moe. Ex Fabia.

Anno. 1230.Then followed the yeare 1230. In which, vpon the day of the conuersion of S. Paule (as sayeth Paris.) as a great multitude of people for solemnitie of the day were congregate in the Temple of S. Paule: the Bishop then being at hys Masse, a sodaine darkenes wt such thicknesse of clouds fell in the aire, that vnneth one man might see an other in the Church.A soden terrour among the people in Paules church by thunder and lightning. Ex Paris. Pag. 75. After that followed cracks of thunder & lightning so terrible, leauing such a sent in the Church, that the people loking for doomes day, thought no lesse but that the steeple and whole Church woulde haue falne vppon theyr heads. In so much that they running out of the church, as people amased, fell downe together by thousands, as men amased: not knowing for the time where they were, onely the Bishop & his Deacon stood still at their masse, holding the aulter fast. Ex Paris.

Anno. 1231. Richard Archb. of Cant.Of the death of Steuen Langton, & of the troublesome election of the next Archbishop: also of the costly & chargeable bringing in of Richard to succede in the roume, which did cost the whole realme of England the tenths of al their moueables, sufficient hath bene declared before. Thys Richard being nowe confirmed in his seat,The complaint of Rich. Archb. of Cant. against Hubert L [...]rd chiefe iustice. came to the King complaining of Hubert the Lord chief Iustice, oft mentioned before, for withholding him from the castle and towne of Tunebrydge with the appurtenance to the same belonging, and other landes of the Earle of Clare late deceased: which landes appertained to the right of his seat, & to the church of Cant. for the which the said Earle with his aunceters were bound to do homage to him and to his predecessors: and therfore required the keping of the foresaid castle, with the demaines therof to be restored vnto him. To this the king answered againe,The kinges answere to Rich. the Archb. that the sayd Erle did hold of hym in Capite, and that the Castles being vacaunt of Earles and Barons with theyr heyres, did belong to hys crowne, till the lawfull age of the sayd heires. The Archb. when he could get no other answer of the king, did excommunicate all such as inuaded the foresaid possessions wyth all other that tooke their parte,Excommunication abused. the king onely excepted. Which done, eftsoones speedeth himselfe to Rome, there to prosecute his sute before the pope. The king hearing therof, not long after sendeth vp maister Roger Cantelu wyth certaine other messengers to Rome against the Archb.Richard the archb. complaineth to the pope of his [...]ing [...] of other matter [...]

Thus Richard the Archb. comming before the Popes presence, beginneth first to complaine of his king, for that he committed all the affaires of the realme to the disposition and gouernement of Hubert his iustice, vsing only his counsaile, all his other nobles despised.

Against the sayde iustice moreouer he complained, laying to his charge: First, that he had maried a wife, being the kinswomā of her whom he had maried before: also that the said Hubert the iustice did inuade, hold and wrongfully deteine such possessions as belonged to the see & Church of Canterburie.

¶ As touching the wife of this Hubert, heere is to be noted, that he maried the elder sister of the king of Scottes which semeth could be of no great kinne to her whome hee maried before.

Farther, he complained of certaine Bishops his Suffraganes, who neglecting their pastorall function, did sit on Checker matters belonging to the King, and exercised sessions and iudgements of bloud.

Ouer and besides,Plurali [...] [...] benefi [...]es complained of by the Archbish. [...] Cant. he complained of beneficed persons, and clerks within orders, for hauing many benefices, ioyned with cure of soule: And that they also taking example of the Bishops, did intermeddle in secular matters, and in iudgements of lay men.

Of these and such other defaults, he required redresse to be had. The Pope weying and considering the cause of the Archb. to stand vpon right & reason (at least wise seeming so to his purpose) commaunded incontinent his petitions and requests to be dispatched according to iustice.

Against these complaints of the Archbishop, the kings atturneis alledged and defended,The king [...] [...] ▪ tournie [...] coulde [...] speede [...] the Pope. Respect of person [...] much with the Pope. Richard the Archb. in [...] iourney [...] Rome, [...] in as much fauour of the king, as they might, but coulde doe no good. Such fauour found the archbishop in the popes sight, being (as the story reporteth) of a comely personage, & of an eloquēt tonge, that he obtained whatsoeuer he asked. Thus the Archbyshop with all fauourable speede being dispatched at Rome after his owne will and desire, returned homewarde: who in his iourney within 3. daies of his setting forth, departed in the house of the gray Friers at S. Gemmes, and so hys cause departed with him: who winning his sute, lost hys life, for whome it had bene better I suppose to haue taried at home. And here of him and end, with all his complaintes also. Ex Paris.

After the death of this Richarde, the monkes of Cant. (according to the manner) addresse them selues to a newe election: at which was chosen Radulfe Neuill, Byshop of Chichester, who was the kinges Chauncelor, much commended in stories,Raffe [...] B. of Chichester e [...]e [...] ted Archb. of Cant. The K. [...] the Archb. [...] Cant. Ex Math. Paris. to be a man faithfull, vpright, and constant: which from the way of iustice declined neither to the right hand nor to the left. But vpright and sincere both in word and deede. This Rauffe (thus chosen of the monks) was presented to the king to be their Archbishop, wherewith the king was right well contented, and glad also of this election: and foorthwith inuested him for Archbyshop of the Church of Canterb. But this inuesting of the King was not inough, vnles he should also be confirmed by the pope. Wherefore, the Monkes ready to take their iourney vnto Rome, came to the newe Archb. requiring hys helpe for their expenses by the way, and to know what seruice he would commaunde them to the Court of Rome. But hee fearing in his mind the same not to be without some scruple of sunonie & ambition,A rare [...] ample of [...] good [...] said he would not geue an halfpenie, and holding vp his handes to heauen, thus prayed, saying: O Lorde God, if I shall be thought worthy to be called (although in deede vnworthy) to the seat & office of this church: The pra [...] of the [...] elect. so be it as thou shalt dispose it. But if otherwise in this troublesom office of Chancerie, and this my inferior ministerie, whereunto I haue bene assigned, I shall seme more necessary for this thy kingdome and people: I refuse not my labour: thy will be done.

The monks beholding the constancie of the man, notwtstanding they had of him no money, yet refused not their trauail and iourny to Rome, to haue their election confirmed by the Popes authoritie.Simō L [...] tō Arch [...]. [...] Yorke, a [...] licious [...] biter of [...] dolphus Archb. [...] The Pope inquiring of Simon Langhton (brother of Stephen Langhton Archb. of Cant. before mentioned) of the person of this man: it was reported againe to him by the sayde Simon (maliciously deprauing the good man behind his backe) declaring to the Pope, that he was a courtier, vnlearned, hasty and feruent in his doings, and such one: who if he should be promoted to that dignitie, would go about with the help of the king, and of the whole realme, to remooue and bring the realme of England from vnder the yoke of the Pope, and of the Churche of Rome. And so to bereeue the See of Rome of the tribute, vnder which king Iohn had once subiected himselfe and his realme, at what time he yelded his crown to the handes of Pandolfus the Legate. &c. with these and such other words Simon Langhton falsly and maliciously depraued the godly bishop. The pope hearing wt one care, & crediting what he heard, wtout farther inquisition made of the other party accused, sendeth incontinent to ye monks [Page] of Cant. to procede in a new election, [...] she [...] the pope. [...]cclection Radulfe [...]rchb. elect [...]et [...]d by [...] Pope. [...] Archb. [...] Cant. e [...]ted & [...] of the [...]. and to chuse them an other Arch. such as were an wholesome pastour of soules, profitable to the church of England, & deuout to the church of Rome. And thus was the lawfull election of thys good Archb. made frustrate, too good peraduenture to serue in that place, whereunto he was elected.

After the repulse of thys Radulphe, the Caunterburie Monkes entring a new election, agreed vpon Iohn their prior, to be their Metropolitane. Who going vp to Rome to haue his election confirmed by the Pope, was 3. dayes together examined of the cardinals. And when they could finde no insufficiency in him, touching these things, wherin they tried him: yet notwithstanding, the pope finding a fault with his age (he peraduenture being more aged himselfe) repealed him, for that he sayd, he was too old and simple, to susteine that dignitie. Ex Paris.

¶ What was the age of this person, I find it not in the authour expressed: yet it is to be supposed, that hee which was able to take that iourney to Rome, and home againe: was not so greatly to be cōplained off for hys age, but that he was able sufficiently to take paines in keping the chaire of Canterburie.

In the former parts of this story proceding, partly before hath bene declared, [...]he popes [...]ollerable [...]actions [...]pon Eng [...]nd. partly hereafter more shal appeare (Christ willing) how the Church of England & commons of the same was grieued & miserably afflicted, by the intollerable oppressions of the Pope: who through his violent extortion had procured the best benefices to be giuen to his Romanes and the chiefe fruites of them to be reserued to his owne coffers. And what complaints therof haue bene made, ye heard before, pa. 255. But yet no redresse could be had. Such was the insatiable auarice of these Romaines rakehels, proiling & polling wheresoeuer they came, wyth their prouisions & exactions out of measure, and neuer satisfied. In somuch, that here in England whosoeuer lackt: their barnes were alwaies full of corne: and what penury so euer pinched the people, they were sure to haue inough. And these unportunate exactions & contributions of these Italian harpies: beside the peterpence, beside the common tribute, daily more & more increased, to the great greuance of the Realme: in somuch that the wealth of this land was almost cleane suckt vp, & translated to the court of Rome. Neither was the king ignorant hereof, but could not help the matter. Wherfore it was deuised by some of the nobles (as appeareth in the story of Pariensis) this foresayde yeare, [...]x Math. [...]aris pa. 79. An. 1231. that certaine letters vnder the pretensed colour of the kings authority, should be sent abroad: willing & commaunding, that suche corne & graine, and other reuenues, as were taken vp for the Pope, should be staied and foorth cōming, by a certain day in the sayd letters appoynted, the which letters are thought to procede chiefly by the means of Hubert Lorde chiefe Iustice of England,Hubert lord [...]hief Iustice [...] worker a [...]ainst the [...]ope. [...]he copy of [...]he letter written vn [...]er the kings [...]uthoritie [...]o restraine [...]he benefices of the Ro [...]ns with [...]n the realm. who then next vnder the king, ruled the most affaires of the realme. The wordes and contents of the letters be these.

AFter diuers & sondry griefs & oppressions which this realm, as you know, hath sustained by the Romanists and yet doth: as well to the preiudice of the king himselfe, as also of the nobilitie of the same, concerning the aduowsons of their Churches, and about their tythes: who also go about to take from the clerks and spirituall men their benefices, & to bestow them vpon their owne nation and countreimen, to the spoile and confusion both of vs and our realm: we therfore by our cōmon consents haue thought good (although very late) now yet rather, then any lōger to suffer their intollerable oppressions and extortions, to resist and withstande the same. And by the taking from them their benefices through all Englande, in like maner to cut short and bridle them, as they had thought to haue kept vnder & brideled others: wherby, they may desist any lenger to molest the Realme. Wherfore, we straitly charge and commaund you, that as touching the ferming of their churches, or els the rents belōging to them, which either you haue presently in your hands, or els do owe vnto the said Romanists: that from henceforth you be no more accoumptable vnto them, or els pay vnto them from henceforth the same. But that you haue the sayde your rents and reuenues ready, by such a day, to pay and deliuer vnto our procurators thereunto by our letters assigned. And that all Abbates and Priors haue the same in a readinesse at the time appoynted, in their owne Monasteries: and all other Priestes, Clerkes, and laimen, at the Churches of the Romanists there ready to pay. And farther, knowe ye for certaintie that if ye refuse thus to doe: that all that you haue besides, shalbe by vs brent and spoiled. And besides, looke what daunger we purpose shall fall vpon them, the same shall light vpon your neckes, if you refuse thus to do. Farewell.

When this was done, they sent their letters abroad by certaine souldiours therunto appoynted: to the which letters they had deuised a new seale with two swords ingraued, & betwene the swords was writtē. Ecce gladij duo, &c. Beholde these two swordes ready to take vengeance of all those that shall wythstand the forme and order in these letters contained.

At that time the 16. day before the Kalends of Ianuary,Anno. 1232. A Romayne priest, Chanon of Paules taken and robbed by souldiours. about the beginning of the yere 1232. there was kept at S. Albons a great consistory of Abbots, Priors, Archdeacons, with diuers both of the nobilitye and clergye by the popes commandement, for the celebration of a diuorce betwene the Countes of Essex and her husband. At the breaking vp of which consistorie, when euery man was about to depart thence. There was a certain clerke whose name was Cincius a Romane, and also a Chauon of Paules in London: taken by some of the sayde Uniuersitie not farre off from S. Albons, and was caried away from his company by the souldiours. But maister Iohn Archdeacon of Norwich a Florentine, hardly escaping from that company, gate to London where he did himselfe, and durst not be seene. Cintius after 5. weekes, when they had well emptied hys bagges, was safely sent againe without any more hurt to London.

Not long after this,The barnes of a Romane parson broke vp and the corne distributed to the poore. about the beginning of Ianuarie, the barnes of a certaine beneficed man, a Romane, & person of Wingham, being ful of corn, were broke vp by a like company of armed souldiours. And the corne brought out to be sold and geuen away to the poore people. The farmer seeing this and not able to resist, complaineth to the shirife of the shire, of this iniurie done to his master, and of breaking the kings peace: whereupon, the shirife sent certaine of his mē to see what was done. Who cōming to the emptie barnes, & there finding the foresaid souldiours to them vnknowen,The Romanes and Italian parsons in England robbed of their rents and corne. who had sold away the most part of the corne vpon easie price, and some for charity had geuen to the pouertie of the countrey about: required of them whot they were, that so durst presume to breake the Kings peace. Whom the other then called secretly a part, & shewed them the kings letters Patentes (pretending at least the kings name and seale) wherin was forbidden that no man shuld presume to stoppe or let them in that purpose. Whereof the Sheriffes seruaunts being certified, quietly returned from whence they came.

This comming to the knowledge of Roger byshop of London, he (wyth the assistance of other Bishops) proceedeth in solemne excommunication, first against them that robbed Cintius the Romane: then of them which spoyled the barnes of the parson of Wingham, an other Romaine: thirdly he excommunicated them that forged y• letters and seale of the king aboue specified.

Neither yet for all that, that did so cease, but the same yeare, about Easter next folowing, al the barnes in England,A general spoile of the Romayne parsons in England. which were in the hands of any Roman or Italian, were likewise wasted, and the corne solde to the best commodity of the poore commons. Of the which, great almose was distributed: and many times, money also wyth corne together was sparsed for the needy people to gather vppe. Neither was there any, that would or durst stand against them. As for the Romaines & Italians themselues, were stricken in suche feare, that they hid themselues in Monasteries and celles, not daring to complaine of their iniuries receiued: but helde it better, to lose rather their goods, then to loose their liues. The authors and workers of thys feate were to the nomber of 80. armed soldiours, of whom the principall captaine, was one naming himselfe W. Wytherse, surnamed Twing.The popes cholar stirred vp against England.

This comming to the Popes knowledge, he was not a little stirred therewith, & sendeth his letters immediatly to the king vppon the same: with sharpe threatnings, and imperious commaundements,A furnish vicare of milde Christ. charging him for suffering of such villany within his realme: straitly enioyning hym vnder paine of excommunication, to searche out the doers hereof with all diligence, & so to punish them that all other by them may take example. Likewise, hee sendeth the same charge to Peter bishop of Winchester, and to the Abbot of S. Edmunde, to inquire in the South partes. Also to the Archb. of Yorke, and to the bishop of Durham, and to master Iohn Chanon of Yorke a Romaine, to inquire in the North partes for the sayde malefactors: and after diligent inquisition made, to send vp y• same to Rome, there needes to appeare before him. &c.Inquisitiō made for the spoyling of the popes corne.

Thus after earnestly inquisition made of all parties, & witnesses sworne and examined: many were foūd culpable in the matter, some yt were factours, some that were consenters, of whom some were Bishops, and Chaplaines to the King: some Archdeacons, & Deanes, with other souldiours and lay men. Among whom certaine sheriffes and vndersheriffs with their seruitures vnder them, were apprehended and cast into prison by the king. Many for feare fled and escaped away, who being sought for coulde not be [Page] founde:Hubert de Burgo. but the principall of this number (as is aforesaid) was supposed to be Hubertus Lord chief iustice: who both with the kings letters & his own, fortified the doers therof, that no man durst interrupt them.Robert Twing, spoyled of his benefice by the Romaines. Moreouer in yt same society of them, which were noted in these doings, was the same Robert Twing, aboue mentioned, a comely young man and a talle souldiour: who of his own voluntary accorde, with 5. other seruitures, whome hee tooke wyth him abroad to worke that feat, came to the king: openly protesting himselfe to be the author of that deede doing, and said, he did it for hatred of the pope and the Romaines: because that by the sentence of the bishop of Rome, and fraudulent circumuention of the Italians, he was bereeued of the patronage of his benefice, hauing no more to geue but that one. Wherefore to be reuenged of that iniurie, he enterprised that which was done: preferring rather vniustly to be excommunicate for a season, then to be spoiled of his benefice for euer. Then the King, and other executours of the Popes commandement gaue him counsaile, that seeing he had so incurred the danger of the Popes sentence, shoulde offer himselfe to the pope to be absolued of him againe, and there to make his declaration vnto him, that he iustly and canonically was possessed in that church. The king moreouer with him sent his letters testimoniall vnto the pope, witnessing with the saide souldiour, and instantly desiring the Pope in his behalf, that he might with fauor be heard. At the request wherof, Pope Gregory afterward, both released him of the sentence, and restored him to his patronage: wryting to the Archb. of York, that he might againe inioy the right of his benefice in as ample maner, as he did before it was taken from him.

The Byshops go about to bring Hubert out of the kings fauor.Hubert de Burgo Lorde chiefe Iustice, being one of them which helde against the Romish Priestes, as is afore signified: was therfore not a litle noted of ye bishops, who to require him with like despite againe (after their accustomed maner of practise) went about by subtile working, to shake him out of the kings fauour. And first commeth Peter Bishop of Winchester, to the king greuously complaining of certaine about the King, but especially of the foresaide Hubert the kings iustice: in so much, that he caused him to be remoued from his office, notwythstāding he had the kings seale and wryting for the perpetuity of the same, & procured Steuen Segraue to be placed in his function. And after a few daies,Obiections laid against Hubert, by the kyng. the king more and more incensed against hym, called him to a counte of all the treasure which he was countable for by his excheker office: also of all suche debts by him due frō the time of his father, vnto hys time. Also of all the Lordships, whych were in the possession of William Earle of Pēbroke, chief iustice before him. Item, of the liberties which he did holde at that time, in forestes, warrens, shires, and other places, how they were kept, or howe they were made away. Of Prices likewise: Also of losses committed through hys negligence: And of wastes made contrary to the kings profite: of his liberties, howe he did vse them. Item, of iniuries and damages wrought against the clearkes of Rome, and other Italians, and the Popes Legates: for the redresse whereof, he woulde neuer adioyne his coūsail, according as appertained to his office, being then chief iustice of England. Also of scutagies, gifts presents, scapes of prisonners. Item, of maritagies which king Iohn cōmitted to his keeping at the day of his death, and which were also in his time committed vnto him. To these Hubert answered, yt he had king Iohns owne hand to shewe for his discharge: who so approoued his fidelitie, that he neuer called him to any,Note, that with Wint. the kyngs charter is no lō ger in force then whilest he liueth. but clerely discharged him from all such counts. Wherunto answered againe the Bishop of Winchester, saying: the Charter of king Iohn hath no force after the death of him, but that ye may now be called to a reckoning of this king for the same.

Ouer and besides these, other greater obiections were laid to his charge by the King:Other crimes obiected to Hubert by the king. as for sending and wryting to the duke of Austria, that he might marry hys daughter, to the preiudice of the King and of the Realme, dissuading that she myght not be geuen to him. Item, for counsailing the king not to enter into Normandie wt his armie which he had prepared for the recouerie of lands there belonging to his right, wherby great treasure was there consumed in vaine. Item, for corrupting the daughter of the King of Scottes, whome king Iohn his father committed to his custody, for him to mary. Item, for stealing frō him a pretious stone, which had a vertue to make him victorious in warre, & for sending the same to Leoline Prince of Wales. And that by his letters sent to the sayde Leoline William Brues a noble man was caused there traitrously to be hā ged. &c. These wyth other crimes (whether true or false) were suggested to the king against the sayd Hubert by his aduersaries. Wherunto he was required to answere by order of law. Hubert then seing himselfe in such a strait, refused to answer presently, but required respite thereunto, for that the matters were weighty which the king obiected to him, which was graunted to hym till the 14. day of September: but in the meane time, Hubert being in fear of the king, fled from London to the priory of Merton. And thus Hubert, who before for the loue of the king, and defence of the realme (sayth mine author) had got the hatred of all the nobles of England, now being out of the kings fauor was destitute of comforte on euery side: saue onely that Lucas Archbishop of Dubline,Princ [...] [...] be tru [...] wyth instant prayers and teares, laboured to the king for him. By this example & many like is to be sene, howe vnstable and variable a thing the fauor of mortall & mutable princes is: To teach all such as haue to doe about princes, howe to repose and plant their trust not in man, but in their Lord God: by him to finde help in Christ the true Prince of all Princes, which neuer faileth. By like example was Clito serued of king Alexander, Ioab of king Dauid, Bellisarius of Iustiniane, Harpagus of Astiages, Cromwell of king Henry, wt innumerable moe, which in histories are to be found.

When the day was come, that this Hubert should answer, keeping among the monks of Merton, he durst not appeare.

Then was it signified to him from the King, that hee should come vp and appeare in the court, there to answer to his charge. Wherunto he answered againe, that he misdouted the kings anger,The kings disple [...] against [...] bert. & therfore he did flie to the church as the vttermost refuge to all such as suffer wrong. From whence he would not stirre, till he heard the kings wrath to be mitigated towards him. With this, the king mooued & sore displeased, directed his letters in all hast, to the maior of London,The king [...] messag [...] [...] the Mar [...] of London commanding him at the sight therof to muster and take vp all the citizens that could beare harneis in the Citie, and to bring to him by force of armes the foresaid Hubert either quicke or dead, out of Merton. Wherupon, the Maior immediately causing the great bell to be ronge: assembled together the people of Lōdon, and opening before them the kings letters, commaunded them to prepare and arme themselues in al readines to the executing of the kings will and message.

The Citizens hearing this,Old [...] borne [...]n minde. were therewith right glad and ready, for they were all in great hatred wyth Hubert: because of the execution of Constantine their citizen aboue mentioned, pag. 269. Notwithstanding, certaine of ye citizens,Some wi [...] then [...]. namely Andrew Bukerel, Iohn Trauers & other mo, men of more graue & sage discretiō (wisely pondcrying with themselues, what inconuenience might rise heereof) went in haste to the Byshop of Wintchester, lying then in Southwarke: and waking him out of hys sleepe, desired him of his counsaile in that so sodeine and daungerous distresse:Good [...] of [...] creet C [...] zens. Declaring to him, what perill might thereby ensue as well to the church of Merton, as also to the citie, by the fury of the vnordinate & fierce multitude, which wil hardly be brideled from robbing and spoiling,Cruel [...] saile [...] of Peter's of Wint. neither wil spare sheding of bloud. &c. Unto whō againe the bloudy byshop gaue this bloudy counsaile (sayth Pariensis.) Daungerous it is (quod he) both heere and there, but yet see yt you obey and execute the precept of the king, I counsaile you plainely. At the which counsail of the bishop they being amased, went with an euill will about the businesse enioyned. But the people inflamed wt hatred, gladly coueted to be reuenged and to shed the bloud of the sayd Hubert.

¶ The cause why Peter Byshop of Wint. was so cruelly set against the Iustice,The [...] of disple [...] betweene Hubert an [...] the bi [...]t [...]s of Wint. was partly for the damages hee had done to the Romane Priestes, as is before touched: Partly also for the olde grudge, because the king comming to his lawful age before (through the counsail of this Hubert) losed himselfe frō the gouernment of the sayd B. who had him then in custodie. And thus rose vp the grudge and displeasure of this bishop him.

On the next morowe, the Londiners issuing out of the citie to the number of xx. M. setfoorth toward the Abbey of Merton,Hubert [...] strate vpo [...] the grou [...] [...] himselfe [...] God. where Hubert was lying prostrate before the altar, commending himselfe to God.

In the meane season, while the Citizens were in their iourney, raging against the poore erle of Kent: it was suggested to the king by Radulfe B. of Chichester, and Lorde Chauncelor, that it was daungerous to excite vp the vulgare and vnruly multitude, for feare of sedition: le [...]t peraduenture, the rude and heady people being stirred vp,Sage counsaile of an Erle giuē to the kyng. will not so soone be brought downe againe, when the K. would haue them. Moreouer, what shalbe sayd (quod he) among the French men and other nations, which of great things loue to make them greater, & of euill things to make them worse then they are: but thus iestingly & mockingly: See what a kind bird is the yong king of England, whych seeketh [Page] to deuour his old nurse vnder whose wings he had ben brought vp and nourished in his youth. [...]he marue [...]us wor [...]ng of the [...]ords helpe [...] time of [...]eed, Iuxta [...]rsum saith [...]he storie: [...] ales, alis [...]lium ne lō [...]us ales. [...]x addita [...]entis Mat. [...]arisiensi. [...]ag. 81. And thus the king by the perswasion hereof, chaūging his councell, sēt in all hasty wise after the army againe, willing them to retract theyr iourney, and to retire, And thus the Londiners (although much agaynst their wils) returned home, missing of theyr purpose. Wherein is to be obserued another notable example of Gods working prouidence. For when y• king (sayth the history) had sent by 2. messēgers or purseuants to reuoke and call back again the army of the Londiners, going with gredy mindes to shed the bloud of the innocent Iustice: One of the messengers posting with all speed possible, with the kinges letters, ouertook the army: and comming to the foreward, where the Captains were by vertue of the kings letters staied their course and bloudy purpose, wherby they could proceed no farther. But the other messēger crafty and malicious, who bearing hatred to the sayd Hubert, rather wishing him to be slayne, then to be deliuered: lingred by the way of purpose (although being commaunded to make haste) & when he came, went onely but to the middle sort. More like a messēger meet to serue a dead mans arrant,A notable [...]xample of Gods iust [...]unishment [...]triking with [...]eath him [...]hat seeketh [...]he death of [...]nother. then to serue the turne of them which be aliue. And [...]o in like maner by the iust hand of God it fell vpon him. For the same messenger stombling with his horse, riding but a soft or a foote pace, and rather walking then riding: fell down backward from his horse backe, and there brake his necke and dyed. This mercifull message of the king was, as is said, sent by the instigation of Radulph B. of Chichester Lord Chaunceller (a vertuous and a faythfull man) and one that coulde skill to haue compassion on the miseries of men.Cōmendation of Radulf B. of Chichester. Of whom was declared before, that he being elected Archbishop of Canterbury, would not get one halfe peny to theyr expenses by the way, to geue his election cōfirmed by the Pope: and afterward by the sayd Pope was defeited and frustrated of his election, as relation was made before pag. 274. And thus through Gods prouidēce by the meanes of the kings letters the army returned: and Huberts life (contrary to hys expectation) was preserued.

The Archb. of Dubline againe maketh inter [...]ession for Hubert.After this, the Archbishop of Dubline with much labour and great fute intreated and obteined of the king to graunt vnto the sayd Hubert respite till the twelfe day of Ianuary, to prouide himself of his answere to such things as were commensed agaynst him. Then Hubert trusting to enioy some safety by the kings permission to him graū ted, to breath himselfe a litle and to walke abroad, took his iourny towardes S. Edmūdesbury, where his wife was. And passing through the countrey of Essex, was Inned there in a certaine towne belonging to the bishop of Norwich. Wherof when the king was certified, fearing lest he would raise vp some commotion in the Realme: sēdeth in hasty anger after him Syr Godfred Cranecombe knight, with 300. men: commaunding vnder payne of hanging, that they should apprehend him, & bring him to the tower of London. Which commaundement to accomplish, there lacked no haste. Hubert hauing intelligence of their comming (rising out of his bed naked as he was) ranne to the chappel standing nere to the Inne,Hubert flyeth to the Church for his refuge. where he holdeth with the one hand the crosse, with the other hand the Sacramēt of the Lordes body. Then Godfride with his foresayd armed souldiours entring into the Chappell, willed him to come out.Hubert violētly drawen out of the Church. Hubert cast into the tower of Londō Which when he would not: with violent hands he drew him out of the Chappell, and taking the Crosse & Sacrament out of his hands, fast bound him with fetters and giues vnder the horse belly, and brought him as they were commaunded, to the Tower. And so certifying the king what they had done (who then taried vp waking for them) he reioyced not a little thereat, and went mery to his bed.

The kyng blamed for breaking the peace of holy Church.The next morrow following after, Roger Byshop of London had knowledge, how and in what order he was taken violently out of the Chappell, he commeth to the king blaming him boldely for violating the peace of holy church, and protested that vnlesse the partye were loosed agayne, & sent to the Chappel from whence he was drawn, he would enter sentente of excommunication agaynst all the deed doers,

The Kyng compelled to send Hubert againe to his sanctuary.The king as he did not deny his transgression herein, so sendeth him, (albeit agaynst his will) out of the Tower to the said Chappell agayn & by the same souldiors which brought him out before. Which done, he geueth in straight charge and commaundement vnder payne of hanging to the Shiriffes of Herforde and of Essex, that they in theyr owne persons with the strength of both Shyres shoulde watch and compasse about the Chappell, and see that the sayd Hubert no wayes might escape. Which commaundement of the king was accōplished with all diligence. But Hubert took all this patiently, and continued in the chappell praying both night and day, & commending his cause vnto the Lord, whom he desired so to deliuer him from that instant daunger, as he alwayes sought the kings honor by his faythfull and trusty seruice. And as he continued in his prayer, so the king continuing in his rage, commaunded that no man should intreat for him, or make any mention of him in his presence. Notwithstanding, yet Lucas Archbishop of Dubline,Example of a constant friend in the time of need. his true and almost onely friend, ceased not to pray and weepe to the king for hym, desiring the king at least to intimate to him, what he purposed should be done with Hubert. Whereun [...] the King answering, sayd: that of three things one he should choose:Three things put to Hubert to chuse. whether he woulde abiure the Realme of England for euer, or be condemned to perpetuall prison, or els confesse himselfe openly to be a Traytour. But Hubert hereunto sayde, that he woulde choose none of these Articles, as who knew himselfe neither guiltye, nor worthye of anye suche confusion: but to satisfye somewhat the minde of the Kyng, he woulde be content to departe the Realme for a season, but to abiure the Realme, he woulde not so doe.

In this meane time it befel, that Ranulphus Earle of Chester and of Lincoln, one of his sorest enemies died. Hubertus all this while, remayned in the Chappell inclosed & garded about with the power, as is sayd, of two shires, & so continued til at length by the cōmaūdement of the king his two seruitours whiche ministred to him within the Chappell,Hubert yeldeth himselfe to the Sheriffes. were taken from him. Then Hubert seeing no other remedy but there to sterue for famine, offered hymselfe of his owne accorde to the Shiriffes, saying that he would put himselfe rather in the kinges mercy, then there desperately to perish for hunger.Hubert reduce [...] again to the Tower. And so was he takē, and being fast bound in fetters, was brought agayne & clapped by the Kinges commaundement, in the Tower of London.

Not long after this, word was brought to the king by certaine, that the said Hubert had muche treasure lying in the house of the new Templaries in London. Wherupon the king to try out the trueth thereof sendeth for the Prior or maister of yt house, who not daring to deny, confessed yt there was in deed treasure brought into the house, but the quantity and number thereof he could not tell. The King desirous to season vpō the treasure, required and charged the maister with his brethren, with threatning wordes, to bring forth the treasure to him, saying, that it was taken and stolne out of his treasury.Faithfull dep [...] sitaries. But they answered againe that the treasure was committed with trust and sayth vnto theyr hands: and therfore they would nor ought to let it go out of theyr hands, being trusted withall, without the assent of him which committed the same vnto them. When the king could get no other answere at their hands, neither durst shew any further violēce against thē, he sendeth to Hubert in ye Tower, requiring of him the foresaid treasures. To whom he aunswering agayne mildely, yelded both himselfe, his treasures & all that euer he had vnto the kings will & pleasure, & so sending word to the maister & brethren of the Temple, willeth them to take al the keyes, and deliuer the goods, with all that there was to the king, who receiuing the same,Hubert berest of all his treasures. and taking an Inuentory of that which was receiued, caused it to be brought to his treasure, wherof the number both of the plate, of coyne, and of the iewels was of price vnknown.Anno. 1232. The enemies of Hub. supposing thereby to take aduaūtage against him to bring him to his end came with open complaynt to the king, criyng out against Hubert, that he was a thief, a traitor, and a robber of the kings treasure, and therefore by right was worthy to be hanged, and thus cried his accusers dayly in the kinges eare.God ruleth the heartes of kings. But the hartes of kinges (sayth the wise man) are in the handes of the Lord, to be ruled not after mans will, but as it pleaseth God to direct them. And so this king hauing now his will & fill vpon poore Hubert & somwhat cōming more vnto himselfe, answered againe in this wise: that there was no such need to deale so straitly with him, who from the time of his youth first serued mine vncle King Richard,The kings answere in defence of Hubert. then my father king Iohn, in whose seruice, (as I heard say) beyond the Seas he was driuen to eat his horse, Parisies. pag. 81. and in my time hath stand so constantly in defence of the Realme agaynst forreine nations, who kept the castle of Douer agaynst king Lewes, and vanquished the Frenchmen vpon the Seas, also at Bedford, and at Lincolne hath done suche seruice. And though agaynst me he hath dealt any thing vntruely, which yet is not euidentlye proued, yet he shall neuer be put by me to so villanous death.A worthy w [...]rd of a kyng. I had rather be counted a king foolish and simple, then to be iudged a tyraunt or a seeker of bloude, especiallye of such as haue serued me [Page] and mine auncesters in many perils so daūgerously, weying more the few euilles which yet be not proued, then so many good desertes of his euident & manifest seruice done both to me and to the whole realm. &c. And thus the king somewhat relenting to poore Hubert his olde seruaunt, graunted vnto him all such landes as he had geuen by K. Iohn his father, and whatsoeuer els he had by his owne purchase.

The kings mynd relenteth toward Hubert.Thus Hubert after long trouble, a little chered wyth some peece of comfort, set Laurence his trustye friend that neuer left him, one that belonged to S. Albons, to be hys Stuard and ouerseer of those possessions graunted to him by the king. And shorely vpon the same, after the kinges minde was seene thus something to relent, the enuy also of the nobles being now partly satisfied: began to turne to mercy▪ Foure Earles sureties for Hubert. In so much that 4. Earles, to witt Earle Richard the kinges brother, William Earle of Warrtine, Richard Earle Marshall, and William Earle of Ferrys, became sureties to the king for him. Upon whose surety he was transferred to the Castle of Deuizis:Hubert put in the Castle of Denisis. where he was vnder the keeping of 4. souldiours by them appoynted, hauing the liberty of the Castle. But the Byshopp of Winchester, who alwayes hunted after the life of Hubert, craftely cō meth to the king,Anno. 1233. and desireth the custodye of that Castle, making no mention of Hubert, to the intent that by the keeping thereof, he might the sooner dispatch him. Hubert hauing therof some inkling, breaketh the matter to two of his seruants, who with compassion tendering his misery, watched their time (the kepers being a sleep) and conueied by might vpon theyr backes,Hubert conueyed out of the Castle into the Parish Church. fettered as he was, into the parish Church of the Towne, and there remayned wyth him. The keepers when they mist theyr prisoner, were in great perplexity, and after diligent searche finding hym at length where he was in the Churche, with violent force drew him from thence to the Castle againe. For the which iniury to the Church, the Bishop of Sarum, vnderstanding the order of the matter, commeth to the Castle where the keepers were, and required that Hubert shoulde be brought againe into the Church, from whence he was taken. Which whē the keepers denied to do, saying that they would rather he should hang then they: then the Byshop gaue sentence agaynst them of excommunication. Which done,Hubert againe taken out of the church, and brought backe to the Castle. he with the Bishop of London and other Byshops, goeth immediately to the king, complayning of the iniury done to Hubert, and especially of the contiunely agaynst holye Churche: neither woulde they leaue the King before they had obtayned that hee shoulde bee reduced agayne into the Churche, and so he was. It was not long after, but the king in great displeasure sendeth to the Sheriffe of the shyre to keepe him well watched in the Churche, till either he came forth, or there perished wyth famine.

Hubert deliuered out of prison and caried into Wales.It befel in the meane season that great dissention rose betwene the king and the nobles of the Realme, by reason whereof Hubert was taken and caried away by Richard Earle Marshall into Wales, and there remayned till the king at length was reconciled with his nobles, and so receiued with the rest the sayd Hubert agayne into hys fauour. Ex Math. Parisiens. Ex Flor. Historiarum. Of the which dissention more shall be shewed (Christ willing) hereafter.

Roger B. of Lō don goeth to Rome to purge himselfe before the Pope.As the beginning of this trouble of Hubert first sprang of vexing the Hopes barnes: so likewise Roger bishop of London suspected for the same cause, was enforced to trauell vp to Rome, there to purge himselfe before the Pope. Where after much money consumed, & robbed also by the way, he gat nothing els, but lost his labour, and so came home agayne. Who then doing the part of a good Bishop, after his returne from Rome, attempted to expell and exclude out of his Dioces all these Italian vsurers called, as is before sayd Caursini.Against Vsurers. These Caursinites comming with the Popes Legats into England, and lending their money to Religious houses, to Colleges and Churches, had their debters to them boūd in such sort, as was much vntageable to them, & much iniurious vnto the other, as in the forme of theyr obligations in the storyes of Mathew Parisiens. is largely expressed fol. 65. Against these Caursinites the Bishoppe of London being worthely inflamed with zeale of iustice,Vsurers excommunicated and expelled by the Byshop of London. first with louing admonition, went about to reclayme them, for the wealth of theyr soules, afterward with sharpe wordes began to charge them. But they neither regarding Christian councell, and despising the Bishops threatnings, would not leaue the sweetnesse of their occupation. Wherfore the Bishop proceding to the sentence of excommunication,Excommunication well vsed against vsurers. precisely and districtly charged them to depart his Dioces. But they agayne being confident & emboldned vpon the popes defence, not onely set at light his excommunication, but also wrought such wayes with the Pope, that they caused the sayd B. of Lō don, being both aged and sickely, to be cited peremptoryly to appeare beyond the Seas, there to answere to such obiections as they should inferre agaynst him. And thus the Byshop minding rather to couer, then to open the faults of the Church, and partly being let with infirmitye & age, was compelled to let the cause fall.

And thus much of the popes marchants here in England, which were not so busye here for theyr part, but the Pope the great maister of these marchaunt vsurers, was as busy for hys. And although his barnes here in England were destroyed, and his banke something decayed, yet he thought to winne it vp an other way: for he proclaimed the same yere a generall visitation through all the religious houses exempt or not exempt vniuersally perteyning to his iurisdiction,The [...] visitation [...] the Pope, through [...] religious houses. where by the cruell dealing of the visitours, many were compelled to appeale and to trauell vp to Rome, to the great expenses of their mony, and filling the Popes coffers. But as touching this visitation, to make short (sayth the story) it tended not to any reformation so much, as to the deformatiō of the vniuersal order, Dum omnes qui in diuersis or bis partibus vnicam Benedicti secuti fuerant regulam, Ex Parien [...] per nouas constitutiones ita inueniantur vbi (que) discordes, quòd ex omnibus coenobijs, vel alijs religiosorum Ecclesijs vix duo habeantur in norma viuendi cōcordes. i. While all they, which before through all partes of the world followed onely the rule of Benedict, now through new deuised constitutions are found in all places so deuided & diuers,The grea [...] diuersitie [...] mong all religious o [...] ders noted. that of all monasteryes, and other churches of religion, scarse may two be foūd, which do agree in one rule and institution of life.

All this while that Hubert aboue mentioned was secluded from the king, Peter B. of Winchester bare all the rule, and aboue al other alone was accepted. This bishop being in such principall fauor with the king, as by whose councell all thinges were administred, remoued the naturall seruitours that were Englishmen, out of their offices, and placed other straungers, namely of Pictauia, and of other countryes in theyr roome. Amōg whom was thrust out William the Undermarshall,Olde [...]e [...] tures of the kyng p [...]tect and discha [...] ged. which supplyed ye roome of Richard Lord great Marshall of England: for ye which cause, the sayd Lord Richard was mightely offended. Also Walter Treasurer of the kinges house, was not onely expelled, but also mersed at an hundreth pound, & put frō all his holdes and munitions, which he had by the kinges patent graunted to him.

Moreouer by the counsell of the sayd Bishop of Winchester, all the olde councellers as well Bishops, as other Earles and Barons, and all the nobles were reiected frō the king in such sort, that he would heare & folow no mās councell, but onely the sayd Peter Bishop of Winchester, and his cosin Peter de Riuallis. Whereby it came to passe that all the greatest holdes and munitions in the Realme were taken from the old kepers and committed to the custodye of the sayd Peter. Then the Bishop of Winchester, to plant and pitch himselfe more strongly in the kings fauor, adioyned to his felowship Stephen Segraue succeeding in the place of Hubert the iustice: also Robert Passelew, who had the keeping of the treasure vnder the foresayd Peter Riuall. So by these three all the affayres of the realme were ordred. Moreouer to make theyr party more sure,The King forsaketh [...] nobles and sticketh to straungers▪ by them was prouided, that souldiours and seruitors from beyond the Sea, as Pictauians and Britans were sent for, to the number of two thousand, which were placed partly about the king, partly were set in Castles & holdes within the Realme, and had the ouersight and gouernment of Shyres and Baronies, who then oppressed the nobles of the land, accusing them to the king for traytours: whom the simple king did lightly beleue, committing to them the custodye of his Treasures, the sitting in iudgements, and the doing in all thinges: And when the nobles thus oppressed, came to complayn of their iniuries to the king, by the meanes of the Byshop of Winchester, theyr cause was nothing regarded. In so muche that the sayd Winchester moreouer accused certayne Bishops also to the king, so that he did flee and shunne them as open traytors and rebels.

These things standing thus out of order,Richard [...] Marschal [...] admonisheth the kyng. Richard the noble Marshal of England, with other of the nobles ioyning with him, seing these oppressions and iniuries dayly growing contrary to the lawes and wealth of ye realm, came to the king, and blamed him for retayning such peruerse counsell about him of the Pictanians and other foreners, to the great preiudice of his naturall subiects, and of the liberties of the Realme, humbly desiring and beseeching him, that he with as much speed as might be, would [Page] reforme & redresse such excesses, whereby the whole realme seemed to lie in daunger of subuersion. Otherwise, if he refused to see correction thereof, he with other peeres and nobles, would withdraw themselues from his counsell, so long as he maintayned the societie of those foreners and strangers about him.

The disdaynfull answere of the B. of Wint. to the nobles.To this Peter Winchester aunswering agayne, sayde: that the king right wel might cal vnto him what foreners and straungers him listed, for the defence both of his kingdome and of his crowne: and what number of them he would, as by whom he might be able to bridle his proude and rebellious subiectes, and so to keepe them in awe and good order, Whē the Earle and the nobles could get no other aunswere of him, in great perturbatiō they departed, promising among themselues, in this cause which so touched the state of the whole Realme, the would constantly ioyne together to the parting of their life.

Wicked coū saile about a kyng.After this, the foresayd Petrus Bishoppe of Winchester with his cōplices, ceased not by all meanes to inflame the kinges hart to hatred and contempt of his naturall people, whom they so vehemently peruerted, that he coūting them no other then his enemies, sought by all diligence yc vtter destruction of thē: sending dayly for moe garisons of the Pictauians, that in short space they replenished weineare the whole land,Petrus de Rupibus B. of Wint. perter of the kyng. whose defence the king onely trusted vnto: neither was any thing disposed in the Realme, but through the guiding of this Peter, and of the Pictauians.

The king thus garded and strengthened with these foreine aliens and straungers, proclaimed aparliamēt to be holden at Oxford, where the nobles were warned to be present. They considering the indignation of the king cō ceiued, would not appeare. Agayn they were required the first, second, and third tune to present themselues. The assembly proceeded, but they came not for whom the king looked. In this assembly or Parliament, it was playnely told the king by a Dominick Fryer preaching before him, that unlesse he remoued from him the Bishop of Winchester and Peter Riuall his kinsma, he should, neither could long enioy peace in his kingdome. This although it was bluntly spoken of the Frier against the Bishop: yet this remedy he had: the frier had nothing to lose. Yet was ther another Chaplein of the Court, who preceiuing the king somewhat instigated by the former preaching, and after a courtlike dexterity handling his matter, being a pleasaunt conceited man,A mery Apothegma of the kinges Chaplain. thus merely came to the king asking a question, what was the thing most pernitious & daungerous of all other thinges to them that trauaile by yc seas? That, sayd the king, is best knowne to suche as trauayle in that kinde of trafficke. Nay, sayth he, this is easy to be folde. The king demaunding what it was: forsooth (quoth he) stones and rockes, alluding merely, but yet truely to the Bishop of Winchester, whose name and surname was Petrus de Rupibus. For so Petrae in Latine signifieth stones, & Rupes rockes. Notwithstanding the king either not perceiuing the meaning, or not amending the fault, again signifieth to his nobles to speake with him at Westminster. But they fearing some trayne to be layd for them, refused to appeare:The message of the nobles to the kyng. sending playne word to the king by solemne message, that his grace without all delay should seclude frō him Peter B. of Winchester and other aliens of Pictauia, or if he would not, they with the common assent of the realme, would displace him with his wicked councellours from his kingdome, and haue within themselues tractation for choosing a new king.

The king at the hearing of this message being mightely moued, partly to feare, partly to indignation, especally hauing yc late example of king Iohn his father before his eyes,Warre railed by the kyng against his nobles. was cast in great perplexity, doubting what was best to be done. But Winchester with his wicked councell so wrought with the king, that he proceeded with all seuerity agaynst them: In so much that in short time the sparkles of poisoued coūcell kindling more and more, grew to a sharpe battayle betweene the king, and Richard Earle Marshall, with other nobles, to the great disquietnesse of the whole Realme. The which warre before was presignified by terrible thundering and lightning heard al england ouer in the moneth of march, with such aboundaūee of raine and flouds growing vpon the same,Great thunders & flouds in England. as cast down milnes, ouercouered the fields, threw downe houses, and did much harine through the whole Realme.

To prosecute here at large the whole discourse of thys warre betwene the king and Earl Marshall, which continued neare the space of two yeares, to declare all yc parts and circumstances thereof, what trouble it brought, what damage it wrought to yc whole realm, what traines were layd, what slanghter of men, what waste of whole countryes ensued from Wales vnto Shrewsbery, how yc marshall ioyned himselfe with Leoline Prince of Walles, how the Pictauians were almost all slayne & destroyd, how the king was distressed, what forgery wily wint. wrought by the kings letters to entrap the Marshall & to betray him to the Irishmen, among whom he was at length slayne, all this I referr to other authors. Who at large do entreat of the same, as Math. Parisiens. Florilegus & such other. This is to be noted and obserued (whithe rather perteineth to our Ecclesiasticall history) to see what sedition and continuall disquietnes was in those dayes among all Christen people almost, being vnder the popes Catholick obediēce. But especially to marke the corrupt doctrine then reigning, it is to be maruelled, or rather lamented, to see the king and the people then so blinded in the principall point and article of their saluation, as we finde in storyes, which making mention of a house or Monastery of Conuertes builded the same yeare by the king at London, do expres in playne wordes, that he then did it Pro redemptione animae suae, Monasteries builded pro redemptione animae. & Regis Ioannis patris sui, & omnium antecessorum suorum. i. For the redemptiō of his soule, of the soule of king Iohn his father, & for the soules of all his auncieers. &c. Whereby may be vnderstand in what palpable darknes of blind ignoraunce the sely soules redeined by Christ, were then inwrapped, which did not know nor yet wee taught the right doctrine and first principles of their redemption. Ex Math. Parisien sipag. 86.

Mention was made a litle before pag. 275.Iohn Archb. of Cant. elected by the Chapter, againe vnelected by the Pope. of dissoluing the election of Iohn Prior of Cāterbury, which was chosen by the Monkes to be Archbishop of yc sayd churche of Canterbury, but by the pope was defeited. After whom one Iohn Blūd was elected, who trauelling vp to Rome this yeare an. 1233. to be confirmed of the Pope, was also repealed and vnetected agayne, for that it was thought in England, & so complayned of to the Pope, that he had receiued of Peter Bishop of Winchester a thousand markes and had another thousand promised him of the sayd Winchester. who by his mony thought to make him of his side and also wrote to the Emperor to helpe forward his promotion in the court of Rome.Corruption of bribes. Notwithstanding, both he with his geuing, and the other with his taking of bribes were both detected and disapoynted of theyr purpose. For the Pope hating then the Emperour, for the same cause admitted not the election, pretending the cause, for that he was proued to holde to benefices without his dispensation.Edmund archb. of Canterbury. After whom by the commaundement of the Pope one Edmund Chanon of Salisbury was ordeyned Archbyshop, and had his Palle sent to him from the Pope, which Edmunde after for his vertues was Canonised of the Popishe Monkes there for a Saynte,Saint Edmund Canonysed, Robert Grosted made Byshop of Lincolne. and called S. Edmund. About which time also Robert Brosted was made B. of Lincolne.

This Edmund accompanied with other Byshoppes, during this trouble betwene the king and his nobles, being in councell at Westminster,Anno. 1231. Faithfull counsaile of the Byshops geuen to the kyng. in the yeare next ensuing, which was 1234. came vetering their minde boldely in the name of the Lords, & declaring vnto the king as became his saythfull seruantes, that his councell which then he folowed, was not found, nor safe, but cruell and daungerous both to him and to the state of the Realme, meaning the councell of Peter Winchester and of Peter Riuall, with other adherentes.

1. FIrst and in primis,The counsaile of Winchest, and such other Byshops about the kyng disproued for certayne causes.for that they hate and contemne the English nation, calling them traitours and rebels: and turning the kings heart from the loue of hys naturall subiectes, and the hartes of them from hym, as appeareth by the Earle Marschal and other, sowing discorde among them.

2. Item, by the sayd Counsaile, to wit, by the foresaid bishop and his fellowes, king Iohn the kings father lost first the heartes of his Barons, after that lost Normandy, and afterward other landes also, and in the end wasted all hys treasure, so that since that tyme the regiment of England had neuer no quiet after.

3. By the sayd Counsayle also, in their time and memorye, the kingdome of England had bene troubled and suspended, and in conclusion, became tributary, she that was before the Prince of Prouincies, and so warre insuing vpon the same, the sayd Kyng Iohn his father incurred great daunger of death and at last was extinguished, lacking both peace of hys kingdome and of his own heart.

4. Item, by the sayd counsayle the Castle of Bedford was kept long tyme agaynst the king, to the great losse both of men & treasure, beside the losse of Rupella, to the shame of the Realme of England.

5. Moreouer, through their wicked counsayle, at this present, great perturbation seemed to hang ouer the whole realme, for els if it had not bene for their counsayle, and that true iustice and iudgement might haue bene ministred vnto the kinges subiects, [Page]these tumultes had neuer bene stirred, and the king might haue had his land vnwasted, and his treasure vnconsumed.

6. Item, in that sayth and alleageance wherwith they were obliged vnto him, they protested vnto him that the sayd his councell was not a councell of peace, but of deuision and disquietnesse, to the end that they which otherwise by peace could not aspire, by disturbing and disheriting other might be exalted.

7. Item, for that all the castles, fortes, munitions, also all the offices of the Eschequer, with all other the greatest exchetes of the realme were in their handes, of the which, if the king would demaund a count, he should proue how true they were.

8. Item for that neither by the kinges seale, nor commaundement, except it bare withall the seale of Peter Riuall, almost no busines of any weight could be dispatched in the realm, as thogh their counted the king for no king.

9. Furthermore, by the foresayd councell, the naturall subiectes and nobles of the realme were banished the Court, which was to be feared would grow to some inconuenience both to the kyng and to the Realme, for so muche as the king seemed more to be on their side then they of his, as by many euident coniectures may appeare.

10. Item, it was not well to be taken and liked, the sayd councell standing of straungers and aliens, to haue in theyr power both the kinges sister, and many other noble mens daughters and other women mariageable, with the kinges wardes and mariages, which they bestowed and deuided among themselues, and men of their affinity.

11. Also, the sayd councell regarding neither the lawes, nor liberties of the Realme confirmed and corroborated by excommunication, did confound and peruert all iustice. Wherefore it was to be feared they would runne vnder excommunication, and the king also in communicating with them.

12. Item, because they kept neither promise nor sayth, nor oath with any person, neither did obserue an instrument made neuer so formall by law, nor yet did feare any excommunication. Wher fore they were to be left for people desperate, as which were departed from all truth and honesty.

These thinges (sayd the Bishops) we as your saythfull subiects before God, & men, do tell and aduertise your grace, desiring and beseching you, that you will remoue & seclude from you such councell, and as the custome is of all other kingdoms to do, that you will so gouern in like maner your kingdome by your owne natural liege people, & such as be sworne vnto you of your own realm. For thus (said they) in verity we denounce vnto you,Excōmunicatiō denounced by the Bishops against the kyng. that unles in short time you will see these thinges reformed, we according to our duety, will proceed by y• consure of the church agaynst you, and all other that gaynstand the same: tarying no other thing, but onely the consecration of this our reuerend Archbyshop.

The kyngs answere to the byshops.These wordes of the Bishops thus sayd and finished, the king required a little time of respite, wherein to aduise with himselfe aboue the matter, saying, that he could not in such a sodeine remoue from him his counsell, before he had entred with them a coūt of his treasure committed to them, and so that assemble brake up.

It followed then after this communication so broken vp, that the king resorted to the parts of northfolk, where cōming by S. Edmunds bury, where the wife of Hubert y• Iustice was,The pitie of the kyng toward the wife of Hubert. he being moued with zeale of pity toward the woman, who very humbly behaued her self to y• king, did graunt vnto her 8. manor places, which her husband before with his mony had purchased, being then in the custody and possession of Robert Passelew, one of the kings new counsellors aboue specified.Edmund consecrated Archb. of Cant. which was afterward canonised by Pope Innocent the fourth for a Sainct. It was not long after this, but Edmund the Archbishop was inuested and consecrated in the church of Caunterbury, who shortly after his consecratiō, about the moneth of April, comming with his Suffraganes to the place of counsell, where the kyng with his Earles and Barons was assembled, opened to him the cause and purpose of his comming & of the other Prelates, which was to put him in remembrance of their former talke had with him at Westminster: Denouncing moreouer to him expresly, that vnles with speed he would take a better way, & fall to a peaceable and godly agremēt wt the true & faithfull nobles of his realme,Example of excommunication rightly practised. he incontinent with the other Prelates there present, would passe with the sentence of excommunication against him, and against all them that should be enemies to the same peace, & main teiners of discord.

The kyngs promise to the Byshops.The king after he heard the meaning of the Bishops, with humble and gentle language answered them again, promising to condescend to them in all things, whereupon within few dayes after, the king comming to some better remembrauce of himselfe, cōmaunded the forenamed byshop of Winchester to leaue the court, and return home to his Bishoprick,Peter Bi [...], of Wi [...]t [...] charge the Court. Peter K [...] called to a count of the kings tr [...] sures. there to attend vnto the spiritual charge and care of his flocke committed to him. Moreouer he cō manded Peter Riual the Bishops cosin (some storyes say his sonne) who had then the disposing of all the assayres of the Realme, to render vnto him his castles, and to geue a count of all his treasures, whereof he had the keeping, and so to voyd the Realme, swearing moreouer vnto him, but for that he was benefised, and was within orders of the Churche, else he woulde haue caused both his eyes to be pluckt out of his head.

He expelled likewise the Pictauians out of the court, and from the custody of his munitions,Pictauian [...] & strange [...] sent home by the king into their countrey, Reconciliation sought betwene the king and the nobles. sending thē home into theyr coūntry and bidding they should no more see his face. And thus the king wisely dispatching himselfe of his wicked counsellers, first did send Edmund the Archbyshop, with the bishops of Chester and of Rochester, into Wales to Leoline, and to Richard Earle Marshal and other, to intreat with them of peace. Also he receiued to hys seruice agayne men of his naturall countrey, to attend about him, offering himself willing to be ruled by the counsell of the Archbishop and the Bishops, by whose prudēce he trusted his Realme should be reduced agayne to a better quietnes.

But in the meane time, while these thinges were doing in England, the foresayd Richard Earle Marshall by the falshood of the bishop of Winchester and Peter Riuall,Richard Earle Marshall fraudulently ti cumu [...]nized and slaire [...] Ireland, Catini [...] about Almaine, iudged of the Papistes for hereticker. Albinger [...] slaine in Spaine by the Popes setting on forging the kinges letters to the Irishmen against him, & partly by the conspiracy of Gilbert de Marisco, was circumuented by the Irishmen in war, and there taken and wounded, was by them through the meanes of his Surgean slayne.

Great slaughter the same tune was of thē which were called Latini, about the partes of Almaine. These Latini were estemed of pope Gregory and the Papistes to be heretickes. But what their opinions were I finde it not expressed. In Parisiení.

In like sort the Albigenses afore mentioned, recounted also of the popes flocke to be heretickes, with theyr bishops, & a great number and company of thē were slaine by the commaundemēt of pope Gregory at the same time in a certayne playne in Spayne. Ex Ma. Priens. fol. 87.

Now the Archbishop of Canterbury with other two Byshops, were sent into Wales for intreatye of peace, ye heard before. At whose returne agayne after the time of Easter, the king going toward Glocester to meet them by the way, as he was in his iourney at woodstocke, came messengers from Ireland, declaring to y• king the death of Richard Earle Marshall,The Klimenteth the death of Richard Earle, Marshall. and the order thereof, through y• forged letters of Winchester and other, whereat the king made great lamētation and mourning, to the great admiratiō of all them that were by, saying & complayning, that he left not his like in all the realine agayne.

After this the king proceeding in his iourney came to Glocester. Where the Archbish, with the other Bishops comming to the king, declared to him the forme and conditiō of peace which they had cōcluded with Leoline, which was this: If the king would be reconciled before with the other nobles with whom he was confederate, such as the king had banished out of his realm: to the end that the cō cord might be the more firme betweene them.The saying of Leonline kyng of Wales, The almost of K. Henry more feared thē his p [...] saunce. Thus (sayd they) was Leoline contented, although with much a do & great difficulty, to receiue y• league of peace, saying & protesting thus vnto them, that he feared more the kings almose, then all the puisaunce both of him and of all his clergy within England.

This done the king there remaining to the Bishops, directed his letters to all the exiles and banished Lords & to all his nobles, that they should repayre to him about y• beginning of Iune, at Glocester,Peace cōcluded between the king and the nobles. promising to thē his full fauour & reconcilement to them and to their heyres, & that they should suspect no fraud therin, they should haue their safeconduct by the Archbishop and Bishops.

Whereupon through the mediation of the sayd Archbishop and the Bishops, first commeth to the king Hubert Earle of Kent, offering himself to the kings good will and fauor.Hubert Earle of Kent restored agayn to the kings fauour. Whom the king with chearefull countenance receiued and embraced, restoring him not onely to his fauour, but also to his household & councell, with his liuings and possessions frō which he had bene deseised before. Thē Hubert lifting vp his eies to heauen, gaue prayse and glory to God,Hubert geueth thanks to God. by whose gracious prouidēce he so merucilously being preserued frō so great distresses & tribulatiōs, was agayne so happely reconciled to the king, and his faythfull frends. After him in like sort came in Gilbert Basset a noble mā, Richard Suard: also Gilbert the brother of Rich. Marshall that was slain, which Gilbert recouered again his whole inheritance as wel in England as in Ireland, [Page] doing his homage to the king and his seruice due for the same. To whom also was graunted the office of the high Marshall court, belonging before to his brother Richard.

In the same councell or communication continuing then at Glocester, the sayd Edmund Archbishop of caunterbury, bringing the forged letters, wherein was betraied the life of Richard Earle Marshall, sealed with the kings seale, [...]lihood & murder commuch out. Kings many [...]imes abused by wicked [...]ounsaile. and sent to the great mē of Ireland, read the same openly in the presence of the king and all the nobles. At the hearing wherof, the king greatly sorrowing and weeping confessed there in truth that being forced by the Bishop of Winchester and Peter De Riuallis, he cōmanded his seale to be set to certayne letters presented vnto him, but the tenor thereof he said & sware he neuer heard, whereunto the Archbishop aunswering agayn, desired the king to search well his conscience, & said, that all they which were procurers of knowledge of those letters, were gilty of the death of the Earle Marshall, no lesse then if they had murdered him with theyr owne handes.

The Bish. of Winchester called to his answere.Then the king calling a councell, sent his letters for the bishop of Winchester, for Peter Riuall, Stephen Segraue, and Robert Passeiew to appere and yeld accoūt for his treasures to them committed and for his seale by them abused. But the Byshop and Riuall keeping themselues in the sanctuary of the minster Church of Winchester, neither durst nor would appeare. Stephē Segraue who succeded after Hubert the Iustice and was of the Clergy before, after became a layman, and now hiding himself in S. Maryes Church in the Abbey of Lecester, was turned to a Clerke agayne, Robert Passelew couertly hid himself in a certain celler of the new tēple, so secretly that none could tell where he was, but thought he was gone to Rome. At length through the foresaid Edmund Archbishop of Canterbury, meanes was made, y• a dilatory day was graunted by the king, for them to aunswere. At which day first appeared Peter De Riuallis,Peter Riual, Stephē Segraue, Rob. Passelew, called to their answer then Stephen Segrane, after him Robert Passelew, ech of them seuerally one after another shewed themselues, but not able to aunswere for themselues like traitors were reproued, and like villanes were sent away. Ex Mat. Parisiens. fol. 91.

Variance betwene Pope Gregory the 9. and the Romanes.

Variance betweene the Pope & Citizens of Rome. The allegation of the Romanes.WHile peace thus betweene the king and the nobles was reconciled in England, dissension, and variance the same time and yere began in Rome, betwene the pope and the Citizens of Rome. The cause was, for that the citizens claymed by old custome and law, that the Byshop of Rome might not excommunicate any Citizen of the citie, nor suspend the said City with any interdiction for any mauer excesse.

The Popes answere.To this the Pope answered agayne, Quòd minor Deo est, sed quolibet homine maior (to vse the very words of mine author) Ergo, Maior quolibet ciue, nae etiam rege, vel Imperatore. &c. that is, that he is lesse then God, but greater then any man. Ergo, greater then any Citizen, yea also greater then king, or Emperor. And for so much as he is theyr spirituall father, he both ought and lawfully may chastise his children when they offēd, as being subiected to him in the sayth of Christ, and reduce them into the way agayn, whē they stray out of course.

The 2. allegation of the Romanes. The Pope bound to pay to Rome yearely tribute.Moreouer, the citizens alledge againe for themselues, that the Potestates of the City and Senators do receiue of the Church of Rome yearely tribute, which the bishops of Rome were bound to pay vnto them, both by new and also auncient law. Of the which yerely tribute, they haue bene euer in possessiō before this present time of this: pope Gregory 9.

Hereunto the pope answered and sayd, that although the Church of Rome in time of persecution,The Pope replyeth. for their defence and cause of peace was wont to respect the head rulers of the Citty with gentle rewardes, yet that ought not now to be taken for a custom: For that custom only ought to stand, which consisteth not vpon examples, but vpon right and reason.

The 3. cause & allegation of the Romanes.Further and besides, the Citizens sayd, that they at y• commandemēt of the Senatour would appropriate their countrey with new and larger limits, and infranches the same being enlarged with fines and borders.

The Popes answere.To this the pope agayne made answere, that certayne Lordshyps and cities and castles be conteined within the compasse of the sayd limites, as the City Uitterbium, and Moutcastee, which they presume to appropriate within their precinct: but to ascribe to them and vsurp that which perteineth to other, is agaynst right and iustice.

For these and such other controuersies rising betwene the Pope and the Romaines, such dissention kindled, that the Pope with his Cardinals leauing the City of Rome, remoued to Perusit [...] (as partly before is recited) thinking there to remayne and to plant thēselues: but the Romans preuailing agaynst h [...]m, ouerthrew diuers of his houses in the city.Excolcational For the which, he did excommunicate thē. The Romanes then flying to the Emperour, desired his ayd & succour: but he, be like to pleasure the Pope, gathering an army, went rather agaynst the Romanes. Thē the popes army, whose Captaynes were the Earle of Tholouse (to purchase the Popes fauour) and Peter the foresayd Byshop of Winchester (whom the Pope for the same had sent for frō england,The Pope warreth against the Romanes. partly for his treasure, partly for his practise and skill in feates of warre) and the Emperours host ioyued together, and bordering about the Citty of Rome, cast downe the castelies or mansions belonging to the citizens round about the Suburbes, to the number of 18. and destroyed all theyr vines and vineyardes about the City. Wherat the Romanes being not a litle offended, brast out of the Cittye with more heat then order, to the number of 100000. (as the frorye reporteth) to destroy Uiterbium the Popes City,A great slaughter of the Romanes by the Pope. Ex Carienst. Pag. 92. with sword and fire. But the multitude being vnordered and out of battaile ray, aud vnprouided for ieoperdies which by the way might happen, fell into the handes of theyr enemies, who were in wayt for them, and of them destroid a great nūber, so that on both parts were slayne to the vew of 30000, but the most part was of the Citizens. And this dissention thus begun was not soone ended, but continued long after.

By these and such other storyes, who seeth not, how farre the church of Rome hath degenerated from the true Image of the right Church of Christ,The Church of Rome degenerated from the image of the true Church. which by the rule & example of the Gospell ought to be a daughter of peace, not a mother of debate, not a reuenger of her selfe, nor seeker of warres, but a forgeuer of iniuries, humbly and patiently referring all reuenge to the Lord, not a raker for riches, but a winner of soules, not contending for worldly maistership, but humbling themselues as seruantes, and not Uicars of the Lorde, but ioyntly like brethren seruing together, Bishops with Bishops, Ministers with Ministers, Deacons with Deacons, and not as Masters separating themselues by superiority one from an other, and briefly communicating together in doctrine and coū sell, one particular church with an other, not as a mother one ouer an other,Difference betweene the church of Rome that was, & the church of Rome that is now. but rather as a sister Church one with an other, seking together the glory of Christ, and not their owne. And such was the Church of Rome first in the olde aunciēt beginning of her primitive state, especially while the crosse of persecution yet kept the Bishops and Ministers vnder in humility of hart and feruent calling vpon the Lord for helpe: so that happy was that Christian then, which with liberty of conscience onely, might holde hys life, how barely soeuer he liued. And as for the pride and pompe of the world, striuing for patrimonyes, buying of Bishoprickes, gaping for benefices, so far was this off frō them, that then they had litle leisure and lesse list yea once to thinke vpon them. Neither did the Bishoppes then of Rome fight to be Consuls of the City, but sought how to bring the Consuls vnto Christ, being glad if the Consuls would permit them to dwell by them in the city.Eastchurch. Westchurch. Neither did they thē presume so hye, to bring the Emperors necks vnder theyr gyrdles, but were glad to saue theyr necks in any corner from the sword of Emperors. Thē lacked they outward peace, but abounded with inward consolation, Gods holy spirit mightely working in their harts. Then was one catholicke vnity of truth and doctrine amongest all churches, agaynst errors and secres. Neither did y• east and west, nor distance of place deuide the church, but both the eastchurch and westchurch, the Greekes and Latynes made all one church. And albeit there were then 5. Patriarchall Seas appoynted for order sake, differing, in regions, & peraduenture also in some rites one from another, yet all these consenting together in one vnity of catholicke doctrine, hauing one God, one Christ, one fayth, one baptisme, one spirit, one head, and lincked together in one bōd of charity, and in one equality of honor, they made altogether, one body,Catholike. one church, one communion, called one catholicke, vniuersall, and Apostolicall church. And so long as this knot of charity and equality did ioyne them in one vnity together, so long the church of Christ florished and encreased, one redy to helpe and harbour another, in time of distresse, as Agapitus and Uigilius flying to Constantinople, were there ayded by the Patriarch. &c. so that all this while neither forrein enemye, neither Saracen nor Souldane, nor Sultane, nor Calipha, nor Corasmine, nor Turke had any power greatly to harme it.

But through the malice of the enemy, this Catholicke [Page] vnity did not lōg continue, and all by reason of the bishop of Rome,The Schilme between the greeke Church and the Church of Rome. Equalitie mother of concord. who not contented to be like his brethren, begā to extend himselfe & to claime superiority aboue the other 4. Patriarchall Seas, & all other Churches in the world. And thus as equality amongst christian byshops was by pride and singularity oppressed: so vnity began by little & litle to be dissolued, and the Lordes coat which the souldiors left whole, to be deuided. Which coat of christian vnity, albeit of long time it had bene now seamcript before by the occasion aforesayd: yet notwithstanding in some peece it held together in some meane agrement, vnder subiectiō to the sea of Rome, till the tune of this pope Gregory the 9. an. 1230. at which tyme thys rupture and schisme of the church brake out into a playn deuisiō, vtterly disseuering the Eastchurch from the westchurch vpon this occasion.

The cause & occasion why the Gre [...]ke Church vtterly brake frō the Romanes.There was a certayn archbyshop elected to an Archbishoprick among the Grecians, who comming to Rome to be cōfirmed, could not be admitted vules he promised a very great summe of mony. Which when he refused to do, and detested the exectable simony of the court of Rome, he made his repayre home agayn to his country vncōfirmed declaring there to the whole nobility of that land, the case how it stood. For y• more confirmation whereof, there were other also, which comming lately from Rome, & there had proued the same or worse, came in and gaue testimony to his saying. Whereupon all the church of the Grecians the same time hearing this, departed vtterly away from the Church of Rome, which was in the dayes of this Pope Gregory the 9. In so much that the Archbishop of Constantinople comming afterward to the generall Councell at Lyons,Mat. Paris. fol. 112. there opēly declared, that where as before time he had vnder him aboue thirty Bishopricks and Suffraganes, now he had not three, adding moreouer that all y• Grecians & certayne other,All Grecia gone from the obedience of the church of Rome Ex Mat. Parisi. fol. 186. with Antioche and the whole Empyre of Romania, cuē to the gates almost of Constantinople, were goue from the obedience of the Church of Rome. &c. Math. Paris. fol. 112. &c fol. 186.

By the occasion of which separation aforesayd, of the Grecians from pope Gregory,Germanus Patriarch of Constantinople writeth to pope Gregory. 9. it happened shortly after, being the yeare of our Lord. 1237. that Germanus Archb. and Patriarch of Constantinople, wrote to the sayd Pope Gregory 9. humbly desiring him to study, and seeke some meanes of vnity, how the seamelesse coat of the Lord Iesus thus lamentably rent, not with handes of soldiours, but by discord of Prelates may be healed agayne, offering this moreouer, that if he will take the paines to stirre out, he for his part, notwithstanding his old age & seeble body would not refuse to meet him in the mid way, to y• intent that the truth on both sides being debated by y• scriptures the wrong part may be reduced, the slaunder stopped, and vnity reformed betwene them.

This request of the Patriarke, as it was both godly & reasonable so it had bene the bishops part again with like humility to haue condescended to the same, and glad with all his might to helpe forward the reformation of christian vnity in the church of Christ, and so to haue shewed himselfe the sonne of peace But the proud Byshop of Rome more like the sonne of discord and dissention, standing still vpon his maiesty, refused thus to do, but writing agayne answere to his letters with great disdayne, seking nothing els but only how to aduance his sea aboue all other churches:The pope setteth the Westchurch to fight against the Eastchurch. Ex. Mat. Parisi. fol. 112. and not onely that, but also shortly after sēt forth his preaching Friers to moue all Christians to take the signe of the crosse & to fight agaynst the Grecians no otherwise then against the Turkes & Saracens: In so much that in the Isle of Cyprus many good men and Martyrs were slayne for the same, as by the letters of the said Germanus Patriarke of Constantinople is to be seene.

The tenour of the which letter to the Pope, with the popes answere agayne to him, being long and tedious to read,Ex libro Math. Paris. manu scripto. fol. 3. & 111. are extant in the history of Math. Paris. there to be sene and found fol. 111. The summary effect whereof notwithstanding, I thought here briefly to notifye for the simple & vnlearned multitude, which vnderstanding not the Latine, may hereby perceiue the fault of this schisme not so much to rest in the greek church, as in the church of Rome as by the contents of his letter may appeare.

The effect of the Patriarch of Constantinople his letter to Pope Gregory. 9.

The letter of Germanus Patriarch of Constantinople to Pope Gregory. 9. anno. 1237.IN the which letter the sayd Germanus Patriarch of Constantinople, writing to Pope Gregory, first after his reuerend salutation and preamble following vpon the same, entring thé toward the matter, sheweth the occasion of his writing, which was by 5. obseruaunt Friers repayring that wayes, whom he gently receiuing into his house, had conference with them touching this discord betwene the two Churches, how it might be reduced again to vnity: and afterward perceiuing the sayd Friers to make theyr iourney towardes to Rome, he thought therefore by thē to write his letters.He shew [...] the inco [...] nience of discord. Wherein he first lamenting this diuision in the house of God, and reciting the inconueniences which come therof, by the example of Iuda and Israel: Ierusalem and Samaria: Cain and Abel: Esau and Iacob: also of other such like, both priuate & publicke societies, where brother sighteth agaynst brother, like as among fishes the greater deuoureth the lesser, he procedeth then further gently to exhort Pope Gregory to the study of vnity.

And for so much as the Pope had accursed (belike) those Churches of the Greekes before, he therefore taking his groūd vpon the wordes of S. Paule,Galat. 1. Gal. 1. where he accurseth euery such person and persons, whatsoeuer they be either man or Angell of heauen, that shall preach any other Gospell then hath bene preached. &c. willeth the Pope to stand with him vpon the same ground of the Apostles accurse, so that if the stroke of that curse haue light vpon him or his churches, he desireth him to shew the wound, and to helpe to wipe away the bloud, to minister some spirituall emplaister to binde vp the sore, and to saue his brethré from perishing which lay in daunger,Salomon. according to the saying of the wise man: A brotherly frend is tried in aduersity, &c.

But if we (sayth he) of the Greeke Church be free from the stripe of this accurse of the Apostle,Whether the Church of the green or the pope Church [...] eth more vnder the daunger or Gods [...]. and that you Italians & of the Latine Church be stricken therewith, and lye thereby in daunger of destruction, I trust that you through ignoraunce and wilfull obstinacy will not so suffer your selues to be separated from the Lord, but rather will suffer a thousand deathes before, if it were possible for a man so often to dye.

And as touching this great discord betwene vs, if either cōtrarietie of doctrine or sweruing frō the ancient Canons, or diuersity of rites receiued of our forefathers be any cause thereof, we here take heauen and earth to witnesse, that we for our partes are ready, and desire also vpon due triall of profound trueth by Gods word and inuocation of the holy Ghost to ioyne hands with you, or you to ioyne with vs.The Greek asrayd of he pop [...] oppresisions. But to say the very trueth and to tell you playne, this we suppose, that many mighty and noble potentates would sooner encline to your obedience, were it not that they feared your vniust oppressions, your insatiable exactions, and inordinate oppressions wherewith you wring your subiectes. By reason whereof haue risen amongst vs cruell warres, one fighting agaynst an other, desolation of Cittyes, Bulles and Interdictions set vpon Church dores, diuision of brethren, and Churches of the Grecians left without seruice,The Patriarch of Co [...]stantinople prophecieth of the martyrdome and slaughter of the Grecians. where God should be praysed. So that now onely one thing lacketh, which I beleue to be predefined and appoynted from aboue long before to vs Grecians, the time, I meane, of martirdome, which also now hasteneth fast vpon vs, that the tribunall of tyrauntes should be opened and the seats of torments be set, that the bloud of Martyrs should be spilled, & we brought to the stage of Martyrdome, to fight for the crowne of glory.

This that I doe speake,The pope [...] persecution in the I [...] Cyprus. and wherefore I speake it, the noble Iland of Cyprus doth already know and feele, which hath made many new Martyrs, and hath seene valiaunt soldiours of Christ, which of long time before passing by water and teares of sorow, now at last haue also passed through fire, and so entred into the heauenly rest. How say you, be these good and seemely, O holye Pope,The tyrany and ana [...] of the pope chastened the words Saint Peter, 1. Peter. 1. the successor of S. Peter the Apostle? Is this the bidding of that good Peter, the meeke and humble disciple of Christ? Doth he thus instruct the Seniors and Elders in his Epistle, where he writeth in this wise: The Elders which are amōgst you, I beseech which am also a fellow Elder with them, and witnesse of the sufferings of Christ, and also a partaker of the glory that shalbe opened: feed the flocke of God which is amongest you, hauing care & sight ouer it, not of a coaction as compelled agaynst your willes, but willingly of your owne accord, nor for filthy lukere sake, but freely and hartily, neither as bearing dominion and Lordship ouer the Church, but shewing your selues as an example to the flocke,1. Peter. 1. and when the chiefe Pastor shall appeare, you shall receiue an incorruptible crowne of eternall glory. &c. And this is the doctrine of Peter, as they shal se, which do not obey it. As for vs the other part of the sayd Epistle is sufficient. Wherein he willeth thē to reioice which are in heauines through manifolde temptations, that the triall of theyr sayth being much more precious thē gold that perisheth, and is tryed in fire, may be theyr laud, honour, and glory, at the appearing of the Lord Iesu. &c. But beare with me I pray you (O holy Father, and of all your Predecessors most meekest) and suffer my wordes though the seme something sharpe:He exhorteth the pope to come and meete with him, that they might conferre together about the vnitie of sayth. for they be sighings of a sorrowfull hart.

Wherefore gird about your loynes with fortitude, and light vp the candle of your descretion, and seeke the groat that is lost, of the vnity, I meane of sayth. And we will also with like compassion ioyne with your holynesse, and will not spare this weake body of mine, in pretending any excuse either of age or lēgth of the way. For the more laborous the trauell is, the moe crownes it bringeth. And S. Paule sayth: Euery man shall receiue reward according to his trauell. &c.

[Page] The Greeke church soūd and sincere in doctrine.Neither are we ignoraunt (if it please your holinesse) that like as we Grecians for our partes do labour in all respectes to keepe and obserue the sincerity of true sayth and doctrine, not to erre ne swerue in any part or poynt from the statutes of the blessed Apostles and auncient fathers: so the Church likewise of old Rome, doth for her part labour also (we know well) to follow the sincere verity of Christian doctrine, and thinketh her selfe to erre in nothing, nor to neede any remedye or reformation. And this we know,F [...]exhorteth the church of Rome to looke her face in Gods glasse, that is, to trye heir doctrin by gods [...]ord. is the iudgement and saying of both the Churches, aswell of the Greekes, as of the Latines. For no man can see any spot in his owne face, without he stoope downe to the glasse, or els be admonished by some other, whether his face be blotted or no. Euen so haue we many great & sayre glasses set before vs, first the cleare Gospell of Christ, the Epistles of the Apostles, and diuinitie bookes of auncient writers. Let vs therefore looke in them well. They will shew euery mans minde and iudgement, whether he go right or wrong. The God of peace tread downe Sathan speedely vnder our feet. The author of peace confound the sower of discord. He that is the cause of all goodnes destroy the hater of that which is good, and which geueth cause of offence and slaunder. And he which is God of all ioy and peace, send to vs, whiche are the shepheardes of his sheepe reasonable, the aungell of peace and messenger of great glad tidings, as he did in the Natiuitye of Christ, to the shepheardes of brute sheepe and vnreasonable, and make vs worthy to sing that ioyfull song of Gods prayse: Gloria in excelsis Deo, & in terra pax, hominibus bona voluntas, and to receiue one an other with an holy kisse. The grace of our Lord Iesus Christ, and the peace of God the Father, and the communion of the holy spirit be with you alwayes. Amen.

¶ An other Epistle of the sayd Germanus Patriarch of Constantinople, and Primate of the Greek Church, to the Cardinals of Rome.

Another letter of Germanus Patriarch of Constantinople to the Cardinalles.AN other letter the sayd Germanus Patriarch of Constantinople, wrote also the same time, to the Popes Cardinals, wherin he first commending them for theyr wisedome and counsell, and shewing what vtility commeth by good counsell geuing: for so much as God (sayth he) many times that he hydeth from one, inspireth to an other, so that that good thing which by the almighty God is sonderly dispensed to diuers, through common counsell and conference, spreadeth to the publicke vtility of many. &c. After this, eftsoones he beginneth to exhort them, that they like charitable ministers and discrete counsellors, will take in hand the spirituall armour of God, to cast downe the stoppe & partition walle of the olde discord betweene the Greekes and Latine Church, & that they will be a meanes to the Bishop of Rome, that they which so long haue bene disseuered by dissention, may now be conioyned in vnity of peace, in brotherly charity and communion of fayth.

Concerning which matter, I haue (sayth he) already written to his holynesse. And now I beseech the king of heauen, whiche tooke the shape of a seruaunt, to helpe his miserable seruauntes: and was exalted vpon the crosse, to raise them vp which were fallen into the profundity of desolation, that he will vouchsafe to put from your hartes all elation of minde, extolling it selfe ouer and aboue the vnity of your brethren and fellow seruauntes, and to lighten your consciences with the true light of vnderstanding that we may altogether agree in one, & that there be no schisme amongst vs. Let vs therefore as we are instructed, so abide in one minde, that it be not sayd of vs, as it was of the Corinthians before vs: I hold of Paule, I of Apollo, I of Coephas, and I of Christ? but that all we,1. Cor. 1. as we holde the name of Christ, and are all called Christians, so may also abide in that wherein we are instructed in one minde, that is, to follow loue and charity in Christ Iesus, hauing alwayes in our hartes the wordes of the Apostle, saying: One Lord, one Fayth, one Baptisme.

And now to be playne with you in that I haue to say, I shal desire you not to be offended with me in vttering the trueth as a frend vnto you. The wordes (sayth Salomon) of a wise man telling trueth, be like to nayles which be driuen in deepe. And truth for the moste parte, breedeth enemies. And therefore though I am partly afrayd, yet will I simply confesse the trueth vnto you. Certes this diuision of Christian vnity amongst vs,The Tyranny & oppressiō of the church of Rome, is the onely cause of breaking vnitie betwene the Greeke church and the Latine. Luc. 18. proceedeth of no other cause but onely of the tiranny, oppression, and exactiōs of the Church of Rome: which of a mother is become a stepdame, and hath put her children from her whome long time she nourished (after the maner of a rauening bird) which driueth her yong from her:) which children how much the more humble and obedient they are to her, the lesse she esteemeth them, and treadeth them vnder foot, not regarding the saying of the Gospel: Who so humbleth himselfe shalbe exalted.

Let modesty therefore something temper you, and let the auarice of the Court of Rome, although it can not well out of the flesh which is bred in the bone, yet surcease a while, and let vs together condescend to the triall of the trueth: which trueth being found out on both sides, let vs constantly embrace the same.

For why,The old amitie and concord betweene the East church and the West. we haue bene altogether some times both Italians and Grecians in one fayth, and vnder the same Canons: hauing peace each with other, and defending one an other, and confounding the enemies of the Church At what tyme many flying out of the west partes (whilest that the tyranny of the heretickes indured) made their concourse to vs, and were recaiued, and part fled vnto you, that is, olde Rome, as to a strong tower of refuge: and so receiued they cōfort in both places, and one brother was thus receiued into the bosome of an other, by mutuall loue for their defence.

Then after,Agapitus & Vigilius, fled to Constantinople for succour. when Rome had bene often distressed by the barbarous and heathen nations, the Grecians were euer ready to rescue and deliuer them. Did not Agapitus and Vigilius flye vnto Constantinople by reason of the dissentions then at Rome, and being honourablye receiued, were here desended vnder our protection' although the like kindenes was neuer yet shewed of your part to vs agayne in our like necesities. Notwithstanding wee ought to do good to them also that be vngrateful: for so doth the Sea participate her sinoth and calme tides euen vnto the Pirats. And so God causeth the sunne to shine vpon the lust and vniust. But (alas for sorow) what bitter diuision is this that hath thus sequestred vs a sonder? One of vs detracteth an other, shonning the company one of an other, as the damnation of his soule. What a mortall hatred is this come amongest vs? if you thinke we are fallen, then do you help to lift vs vp: and be not to vs as a stombling blocke to our bodely ruine, but helpers vnto the spirituall resuvrection of our soules. So shall we acknowledge our selues boūd vnto you to geue you condigne thankes accordingly.

But if the blame and first origine of all this offence proceedeth from Rome, and the successours of Peter the Apostle: then read you the wordes of S. Paule to the Galathians:Paule rebuketh Peter. Galat. 2. saying. When Peter came vnto Antioche, I withstood him in the face, because he was to be rebuked, &c. Howbeit this resistaunce was no cause of any discord or breach betweene them: but the cause rather of further search and profounder disputations, prouoking temporall agrement. For they were fast ioyned together in the bond of charity in Christ, agreeing in faith and conformity of doctrine separated by no ambition or auarice. In which poyntes would God we also were like vnto them. This to vs in our mindes gendreth a great offence, that your gaping so greedyly after terrene possessions, scrape together all that you can scratch and rake. You heap vp gold and siluer, and yet pretend that you be the Disciples of him which sayd: gold and siluer I haue none. &c. You make whole kingdomes tributary to you,Actes. 3. He meaneth of the kingdome of England and other into which were made tribury to the sea of Rome. The immoderate auarice of the court of Rome. Peters faith shaken. and kings and princes your vassals. You augment your mony by vsury, & by feates of marchaundise. You vnteache by your deedes, that whiche you teach in wordes.

Moderate your selues therefore with more temperaunce, that you may be an example to vs and to all the world. You see how good a thing it is one brother to helpe an other. Onely God alone needeth no helpe or counsell, but men neede one to be holpen one of another. And were it not that I doe reuerence the blessed Apostle Peter, the chiefe of Christes Apostles, the rocke of our fayth, I would here put you in remembraunce how greatly this rocke was shaken and remooued from the foundation, at the sight of a seely woman: and Christ of his secret purpose permitted the same, which by the crowing of the cock brought him agayne to remembraunce of that which was foretolde him, and raysed him from the slumber of desperation.Peter an ensample of repentāce Then he being thus waked, washed his face with teares, confessing himselfe before God and all the world, to be a true paterne of repentance, which before bare the keyes of the kyngdome, as saying thus vnto vs: May not he which falleth, rise agayne? Oh you whiche are fallen, rise vp & beholde me, & harken vnto me, trauelling toward Paradise. The gates wherof to open I haue receiued power.

And thus do I write vnto you, not for any instruction, but onely to put you in remēbraunce: for I know how God hath endued you with all wisedome and knowledge. As Salomon sayth: Geue onely occasion to the wise, and he will learne wisedome: Teach the iust man, and he will be glad to take instruction.

This one thing more I will say and so make an end. There be great and mighty nations that are of like mind and opinion with vs.Christian countries & nations in the East parts which are not vnder the Byshop of Rome. First the Ethiopians that inhabite the chiefest part of the East. After that the Sirians: and other moe of greater number thē they: and more disposed to vertūe, as the Hyberi, Aloní, Gothi, Chaiari with innumerable people of Russia, and the kingdome of great victory of the Vulgarians. And all these are obedient vnto vs as their mother Church, persisting hetherto constantly in the auncient and true orthodoxasticall fayth immouáble.

The God of all holynes which for our sakes became man,Christ onely head of the Church. and which onely is the head of his Church and congregation, vouchsafe to gather vs agayne together in vnity, and graunt, that the Grecian church together with her sister church of old Rome may glorify the same Christ, the prince of peace, by he vnitye of faith, to the restitutiō of soūd & wholsom doctrine, wherein many yeres agone they haue agreed and were vnited. God graunt vnto you brotherlike charity, and the hand of the most mighty God gouern you all (holy Cardinals) till that ioyfully ye arriue in the heauen [Page] of euerlasting trāquility. The grace of God be with you all, Amē. Ex Math. Parisiens. fol. 111.

Shortly after the sending of these letters, Pope Gregory prepared to send men of warre signed with the crosse to fight agaynst the Grecians.The Pope proclaymeth war against the Greek Church. The Archb. of Antioch & Cō stantinople excommunicate the Pope. Wherupon the Archbishop of Antioch, with the said Germanus solemnly excommunicated the Pope, after he first had excommunicated them, Par. fol. 118. In the meane time by the tenour of these letters of the Patriarch sent to the Pope and to the Cardinals, it is euident to all men that haue eies in their heads, to see: first how the whole vniuersall church of Christ, frō the east partes to the west, in auncient times were altogether vnited in one cōsent of doctrine,5. Notes to be considered. The first Note. & lincked together in brotherly charity, one Church brotherly to helpe an other, both with temporall ayd & spirituall councell, as case required. Neither was then any one mother Church aboue other Churches, but the whole vniuersall Churche was the mother Church and spouse of the Lord, to euery faythfull beleuer.The true Catholike church, where it was, and when. Under which vniuersall Church in generall, were comprehended all other particular Churches in speciall, as sister churches together, not one greater thē an other, but all in like equality, as God gaue his giftes so seruing one another, euer holding together the vnity of fayth and Sisterly loue.1. Vnitie. 2. Vniuersalitie. 3. Consent. And so long was it and rightlye might so be called the catholicke church, hauing in it true vnity, uniuersality, and free consent. Unity in doctrine, vniuersality in cōmunicating and ioyning together of voyces, cōsent in spirit and iudgement. For what soeuer was caught at Rome touching fayth and saluation, it was no other then was taught at Antioch, Siria, &c.

The second noteSecondly, how in processe of time, through occasion of the Bishop of Romes tyranny and violent oppressiō, this ring of equality being broken all flew in pieces, the East church from the west, the Greekes from the Latines, and that which was one before, now was made two: vnitye turned to division, vniuersality to singularity, and free cō sent to dissention.

The third note.Thirdly, here is also to be noted, after this pitiful breach of equality, how many & what great natiōs departed frō the communion of the Church of Rome, and especialy about this time aboue specified of pope Gregory 9. an. 1230 so that both before and after that time many coūcels were holden, and many thinges concluded in the westchurche, whereunto the one halfe of Christendome lying in the east partes, did neuer agree: and contrary, many councelles holden with them, which in the Latine church were not receiued.The church hath her name of Catholicke, wherby & whē. together the doctrine of trā substantiation, made without the free consent of the Eastchurches, be Catholicke or no. So that the church now as she lost the benefit of vniuersail consent, so also she lost the name Catholicke. Whereupon this question is to be asked, that when the coū cell of Lateran vnder Pope Innocent 3. ordeined the doctrine of transubstantiation and auricular confession here in the westchurch, without y• free consent of the eastchurch whether the same doctrine is to be counted Catholicke or not?

Fourthly, in the departing of these churches from the Bishop of Rome, here also is to be noted, that the same churches of the Greeks,The fourth note notwithstanding they sequestred themselues and fel out with the church of Rome, and that iustly: yet they kept theyr vnity still with theyr God, and reteined stil the true [...] That is, the true and sincere doctrine of fayth. ready to debate and try the trueth of their religion by the scriptures, as they here in theyr own writings desire to haue the truth examined, according as ye haue heard. Wherefore the church of Rome hath done them open wrong, which being offred so gently to try and to be tryed by the trueth of Gods word, not onely would stand to no triall, nor abide conference, but also hath excō municated them as heretickes, whiche appeare here to be more orthodorasticall christians, then they themselues.

The fifth note. The Church of Rome proued not to be Catholicke. The procedings of Rome stand vpon no free consent, but are coacted.Fiftly, these things thus standing, then haue we to cō clude that the church of Rome falsely pretendeth it selfe to be catholicke. For if the name of Catholicke must needes import an vniuersall consēt of the whole, how can that be catholick where the consent of so many famous and true christian churches hath bene lacking, & furthermore wher the consent that hath bene amongest themselues, hath rather bene coacted, then any true or free consent? Which is easy to be proued. For let these fires and fagottes cease, let kinges and princes leaue to presse theyr subiects with the popes obedience, but let the scripture, and the bishops alone euery one his own Dioces to gouerne their stock after the rule of Gods word, and how few be there in this west end of y• world (from you) yt would not doe the same that these Grecias, Ethiopians, and Syrians haue done before vs? And thus much by the occasion of this Patriarches letters sēt to pope Gregory, cōcerning the Grecians.

Whose doings when I consider, as I can not but cō mend their wisdome & iudge their state happy and blessed, in shaking off from their neckes the miserable yoke of the popes tyranny:The [...] ble state of the Wes [...] partes of christendo [...] vnder the Pope. The Pope excommunication [...] to a scol [...] dagger. The false perswasi [...] of the pope supremacy, cause of much [...] chedner. so on the other side considering with my self the wretched thraldome of these our churches here in the west part of the world, vnder the bishop of Rome, I can not tell, whether more to maruell or to lament their pitiful state, who were brought into such oppression & slauery vnder him, that neither they could abide him, nor yet durst cast him of. So vntollerable were his exactions, so terrible was his tyranny, his suspensions & excommunications much like to a mad mans dagger, drawen at euery trifle, that no christen patience could suffer it, nor natiō abide it. Again, so deep did he sit in their consciences, falsly beleuing him to haue the authority of S. Peter, that for cō science sake neither king nor Caesar durst withstand him, much less poore subiects once mute agaynst him. And although his takings and spoylings, namely in this realm of england were such, that neither the laity nor spiritualty could beare them: yet was there no remedy, beare thē they must, or els the Popes sentence was vpon them, to curse them as blacke as pitch.

In reading the historyes of these crimes, any good hart would lamēt and rue, to see the miserable captiuity of the people, what they suffered vnder this thraldome of the Bishop of rome, whereof part hath bene shewed before, more (God willing) shall follow hereafter, and some part here presently I mind to expresse.

* A briefe table or declaration of the Popes unreasonable gatherings, exactions, and oppressions in the Realme of England.

ANd first to begin with the elections of the Byshops,A brief [...] table of the pope spoyling & g [...] ting of English mon [...] in the dayes of K Henry Abbots, Deanes and Priors within this realme it can not be told what mas of mony grew to the popes coffers thereby, especially in this kinges dayes: for so much as in his time lightly no election hapned either of Archbishopp Bishop, Abbot, or any roome of dignity, but when the Couent or Chapter had chosen one to their minde, the king who had maried a stranger, and sought therefore to prefer strangers, would set vp an other. By reason whereof, whē the other part was sayne to appeale to Rome and there to plead the case, no small riuers of english mony besides expences and trauel by the way, went flowing to the popes sea. And though the election went neuer so cleare, yet the new elect must needes respect the holy father with some gentle reward, and further by his othe was bound euery 3. yeares, either in his owne person or by another to visit Limina Apostolorum.

So in the house of S. Albones,Money ( [...] ming to the pope by the elector of Iohn Huford Abbot of S. Al [...] when Iohn Herford was elected Abbot, their publick electiō was not enough, but for the confirmation of the same, the Monkes were fayne to send Reynold the Phisitiō, & Nicholas a Monk, to Rome with a sufficient vag of mony, through the mediation whereof the election might stand, and the new Abbot sworne euery third yere by himself, or another to visit the doresels of the Apostles.

An other such like contention happened betweene the king and monkes of Winchester about the election of W. Rale:Eight th [...] sand man's genero [...] the Bishoppricke of Wint. to the pope, ab [...] the elec [...] of William Rale, anno, 1243. whom the Monkes had chosen, but the king refused, willing to place a stranger, and therfore sent to Rome his messengers, Theobald a Monke of Westminster, and M. Alexāder a Lawyer with no small somme of mony: to euacuate the election of the foresayd W. Rale: Commaunding moreouer, that y• gates of Winchester should be shut against him, and no man so hardy there to receiue him in his house, whereupon the sayd w. being excluded, after he had sayd his curse vpon the whole citty of Winchester, made his repayre to Rome, wherefore 8000. Markes being promised to the pope, his bishoprick spite of the kings hart, was confirmed and he receiued. Ex Mat. Parisiens. fol. 164. & 240.

After the death of Stephen Langhton Archb. of Canterbury,Read before pag. 277. ye heard before how the monks had elected walter a Monke of Launterbury. But the king to stop that election, sent vp his Proctors, M. Alexander stanes, and M. Henry Sandford bishop of Rochester to the Pope, to euacuate that election, and to place Richard Chauncellor of Lincolne. Which Proctors perceiuing at first the Pope and Cardinals, how hard & vnwillingly they were therunto, & considering how all thinges might be bought for mony,The tenth part of all moueables in England and Ireland geuē to the pope. 1329. rather then the king shoulde fayle of his purpose, they promised on the kinges behalfe to the pope for mainteining his warres agaynst Fredericke the Emperour a disme, or tenth part of all the moueables in the Realme of England and of Ireland. At the contemplation of which [Page] mony the Pope estsoones thinking to passe with the king, began to pick quarrels with the foresayd Gualter, for not answering rightly to his questions about Christes descē ding to hell: making of Christes body on the aulter: the weeping of Rachell for her children, she being dead before about the sentence of excommunication, and certain causes of Matrimony. His aunsweres wherunto when they were not to the Popes mind, he was therefore put backe, and the kings man preferred, which cost the whole realm of England and Ireland, the tenth part of their moueable goods. By reason whereof, what money was raysed to the Popes Gazophylacium, I leaue to the estimation of the Reader,Ex. Math. Parisi fol. 6. Mony spent at Rome betweene the K. and the Archb. of Cant. an. 1229. Ex Mat. Paris. fol. 71.

And yet for all this the sayd Richard the costly Archbishop of Caunterbury, within lesse then two yeres after, falling out with the king about the castle and Lordshippe of Tunbridge, went and complayned of him to the Pope. In the trauers whereof it cost the king a great piece of mony besides, and yet mist he his purpose. In the which iourney the sayd Archbishop in his returne homeward by the way departed. an. 1231.

Of the like dissentiō ye heard before betwene the king and the couent of Durham, for not choosing M. Lucas the kinges Chaplaine.The costly election of the Byshop of Durham Read before pag. 276. About the sute whereof, when much money was bestowed on both sides welfauoredly, the pope defeiting thē both, admitted neither M. William nor M. Lucas, but or deined the Byshop of Sarum to be theyr byshop. an. 1228 Ex Paris.

Betwene the Monks of Couentry and the canons of Liechfield,Mony comming to the pope for the election of the b. of Coventry and Lichfield. rose another like quarell, which of them should haue the superior voyce in chusing their bishop. In which sute, after much mony bestowed in the court of Rome, the pope to requallify agayn ech part wt some retribution for their mony receiued, tooke this order indifferētly betwene them, that each part by course should haue the choosing of their bishop. an. 1228. Ex. Paris. fol. 68.

What busines fell likewise betweene Edmund Archb. of Caunterbury, and the Monkes of Rochester, about the electiō of Richard Wēdour, to be theyr bishop? And what was the end:Edmunde Archbish. of Cant. condemned at Rome in a 1000, marks. first the Archbishop was sayne to trauel [...] himselfe to the Pope: and so did the Couent also send their Proctors. Who be like being better moued, weyed downe the cause, so that the good Archbishoppe in that cause agaynst the Monkes: and partly in an other cause agaynst the Earle of Arundell, was condemned of the Pope in a thousand Markes. Whereof the greatest part (no doubly redounded to the Popes coffers. an. 1238. Math Parisiensis. fol. 114.

The fift part of all the goods of the clergy granted to the Pope.After the returning of the sayd Edmund Archbishop of Canterbury agayne from Rome, it chaunced, that the Monkes of Canterbury had elected theyr Prior without his assent: for the which he did excommunicate the monks, and euacuate theyr election. Not long after this the popes exactours went about to extort from the churchmen the fift part of theyr goods to the Popes vse fighting then agaynst the Emperour. This cruell exaction being a great while resisted by the Prelates and Clergy, at length the foresayd Archb. thinking therby to get the victory agaynst the monks, was contented to graunt to the sayd exaction, adding moreouer of his own for an ouerplus 800. marks whereupon the rest of the Clergy was fayne to follow after, and contribute to the popes exactors, an. 1240. Ex Mat. Paris fol. 132. b.

Great expence of money in the court of Rome betweene the B. of Lincoln and the Cathedrall Church.In the church of Lincolne (whose sea before the conquest was in Dorkester, and afterward by williā Rufus translated from thence to Lincolne) rose a greuous contē tiō beweene Rob. Grosted then bishop, and the canons of the cathedrall church, about theyr visitation, whether the bishop should visire them, or the Deane: which matter being put to arbiters, could not so be composed: before the B. and the chapter after theyr appeale made to the Pope. went both to Rome, and there after they had well wasted theyr purses, they receiued at length their aunswere, but payd full sweetly for it. an. 1239. Paris. fol. 119.

At what time the Canons of chichester had elected Robert Passelew to their bishop at the kings request, the Archb. with certein other bishops taking part against the kings chaplaine,Money wast fully bestow ed. Mony comming to the Pope, betweene the b. of Lincoln & the monks within his Dioces. repelled him and set vp Richard Wirch. Upon this what sending and going there was to Rome, and what mony bestowed about the matter, as wel of the kings part, as bishops, read the story thereof in Mat. Paris. fol. 182. 184. 186.

Robert Grosted bishop of Lincolne (of whom relation was made before) hauing a great care howe to bring the priuiledged orders of religious houses within his precinct, vnder his subiectiō and discipline, went to Rome, & there with great labor & much effusion of mony as the story sayth, procured of the pope a mandate, wereby all such religious orders were commaunded to be vnder his power and obedience. Not long after, the Monkes not abyding that, (who could soone wey downe the Bishop with mony) sent theyr factors to the Pope, who with their golden eloquence so perswaded him and stirred affections in such sort, that soone they purchased themselues, freedome from their ordinary Bishop, wherof Robert Grosted hauing intelligence, made vp to Rome, and there complayning to the pope, declared how he was disappoynted and confounded in his purpose, contrary to promises and assurance made to him before. Unto whom Pope Innocent looking with a sterne countenaunce, made this aunswere agayne:How pretely the Pope can take with both handes. Brother (sayd he) what is that to thee? Thou hast deliuered and discharged thine owne soule. It hath pleased vs to shew fauor vnto them. Is thine eie euill, that I am good: And thus was the Bishop sent away with a flea in his care, murmuring with himself, yet not so softly, but that the Pope heard him say these words:Money may doe much at Rome. O mony, mony what canst not thou do in ye court of Rome? Wherwith the Pope being somewhat pinched, gaue this aunswere agayne:The popes answere to Rob, Grosted. D ye Englishmen, Englishmen, of all men most wretched. For all your seeking is how ye may consume & deuour one an other. &c. anno. 1250. Ex. Math. Parisiensi. fol. 230.

It happened moreouer the same yeare, that the sayd Robert Grosted excommunicated and depriued one Ranulphus a benoficed person in his Dioces, being accused of incontinency, who after the term of xl. dayes, refusing to submit himselfe, the Bishoppe wrote to the Shiriffe of Rutland to apprehend him as contuinax. which Shiriffe because he deferred, or refused so to doe (bearing fauour to the party) and being therfore solemnly excommunicate by the bishop, vttered his complaynt to the king, wherat the king taking great displeasure with the Bishoppe for excommunicating his Shiriffe, and would not first make hys complaynt to hym, sendeth forthwith a substantiall messenger (M. Moneta) such as he was sure would speed vnto Pope Innocent,Iustice peruented by the popes authoritie for money. by vertue of whose wordes the Pope easie to be entreated, sendeth downe a prouiso to the Abbot of Westminster, charging that no Prelate nor Byshop in the Realme of England shoulde molest or enter action agaynst any of the Kinges Baylisses or Officers, in such matters as to the kinges iurisdiction appertained. And thus was the strife ended, not without some helpe and heape of English mony, so that no winde of any controuersy here stirred in England, were it neuer so small, but it blew some profite for the Popes aduantage, an. 1250 Ex Paris. fol. 231.

In like maner no litle treasure grew to the Popes coffers by the election of Boniface the Queenes Uncle a Frenchman to be Archb. of Laut.Money comyng to the Pope by the election of Boniface archb. of Cant. and of Ethelmare B. of Wint. both strā gers and French men. an. 1243. and of Ethelmare the Queenes brother, to be Bishop of Winchester, agaynst the wils of the Prior and Couent there, an. 1250. besides many such other exchetes, which made England poore, and the Pope rich.

I come now something likewise to touch briefly of the popes dispensations, prouisions, exations, contributions and extortions in Englande in this kinges dayes: for to discourse all it is not one booke will holde it.

Symon Montfort Earle of Lecester had maried Alinore the kinges sister and daughter of king Iohn,Mariage with Alinore the kings sister a Nunne, dispensed by the Pope for money. who by report of [...]oryes, had taken the mantell & ring; wherefore the king and his brother Richard Earle of Exceter, were greatly offended with the Mariage, which seing the Earle Simon made a hand of money, and nothing ouer to Rome, after he had talked a fewe wordes in Pope Innocentes eare, the mariage was good enough: and letters sent to Dths the Popes Legate here, to geue sentence solemnly with the Earle. Notwithstanding the Dominick Friers and other of the like religious fraternitye, withstood that sentence of the Pope stoutly saying, that the Popes holines was therein deceaued, and soules in daunger, that christ was ielous ouer his wife, and that it could not be any wise possible, that a woman which had vowed her mariage with Christ could afterward mary with any other; &c. an. 1238. Ex Paris. fol. 114.

As there was nothing so hard in y• wide world wherwith the Pope would not dispense for mony:What inconuenience commeth by the Popes dispensations. so by the said dispensations much mischiefe was wrought abroad. For by reason thereof, the people trusting vpon the Popes dispensation, litle regarded what they did, what they promised, or what they sware. As well appeared by this king Henry. 3. who being a great exactor of the poore cōmons, as euer was any king before him or since, and thinking thereby to winne the people sooner to hys deuotion, most [Page] saythfully promised thē once or twise, and therunto bound himselfe with a solemne othe, both before the clergy and layty, to graunt vnto them the old liberties and customes as well of Magna charta, as Charta de Foresta perpetually to be obserued. Whereupon a Quindecim was graunted to the king. But after the payment was sure, the king trusting by the Popes dispensation for a litle mony to be discharged of his oth and couenaunt, went from that he had promised and sworne before.

Wilfull periurie mainteined by the Popes dispensations.In like maner the sayd king an other time, being in need of money, signed himselfe with the crosse, pretending and swearing deepely in the face of the whole parliament, that he would himselfe personally fight in the holy land agaynst the Saracens. But as soone as the mony was taken, small care was taken for performance of his othe, being so put in the head by certain about him, that he needed not passe of that perinye, for so much as the Pope for an hundred pounds or two wold quickly discharge him therof, Ex Math. Paris. fol. 273.

Out of the same corrupt spring of these popish dispensations, haue proceded also many other soule absurdities. For where many young men were in those dayes, which enioyed benefices, and were no priestes: and when by the procurement of Robert Grosted Bishop of Lincolne the sayd young men should be forced, whether they would or nor, to enter orders, they laying theyr purses together, sēt to Rome, and obtayned of the Pope a dispensation to remayne still as they were, that is, to haue the fruites of benefices to finde them at schole or vniuersity,Enormities which spring out of the popes dispensations. and yet themselues neither ministers to take charge, nor yeelding any seruice for theyr prosites taken. Ex Math. Paris. fol. 256. Besides innumerable heapes of enormities moe, proceeding of the Popes dispensatiōs, as dispensing one man to haue sundry bishoprickes, to encroch pluralities of benefices to make children Parsons, to legitimate bastards, with such other like, the particulars whereof, for breuities sake I do omit to further oportunity.

The intollerable oppression of the Realme of England, by the Popes exactions and contributions and other sleightes here vsed in the time of K. Henry 3.

The miserable impouerishing of the Realme by the popes prouisions and contributions.ALthough these [...]moluinentes thus rising dayly to the Popes purse by Symony and brybery, by electious & dispensations, might seeme sufficient to satisfy his greedy appetite, yet so vnsatiable was the auarice of that see, that he not yet contented here with, ouer and besides all this, sēt euery yere almost some Legar or other into this realm to take for his aduantage. In so much that during al this kinges time, the Realme was neuer lightly without some of the Popes liegers with all violence exacting and extorting continual prouisions, contributions, and summes of mony to be leaued out of Celles, Abbayes, priors, fruites of benefices, and Bishoprickes, and also lay mens purses, to the miserable empouerishing both of the clergy and tē poralty, as hereunder foloweth.

Cardinall Otho Legate in England. The receiuing of Otho the popes Legate into the Realm.First after Pandulphus, was sent into this Realme Cardinall Otho, procured by the king without the assent of his nobles, to the intent to assist him in certaine affairs, he had to do. At receiuing of which Legate, great preparaunce was made, many rich and precious giftes in scarlet, in plate, in iewels, in mony and palfreyes were geuen him. Whom the king also himselfe went as far as the Sea side to receiue, bowing downe his head in low coursye to the cardinalles knees. To whom also the bishop of winchester for his part gaue toward keeping of his house,Anno. 1237. fifty fat Dren, a hundred semes of wheat, and 8. great vessels of pure wine. This Legate at his first comming beginneth first to bestow such benefices as he foūd vacant, vpon thē whom he brought with him without respect, whether they were meet, or vnmeet. Ex Paris. fol. 103.

After this the Pope hearing how the nobles and commons of the Realme began to stomacke the Cardinall for his excessive procurations & exactions, sent for him home: but the king, by reason he stood in feare of his nobles, and thought to haue a stay by the Cardinall agaynst all occurrentes, entreated him to stay while he wrote to the Pope, to obtein further licence for him to tary: & so did, notwithout some English mony, ye may be sure.

Otho the Legate seeketh to come into Scotlande. The king of Scottes his answere to Cardinall Otho.In this mean time of vacation, Otho thinking to lose no time, but to gather also come crōmes in Scotland, made as though he would set things there in order, which were in the church of Scotland to be reformed, and so commeth to the king of Scots, being then in Yorke with king Henry, to haue leaue to enter. Unto whom y• king thus made answere, that he neuer saw, to his remēbrance, any popes Legate in his land, neither was there any such need (God be prayed) for any such to be sent for. Matters there were well enough, and needed no helpe of his. And as he could neuer learne either in y• daies of his father, or any his predecessors, that any such entrance to any Legate was graū ted, so he for his part would not now begin. But yet notwithstāding, for so much as I heare (sayd he) that you are a good man,The [...] of Sea [...] hath [...] [...] within [...] popes Legate. this I tell you before, that i [...]ye will needs aduenture in, do it warely, and take heed to your selfe, lest it happen to you otherwise, then I would wish: for they be a sauage and vnruly people, geuen much to murder, & shedding bloud, whō neither I my self am scarse able to vridle, so that if they fall vpon you, I shal not be able to help you. And how they also inuaded me, and sought to expel me frō my kingdome, ye heard alate. And therfore, I warne you before,Cardinal Otho [...] ped [...] ing into S [...] land. take heed by time, what ye thinke best to doe. After the Cardinal heard the king speak these wordes he pluckt in his hornes, & durst proceed no further but kept him still by the side of king Hēry. Notwithstanding shortly after, the same Legat comming to the borders of Scotlād, there called the Bishops to him, & so when he had well filled h s bagges came back agayne. Ex Mat. Paris. fol. 106.123. b.

It was not lōg after, but licence came from Pope Gregory to his Legate. Otho, for his longer abode here in the realm (as welcome as water in the ship) with new authority also to proceed in the Popes assayres. Who first shewing to the Bishops and the Clergy his letters of lōger tarying, required of them, for so much as no mā (sayd he) warreth of his owne charges, to be supported wt new procuratiōs, which was to haue of euery able church 4.Oppression of the [...] of Engl [...] by Cardi [...] Otho the popes Lega [...] Markes, and where one Church was not able to reach thereto, that other churches should ioine with all, to make the said mony. Notwithstanding the Bishops a great while stood in deniall thereof Parisiens. fol. 123.128.132.

Besides he assembled together all blacke Monkes of S, Benedictes order, geuing to them strait orders, which shortly after for money, he released to them agayne, Parisiens. fol. 116.119.Anno. 1238.

Moreouer by the sayd Otho, and other the Popes exactions with speciall Bulles directed downe for the same, collation of benefices being taken out of the handes of the patrons, were geuen to light and vile runnagats, cōming from Italy and other places, such as pleased the pope and his Legate to bestow them vpon, to the great preiudice of the auncient liberty and right of the true patrons thereof. Whereupon the Earles and Barons and nobles of the realme addicted letters vnto pope Gregory, by Syr Robert Twing knight,The nobles of England writ to Pope Gregory [...] collation [...] benefices wrasled or of their [...] Petrus Rubeus the popes [...] for redress of such wrong & iniuries, who otherwise should be forced (they sayd) to inuocate the succour of their king, who both was able and no lesse was willing according to his duetye (they trusted) to reforme such eno [...]mities, and to defend the liberties of his Realm. The tenor of whose writing is to be read in Mat. Parisiens. fol. 128. a.

Not long after the same, in the yere of our Lord. 1240 came a new precept from Pope Gregory, by Petrus Rubeus the popes nuncio, to the foresayd Otho, that all beueficed men in the Clergy as well in England as Fraunce,All bene [...] ced men in England [...] pelled to geue the [...] part of the reuenewes to the pope anno. [...] shoulde pay to the Pope the fift part of theyr reuenewes. Whereupon whē the Clergy men made their complaint to the king, seeking to be relieued by him, the king answered them agayne that he neither would, ne durst stād agaynst the pope in any case, and so without al hope of succour sent them away Parisiens. fol. 132. Then were the Archbishops, Byshops, Abbats, and Prelates of the Churche cōmaunded to assēble to gether at Reding, there to heare y• Popes pleasure and commaundement, concerning the payment of this fift part. Wherein the end thus the matter, concluded, y• the prelates desired a further time to be geuen them to aduise vpon the matter,Anno. 1240. and for that season the assembly brake vp. Parisens. 122. b.. Notwithstāding at last after many excuses and exceptions layd in by the Clergy,Excuses of the Clergy why they would not contribute [...] the Pope. first that because the mony was gathered to fight agaynst the Emperour, they ought not to contribute their mony contrary to the libertyes of the church. Item forsomuch as they had payd a tenth not long before vnto the pope, vpon conditiō that no mo such paiments should be required of thē, much lesse now the fift part should be exacted of them, because an action twise done maketh a custome. Item, seing they had oftentimes to repayre to the Court of Rome, if they shold giue this mony agaynst the Emperour, it would turne to their danger comming through his land. Item seing their king had many enemies, agaynst whom they must needes relieue the king with theyr mony, they could not so do, if ye realme were thus impouerished &c. All which excuses to diuers other moe notwithstanding, they were cōpelled at lēgth to conforme themselues to the popes good pleasure, through the example geuen of Edmund Archb. of Cannterbury [Page] who to obtayne his purpose agaynst the Monks of Canterbury (with whom he was then in strife) began first to yeld to the Legats 800. Marks for his part. Wherby the rest also were sayne to follow after. Ex Mat. Parisiens. fol. 132.136.

[...]oc. childrē of Rome [...]laced in benefices in England.Furthermore the same yeare the Pope agreed so with the people of Rome, that if they would ayde him agaynst Fredericke the Emperour, looke what benefices were to be geuē in Englād, the same should be at theyr arbitremēt to be bestowed vpon theyr children. Whereupon cōmaundemēt was sent to the foresayd Edmund Archbishop, to ye bishops of Lincoln and Sarum, that all collations of benefices within the realme should be suspended till prouision were made for 300. children of the Citizens of Rome, to be first serued.Edmund Archb. of Cant. depar [...]eth the [...]ealme and dyeth in exile. Upon the which so miserable request the sayd Edmund Archb. of Canterbury for sorrow to see the church so oppressed departed the Realme, and so continued in Fraunce, & dyed at Pontinia. Ex Mat. Parisi. fol. 134. b. which Edmund was afterward made a Saint, and canonised by Pope Innocent. 4.

This done, then went Petrus Rubeus the popes nū cio, and Ruffinus into scotland,Three thousand pounds to the popes [...]se. frō whence they brought with them 3000. poundes, to the popes vse about all hallowtide the same yeare. At which time moreouer cōmeth an other harpar from the Pope to England named Mumelius, bringing with him 23.Romaynes 23. brought to Englande to be benefited. Romaines here into the Realme to be beneficed. Thus, what by the king on the one side, and what by Cardinall Otho, Petrus Rubens, Ruffinus and Mumelius on the other side, poore Englād was in a wretched case. Mat. Parisiens. fol. 137.

An other prety practise of the pope to prolle for mony, was this. The foresayd Petrus Rubeus cōming into religious houses and into their Chapters, caused thē to contribute to the Popes holynes, by the example of this Byshop and that Abbot, pretending that he & he of their own voluntary deuotiō had geuē so much & so much, & so seduced them. Paris. fol. 134 Also the pope craftely subborned cer teine Friers authorised with full indulgence,The P. for money releaseth christias of their [...]ow [...]. that whosoeuer had vowed to fight in the holy land, and was disposed to be released of his vowe, needed not to repayre to Rome for absolution, but paying so much money as hys charges would come to going thether, he resorting to the sayd Friers might be assoyled at house.

Mumelius 20 other messenger of the pope.The next yeare folowing, which was 1241. came a cō maūdement Apostolicall to the house of Peterborow, that they at the Popes contemplation must needes graūt him some benefice lying in their donation, the fruites whereof at least being worth an hundreth poundes, and if it were more it should be the better welcome,An exectable exaction of the pope vpon the house of Peterborough. so that they shoulde be as the fermers, & he to receiue the profites. In fine, the Louent, excused themselues by the Abbot, being then not at home. The Abbot when he came home excused himselfe by the king, being the patron and foūder of the house. The king being agreeued with the vnreasonable rauening of these Romanistes, vtterly forbad any such example to be geuen.Abbot of Pe terborough thrust out of the popes court. Ex Parisiēs. fol. 143. But what happened: The Abbot being therfore accused to the Pope by one of the Legates, and comming vp about foure yeares after in the time of Pope Innocent, to the Councell of Lyons, was so rated and reuiled, & so shamefully thrust out of the popes court, that for sorrow he fell sicke vpon the same, and there died. Parisiens. fol. 184.

The obligation of kyng Iohns tribute to the pope, burned. The bishops of England put their handes and seales to the popes bill.In the time of which councell of Lyons, Pope Innocent 4. (for somuch as the instrument or obligatiō whereby the realm of England stood tributary to the pope, was thought to be burned in the popes chamber, a litle before) brought forth either the same, or an other charte like vnto it, whereunto he straitly charged & commaunded euery english Bishop being there present at the councell seuerallie to set to his band & seale. Which vnresonable petition of y• pope, albeit it went fore against y• hartes of ye bishops, yet (see in what miserable subiection the pope had all the bishops vnder him) none of them durst otherwise do but ac complish the Popes request therein, both to their owne shame, & preiudice to the publicke freedome of the Realm. Amongest which Bishops, the longest that held out, and last that put to his seale was the Bishop of Londō. Which Act when the king and the nobility vnderstood, they were mightely, and worthely therwith all offended. Ex. Parisiens. fol. 192. an. 1245.

Petrus Rubeus, Petrus de Supino, the Popes collectors in England.After what time Cardinall Otho was sēt for by pope Gregory in all haste to come to the generall councel. 1. other in his roome here reimayned, whose names were Petrus Rubeus, and Petrus de Supino. Of whem the one bearing himselfe for the Popes kinsman, brought out his B [...]lles and Bulles vnder the Popes authority, to such an Abbot or to such a Prior, or to such and such a Bishop, and so extorted from them a great quantity of gold and siluer. The other, to wit, Petrus de Supino, say [...]ed to Ireland, from whence be brought with him a thousand and 5. hundreth marks to the popes vse.A thousand and fiue hundreth markes brough [...] out of Ireland for the Pope. an. 1241. Ex Par. fol. 247. b. All which mony notwithstanding gotten by both the collectors, in the cariage vp to Rome, about the death of Pope Gregory, happened into the hands of Frederick the Emperor, who caused it agayne to be restored as neare as he could, to them of whom it was taken. Parisiens. fol. 151.

After these,M. Martinus a [...] other messenger for the Popes money. an. 1244. came in then M. Martinus a new Marchaunt from the new pope Innocent the fourth. an. 1244. armed with full power to suspend all Prelats in England from geuing benefices, til the popes kinsmē were first pre ferred. Neither would he take the fruites of any benefice, vnlesse it were aboue the value of 30. markes. At his first comming he required of prelates & especially of religious houses to furnish him with horses & palfryes, such as wer conuenient for the popes especiall chaplain and Legate to sit vpon. Also with plate, raiment, prouision for his kitchin and celler, &c, and such as denied or excussed, he suspē ded, as the Abbot of Malinesbury,Extortion of the Popes Legate vpon the clergie of Englando. and the Prior of Merton. All prebendes that were voyd he sought out & reserued them for the Popes behoofe. Among which was the golden prebend of Saruin, belonging to the Chauncellor of the Queere, whom he preferred to the Byshopricke of Bathe, and so seised vpon the prebend being voyd, against the willes both of the Byshop and the Chapter. Paris. fol. 167.180 Moreouer he brought with him blankes in paper & parchment sigued in the popes chamber with his stamp and seale, wherin he might afterward write to whom, and what he would.Contribution of x. M. markes for the Pope. The pope craftely holdeth with the kyng that the king might holde with him. Parisiens. fol. 178. b. requiring furthermore of the king in the popes behalf, to help his holiues with a contribution to be taxed amongest his Clergy, at least of 10000. Markes, Ibid. And to the end that the Pope might win the king sooner to his deuotiō, he writeth in y• kinges behoofe to the nobles and commons of the Realm, that they should not faile, vpon payue of his great curse, to cō ferre such subsidy of money to the subuention of the king, as he then had demaunded of them, but they stood striffe in not graunting to him.

While the insatiable auarice of the pope thus made no end in gathering riches and goods together in England, the nobles & Barons, with the community as well of the Clergy as the laity, weying the miserable state of the Realme, and namely of the church,Intimation geuen to the king touching the importable oppression of the realme by the Pope. which now neither had liberty left thē to choose their owne ministers, nor yet could enioy their owne liuings, layd theyr heades together, and so exhibited an earnest intimatiō to y• king, beseching him to consider the pitifull affliction and oppression of his subiectes vnder the popes extortion, liuing in more thraldōe, thē euer did the people of Israel, vnder Pharao. Wherupon the king beginning at last to looke vp, & to consider the iniuries and wrongs receiued in his Realme through the auarice of the court of Rome, directeth to pope Innocent 4. this letter in tenor as foloweth.

The kinges letter to Pope Innocent. 4.

SAnctis. in Christo pat. ac Domino Innocentio Dei gratia summo pontifici, Henr. eadem gratia Rex. Angliae. &c. Salutem & pedum oscula beatorum. &c.

To the most holy father in Christ & Lord, Innocēt by the grace of God chiefe Bishop,K. Henries letter to the Pope. Henry by the same grace, king of England. &c. greeting and kissinges of his blessed feet. The more deout & obsequious the sonne sheweth himselfe in obeying the fathers will,The kyng offereth to kisse the Popes feet. the more fauor and supportation doth he deserue to finde at his fathers handes agayn. This therefore I write, for that where as both we and our realme haue euer and in all things bene hetherto at the deuotion and commaundement of your fatherhood, and that although in some certayne affayres of ours and of our kingdome, we haue found your fatherly fauour and grace sometimes propice vnto vs: yet in some thinges agayne, as in prouisions geuen & graunted to your clerkes of forreine nations, both we and our kingdome haue felt no small detriment.Damage receiued by the pope in the realme of England. By reason of which prouisions the Church of England is so sore charged and burdened, that not onely the Patrones of Churches, to whome the donations thereof do appertayne, are defrauded of their right: but also many other good workes of Charity thereby doe decay, for that such benefices which haue bene mercifully bestowed vpon religious houses to their sustentation, are now wasted and consumed by your prouisions.

Wherefore for so much as your sea Apostolicke ought to be fauourable to all that be petitioners to the same,The pope prouisions. so that no persō be wronged in that which is his right, we thought therfore to be suters to your fatherhood, most humbly beseeching your holines that you will desist and surcease for a time, from suche prouisions to be exacted. In the meane seasō, it may please your fatherhood [Page] we beseech you, that our lawes and libertles, (which you may rightly repute none other but your owne) you will receiue to your tuition, to be cōserued whole and sound, nor to suffer the same by any sinister suggestion in your Court to be violated and infringed.The kinges too much in subiection to the pope Neither let your holynesse be any whit mooued therefore with vs, if in Iome such cases as these be, we do or shall hereafter resist the tenour of your commaundementes forasmuch as the complayntes of such which dayly call vpon vs, do necessarily enforce vs thereunto, which ought by the charge of this our office and kingly dignity committed so vs of almighty God, to forese that no man in that which is theyr right be iniuried, but truely to minister iustice to euery one in that which duely to him appertayneth.

This letter was sent, the 28. yeare of the kinges raign Ex Parisiens.

fol. 172.

A man would thinke that this so gentle and obedient letter of the king to the Pope, would haue wrought some good effect in his Apostolicall brest, to withdraw his prouisions, and to haue tendered the kings so reasonable and honest request: but how litle all this preuayled to stop hys insatiable gredines, and vntollerable extortions & oppressions, the sequele well declareth. For besides that shortlye after the Pope sent M. Martine with blanks being bulled for contribution of 10000.Ex Mat. Paris. sol. 172. Marks in all haste to be payd also euen immediatly vpon the receiuing of this letter, it followeth in mine author, that the sayd pope Innocēt the 4.The pope setteth Welch men against the king of England. after all this great submission of the king and so manifold benefits and payments yerely out of this Realme receiued, was not ashamed to take of David prince of north Wales, 500. markes by yeare, to set him agaynst the king of England, and exempted him from his feairy and obedience due to his owne liege Lord and king, to whom both he and all other welchmen had sworn theyr subiection before, as by the seales and obligations, as wel of that Dauid himselfe, as other welch Lordes in this behalfe, doth appeare. In Mat. Paris. fol. 172.

Neither did M. Martinus in the meane while sleepe his busines in making vp his market for the popes mony of 10000, markes, but still was calling vpon the prelates and clergy. Who first excusing themselues by the absēce of the king and the Archb. of Cant. afterward being called agayne by new letters, made theyr aunswere by the Deane of Paules their Prolocutor.

First that the pouerty of the Realme would not suffer them to consent therto.

Item, where as they had geuen before a coutribution to Cardinal Otho,Contribution required of the clergie of England for the pope with their excuses and reasons against the same. for paying of the Popes debts & knew the said mony to be employed to no such end as it was demaunded for, more cause they had now to misdoubt, least this contribution, in his hands which was a much more inferiour messenger thē the Cardinall, would come to the same or a worse effect.

Item, if they should now agree to a new contributiō, they feared least it would grow to a custom, seing that one action twise done maketh a custome.

Item, for so much as a generall councell is shortly loked for, where euery Prelate of the Realme must needes bestow both his trauell and expeuses, and also his presēce to the Pope, if the Prelates now should be bound to thys rare, they were not able to abide this burthen.

Item, seing it is alleadged, that the mother Church of Rome is so farre in debt, reason and right it were, that the mother so oppressed should be sustayned of all her deuout children meeting together in the generall councel, wheras by helpes of many more relief might come, thē by one nation alone.

Item, last of al they alledged, that for feare of the Emperour and his threatnings, they durst not consent to the sayd contribution.

While these thinges were thus in talke betweene the Popes priest and the clergy of England, cōmeth in Iohn Marshall and other messengers from the king, commaū ding in the kings name, that no Bishop that held his Baronage of the king, should infest his leseode to the court of Rome, which they ought onely to him. &c. Ex Parisiens. fol. 139. anno. 1243.

The portes of England layd to stop the popes letters, yet all would not serueNot long after this, in the yeare of our Lord. 1245. the whole nobility of the Realme by generall cōsent, and not without the kings knowledge also, caused all the Portes by the Seaside to be laid, that no messēger with the popes letters and Guls from Rome, should be permitted to enter the Realme. Whereupon some were taken at Douer, and there stayd. Notwithstanding when complaint therof was brought to the king by M. Martinus the Popes legate, there was no remedy but the king must needs cause these letters to be restored agayne, and executed to the full effect. fol. 185.

Then the king vpon aduise,Si [...]e [...] land [...] yerely [...] out of [...] land [...] Pope & [...] Italia [...] caused a view to be taken through euery shyre in England, to what sūme the whole reuenues of the Romains and Italians amouted, which by the Popes authority went out of England: the whole summe whereof was found yerely to be three score thousād Markes: to the which summe, the reuenues of the whole crowne of England and not extend: Ex Math. Parisiens fol 185. a.

The Nobles then vnderstanding the miserable oppression of the Realme, being assembled together at Dinistable for certayne causes, sent one Fulco in the name of the whole nobility, vnto M. Martinus the Popes Marchaunt with this message,M. Martin [...] the Popes legate ser [...] out of En [...] land in the deuils [...] that he iudelayedly vpon the same warning should prepare himselfe to be gone out of the realme, vnder payn of being cut all to pieces. At which message the Legate being sore aga [...], went straight to the king, to know whether his consēt was to the same or not. Of whom when he found litle better comfort, he tooke hys leaue of the king, who had him adue in the deuils name (faith M. Paris.) and thus was the realme rid of M. Martinus. Ex Mat. Paris. 185. b. an. 1245.

As soone as Pope Innocent had hereof intelligence by the cōplaynt of his Legate,The pope in displeasure with the king of England. he was in a mighty rage: And furthermore remembring how y• french king & the king of Arragon, not long before had denied him entraunce into theyr land, and being therfore in displeasure with thē likewise, began in great anger to knit his browes, and said: it is best that we fall in agreement with our prince, whereby we may the sooner bring vnder [...] lot The [...] wordes of the pope against the French [...] and king of England. these little petty kinges, and so the great Dragon being pacified, these litle serpents we shall handle at our owne pleasure as we lift.

After this immediarly thē folowed the generall councell of Lions, to the which councell the states and Lordes of the Realme, with the consent of the communaltye, sent two Bulles: One conteining a generall suplication to the Pope and the councell: the other with the Articles of such greuaunces which they desired to be redressed, whereof relation is made sufficiently before, pag. 267. The other bill of the Supplication because it is not before expressed, I thought here to exhibite for two causes: First, that men now in these dayes may see the pitifull blindnesse of those ignoraunt dayes, wherein our English nation here did so blindely humble themselues, and stand to the Popes curtesy. Whom rather they should haue shaken of, as the Grecians did. Secondly, that the pride of the Pope might the better appeare in his coulours, who so disdaynefully, reiected the humble sute of our Lordes and Nobles, when they had much more cause to disdayne rather, & to stampe him vnder their feet. The tenour of the Supplicatiō was this.

¶ The copy of the Supplication written in the names of all the nobles and commons of England to Pope Innocent the 4.Anno. 1245. in the generall Councell at Lyons. anno. 1245.

¶ To the reuerend Father in Christ Pope Innocent, chiefe Byshop, the nobles with the whole comminaltye of the Realme of England sendeth commendation with kissing of his blessed feet.

OVr mother the Church of Rome we loue with all our hartes as our duety is, The supplication of [...] Lords and commons of England [...] the Pope. and couet the encrease of her honour with so much affection as we may, as to whome we ought alwayes to flye for refuge, whereby the griefe lying vpon the childe maye finde comfort at the mothers hand. Which succour the mother is bound so much the rather to imparte to her childe, how muche more kinde and beneficial she findeth him in relieuing her necessitiee. Neither is it to the sayd our mother vnknowne, how beneficiall and bountifull a geuer the Realme of England hath bene now of long tyme for the more amplifying of her exaltation, as appeared by our yerely subsidie, whiche we terme by the name of Peterpence. Now the sayd Church not contented with this yearly subsidie, hath sent diuers Legates for other contributions, at diuers and sondry times to be taxed and leuyed out of the same Realme, al which contributions and taxes notwithstanding, haue bene louingly and liberally graunted.

Furthermore, neither is it vnknowne to your fatherhood, how our forefathers like good Catholickes, The superstitious [...] ding of neonasterics in England. both louing and fearing their maker, for the soules health as well of themselues as of their progenitours, and successors also, haue founded Monasteryes, and largely haue endued the same both with their owne proper landes, and also patronages of benefices, whereby suche religious persons prosessing the first and chiefest perfection of holy Religion in theyr Monasteries, might with more peace and tranquillitie occupy themselues deuoutly in Gods seruice,[Page]as to the order appertained: And also their Clearkes presented by them into their benefices, might sustaine the other exteriour labours for them in that seconde order of religion, and so discharge and defend them from all hasardes: so that the saide religious monasteries cannot be defrauded of those their patronages and collations of benefices, but the same must touche vs also very neare, and worke intollerable griefe vnto our hearts.

And now see we beseche you, which is lamentable to behold, what iniuries we sustaine by you and your predecessors, Iniuries receiued in England by the Pope. who not considering those our subsidies and cōtributions aboue remembred, doe suffer also your Italians and forreiners (whych be out of number) to be possessed in our Churches and benefices in Englande, pertaining to the right and patronage of those monasteries aforesayde:Benefices in [...]uglande wickedly giuen a way to Italians.which forreiners neither defending the sayd religious persones, whome they ought to see to, nor yet hauing the language, whereby they may instructe the flocke, take no regarde of their soules, but vtterly leaue them of wilde wolues to be deuoured. Wherefore it may truely be said of them, that they are no good shepheards, where as neither they know their shepe, nor the shepe do know the voyce of their shepherds, neither do they kepe any hospitalitie, but only take vp the rents of those benefices, carying them out of the Realme, wherewith our brethren, our nephewes, and our kinsfolkes might be susteined, who coulde and woulde dwell uppon them, and employ such exercises of mercie & hospitalitie as their dutie required. Whereof a great nūber now for mere necessitie are lay men, and faine to flie out of the realme.

Three score thousande markes yerely giuen to Italians out of the church of England. And now to the entēt more fully to certify you of the truth, ye shall vnderstand that the sayd Italians and strangers receiuing of yerely rentes out of Englande not so little as 60000. Markes by yeare, besides other auailes and exises deducted, doe reape in the said our kingdome of England more emoluments of meere rents, then doth the king himselfe, being both the tutour of the Church and gouernour of the land.

Italians receiued more in this land of meer rēts then did the kings crown Furthermore, where as at the first creation of your Papacie, we were in good hope and yet are, that by meanes of your fatherly goodnesse we shoulde enioy our franchises, and free collation of our benefices and donatiues, to be reduced againe to the former state: nowe commeth an other greeuance, which we cannot but signifie vnto yo [...] [...]ressing vs aboue measure, which we receiue by M. Martinus [...] who entring late into our lande without leaue of our king, with greater power then euer was sene before in any Legate, although he beareth not the state and shewe of a Legate, Detestable dealings of the popes legate in England. yet hee hath doubled the doings of a Legate, charging vs. euery day with newe Mandates, and so most extreemely hath [...] pressed vs: First in bestowing and geuing away our benefices if any were aboue 30 Markes, as soone as they were vacant, to Italian persons.

Secondly, after the decease of the sayd Italians, vnknowing to the patrons, he hath intruded other Italians therein, whereby the true patrons haue bene spoiled and defrauded of their right.

Thirdly, the saide M. Martinus yet also ceaseth not to assigne and conferre such benefices still to the like persones: And some he reserueth to the donation of the Apostolike fee: And extorteth moreouer from religious houses immoderate pensions, excommunicating and interdicting who so euer dare gainstand him.

Complaint of M. Martin [...]he Popes Legate. Wherefore, forasmuch as the sayde M. Martin hath so farre extended his iurisdiction, to the great perturbation of the whole Realme, & no lesse derogation to our kings priuiledge, to whome it hath bene fully graunted by the see Apostolike, that no Legate should haue to do in his land, but such as he by speciall letters did send for: we with most hūble deuotiō beseech you, that as a good father will alwaies be ready to support his childs, so your fatherhode wil reach forth your hand of compassion to releaue vs your humble children from these greuous oppressions.

K. Hēry the [...]hird, vsed euery day to [...]eare 3. mas [...]es by note. And although our Lord and king, being a Catholicke Prince, and wholy giuen to his deuotions and seruice of Christ Iesu our Lorde, so that he respecteth not the health of his owne body, will feare and reuerence the see Apostolicke, and as a deuout sonne of the Church of Rome, desireth nothing more then to aduance the estate and honor of the same: yet we which trauaile in his affaires bearing the heate and burden of the day, and whose duetie together with him, is to tender the preseruation of the publike wealth▪ neither can paciently suffer such oppressiōs so detestable to God and man, and greuances intollerable, neither by Gods grace, will suffer them, through the meanes of your godly remediey, which we well hope and trust of you speedily to obteine. The stout wordes of the Lordes [...]o the Pope. And thus may it please your fatherhode, we beseche you to accept this our supplication, who in so doing shall worthely deserue of all the Lords and Nobles, with the whole comminaltie of the Realme of England, o [...]digne and speciall thankes accordingly Anno [...] Ex Mat Parisient fol. 188.The suppli [...]ation of the English na [...]ion tooke no place with the Pope.

This supplication being sent by the handes of Sir R. Bygot Knight, and W. de Powike Squier, Henrie de la Mare, with other knightes and Gentlemen, after it was there opened and red, pope Innocent first keping, silence, deferred to make answer therunto, making hast to procede in hys detestable excommunication and curie against the good Emperour Fredericke.The Englishe Ambassadours agreeued with the Pope. The whith curle being done, and the English ambassadours waiting still for their aunswer, the Pope then told them flatte, they should not haue their request fulfilled. Wherat the English men departing iu great anger away, sware with terrible othes, that they would neuer more suffer any tribute, or fruites of any benefices, namely whereof the noble men were patrones, to be paid to that insatiable and greedy court or Rome worthy to be detested in all worlds. Ex Math. Paris. fol 193.

The Pope hearing these wordes,The Pope in an anger with England. all be it making then no aunswere, thought to watch his time and did. First, incontinent vpon the same, during the said Counsel, he caused euery Bishop of England to put his hande and seale to the obligation made by king Iohn for the Popes tribute,The Bishops of England set their seales to the popes tribute. as is aboue specified. Threatning moreouer, & saying, that if he had once brought downe the Emperor Fredericke, he would bridle the insolent pride of England wel enough.

After this Councell ended, in the beginning of the next yere following.Anno. 1246. An. 1246. Pope Innocent came to Cluniake, where was then appoynted a secret meeting or colloquie betwene the Pope and Lewes the French king (who was then preparing his voyage to Ierusalem) in which colloquie the pope sought al meanes to perswade ye French king,The pope stirreth Lewes the French king to warre against the K. of Englande. in reuengement of his miurie, to warre contra Regulum (as he termed him) that is, against the weake and scule king of England, either to driue him vtterly frō his kingdom, or els so damnitie him, wherby he should be constra [...] ned, whether he would or no, to stoupe to the Popes will and obedience: Wherein he also would assist him with al the authoritie he could doe. Neuerthelesse, the French king to this would not agree, first for the consanguinitie that was betwene them (for there 2. Quenes were sisters) And also for the truce that they had taken.Lewes the frēch kyng refuseth to warre against Englande. Thirdly, for feare of the Emperour, least he shoulde take his part. Item, for that it could not be without the spilling of much Christen bloud. And lastly, because he was preparing his voyage to ye holy land, where his comming was already looked for. And thus the French king denying the Popes bloudy request, refused not onely to enter warre against the king and the realme of England, but also shortly after concluded wyth him longer truce. An. 1246. Ex. Math. Paris. sol. b.

Straight vpon the necke of this,The first yeares fruites for seuen yeares gathered of all benefices for the Archb. of Cant. followed then the exaction of Boniface Archbishop of Canterbury, that he had bought of the Pope: which was, to haue the first yeares fruites of all benefices and spirituall linings in Englande for the space of 7. yeares together, vntill the sumine should come of [...]en thousand Markes. Whereat the king first was greatly agreeued. But [...] eonclusion, hee was faine at last to agre [...] with the Archbyshop, and so the nibney was gathered. Paris. fol. 197.

Ouer and besides all other exactions, wherewyth the pope miserably oppressed the church of England,The prelates of England charged to find horse and harnes for Popes warres. this also is not to be [...]lenced, how the Pope sending down his letters [...] the se [...] Apostolike, charged and commanded the prelates to find him, some 10. Tome 5. and some 15. able men wel furnished with horse and harneis, for one whole yere, to fight in the popes warres.A subtile practise of the pope. And lest the king shuld haue knowledge thereof, it was enioyned them vnder paine of excommunication that they shoulde reuease it to none, but to kepe it secrete only to themselues. Paris. fol. 200.

The pope yet notwtstanding,The popes baite layde for more money. partly beyng laboured by si [...]ers, partly of hys owne mynde thinking good somewhat to geue to the king & people of England, as fathers are wo [...] to geue solsterhing to theyr babes to play with all to kee [...] them still, sent downe this releasment to the king, y• hereafter whensoeuer any of the popes nephewes or of hys Cardinals were to be beneficed many church of England, eyther he, or the Cardinals shuld first make the king priuy theeof, and instantly cra [...]e hys good-will in obteining the prōtutation, or els the same to stand in no effect. &c. Parisiensis sol. 202. howbeit al this seemed to be don [...] of a pollicy, to get the kings [...]auour, wherby he might be suffered more freely to passe with greater exactions, as afterward appeared.

For whē the foresayd Pope Innocent 4.A new lawe of the pope, to season vpon: all the goods of clergie men that die intestate. had knowlege the same tyme of certayne rich Clerkes leauing great substaunce [...]niony, which died intestate as of one Rob. Hailes Archdeacō of Lincolne, which died leauing thousands of Marks and inush plate behy [...]de hyin, all which because no will was made, ea [...] to temporall mens handes:A note of certaine ecclesiasticall persons dying in England worth great substance. also of M. Almarick Archdeacon of Bedford, being foūd worth a great substaunce when he dyed: and likewise of an other M. Iohn Hotosp Archdeacō of Northampton, who died sodenly intestate, leauing behinde him 5000. Markes, and 30. standing pieces of plate, with other infinite iewels besides: sent forth vpō the same [...] statute to be proclaimed in [Page] England, that whatsoeuer ecclesiastical person henceforth should decease in England intestate, that is, wythout making his will, all his goodes should redound to the Popes vse. Paris fol 203.

Sixe thousand marks to be gathered of the clergie of Englande for the Pope.Furthermore, the Pope yet not satisfied with all thys, addresseth newe letters to the bishop of Winchester, and to w. bishop of Norwich, for gathering vp amongst the clergie, and religious houses in Englande 6000. Markes to the behouse of holy mother the Church, without any excuse or delay, by vertue of obediēce. Which tailage being greatly grudged of the Clergie, when it came to the kings eare, hee [...]f [...]soones directeth contrary letters to all the Prelates and euery one of them,The king beginneth to withstand the Pope, but durst not holde out. commanding them vpō forfeyting their temporaities to the king, that no such subsidie of mony shoulde be gathered or transported out of the Realme. But the Pope againe hearing therof, in great anger wryteth to the prelates of England, that this collection of mony, vpon paine of excommunication and suspension shuld be prouided, and brought to the new Temple in London, by the feast of the Assumption next ensuing.

The Pope in a chafe.And furthermore, forasmuch as he perceiued the kyng to goe about to gamestand his proceedings, taking therat great disdaine, he was about the same time to interdict the whole land.The wordes of Ioannes Anglicu [...] Cardinall to the Pope. To whome then one of his Cardinals, called Ioannes Anglicus, an Englishman borne, speaking for the realme of England, desired hys fatherhood for Gods cause to mitigate his modie ire, & with the bridle of temperance to assuage the passion of his minde: which (sayde he) to tell you plaine, is here stirred vp to much without cause. Your fatherhode (quod he) may consider that these daies be euill. First the holy lande lieth in great pearils to be lost. All the Greke church is departed from vs.The miserable troubles of christendome. Frederick the Emperour is against vs, the mightiest prince this day in all christendome. Both you and wee which are the peeres of the Churche are banished from the Papalisea, thrust out of Rome, yea excluded out of all Italy. Hungary with all the coastes bordering about it, looketh for nothing but vtter subuersion by the Tartarians. Germanie is wasted and afflicted with inward warres & tumults. Spaine is fierce & cruell against vs,Of Spaine he meaneth because the king of Aragone a litle before had cut off the tongue of a certaine B. that did reprehend him. Paris. fol. 207. euen to the cutting out of the Bishops tonges. Fraunce by vs is so impouerished, y• it is brought to beggerie, which also conspireth against vs. Miserable England being so oftē plagued by our manifold iniuries, euen much like to Balaams asse, beaten and bounst wyth spurres and staues, beginneth at length to speake and cō plaine of her vntollerable griefs & burdens, being so wearied and damnified, that shee may seeme past all recouerie: And we, after the maner of Ismael hating all mē, prouoke all men to hate vs. &c. Ex Paris. fol. 207.

Power giuen to the Bish. of Worcester to interdict the land. The K. fayne to relent to the Pope. 238.For all these woordes of Ioan. Anglicus hys Cardinall, the Popes cholerike passion could not yet be appeased, but forthwith he sendeth commaundement with full authority to the byshop of Worcester, that in case the king would not spedely surcease his rebellion against his Apostolical proceedings, he should interdict his land. So that in condusion the king for all hys stoute enterprise was faine to relent at last, and the Pope had his money. Anno 1246. Ex Pariens. fol. 204.

Ye heard before of the Greke churches vnder the Empire of Constantinople,Of this diuision read before pag. 282. The Grecians vsed to washe their altar, if any latin masse had bene saide vpon them. Ex Act [...]s concil [...] Lateran [...]sis, cap. 4. howe they sequestred themselues from the companie of the Romish church. In so much that Germanus the Patriarche of Constantinople, and the Archbyshop of Antioch did excommunicate the Byshop of Rome. And after the said Germanus an other Archbishop of Constantinople at the Councell of Lyons protested, that where as before were 30. Suffraganes belonging to that prouince, nowe there were not 3. that helde wyth the Churche of Rome. And thys breache, albeit it chiefly [...]ast out in the tune of Pope Gregory the 9. Anno 1230. to open warre and bloudshed, yet the same had begon, and so continued long before, in such forte as in the time of the Pope Innocent the thirde, if any Priests had sayd Masse in theyr Churches, they woulde wash the aultare afterwarde: as appeareth by the actes of the Laterane Councell. Capit. 4. Wherfore Pope Innocent now (as his other predecessors had done before) bearing an old grudge against those churches of the Greekes, and neither willing by conference to trie with them, nor able by learning to matche with them, thought by force of armes to subdue them, sent the prouinciall of the gray Friers, with other associates of the same order into England with his precept authenticall, containing in it these Articles.

Goods gotten by vsury attached for the Pope. Excommunication abused.

1. First, that the sayd prouinciall, or his Friers should inquire vppon all vsurers beyng aliue, and of all such euill gotten goodes gayned. per [...]surariam prauitatem, should make attachement for the vse and preparation of this warre agaynst the Greekes, excommunicatyng all them by district censures of the Church that repugned agaynst it.

2. That all they, which tooke the badge of the Crosse,

False [...] luti [...] o [...] sinnes.

for the recouery of the sayd Empire of the Greekes, or with goodes and cattell would helpe sufficiently vnto the same, should be absolued of all their sinnes.

3. Item, that all the goodes left in the Testamentes of them that were departed,

Vsurarie prau [...]las.

beyng gotten by vsur [...]e, should be taken vp to the subsidie of the Empire aforesayd, and whosoeuer repugned agaynst the same, should be excommunicated.

4. Item, that such goodes as in the Testamentes of the dead,

Goods [...] in dead [...] wils for restitution e [...] u [...]ted to the Pope. Goods [...] bequethe [...] in de [...]d [...] willes co [...] uerted to war agai [...] the G [...]e [...] Goods [...] gotten co [...] uerted [...] Pope.

left or which should be left three next yeares to come, for restitution of such goodes as the dead had euill gotten, they should take vp for the subsidie of the Empire aforesayd, excommunicatyng. &c.

5. Item, such goodes as were left to be distributed in godly vses, after the arbitrement of executours, by the willes of the dead, or were not in their willes deputed to any certaine places or persons named, nor yet were bestowed by the sayd executors to the foresaid vses, they should collect to the vse and subsidie aforesaid, and geue certificate to the sea Apostolicke of the quātitie thereof, excōmunicating all repugners and rebellers agaynst the same.

6. Item, that they should diligently enquire of such mens goodes euill gottē or euill come by, as were alyue, and them they should attache for the subsidie aforesaid, in case the parties which ought to be satisfied for those goodes euill gotten, could not be found, geuyng certificate thereof, aud excommunicatyng. &c.

7. Item,

Abselo [...] for [...]

that the sayd prouinciall or his Friers, should haue full power to absolue those that were excommunicated, which wittyngly had done any fraude touchyng the collection aforesayd, so that the sayd persons did make due satisfaction to the deputies aforesayd. Ex Math. Pariens. fol. 205.

What man hauing eyes is so blinde, which seeth not these execrable dealings of the Pope to be such, as woulde cause any nation in the world, to do as the wise Grecians did, and perpetually to abrenounce the Pope, and well to consider the vsurped authority of that sea not to be of God. But such was ye rude dulnesse then of miserable England, for lacke of learning & godly knowledge, that they feeling what burdens were laide vpon them, yet would play still the asse of Balaam, or els the horse of Esope, whych receiuing the bridle once in his mouth, could afterward neither abide his owne miserie, nor yet recouer libertie. And so it fa [...]ed with England vnder the popes thraldome: as partly by these stories aboue hath ben declared, partly by other in like case following is to be seene.

For so it followeth in the history of the sayd Matth. Paris. An v [...] nable e [...] on of the Pope. howe the Pope taking more courage by hys former abused boldnesse, & perceiuing, what a tame asse he had to ride vpon, ceased not thus, but directed a new precept the same yeare 1246. to the Prelates of England, commaunding by the authoritie Apostolike, y• all beneficed men in the realme of England, which were Resident vppon their benefices, should yeld to the Pope the third part of their goodes, and they which were not resident, should geue the one halfe of their goods, and that for the space of 3. yeres together: with terrible comminations to all them that did resist: and euer with this clause wyth all,Non [...] Non obstante, whych was like a key that opened all locks. Which summe cast together was found to amount to lx. M. pounds: which summe of mony could scarce be found in all England to paie for King Richardes raunsome.Three [...]n thousande poundes [...] acted of [...] clergie to [...] payde to [...] Pope. Paris. fol. 207. The execution of this precept was committed to the bishop of London: who cōferring about the matter with hys brethren in the Church of Paules, as they were busily consulting together, and bewailing ye importable burthen of this contribution, which was impossible for them to sustaine, sodainely commeth in certaine Messengers from the Kyng: Sir Iohn Lexintune Knight, and M. Laurence Martine the kings chaplain, straightly in the kings name, forbidding them in any case to consent to this contribution, which shuld be greatly to the preiudice and desolation of the whole Realme. Parisiens. fol. 207.

Thys being done about the first day of December, in the yeare abouesayde,A Parliament. shortly after in the beginning of the next yeare 1247. about Februarie the kyng called a Parliament, where by commōn aduise it was agreed, that certaine Embassadors should be sent to Rome, to make manifest to the Court of Rome the exceding greuances of the Realme, deliuering moreouer these letters to the Pope in the name both of the Temporaltie and also of the Clergie, as here followeth.

* An other letter sent to Pope Innocent 4. in the names of the whole Clergie and comminaltie of England. An. 1247.

[Page] Letter sent the Pope the name all the e [...]tes & com [...]altie of [...]e realme. SAnctis. Patri in Christo ac Do. Innocent. Dei prouidentia summo pontifici vniuersitas cleri & populi per prouinciam Cant. constituti deuota pedum oscula beatorum. Cum Anglicana Ecclesia. &c. To the most holy father in Christ, and Lord Innocent, by Gods prouidence chiefe bishop: The whole comminaltie both of the Clergie and laitie within the prouince of Canterbury, sendeth deuout kissings of his blessed feete. Like as the Churche of Englande since it first receiued the Catholicke faith, hath alwayes shewed her selfe faithfull and deuout in adhering to God and to our holy mother the Church of Rome, studying with all kinde of seruice to please and serue the same, [...]ote fooles [...]u [...]ingiuing the [...]hurch so [...]uch. and thinketh neuer otherwise to do, but rather to continue and increase as she hath begon: euen so nowe the same Church most humbly prostrate before the feete of your holinesse, intirely beseecheth your clemencie to accept her petition, in sparing this imposition of money, which so manifold waies for the subuention of other nations, by the commaundement of your holines is laid vpon vs: considering that not only it is importable, [...]he Pope [...]king be [...]e Englād [...] swimme [...]th golde [...]d siluer. but also impossible which is enioyed vs. For although our countrey sometimes yeldeth foorth fruite for the necessary sustentation of the inhabitants, yet it bringeth foorth neither gold nor siluer, neither were able to bring forth of long time, so muche as nowe a daies is required. Which also being burdened and ouercharged of late daies with an other such like imposition, but not so great as this, is not able any whit to aunswere to that which is exacted.

Furthermore, besides this commaundement of your holines, there is required of the Clergie a subsidie for our temporall king, whose necessities neither possibly we can, nor honestly ought to forsake, whereby he may both withstande the inuasion of the enemie, and mainteine the right of his patrimonie, and also recouer againe that hath bene lost. In consideration whereof, we haue directed the bearers heereof to the presence of your holinesse with our humble supplication, to explane to you the dangers and inconueniences which are like to ensue vpon the premisses. Which by no meanes we are able to susteine: although notwithstanding we know our selues by all bonds of charitie to be obliged to your deuotion and obedience. And because our generall communitie hath no seale proper, we haue signed therefore these presents with the publike seale of the Citie of London. &c. Ex Paris. fol. 209.

The like letters were sent also vnto the Cardinals to the same effect. The Pope vnderstanding these things, and perceiuing that there was no striuing against such a generall consent, and yet loth to forgoe his sweete haruest, The popes [...]swere a [...]aine to the [...]ng of England. which he was wont to reape in Englande, craftely deuised to sende this aunswere againe to the King, much like to the same which hee sent before: which was, that although the Pope in time past vpon his owne will and pleasure to the importable greeuance of the Realme of Englande, hath euery where aud without respecte, through the whole lande made his prouisions, in geuing their benefices vnto his Italians: yet nowe the Lorde be praised, that tempest (sayd he) is ouerblowen: so that heereafter if the Pope shall graunt his prouision for any of hys nephewes or of his Cardinals, they shall come first and make their instant sute vnto the king, without all inforcement, so that it shall stand wholy in the kings free arbitrement to doe herein what hee thinketh good. &c. Paris. fol. 209. b.

The Pope [...]alfe in his promise.This aunswere of the Pope, all be it it was but a subtile shift for the time: yet neither did hee long stande to that hee had thus promised to the King. For shortly after, and within fewe dayes vppon the same, and in the time also of the sayde Parliament holden at Winchester, the Pope sent two English Friers into the realme, whose names were Iohn and Alexander,Note the subtle practise of the pope to get money. with full authoritie after the largest sorte, for newe contributions. Who first pretending lowly submission to the King, while they had leaue graunted to range about the Realme, afterwarde comming to the Bishops and rich Abbots, shewed themselues foorth in theyr full authoritie, in such sort, as they became rather tyrants then extortioners.

Amongest other, comming to Robert byshop of Lyncolne, who of all other bare a speciall minde to the order of Obseruauntes,The Bishop of Lincolnes answere to the Friers the Popes messengers. these two Friers as proude as Lucifer, bringing foorth the terrible Mandate, wyth the Popes Bulles, required, and eke commaunded vnder the Popes mightie curse, to haue the gathering in his Diocesse of vi. thousand markes. Likewise of the Abbot of s. Albons they required iiii. hundred Markes, vnder great penaltie, and that in short time to be paide.

The Bishop although well liking before that order of those Friers, yet seeing the impudent behauiour, and more impudent request of those Marchauntes, thus aunswered to them againe: that thys exaction (sauing sayde hee, the Popes authoritie) was neuer heard of before, and neyther was honest, nor yet possible to be performed: and moreouer was such as did not only concerne him, but the whole publicke state of the Clergie, and of the whole Realme in general, and therfore it should be absurdly and rashly done of him to geue them aunswere heerein, before the king and the rest of the Counsell, wyth other, to whome the matter generally did appertaine, were made priuie thereunto, &c. and so for that time he shoke them of. Paris. fol. 210.

Furthermore,The Abbot of S. Albons maketh great sute to the Pope for the 400. markes that he should pay. This Iohannes Anglicus was the more fierce against the Abbot, because hee receiued him not with such reuerence as hee thought meete for the popes legate. as touching the Abbot of S. Albones, when he also alleged the same causes, he pretended moreouer that he would appeale, and so did, to the Pope and his Cardinals. Whereupon immediatly was sent downe from Pope Innocent, an other Legate called Ioannes Anglicus, an English Frier and Cardinall, who bringing downe a newe speciall precept to the foresayde Abbot, cited him eyther to appere at London the morow after S. Giles day, or to disbourse to the vse of the Pope the foresayde 4. hundreth markes. By reason whereof the Abbot was driuen to send his Proctors againe, with a newe supplication to the Pope at Lyons, who in the ende through great instaunce of monyed friendes, agreed with the Abbot for two hundreth markes, besides hys other charges born [...], & so was that matter compounded, little to the Abbots profite, Parisiens. fol. 213.

To recite all damages and greuaunces receiued by the B. of Rome in this realme of England, neither is any history sufficiently able to comprehend, nor if it were, vnueth is there any that would beleeue it. Notwtstanding to those aboue declared, thys one I thought to commit like wise to memorie, to the intēt, that they which liue in this age now may behold and wonder in themselues to see in what miserable slauery, passing all measure, not onely the subiects, but kings also of this Realme were brought vnto, vnder the intollerable yoke of the popes tyrannie, which in those daies neither durst any man cast of, nor yet was able to abide. As by this example ensuing, wt infinite other like to the same, may appeare.

In the yeare of our Lorde 1248. after that Pope Innocent the 4.Example howe this Realme of England was oppressed miserably by the Pope. had taken such order in the Realme, that all Prelates of the Churche were suspended from collation of any benefice, before the Popes kinsfolkes and Clearkes of Italy had ben first prouided for: It happened vpō ye same, that the Abbot of Abingdon had a commaundement from the pope, to bestow some benefice of his Church in all hast, to a certaine Priest of Rome, which the Abbot as an obedient childe to his father the Pope, was prest and ready to accomplish accordingly. But the Romane priest not contented with such as fell next hand, would tarye his time, to haue such as were principall and for hys owne appetite, hauing a speciall eye to the benefice of the church of S. Helene in Abingdon, which was then estemed woorth an C. marks by yere, besides other vailes and commodities belonging to the same: the collation whereof the priest required by the authoritie Apostolicall to be graunted to him.

As thys past on, it chaunced at last, the incumbent to die, and the benefice to be emptie. Which estsoones being knowen, the same day commeth a commaundement, with great charge from the King to the Abbot, to giue the benefice to one Aethelmare the kings brother by the motherside, who at the same time was possessed wyth so many benefices, as the number and value therof was vnknowen. The Abbot heere being in great perplexitie, and not knowing what to doe, whether to gratifie his king, or to obey the Pope, tooke counsell with his friendes. Who well aduising the matter, gaue him counsell rather to preferre the brother of his Prince and patrone, so that the king would vndertake to stande in his defence against the Pope, rather then the Romish priest, whom alwaies he shuld haue lying there as a spie and watcher of him, and like a thorne euer in his eye: and so the king assuring the Abbot of hys vndoubted protection, and indemnitie against al harmes, the benefice was conferred foorthwyth to the kings brother.

The Romane priest not a litle agreued therat, speedeth himselfe in all hast to the Byshop of Rome, certifying him what was done, and partly also (as the maner is of men) making it worse then it was. Uppon whose complaint the Pope estsoones in great anger cited vp the Abbot personally to appeare before him,The Abbot of Abbingdō cited to appeare before the Pope. to answer to the crime of disobedience. The abbot trusting vpon the kings promise and protection, which neither could helpe him in that case, neither durst oppose himselfe against the Pope, being both aged and sickely, was driuen to trauaile vp to the Court of Rome,The Abbot of Abingdon condemned in 50. markes for denying of an english benefice to an Italian the Popes nephew. in great heauines and bitternesse of minde. Where in conclusion after much vexation and bitter rebukes, besides great expenses, he was faine to satisfie the Pope after his owne will, compounding to giue hym yearely 50. markes in part of making amends for his trespasse of disobedience. Ex Mat. Parisiens. fol 222.

To this also may be added an other like fact of the pope [Page] as outragious as thys, against the house of Binham. For when the benefice of Westle in the Diocesse of Eley was voide by the death of the incumbent,A detestable extortion of the pope vs [...]d against the priorie of Binham. who was an Italian & one of the popes chamber, the donatiō of which benefice belōged to the priorie of Binham, an other Italian which was a bastard and vnlearned, borne in the City of Ianua, called Herrigetto de Malachana de volta, brought downe the popes letters to M. Berardo de Nympha the Popes agent here in England, with strait charge and full authority, commanding him to see the sayd benefice to be conferred in any case to Herrigetto. Yea and though the benefice had bene geuen already, yet notwythstanding the possessor therof should be displaced, and the said Herrigetto perferred: Yea also, non obstante that the sayd Pope himselfe had before giuen his graunt to the king & realme of England, y• one Italian should not succeede an other in any benefice there, yet for all that the said Herrigetto vpon paine of excommunication, to be placed therin. Ex Paris, fol. 240.

The Grecians excused & purged in parting frō the Church of Rome.And thus much hetherto of these matters, through the occasion of the East churches and the Grecians, to the entent all men that read these stories, & see the doings of this Westerne Bishop, may consider what iust cause these Grecians had to seclude themselues from hys subiection, and communion. For what christian communion is to be ioyned wt him, which so contrary to Christ and his gospel, seeketh for worldly dominion, so cruelly persecuteth hys brethren, so giuē to auarice, so greedy in getting, so iniurious in oppressing, so insatiable in hys exactions, so malitious in reuenging,The miseries that haue risen in Englande through subiection vnder the church of Rome stirring vp warres, depriuing kings, deposing Emperours, playing Rex in the Church of Christ, so erronious in doctrine, so abominably abusing excommunication, so false of promise, so corrupt in life, so voyde of Gods feare: and briefly, so farre from all the parts of a true Euangelicall Bishop. For what seemeth he to care for the soules of men, which setteth in benefices, boyes and outlā dish Italians: and further, one Italian to succede an other which neither did know the language of ye flocke, nor once would abide to see their faces. And who can blame y• Grecians then for diffeuering themselues from such an oppressour and gyant against Christ.

Whose wise example if this Realme had then folowed, as they might, certes our predecessours had bene rid of an infinite number of troubles,Englād plagued by the Pope when it needed not. iniuries, oppressiōs, warres, commotions, great trauails, & charges, besides the sauing of innumerable thousand of poūds, which the sayd bishop full falsely hath raked and transported out of thys Realme of ours. But not to excede ye bounds of my history, because my purpose is not to stande vpon declamations, nor to dilate common places, I will passe ouer, leauing the iudgement therof to the further examination of the reader. For els if I lifted to prosecute this argument so far as mater would lead me,The Pope and court of Rome the principall cause of all the publique calamitie [...] through christendome. & truth peraduenture wold require me to say, I durst not only say, but could well proue, the Pope & court of Rome to be the only fountain & principal cause, I say not of muche misery heere in England, but of all the publicke calamities and notorious mischiefes which haue happened these many yeres through all these West parts of christendome, & especially of all the lamentable ruine of the church, which not only we, but the Grecians also this day do suffer by the Turks and Saracens. As whosoeuer wel considereth by reading of histories the course of times, and vieweth with all the doings and acts passed by the said bishops of Rome, together with ye blinde leading of his doctrine, shal see good cause not only to thinke, but also to witnes the same. Only one narratiō touching this argument, and yet not transgressing the office of my historie, I minde (the Lorde willing) to set before the Readers eyes, which happened euen about this present time of thys king Henries reigne, in the yere of our Lord. 1244.

The sicknes of Lewes the frēch Kyng.In the which yeare it chanced, that Lewes the French king sonne to Quene Blanch, fel very fore sicke, lying in a swounde or in a traunce for certaine dayes, in such sorte as few thought he would haue liued, & some said he was gon already. Amongst other, there was with him hys mother, who sorowing bitterly for her sonne, and giuen somewhat (as cōmonly the maner of women is) to superstitiō, went & brought foorth a peece of the holy crosse, wyth the crowne and the speare, which peece of the holy crosse Baldwynus Emperour of Constantinople (whome the Grecians had deposed a litle before for holding with the bishop of Rome) had sold to the French king for a great summe of mony, and blessed him wyth the same,The superstition of the kynges mother. also laid the crowne, & the spear to his body, making a vow wtal in the person of her sonne, that if the Lorde would visite him with health, and release him of that infirmitie, he should be croysed or marked with the crosse, to visit his sepulchre, and there solemnly to render thankes in the lande which he had sanctified wyth his bloud. Thus as she, with the B. of Parys, and other there present were praying, beholde the king which was supposed of some to be dead,The [...]. began wt a sigh to pluck to his arms and legges, and so stretching himselfe, began to speake, geuing thankes to God, who from an high had visited him & called him from the danger of death. Which as the kings mother,The [...] of [...] blinde [...] with [...] myracle wt others there toke to be a great miracle wrought by the vertue of the holy crosie: so the king amending more and more, as soone as he was well recouered, receaued solemnely the badge of the crosse, vowing for a freewil sacrifice vnto God, that he, if the counsaile of his realme would suffer him, would in hys owne person visite the holy land: forgettyng belyke the rule of true Christianitie,The [...] vowe [...] Lewes [...] Fre [...] [...] where Christ teacheth vs otherwise in the gospel, saying: That neither in this mount, nor in Samaria, nor at Ierusalem the Lord will be worshipped, but seeketh true worshippers, which shall worship him in truth and veritie &c. An. 1244. Pariens. fol. 182.

After thys was great preparaunce and muche a do in Fraunce toward the setting foorth to the holy land.The Fa [...] K. crofe [...] go to the holy l [...] For after the K. first began to be croysed, the most part of the nobles of Fraunce, with diuers Archbishops and Byshops, wt Earles, and Barons,Great p [...] para [...]ce [...] Fraunce [...] ward [...] vyage. and Barons, and gentlemen to a mighty number, receaued also the crosse vppon their sleeues. Amongst whom was the Earle Atrebacensis the kings brother, the Duke of Burgundy, the Duke of Brabant, the Countesse of Flaunders wyth her two sonnes, the Earle of Britaine with his sonne, the Earle of Barrēsis, Earle of Swesson, Earle of S. Paul, Earle of Druis. Earle Retel. with many noble persons mo. Neither lacked here whatsoeuer the Pope could do, to set forward this holy busines, in sending his Legates and Friers into Fraunce, to stirre the people to folow the king,Con [...] in Fraunce to the [...] vyage. The Pop [...] maketh [...] uision [...] contrib [...] also in Fa [...] Anno 1147. & to contribute to his iourny. Wherupon was graunted to the King, to gather of the vniuersall church of France by the popes authoritie, the tenth part of all their goods for 3. yeares space together, vpon thys condition, that the king likewise wold graunt to the Pope the 20. part, for so many yeares after, to be gathered of the sayd Church of Fraunce. Which was agreed. An. 1246. Ex Mat: Parisiens. fol. 204 b.

Shortly after thys, in the yeare of our Lorde 1247. followed a Parliament in Fraunce, where the king with his nobles being present, there was declared, how the king of Tartarians or Turkes hearing of the viage of the French king, writeth a letter to him, requiring that he wil become hys subiect.The [...] the king [...] age appo [...] ted. The Fre [...] kyng [...] to re [...]x [...] all iniu [...] done to i [...] subiecta. In the which Parliament, time was prefixed for taking their iourney, which shoulde be after the feast of S. Iohn Baptist, the next yeare insuing. Also they that were croysed, were sworne to persist in their purpose and sentence of the popes great curse denoūced to all them that went from the same. Parisiens. fol. 211. Furthermore, for the better speede in his iourny, the king through al his realme caused it to be proclaimed, that if any marchāt or other had bene iniured at any time by the kings exactours, either by oppression, or borowing of money, let him bring foorth his bil shewing how or wherein, and he should be recompensed. At which time William Longspatha a worthy warriour, with the Bishop of Worcester and certain other great men in the Realme of England,Will [...] [...] spath [...] other [...] English [...] prepare [...] the same [...] age. Pers [...] geuen to [...] French [...] to [...] [...] viage. mooued with the example of the Frenchmen, prepared themselues likewise to the same iourney.

The next yere after thys ensuing, which was 1248. the French king yet still remaining in hys purposed iourney, Lady Blanche hys mother, also the Byshop of Paris hys brother, with the Lordes of his counsaile, & other nobles, and his speciall frends aduertised him with great perswasions, to alter hys minde touching that so aduenturous and so daungerous a iourney, for that his vow (sayd they) was vnaduisedly made, and in time of his sicknesse, when hys minde was not perfectly stablished: and what ieoperdies might happen at home it was vncertaine, the king of England being on the one side, the Emperor on the other side, and the Pictauians in the middest so fugitiue, and vnstable: and as concerning his vow, the pope shuld frendly dispense with him, considering the necessitie of his realme, and weakenesse of his body. Besides all thys, his mother vppon her blessing required him, hys brethren of all loues desired him to stay at home, and not in his person to aduē ture, other might be sent in his roume, with no lesse furniture to atchieue that enterprise, and to discharge him of his vow, especially seeing at ye making thereof his senses were feeble, hys body weake, and reason through sicknesse, and very death almost, decaied.

To whome the K. againe:The kings answere to his Lordes laying down [...] & takyng [...] his crosie againe. for so much (sayde he) as you say, that for feeblenes of my senses I tooke this vow vpon me, loe therfore as you here wil me, I lay downe the crosse that I tooke, and putting his hand to his shoulder, tare of the badge of the crosse, saying to the Byshop, here syr I resigne [Page] to you the crosse wherewt I was signed. At the sight wherof there was no smal reioysing to all that were there present. To whome the king then both altering his countenance and hys speach thus spake: My frendes (sayde he) whatsoeuer I was then in my sicknes, now I thāke god, I am of perfect sense, and reason soūd, and now I require my crosse again to be restored vnto me: Saying moreouer that no bread shuld come in his head, before he were recognised again with the same crosse, as he was before. At the hearing whereof al there present were astonied,Ann. 1248. supposing that God had some great matter to worke, and so mooued no moe questions vnto him.

The French [...]ing setteth [...]orth in his [...]urney.Upon this drewe nie the feast of Iohn Baptist, which was the time set for the setting foorth. And nowe being in a readines, the king in few dayes after was entring his iorney. But yet one thing lacked. For the King perceiuing the mortal variance betwene the pope, and good Frederick the Emperour, thought best first before his going to haue that matter appeased, wherby his way both might be safer through the Emperours countries, and also lesse ieoperdy at home after hys departure,The fifth K. [...]esireth to [...]econcilethe [...]ope & the [...]mperour. and therefore vpon the same, tooke first his way to Lyons, where the Pope was, partly to take his leaue, but most especially to make recōcilement betwene the Emperour and the Pope.

Where is to be noted by the way, that as touching the good Emperour there was no lette nor staie.The Empe [...]oar Frede [...]ike purgeth himselfe to [...]he pope & [...]ouncell. Who rather sought all meanes how to compasse the popes fauor, & neuer could obteine it. In so much that before he shuld be excommunicated in the Councel of Lyons, he not onely answered sufficiently by Thadeus his atturney, discharging himselfe against whatsoeuer crimes or obiections could be brought against him, but so farre humbled himselfe to the Pope and the Councell,The submis [...]on of the [...]mperour. that for all detriments, damages, losses, or wrongs done of hys part, what amendes soeuer the Pope could or would require, he would recompence it to the vttermost. This would not be taken.

Furthermore, if the Pope (hee sayde) coulde not abide his tarying in his owne dominions and Empire,The worthy [...]ffer of the [...]oble Em [...]erour. he wold goe fight against the Saracens and Turkes, neuer to returne into Europe againe, offering there to recouer lands & kingdomes whatsoeuer did at any time belong to Christendome, so that the Pope onely would be contented that Henry his sonne (which was then nephew to king Henry here in England) should be Emperour after him. Neither could this be admitted.

The Empe [...]ur offreth [...] put in the [...]rench king [...]nd king of [...]ngland to [...]e his suer [...]es. The Empe [...]our desireth [...] answere [...]r himselfe [...]n the coun [...]ll. [...]he pestilēt [...]ncour of [...]ope Inno [...]ēt 4. against [...]rederike 2. [...] the cause [...]f all this [...]ischiefe, [...]hat to this [...]ay we suf [...]er by the Turkes.Then he offered for trueth of hys promise to put in the French king and the king of England to be his Suerties, or els for triall of his cause to stand to their award and arbitrement. Neither would that be graunted.

At least he desired, that he might come himselfe and answere before the councell. But the proude Pope in no case would abide that, saying: that he did not yet finde himselfe so ready and meete for Martyrdome, to haue hym to come thether to the Councell: for if he did, he would depart himselfe. &c. Ex Math. Paris. fol. 187. An. 1245.

This obstinate rancor and deui [...]ish malice of pope Innocent, and hys predecessour against that valiant Emperor, and against the Grecians, what disturbance and mischiefe it wrought to the whole Churche, what strength it gaue to the Saraceus and Tartarians, howe it empaired Christian concorde, and weakened all Christen lands, not only the host of the French king did finde shortly after, but christendome euen to this day may and doth feele and rue. Neither can in stories be founde any greater cause which first made the Turks so strong, to get so much groūd oner christendom as they haue, then the pestilēt working of this pope in deposing & excommunicating this worthy Emperour. For as there was neuer no Emperour of long time, which more victoriously preuailed in bridling and keping vnder these enemies of Christ, or would haue done more against them, then the said Fred. if he might haue ben suffered: so after the deposing & excommunicating of him, when the French king neither woulde abide at home,The beginning of the Turkes vic [...]ories ouer Christēdom as he was counselled, neither was yet able, wtout the help of other, to withstand the force and multitude of the sayd Saracēs and Tartarians being now ioyned together, neither yet could the Emperour be suffered by the pope to rescue the king, it followed thereof, that the good king being taken prisoner, & all his army destroied, the Turkes thereupon got such a hand, and such a courage against the Christians, that euer since they haue brast in farther vppon vs, and nowe haue preuailed so farre as neither the power of the Pope,Pope Inno [...]ēt 4. would not be recō ciled with the Emperour. nor of all Christendome is able to driue them out, as hereafter by sequele of story, is further to be declared.

In the meane time, to retourne where before we left, when the french king comming thus to the pope at Lions, to entreat for the Emperor, could finde no fauour, he tooke his leaue, and with great heauinesse departed setting forwarde on his iourney to Marsilia, and so failed to the Ille of Cyprus, where he remained all that winter, so that falling into penury and lacke of victuall, he was faine to send to the Uenetians and other Islands by, for helpe of prouision. The Uenetians gently sent vnto him 6. great ships laden with corne,The French army relieued by the Emperour Fredericke. wine & other victuals requilite, besides the reliefe of other Islands mo. But especially Fredericke the Emperor vnderstanding of their want, so turnished the French campe with all plentie of necessaries, that it had aboundance. Whereupon the French king m [...]oued with the kindnes of the Emperour,The french king again en [...]reateth the pope for the Emperour. wrote his speciall letters to the Pope in the Emperours behalfe, but the hard heart of the Pope would not relent. Blanchia the Kinges mother in France, hearing what the emperor had done to her sonne, sent him most hearty thanks, with presents and rewardes manifold. Math. Paris. fol. 226.

In this meane time about the beginning of October, the French men got Damiata, being the principall force or holde of the Saracens in all Egypt.Damiata gotten againe by the Frenchmen. All. 124. 9. fol. 228. After the winning of Damiata, the Prince and people of the Saracens being astonied at the losse thereof, offered to the Christians great grounde and possessions more then euer belonged to Christendome before, so that they might haue Damiata to them restored again. But the pride of the crie of Artoys the kings brother woulde in no case accept the offers of the Saracens, but required both Damiata and Alexandria the chiefe Metropolitane Citie of all Egypt to be deliuered vnto them. The Saraceus seeing the pride & gredines of [...] French men,The pride of the Erle of Artoys. in no case could abide it: which turned after to the great detriment of our Christians, as in the ende it prooued, Ex Mat. Paris. fol. 229.

First, in the Isle of Cyprus and in the iourney before died the Erle of Palatine,Death of certain of the [...]ch captaines in the way. & one of the 12. peeres of France, also the Earle of S. Paul and Blesse, who had vnder him 50. ensignes. Which were all after hys death scattered abroade and dispersed. Also died Ioannes de Denis a valiant Captaine, wyth many other noble personages both men and women, which by altering the aire and diet, there deceased. fol. 229.

The next yeare eusuing,Anno. 1250. which was 1250. about Ashewednesday, the French men issuing out of their tentes by the City of Damiata, flew vpon the Saracens, which besieged them, and so after a great number of the ennemies staine,Victory of the Frenchmen ouer the Saracens. with victorie and great spoyles, returned to theyr tentes againe. Nowe within the Citie of Damiata, was the Queene wyth her Ladies, the Popes Legate, and bishops, wyth a garrison of horsemen and footemen for the defence of the Citie strongly appoynted. The next day, the Frenchmen supposing to haue the like hande of the Saracens, as they had the day before,Frenchmen discomfited by the Saracens. gaue a fresh assault vppon them: but in that cōflict, the Saracens had so strongly appoynted themselues, that the French men lost tenne times more then they got the day before, & so after a great slaughter of their men, retired to their tents againe: whereupon the Saracens began to take great harte & courage against our men, stopping also the passages round about the Citie of Damiata, that no vitaile could passe vnto them. In like maner the Soldan also gathering all the galeys about Alexandria and all the lande of Egypt, so inclosed the S [...]as, that no intercourse should be to them by water. fol. 231.

At length after long talke and consultation betweene them on both sides,The Frenchmen again well offered by the Soldā the Soldan aduised them betune to resigne to hym the Citie of Damiata, wyth the furniture which they found therein, & they should haue all the countrey about Ierusalem, with all the captiues of the Christians frendly restored vnto them. Wherwith the Christians (sayde hee) ought to be countented, and to seeke no farther, but onely to haue the lande of Ierusalem, which beyng grnnted to them,The Erle of Artoys & the popes Legate againe refuse the for [...]e of peace offered they shuld not encroch into other lands and kingdomes, whereto they had no right. Thys forme of peace, as it liked well the meaner forte of the poore souldiours and diuers other of the sage counsaile and nobilitie: so the proude Earle of Artoys the kings brother, in no cause woulde assent thereto, but still required the Citie of Alexandria to be yelded to them. Whych the Egyptians by no meanes would agree vnto.

From that time the French army being compassed by sea and by lande,Famine & misery in the French campe. began euery day more and more to be distressed for lacke of victual and famine, being driuē to that miserie, that they were faine to eate their owne horsses in the Lent time,The Frenchmen eate their horses in Lent time. which should haue serued them to other vses. Neither could any Christian, nor Frederick being deposed by the Pope, be able to send them any succour. Furthermore the more miseryes ye christians were in, the more fiercely did the Saracens presse vpon them on euery side, detesting their forward wilfulnes. In so much that diuers [Page] of the Christian souldiours not able to abide the affliction, priuely conueyed themselues, as they coulde, out of the campe, to the Saracens, who were gladly receaued and relieued, and some suffered still to keepe their faith: Some marrying wiues amongst them, and for hope of honor did Apostatate to their law, and so wrought no little harme to the Christians.

The Soldane being perfectly instructed by these fugitiues of all things belonging to the kings armie,The Soldans message, deryding the French men. sent hym woord in derision, asking, where were all hys mattockes, forckes, & rakes, hys sithes, plowes, and harowes, whych he brought ouer wt him? or why he did not occupie them, but let them lie by hym to rust and canker? All thys and much more, the King with his Frenche men were faine to take well in woorth. It happened shortly after,Soldan dyeth, a worse followeth. that thys Soldan died, being poisoned of his own seruants. which was to the Christians a more heaping of theyr miseries. For albeit the saide Soldan had bene a cruell tyrant to the Christians, yet was he hated of his owne people, whereby his strength was the lesse: After whom succeeded an other much more cruell. who as he was better loued, so hee became muche stronger by a generall confederacie of all the Saracens which were in the East parts,The Frenchmen desire again the peace offered before, & coulde not haue it. ioyning now together. So that when the Christians desired nowe to haue the forme of peace before profered, be precisely denied them. And so the Frenche hoste which at first began to be feared, by their pride and ouermuch gredines grew more & more in contempt amongst their enemies, and now was vtterly despised.

The Christians thus seeing all thinges to goe backeward with them, and how the infidell Saracens daily did preuaile, began to murmure against God, and some also which were wel setled before, to stacker in their Religion, casting out these wordes of infidelitie: howe is this (sayde they) that the Lorde hath left vs in whose cause we fight? how often wythin the time of remembrance, haue we bene confoūded by these Saracens and infidels, who with sheding of our bloud, haue enioyed great spoyles & victories? first this Citie of Damiata, which we Christians had gotten dearely with effusion of somuch Christian bloud, afterward we were cōstrained for nought to resigne vp againe. After that the armie of the templaries, fighting for the holy Temple against the Saracens, neare to Antioche, was vanquished, and the standard bearer slaine in the fielde.Victories ouer the Templaries and keepers of Ierusalem. Againe within these fewe yeres, our Frenchmen fighting in lyke maner against the Saracens at the Citie of Bazara, were put to the worse, and many afterwarde out of captiuity ransomed, by Richard duke of Exceter, brother to the K. of England, Henry 3. Then came in the Chosmorins, sent by the Soldan of Babylon, which by a wile inuaded the christians in ye Citie of Ierusalem, where almost all the christian army being in the holy land, were destroyed. And now here our most christian king together with the whole nobility, is like to be in danger, vtterly to be ouerthrown. And how is it, that the Lord thus standeth against vs, and fighteth with them? hath he more regarde of them, then of vs? &c. Mat. Parisiens. fol. 231. Such murmuring wordes of an vnstable faith, many there began to cast out, as taking displeasure for their sufferings, but not considering on the other side what Idolaters they were, what pride and discorde was amongst them, what crueltie and murther they had shewed at home in persecuting the poore Albingenses, what superstition they first brought out wyth them, with what idolatry they proceded, putting their trust inmasses, in the popes indulgences, in worshipping of images,Causes debated why the Lord did not prosper the Christians fighting against the Saracens. and praying to saintes. And what helpe then coulde they looke for at Gods hand, which had Images in their temples, to fight against them which had none? Or what maruell, if the Lord of hostes went not with their armie, committing such idolatrie euery day in their pauilions to their Sacramentall bread and wine as they did, and fighting with the strength of their owne merits, and not only by the power of their faith in Christ, which is only the victory that ouercommeth the worlde?The Popes wars neuer went wel forward against the Infidels. Frederike the Emperour cursed of the pope, blessed of God, Templaries set on by the pope to betray the Emperour. Iohn 1. and finally hauing in their campe the Legate of him whom the Lord taketh to be his enemie? As by example of Fredericke the Emperour may be wel perceiued who after he was accursed by pope Bregorie a little before, comming the same time in war against the Saracens in Palestina, Boddes blessing wrought so mightely with him, yt without any bloudshed he recouered Ierusalem, and set all the countrey about it in great quietnes, till at last the popish Templaries, which at the popes setting on, went about to betray him, to yt Soldan of Babylon, & so lost al againe by their owne malicious mischief that the Emperour before had gotten. tEx Mat. Paris.

But let vs procede further in this holy progresse. The French king with his army, seeing himselfe distressed, and no good there to be done against the Soldan of Egypt, after he had sufficiently fortified the Citie of Dannata, wyth an able garrison left with the Duke of Burgundie, hee remooued his tents from thence,William Longspath. to go Eastward. In whose armie also folowed William Longspath (of whom mention was touched before) accompanied wc a piked number of English warriers reteining vnto him.Grudge [...] disdaine [...] tweene [...] Frēche [...] [...] & the [...]nglishe [...] ours. But suche was ye disdaine of the French men agains this William Longspath and the Englishmen, that they could not abide them, but flouted them after opprobrious maner, wyth English tailes: in somuch that the good king himselfe had much ado to keepe peace betwene them.

The originall cause of this grudge betweene them, began thus. There was not far from Alexandria in Egypt, a strong fort or Castle, replenished with great Ladies, and rich treasure of the Saracens.A boory [...] ten by the English [...] diours [...] Alexandr [...]. The which hold it chaunced the said William Longspath, with his company of english soldiours to get more by good lucke and politicke dexteritie, then by opē force of armes, wherby he with his retinue were grearly enriched. when the Frenchmen had knowledge hereof, they being not made priuie thereto, began to conceiue an hartburning against the English soldiours, & could not speake well of them after that.A ventr [...] act of Wi [...] Longsp [...]th. It hapned againe not long after, that the sayde William had intelligence of a cōpany of rich Marchants among the Saracens going to a certaine faire about ye partes of Alexandria, hauing theyr Camels, Asses, and Mules, richly loden with silks, precious iewels, spices, gold and siluer, with cart lodes of other wares, besides vitaile and other furniture, wherof the soldiours then stoode in great nede. He hauing secret knowledge heereof, gathered all the power of Englishmen vnto him that he coulde, and so by night falling vpon the Marchants, some he flew with their guides and conductours, some he tooke,William Longspath inriched by Saracens goods. some he put to flight. The Cartes wyth the driuers, and with the Dren, and the Camels, Asses, and Mules, with the whole cariage and vitailes he tooke and brought with him, losing in al the skirmish but one souldiour, and 8. of his seruitures. Of whome notwithstanding some he brought home wounded, to be cured.

This being knowen in the campe, foorth came ye French men, which al this while loytred in their pauilions, & meting their cariage by the way,William Longspath wronged by the French men. tooke all the foresaide pray whole to themselues, rating the sayd w. and the Englishmen, for so aduenturing and issuing out of the camp wtout leaue or knowledge of their generall, contrary to the discipline of warre. William said againe, he had done nothing, but he would answer to it, whose purpose was to haue the spoile deuided to the behoofe of the whole army. when this would not serue, he being sore greued in his mind so cowardly to be spoyled of that, for which hee so aducnturously had trauailed for, went to the king to complaine.Willia [...] [...] the Englishmen depateth to [...] But whē no reason nor cōplaint would serue, by reason of the proud Earle of Artoys the kings brother, which vpon despite & disdaine stoode against hym, he bidding the king farewell, said he wold serue him no lōger. And so William de Longspath, wt the rest of his company, breaking frō the Frenche host, went to Achon. Upon whose departure, then said the Earle of Artoys:The despi [...]efull wor [...]s of the kings brother against Englishmen. tNowe is the armie of Frenche men well ridde of these tailed people. Which words spoken in great despite, were euil taken of many good men that heard him. Ex Mat. Parisiens. fol. 233.234.

Before the ariuing of the French armie in the lande of Egypt, the Soldan of Babylon hauing before intelligence of their comming committed the custodie of Damiata to & certaine prince of his, whom he specially trusted, committing also to his brother the keping of Kaira & Babylonia.Babilon in Egypt. It folowed now after the taking of Diamata, that the soldan of Babylon accused the Prince which had the custodie thereof, before his nobles, of prodition, as giuing the Citie vnto the Christians. Who notwithstanding in indgement did sufficiently cleare himselfe, declaring how he was certified that the king would land at Alexandria, and therfore bent all power to preuent the kings ariuall there. But by distresse of weather,How Damiata was [...] of the Christians. he missing of his purpose, and the king landing about Damiata, by reason therof ye city was taken vnprouided, he notwithstanding wt his company resisting as well as they might, till they could no longer, and so departed out, cursing, said he, Mahomet & his law. At which wordes the Soldan being offended, commanded him to be had away as a traytor and blasphemer, and to be hanged, albeit he had sufficiently purged himselfe by the iudgement of ye court.The keeper or tribune of Damiata wrongfully put to death by the Soldā His brother which was the keper of Kayra and Babylonia, being therewith not a litle agrieued, and bearing a good minde to the Christian religion, deuised in him selfe, bow to giue the said city of Kayra with Babylonia to the French king, & so in most secrete wise sent to the king, shewing his ful purpose and what had happened, and furthermore [Page] instructing the king in all things how and what he should do,The tribune to [...] desireth to be Christened. W. Longspath sent for againe, & commeth. & moreouer requiring the Sacramēt of baptisme, meaning in deede good sayth, and sending also away all the Christian captiues, which he had with hym in prison, The king being glad hereof, sent in al hast for william Longspath, promising a full redresse of all iniuries past, who vpon hope of some good lucke towardes, came at the kings request, and so ioyned with the French power agayne.

* The lamentable ouerthrow and slaughter of the French armey fighting agaynst the Infidels, through the sinister councell of the Popes Legate.

The storie howe the French army was ouerthrowen fighting against the Saracens.TO make the story short, the king setting forward from Damiata, directed his iourny toward Kayra, slaying by the way such Saracens as there were set to stop the vitailcs from Damiata. The Soldane in the meane tyme hearing of the couragious comming of the French host, as beyng in great hope to conquere all: sent vnto the king by certayne thrt were next about him, offering to the Christians the quyet and full possession of the holy land, with al the kingdome of Ierusalem, and more: besides other infinite treasure of gold and siluer, or what els might pleasure them, onely vpon this condition they would restore again Damiata, with the captiues there, and so would ioyne together in mutuall peace and amitie. Also they should haue all their Christian captiues deliuered home, and so both coūtries should freely passe one to an other wt their wares and traficke,The sayre o [...]fers of the Soldan to the Frenchmen, if they had had grace to take it. The pope & his legate cause of all this mischief such as they lifted to occupy. Furthermore it was also firmly affirmed & spokē, that the Soldan, with most of hys nobles were minded no lesse then to leaue the filthy law of Mahomet, and receaue the fayth of Christ so that they might quietly enioy their landes and possessions. The same day great quietnes had entred (no doubt) in all Christendome, with the end of much bloudshed and misery, had not bene for the pope and hys Legate, who (hauing commaundement from the Pope, that if any such offers should come, he shoulde not take them) stoutly & frontosè (as the words be of ye story) cōtradicēs, in no wyse would receaue the conditions offered Parisiens. fol. 233.

Thus while the Christians vnprofitably lingered the tyme in debating this matter, the Soldan in the meane tyme got intelligēce of the compact betwene the Tribune of Kayra, and the French king: whereupon he sent in all hast to the Citty of Kayra, to apprehend the Tribune till ye truth were fully tryed. which seemed to him more aparēt, for that the Christian prisoners were already deliuered. Hereupon the Soldan being in some better hope,The Christians refusing good offers could not haue them when they would. A cruell proclamation of the Saracens against the Christians. and lesse feare, refused that which before he had offered to the Christians, albeit they with great instaunce afterward sued to the Soldan, and could not obteine it. Then the Soldan beyng wholy bent to try the matter by the sword, sent to the East partes for an infinite multitude of souldiours, geuing out by Proclamation, that whosoeuer could bring in any Christen mans head, should haue x. talentes, besides his standing wages. And whosoeuer brought his right hand, should haue fiue. He that brought his foote, shoulde haue 2. talentes for his reward.

After these thiuges thus prepared on both sides to the necessitie of warre,The Earle of Artoys with the 3. part of the Christen army palleth ouer the riuer Nilus. the king commeth to the great Riuer Nilus, hauing gotten together many boats, thinking by them to passe ouer, as vpō a sure bridge. On the other side the Soldan pitcheth himselfe to withstand his comming ouer. In the meane tyme happened a certayne feast amongst the Saracens, in which the Soldan was absent, leauing hys tentes by the water side. Whiche beyng foreseene by a certayn Saracen lately conuerted to Christ, seruing with the Earle Robert the kings brother, and shewing them withall a certayne shalow foorde in the Riuer of Nilus, where they might more easily passe ouer, the sayd Earle Robert & the Mayster of the Temple with a great power, esteemed to the third part of the armey, issued ouer the Riuer, after whome also followed William Longspath with hys band of English souldiours.W. Longspath. These beyng together ioyned on the other side of the water,Victory of the Christians against the Saracens encountered the same day with ye Saracens remayning in the tents and put them to the worse. After this victorye gotten, the Frēch Earle surprised with pride and triumph, as though he had conquered the whole earth, would needes forward deuiding hymselfe from the mayne host, thinking to winn the spurres alone. To whome certayne sage men of the Temple,Good coun [...]ell giuen but not followed. geuing contrary counsell aduised him not so to do, but rather to returne and take their whole company with them, and so should they be more sure agaynst all deceites and daungers, which there might be layd priuely for thē. The maner of yt people (they sayd) they better knewe, and had more experience therof then he: Alledgists moreouer their weryed bodyes, their tyred horses, their famished souldiours, & the insufficiency also of their number, which was not able to withstand the multitude of the enemies, especiall at this present brunt, in whiche the aduersaries did well see the whole state of their dominion now to consist eyther in winning all,The despiteful rebukes of Earle Robert to them that gaue him good counsell. or losing all: with ot [...]er such like wordes of perswasion. Which when the proud Earle dyd heare, being inflated with no lesse arrogance then ignorāce with opprobrious tauntes reuiled them, calling them cowardly bastardes, and betrayers of the whole countrey, obiecting vnto them the common report of many, whiche sayd, that the land of the holy Crosse might be wonne to Christendome were it not for the rebellious Templarics, with the Hospitalaries and their fellowes &c.

To these contumelious rebukes when the Maister of the Tēple answered againe for him and his felowes,The answere of the Templaries to Earle Robert bidding him display his ensigne when he would, & where be durst, they were as ready to folow him, as he to go before thē: then began William de Longspath the worthy knight to speake, desiring the Earle to geue care to those men of experience, who had better knowledge of those coūtryes & people, then he had, commending also their councell to be discrete & wholesom: & so turning to ye maister of the temple began wt gentle words to mitigate him likewise. The knight had not halfe ended his talke, when the Earle taking his words out of his mouth began to fume & sweare, crying out of these cowardly english mē with tailes. What a pure army (sayd he) should we haue here, if these tailes, & tayled people were purged from it? wt other like wordes of great vilany and much disdayne. whereunto the english Knight aunswering agayne:The worthy answere of an english knight to Earle Rob. the kinges brother. well Earle Robert (sayd he) where soeuer you dare set your foot, my step shall goc as farre as yours: and as I beleue, we go this day where you shall not dare to come neare the taile of my horse, as in the euent it proued true. Ibid. fol. 236.

In this meane time, the French king intending to aduannce forward his army, thought best to send away such as were feeble and lacked armor,A number of French souldiours sent to Damiata, drowned & slaine by the way. to Damiata by boates. The Soldan hearing thereof, prepared a great number of boates to be caryed by wayne and carte to the water side, which meeting them by the way, drowned and destroyed by wildefire euery one, so that of all that company of our christians, of whom some were burned, some slayne, some drowned, not one escaped aliue, saue one onely Englishe man named Alexāder Giffard, who although he was sore woūded in the chase in fiue places in his body, yet escaped to the French cāpe, bringing word to the king what was done. And this was vpon the water.

Now vpō the land, seing Earle Robert would needs set forward,The village and castle of Mansor assaulted by the Frenchmen. weening to get all the glory to himself before the comming of the hoste: first they inuaded a little village or castle, which was not farre of, called Mansor. The coū trey Bores and paganes in the villages by, seing the christians come, ranne out with such a mayne cry and shout, that it came to the Soldans hearing,The Frēchmen discomfited at the siege of Mā sor. which was nearer then our men did thinke. In the meane while the Christians inuading and entring into the munition incircumspectly, were pelted and pashed with stones by thē which stood aboue, whereby a great number of our men were lost, and the armye sore maimed and almost in despayre. Then immediately vpon the same cōmeth the Soldan wt all hys mayne power, who seeing the Christens army to be deuided, and the brother seperated frō the brother, had that which he long wished for,Earle Robert [...] army inclo [...]ed by the Soldan of Babylon. and so inclosing them roūd about, that none should escape, had wt them a cruell fight. Then the Earle began to repent him of hys heady rashenes, but it was to late, who then seing William the English knight dowrely fighting in the chiefe brunt of the enemyes, cryed vnto hym most cowardly to flye, seeyng God (sayd he) doth fight agaynst vs.The cowardly flying away of the Earle Rob. Earle Rob the kinges brother drowned. To whom the knight answering agayne, God forbid (sayth he) that my fathers sonne should runne away from the face of a Saracen. The Earle then turning his horse fled away, thinking to auoid by the swiftnes of hys horse, & so taking the riuer of Thasnis, oppressed with harnes, was there sokē and drowned. Thus the Earle beyng gone, the French men began to dispayre and scatter. Then William de Longaspatha, bearing all the force of the enemies, stood agaynst thē as long as he could,The manly courage of William Longspath. wounding and slaying many a Saracen, til at length hys horse being killed, and hys legges maymed, he could no longer stand: who yet notwtstanding as he was downe, mangled their feete and legges, and did the Saracens much sorow, till at last after many blowes & woūds, beyng stoned of the Saracens,W. Longspath slain in battaile he yelded hys life. After the death of him, then the Saracens setting vppon the residue of the army, whom they had compassed on euery side, deuoured [Page] and destroyed them all, in so much that scarse one man escaped aliue, sauing two Templaries,The Frenchmen ouerthrowne. one Hospitular, and one poore rascall souldiour, which [...] brought tydinges hereof to the king.

The sorowes in the frēch campe for losse of their brethren.These thinges being knowne in the French campe to the king and his souldiours, first of their drowning which were sent to Damiata, then of the ruine and slaughter of the army, with the kinges brother, by the towne of Mansor, there was no little sorrow and heauines on euery side, with great feare, and doubt in themselues, what was best to doc. At last when they sawe no remedye, but they must stand manfully to reuenge the bloud of their brethren, thē the kyng with hys host past ouer the floud of Nilus, and comming to the place where the battayle had bene,The heads and handes of the Christians cut off. there they beheld theyr fellowes and brethren pitifully lying wt theyr heads and hands cut of. For the Saracens for the reward before promised by the Soldan or Sultan, to them that could bring the head & hand of any Christian, had so mangled the Christians, leauing theyr bodyes to ye wilde beastes. Thus as they were sorowing and lamenting the rufull case of their Christen fellowes, sodenly appeareth ye comming of the Sultan, with a multitude of innumerable thousandes.The bartaile betwene the frēch kyng and the Soldan. Agaynst whom the French men estsoones prepare themselues to encounter, and so the battaile being strocken vp, the armyes began to ioyne. But alacke for pitie, what could the Frenchmen here do, their number first so maymed, their hartes wounded already with feare and sorow, their bodyes consumed wt penury and famine, their horses for feeblenes not able to serue them?The French army ouerthrowē The pitifull. slaughter of the Frenchmen. The Frēch king with his two brethren taken captiue by the Soldan. In conclusion, the Frenchmen were ouerthrowne, slaine, and dispatched, & seing there was no flying, happy was he that first coulde yeld hymselfe. In which miserable conflict, the king with his two brethren, and a few that claue vnto him, were taken captiues, to the confusion of all Christen realmes, and presented to the Soldan. All the residue were purto the sword, or els stoode in the mercy of the Saracens whether to be slayne, or to remayne in wofull captiuitie.

And this was the end of that sorrowful battaile, wher in almost all the nobilitie of Fraunce was slayne, neyther was there one man welneare in all the multitude whiche escaped free, but eyther was slayne, or taken prisoner. Furthermore, they that were slayne or left halfe aliue, had euery one hys head and hand cut off, vppon the Soldans proclamation aboue mentioned.

The Sultan or Soldan, after the taking of the French king, fraudulently suborning an army of Saracens, to yt number of the French army, with the armes and ensignes of them that were slayne, made toward Damiata, where the Duke of Burgundy, with the French Queene, & Ddo the Popes Legate, and other byshops and their garrisons were remaining, supposing vnder the shew of Frēch men to be let in, but the captaynes mistrusting theyr hasty commyng, and misdoubting their visages not like to the French men, shut the gates agaynst them, and so returned they frustrate of their intent.

The purpose of the Soldan was, if he might haue gotten Damiata, to send the French king hyer vp in the East countries to Calipha the chiefe Pope of Damascus, to encrease the tytles of Mahomet, and to be a spectacle or gasing stocke to all those quarters of the worlde. The maner of which Calipha was neuer left to any Christen prisoner come out, whosoeuer came once in his handes. But for somuch as the Soldan missed hys purpose, he thought by aduise of counsell, to vse the kinges lyfe for hys owne aduauntage in recouering the city of Damiata,Damiata resigned to the Saracens. as in the end it came to passe. For although the king at the first was greatly vnwilling, and had rather die then surrender Damiata againe to the Saracens, yet the conclusion so fel out that the king was put to hys raunsome, and the Citty of Damiata was also resigned, which citty being twise won, and twise lost by the Christians, the Soldan or Saladine afterward caused vtterly to be rased downe to the ground. The raunsome of the king, vppon condition that the Soldan should see himselfe conducted to Achon (which I take to be Cesaria) came to 60000.The summe of the kynges ransome. The number of the French men slaine. markes. The number of Frenchmen, and others which miscaryed in that warre by water and by land came to 80000, persons. tHaec Mat. Parisi. fol. 237.238.

And thus haue ye the briefe narration of this lamentable peregrination of Lewes the French kyng. In whiche when the French men beyng once or twise well offered by the Soldan, to haue all the kingdome of Ierusalem, and much more in free possession, they not contented with that which was reasonable and sufficient, for greedines to haue all, lost all, hauing at length no more then ther naked bodies could couer, lying dead vpō the ground: & al through the originall cause of the Pope and Ddo hys Legate. By whole sinister meanes and pestilent pride, not only ye liues of so many Christians were then lost, but also to the sayd Pope is to be imputed all the losse of other citties & Christian regions bordering in the same quarters: for a [...]muche as by the occasion hereof, the hartes of the Saracens on y• one side were so encouraged, & the courage of the christias on the other side so much discomfited, that in short space after, both the dominion of Antioch and of Achon, with all other possessions belonging to the Christians, were lost, to the great diminishing of Christes Church.

During the tyme of this good king lying at Achon [...]or Celaria,The two Soldans at varianee [...] bout the Frēch [...] almighty God sent such discorde betwene yt Soldan of Halapia, and the Soldā of Babilon, for letting the king so escape, that the sayd Soldan or Salidin of Babilon, to winne the king vnto hys syde, entred league with him (whome both hys brethren, and all his nobles almost at home had forsaken) and remitted hys raunsome, and also restored vnto hym such prisoners as were, in the sayde battayle foūd to be aliue. Thus the Lord worketh, where man commonly forsaketh. Math Paris. fol. 261.

An other cause moreouer,What mischiefe hau [...] come to Christēd [...]m & by [...] meanes. why the ruine of this French army may worthely be impured to the Pope, is this: for that whē Lewes the French king perceauing what a necessary frend and helper Fredericke the Emperour might be to hym in these his affayres agaynst the Saracens, and therfore was an earnest suter for him to the Pope to haue hym released, yet neyther he, nor the king of Englande by any meanes could obtayne it.How Frederike the Emperor reign haue send in good [...] against the Saracens [...] the pope would not suffer [...] And although the Emperor himselfe offred to pope Innocent with all humble submission to make satisfaction in the Councell of Lyons, promising also to expugne all the dominions of the Saracens and neuer to returne into Europe agayn, and there to recouer whatsoeuer the Christians had lost, so that the pope would onely graūt his sonne Henry to be Emperoure after him: yet the proud pope woulde not be mollified, but would needes proceede agaynst hym with both swordes, that is, first with the spirituall sword to accurse hym, and then with the temporall sword to depose him frō his Emperial throne. Through the occasion wherof, not onely the French kinges power went to wracke, but also such a fire of mischiefe was kindled agaynst all Christendome,The tyran [...] and deuil [...]d mischiefe is the pope [...] gainst the Emperor. as yet to this day cannot be quenched. For after this ouerthrowe of the French king and his army, the Christians of Antioch and of other Christen regions theraboutes, being vtterly discouraged, gaue ouer there holdes and Citties. Whereby the Saracens, and after them the Turkes, got such an hand ouer Christēdome, as to this day we al haue great cause to rue and lament. Besides this, where diuers Christians were crossed to go ouer and helpe the Frenche king, the pope for mony dispensed with them to tary still at home.

But as I sayd, the greatest cause was, that the Emperour, whiche coulde haue done most, was deposed by the Popes tyranny, whereby all those Churches in Asia were left desolate. As touching the whiche Emperour Fredericke, because we haue diuers and sundry tymes made mē tion of him before, and for that his story is straunge, hys actes wonderous, and his conflictes tragicall, whiche he sustayned agaynst iiii. or v. Popes one after an other, I thought not out of story in a whole narration to set forth the same, for the reader to consider, what is to be iudged of this Cathedrall Sea of Rome, which had wrought such abhominable mischiefe in the world, as in the sequele of the story following faythfully translated out of Latiue into English is to be seene.

The whole tragicall history of Fredericke, 2. Emperor, translated out of the Latine booke of Nich. Cisnerus.

FRedericke the second, came out of the auncient house of the Beblines or Gibillines:What horse Fredericke came of. which Gibillines came of the most famous stocke of the Frenche king and Emperours.

He had Fredericke Barbarossa to hys Graundfather, whose sonne Henricus the 6.What father and mother. was Emperoure after hym: who of Constātia, the daughter (or as some write ye neece) of Roger the first, king of Sicile: begate this Fredericke the second.

This Constantia was 50. yeares of age before she was conceaued with him:The time o [...] maner of [...] byrth. whom the Emperour Henry 6. to auoyde all doubt and surmise that of her conception & childing might be thought, and to the peril of the Empeir ensue: caused hys regall tent to be pitched abroade in place where euery man might resort. And when the tyme of his Queenes trauaile approched, Constantia (in presence of diuers Ladyes, and Matrons, and other Gentle women [Page] of the Empire, a great number was brought a bed and deliuered of this Fredericke: the vii. day before the Calendes of January, in the yeare of Christes incarnation. 1193. who by inheritaunce was king of Naples, Apuha, Calabria, and Sicilia.

Henricus his father shortly after he was borne, obtayned of the princes electors, that by their oth to hun geuen: they would chuse his sonne Fredericke for their Emperor after his discease, and so did, and immediately called hym Cesar, being yet but in his cradle.

What pati [...]nces hee had.This Henry when he dyed (which was shortly after ye birth of Fredericke) committed the protection of him to Constantia his wife, to Phillip his brother chiefe gouernour of Hetruria, and to the Byshop of Rome, then Innocentius the third.

Constantia, not long after the death of Henry her husband being sickely and growing into age, and thereby not so well able to gouerne the troubles and vnquiete state of the Empire, resigned, and willed by her testamēt, the safety both of her sonne Fredericke and also of his dominions to the protectiō and gouernment of Innocent 3. thinking thereby safely to haue prouided. &c.

This pope Innocent. assone as he had the protection of the young Emperor & his Segniories: became in stead of a patron and protector, to him & to hys dominions both an enemy and cōspiratour. The examples are many: One is,The conspiracies of pope Innocent against Fredericke during his minoritie. The first cō spiracy. he perswaded Sibill the late wife of Tancredus (whō Henry put from the kingdome of Sicile) to recouer ye same agayne, and that she should there unto require Phillip the French kinges ayde: whereupō one waltherus being of noble house of the Earles of Brenno, which in ye prouince of Barrencecis had great liuing, and marying with Ateria the eldest daughter of Tacredus once king of Sicile (as is said) now by the instigation, counsell, & ayd of the french king with the pope (well hoping to recouer the kingdom) entred and inuaded with great power Campania, & Apuha. At which tyme also, the same worthy protectour Innocentius the third, sent his legates with letters of excō munication agaynst all those that woulde not admit and take the sayd Waltherus for their king.

In other was, that where the princes Electors and other nobles as before is sayd had promised by their othe to Henricus,The 2. conspiracy. that they woulde make Fredericke hys sonne Emperor after his discease (whō the Pope saw to put their indenour therunto to bring it to passe) absolued thē all frō the othe which they had taken and geuen for the election of Fredericke the Emperour, as one not content he shoulde obtain the same. And further, he raysed slaunders and defamations agaynst Phillip,The 3. conspiracy. whom the electors had chosen to gouerne the Empire during the minoritie of Frederick hys nephew. He wrote hys Epistle (which is yet extant) to the Duke Barthold of Zaringia to be Emperor: who, for that he gaue place to Phillip, he went about to procure, yt Otho the sonne of Hēry Leo should be made Emperor, & ye the Princes & Lords electors of Germany, wold crown him forthwt after the maner of Aquisgrane.The 4. conspiracy. He depriued al such Bishops as he knew to fauour Phillip as Emperor, in the defence of hys nephewes right. But Phillip, whose cause was better, his skill in martial affayres greater, & in power & strength mightier: after diuers and great cōflicts the maruellous disturbaunce and vastation of the whole Empire, by Gods helpe put the other to the worse. All which calamities and mischiefes Conradus Lichtenanus at that tyme liuing, in his Annales most pitifully complayneth of: and accuseth the Bishop of Rome and his adherentes to be the chiefe authors and deuisors of this great and lamentable mischiefe: as such that for to make themselues rich by the spoyle thereof, sought by all meanes and desired the same.

The 5. conspiracy.Not long after a peace was concluded betwene Phillip & Otho, and Phillip reconciled again to the pope: who within a while after betwene Otho and him was murdered in his chamber and slayne.Philip slain. And then was Otho agayn brought to the Imperiall seate, and newe elected for Emperour, with the counsell and consent of this Innocent the thyrd: and so continued till that a great variaunce and discorde chaunced to ryse betweene the sayd Otho & the pope. Whereupon Innocentius soughe by all meanes,Variance betweene Otho & the pope. howe agaynst him likewise hee might worke mischiefe and bring him to hys end. The occasion of this sodayne chaunge and alteration my author maketh no mentiō of, but that Otho (now being of great power) inuaded and destroyed these dominions of Frederick: as Flamminia, Picenum, Umbria, Hetruria, but chiefly Campania, and Apulia, for that those properly appertayned to the inheritaunce of Fredericke.

Thus you see, how first by the counsell and consent of Pope Innocentius and by his instigation, besides his secret conspiracies: this good Fredericke and hys domininions were hurt and indamaged. Then agayne, through his default what damage he sustayned by Otho, who by him and hys meanes was made so strong as he was: notwithstanding the great trust he was put in for the protection both of Fredericke and his dominions.

At this tyme.What learning and knowledge he was of. Fredericke was come to the age of xx. yeares: who in hys youth by the prouision of Constantia his mother, was so well instructed in letters, and in other artes and vertues so imbued: that at these yeares there appeared and did shyne in hym, excellent giftes both of wisedome and knowledge.

He was excellently well scene in the Latine & Greeke tongues,What vertues he was indued with. although at that time learning began to decay, & barbarousnes to encrease. He had also the Germayn tong the Italian tongue, and the Saracen tongue. He day exercised and put in practise those vertues which nature had planted in him, as pietie, wisedome, iustice, and fortitude: in so much, that well he might be compared and accompted amongest the worthiest and most renowmed Emperours hys predecessours.

Fazellus (the historician of Sicilia in this tyme) writeth, that Fredericus was agayne after this had in great honor and estimation with Innocētius: but yet notwithstanding, he had no sure confidence in him,Fred. suspected for his graundfathers sake. for that he had the suspected name of Fredericke hys graundfather often in remembrance, and for that occasion was much desirous to haue him farre from Italy.

When Fredericke had gathered his power,The coronation of Fredericke. he purposet to set vpon Otho his enemy: of which thing Otho hearing (as he was painfull in trauell) came out of Italy with his army into Germany, thinking to haue met Frederick at the riuer of Rhene, and to haue stopped his passage: but he was deceiued of his expectation, and Fredericus was crowned as the maner of Aquisgrane is, before he came. And after that Fredericke in the winter tyme tooke hys iorny to Francosert,The death of Otho. and after many meetinges in Norico had, and that Otho was dead, he set the Empire in a stay and the whole coūtry of Germany he in a maner appealed And then with all hys nobles and princes he returned to Rome, and of Honorius the third was with great solemnitie consecrated and called Augustus.The consecratiō of Fred. the Emperour. whiche Honorius succeeded Innocentius 3. in the Papall Sea: and was a great helpe to Fredericke (although he loued hym not) in this behalfe, to reuenge hym selfe vpon Otho.

After the consecration of Fredericke the second, he gaue many great and liberall giftes,The liberal munificence of Fre. to the pope and church of Rome as well to the Byshop of Rome hymselfe, as also to the court of Rome besides. Also he gaue & assured, by his Charter to the Church of Rome, the Dukedome of Fundanum. For by the vnsatiable couetousnes of the Romish Bishops, this wicked vse and custome grew: that vnlesse the Emperours elect & crowned would geue vnto thē such like great and large giftes: they could not obtayne of them their consecration or confirmation which for that intent they deuised.

Furthermore,Fred. gaue thorough his liberalitie a swword to cut his owne throte. [...] Fredericke the Emperour, willing to shew himselfe more bountifull and liberall to the Church: neyther yet to restraine any priuiledge that might benefite the same, gaue & admitted those cōstitutiōs which the pope hymselfe woulde desire, and are yet extant in theyr ciuill Law: By which hys doyngs he deliuered to their hands a sworde as it were, to cut his owne throte. For ye bishops of Rome, now hauing euen what they lifted, & all in theyr owne handes: might by the payne of proscription, bryng what Emperour or king vnder coram nobis that them listed, and keepe them by their owne lawes, as if it were bound in a certain bands, out of the which they might not start. For whatsoeuer he were, whiche for the diminution of the liberties of the Church were excommunicate, and so continued a yeares space: then he should be within the dā ger of this proscript, and shoulde not be released before he had made satisfaction, and were admitted by the Pope to the Church and congregation of good men agayn.The canon of proscription graunted & confirmed by Fred. wherby it came to passe, that whatloeuer Emperour in the gouernement of hys dominions, shoulde in any poynt displeased or doe contrary to the lust of the Bishop of Rome: he then as enemy to the church, was excommunicate. And vnlesse within a yere he were reconciled to them again (by this their principal law) he was in the proscript. And often it chaunced, that Princes to auoyde the payne of this proscript, were ready to do what soeuer the pope would haue them, and commaund them to doe.

After the consecration of Fredericke was with great solemnitie finished,Fred. after his consecration directeth his prouinces and dominions. and that the pope & Churche of Rome in all ample maner (as is partly described) were gratified, and yet larger constitutions to them confirmed: he departed [Page] from Rome and went into Italy, there to set in order and stay the Citties and great townes, for the better tranquillitie of himselfe and safety of his subiectes, and from thence into hys owne prouinces and dominions: where he heard of certayne, that began to rayse and make newe factions agaynst him. Amongst whom, were found Thomas and Richard, the brethren of Innocentius the thyrd, Earle of Anaquinos, that held certayn castles in the kingdome of Neopolitanes from him by force: whiche castles, he besieged and beate downe, and tooke from them al that he in them found. Richard he tooke, and sent as a prisoner into Sicilia: but Thomas escaped and came speedely to Rome, whither also repayred certayn bishops and others that were conspiratours against Frederick, as also such other as the feare of the Emperours lawes, and their own gilty consciences caused to flye: and were (that notwithstā ding) of this Bishop of Rome Honorius the 3. (to gratifie agayne the liberalitie of the Emperour bestowed vpon him) vnder hys nose succored, mayntayned and defended. Which thing when Fredericke vnderstode, he began to expostulate with the Byshoppe, considering the vnseemlinesse of that his fact.Fred. expostulateth, the Pope curseth. Agaynst whom, the Pope on the other side was so chased & vexed, that he immediatly without farther delay thundereth out agaynst him like a tyrant his curses and excommunications.

Thomas Fazellus declareth, the detestation or defiance to happen betweene thē somewhat otherwise. There were sayth he, amongst those which were found traytours to the Emperour certayne Byshops, whiche fleyng to the pope, requested his ayd: whereupon, the pope sent his Legates to the Emperour, and requested him that he would admit and receaue to sauour those Byshops, which he had banished and put frō their offices, and that he woulde not intermedle with any Ecclesiasticall charge wherewith he had not to doe: And sayd further, that the correction and punishment of such matters pertayned to the Byshop of Rome, and not to him: and moreouer, that the ouersight of those Churches in that kingdome, from the whiche he had expelled the Byshoppes, pertayned and belonged to hym.

Wherunto Frederick thus replyeth: That for as much as now 400.The Emperour replyeth to the popes demaund. yeares and more (from the tyme of Carolus Magnus) all Emperours and kinges in their dominions might lawfully commit to apt and fit mē for the same, such Ecclesiasticall functions and charges as within their territoryes and kingdomes fell: That he looked to haue the like priuiliege & authoritie also, that other his predecessors before hym had.The Emperour speaketh but rea son howsoeuer it pleaseth the pope to take it. And farther sayd, that he had the same and like authoritie in ye Empire that his father Henry, & Fredericke his graundfather, and other his predecessours bebefore them had: neyther had he so deserued at the handes of the Church of Rome: eyther of Honorius himselfe, to be depriued of those priueledges whiche his auncesters before him had had, and kept. And further, Friderick being chafed and moued with these demaundes of the Pope, breaketh forth and sayth: how long will the Bishop of Rome abuse my patience? when will his couetous hart be satsfied? whereunto wil this ambitious desire grow? with such like wordes more, repeating certayn iniuries and conspiracies, both agaynst him and his dominions, as well by Honorius as Innocentius 3. his predecessour, as also other like iniuries of Pope to hys auncetours practised. what man sayth he, is able to suffer and beare this so incredible boldnes and intollerable insolency of so proud a Byshop.The strife betwene the pope and the Emperour for the ele [...]ion and deprination of Byshops. Boe sayth he (vnto the Legates) and tell Honorius, that I will hazarde both the seignory of my Empire, and crowne of my kingdome, rather then I will suffer him thus to diminish the authoritie of our maiesty. Thomas Fazellus Lib. 8.

Nowe, because much disquictnes and controuersie hath arisen (for the most part through all Christendome in euery kingdome and realme seuerally) for and about the authoritie of chusing and depriuing of Byshops (as may be seene by the example of this Fridericke) which the pope onely and arrogantly challengeth to himselfe, and not to appertayne to an other: I thought good not with silence to ouer passe but somewhat to say: and to proue the authoritie of Christen kings & princes in this behalfe, to be both sufficient & good: which thing, not onely by the holy scriptures is right easie to be done, but also by Synodall decrees & councels (diuers and sondry) to be established and confirmed may easly be proued: as also by the auncient custome and maner of the primitiue Church,Authorities, for the election of Byshops to be [...] he Princes and their subiectes. may further be corroborated and made good.

Whereunto appertayne certayne places collected and gathered out of the decrees by Gratianus, & specially in these canons, 12, 13, 14, 26, 27, 32, and 63, distinction. Farthermore, when Christen kings and princes began to embrace Christ his religion, both for honor and orders sake it was graunted: that when ye people desired such ministers as were cōuenient & by them thought meet: yt they whiche were then in the ecclesiasticall functiou and chiefest in authoritie, shuld either confirme such as were presēted, or els themselues to place fit men in their churches as neede required.Authorities of ele [...]en of the [...] of Ron [...]e is be in the Emperour. So did the Emperours of Constantinople (receiuing the order and maner from Constantine the great) vse and geue the right of Ecclesiasticall function, with the consent both of the people, and ecclesiastical persons, & long so retayned they the same. As Honorious the Emperor vnto Boniface. canon. 8. dist. 79. & canon. 2. dist. 97. Also of Pelagius and Gregorius Magnus: of the whiche one in the raigne of Justinian the Emperour and Totila gouerning Italy) the other in the tyme of Mauritius the Emperour (when the Lombardes possessed Italy) were appoynted Byshops to the Church of Rome. can. 15.21, 24.

And where,Gratianus in his distinction, rep [...] red for the election of bi [...] open be in the Pope. as Bratianus in the beginning of the 96. and 97. distinction doth declare, that the rescript of Honorius the Emperour is voyde and of none effect, for that he determined the election of the bishop of Rome, cōtrary to the authoritie of the holy canons: when as yet, neither to yt ciuill magistrate, nor to any of the ecclesiasticall order cābe read of any licence geuen them for to dispence withal: each man may playnly see and discerne his great foly and want of vnderstanding. As though at yt tyme any decrees were made, which shoulde debarre Emperours for the consritituring of yt ecclesiasticall ministers. Or that it were doubtfull, whether the Emperours at that time had past any cō stitutions touching the causes of Ecclesiasticall discipline, and the same lawes then put in vre:The [...] Iustinian for the election. when yt contrary most manifestly (both by the lawes & histories of that age and time as well of the church as of the Empire) may appeare. And that we need not seek farre for the matter: this thing is sufficiently proued by these titles: De sacrosanctis Ecclesijs Episcopis, Clericis, besides other eccclesiasticall chapters, & matters touching religion. All which are to be seene in the bookes of the principall and chiefest constitutions, collected and set forth by Iustinian. Amongst the whiche, many of the chapiters are said to be accepted and allowed of Honorius & Theodosius.The Grecian Emperour, electours of Byshops. So in like case, the 21. can. in the 63. distinction doth declare, that ye Grecian Emperours that next insued after Iustinian, did obserue that maner of ordeining and election of the Bishop of Rome: although thē at that tyme interpellatum erat it was somewhat sporned at. Amongst whom mention is made of Constantinus the fourth which was surnamed Pogonatus.

Carolus Magnus in like maner followed theyr steps and maner in the same,The elec [...] decreed by 153. byshops in the [...] cell of L [...] rane to be in the Emperour. as in the 22. canon, and the same distinctiō is declared. And farther it was at a Synodal coū cell in Laterane (Adrian beyng hygh Bishop where were conuented and assembled 153. other Bishops) decreed: that the power and authoritie of creating the bishop of Rome, and ordayning of all other prelates & ecclesiasticall orders, should be in the power and will of Carolus Magnus, as well in Italy as other his dominions and prouinces: and yt whosoeuer was not promoted & allowed by him, should not be consecrated of any: And that those, which repugned and disobeyed this decree,Stephanus 4. first alt [...] of this [...] tion. should incurre the most sharpe paine of proscription and publication of law. The worthy example hereof is extāt in the 18. can. and 18. title. Yet notwithstanding, Stephanus the 4. author of this rescript agaynst the sayd decree and wtout the Emperours consent was made Bishop of Rome. who to ye intent he might delude ye decreed & solemnised penalty, therby to excuse himselfe: went into Fraunce to Ludouicus Pius the sonne of Carolus Magnus, & at Rheimis crowned he him wt the Imperiall diademe. Neither could this Byshop here stay himselfe, but spying the great lenitie of the Emperour, assayed to make frustrate the foresayd constitution. For hys purpose was, & so brought it to passe, as in the 27. canon and the lame distinction appeareth) that it might be lawful for the Ecclesiasticall order,The Bishop Rome the first breaker of the decrees of the councell. with the people and senate of Rome (without the authoritie of the Emperour) to chuse the Byshop of Rome: reseruing, that he shoulde not be consecrated without the will and consent of the Emperour. Thus is it manifest, that the Byshops of Rome themselues, not regarding but despising the straite penalty and sanction of the foresayd decree of the Laterane Councell: were not onely the first that brake the same, but also by contrary rescriptes and constitutions laboured & endeuoured to extoll & set vp themselues aboue al other.

Whereupon,Lotharius renueth the Lateran decree for election of Byshops. Lotharius afterward being Emperor and nephew to Carolus Magnus, comming into Italy there to dissolue the cōspiracy and confederacy of Leo the fourth about the translation of the Empire: renewed & stablished [Page] agayne the Synodal decree of Laterane, touching the iurisdiction of the Emperour for the election of the Byshop of Rome and other ecclesiasticall persons. And hereof it came, that those Epistles were written of Leo in the 16. & 17. canon, and the same distinction, which also as in the 9. canon and x. distinction, made a profession, that the same Imperiall preceptes should be kept in all ages. This Leo when he was reproued of treason and other euils, pleaded his cause before Ludouicus the 2. Emperoure of Rome, and sonne of Lotharius aboue recited 2. q. 7. canon. 40.

[...]depo [...] Iohn [...] 14. and [...] a [...] decree [...] election. Leo the 5. [...] [...] by Otho [...] Emper. The election [...]nce againe [...] to be [...] the Emperours iurisdiction.But after this as tyme grew on, the bishops of Rome nothing relinquishing their ambitious desires: Otho the first Emperour of that name, depriued and put from the sea of Rome that most filthy and wicked Bishop Iohn the xiij. both for diuers and sundry wicked and haynous acts by him committed, as also for his great treasons & conspiracies agaynst his royall person: and did substitute in hys place Leo. the 5. who calling a Synode at Laterane in the same temple and place where the other before was kept [...] did promulgate a new constitution wt consent of the Senate & people of Rome, concerning the Emperours iurisdiction in the foresayd election: whiche in the 23. canon is contained and 63. distinction. Whereby the old right and power of the Emperour in the election of the Byshop of Rome and other ecclesiasticall prelates, was agayne with more sharper and straighter sanctiō confirmed & ratified. Agayn Iohn the 18, whō Cressentius the Romayn (vsurping yt Imperiall crowne) had made bishop by the consēt of the people of Rome & the Ecclesiasticall order: hauing his nose cut off, & hys eyes put out, & so thrust out of the capitoll: was agayn of Otho 3. established and made Byshop. But when as yet notwithstanding, the Byshops of Rome would not alter their olde accustomed disposition, but wt all their industry indeuoured to abrogate that iurisdiction of the Emperor ouer the bishop of Rome (as people loth to be vnder subiection) Henry the 3. (then Leo ye 9 beyng constituted byshop) did once agayne ratifie yt same,Henry the [...] and Leo the 9. and caused the byshop which extolled himself before al his fellow bishops) to stoup and geue place to Moguntinus.

Henry the 3. and Nicholas the 2.So, after the death of Henry the 3. Emperor, Nicholas the 2. although in hys decree (whiche in the first canon and 32. distinction is recited) gaue the primacie for the electiō of the bishop of Rome by the means of the priests and people of Rome, vnto the Cardinals: yet he woulde after that, that the prerogatiue therein shoulde be reserued to Henry 4. the young Emperor, from whome the Empire afterward was for a tyme wrested and taken.

But now after this, whē Hildebrand which was called Gregory the 7. was Pope: This prerogatiue of the Emperours in their Election,The election [...]itherto in [...]he Emperours and [...]ow beginneth to faile, by Hildebrand. which before in the creatiō of Alexander the bish. was neglected and broken: The bishops of Rome, not onely did seeke to diminish ye authority thereof, but also to euacuate, and quite vndoe the same. For he, not onely aspired to that dignitie, without the cō sent and appoyntment of the Emperor: but also made restraint that no Emperor, king, Duke, marques, Earle, or any ciuile Magistrate: should assigne and appoynt to any any ecclesiasticall function and charge, neyther that any of his Prelates so hardy, shoulde take them at anye of their handes, as q. 16. canon. 7.9. and 10. may be seene.

Yet notwithstanding, after that this horrible monster Hildebrād was proscript and thrust out of the papall seat,Henry 4. againe cha [...]ngeth the election. and Clement 3. put in hys stede: Henry agayn challenged hys Imperial prerogatiue of Election. But yet, when the Byshops which succeeded after this Hildebrand & led by hys example, began to derogate from the Imperiall prerogatiue of electiō: & Hen. on the other side by al meanes possible, sought to defend and maintayne the same. By the subtile fraud & mischieuous pollicie of the bishops which set the sonne agaynst the father, and foūd meanes to steale from him the hartes of his nobles and subiectes and to set them al agaynst hym, and especially the Princes of Germany: was deposed and disappoynted of his purpose.

Henry the 5. also striueth [...]or the election & say [...]leth.And although Henry the 5. (cōming to Rome) brought Paschalis the secōd to that poynt, that he both in publique concion, and in writing sealed, and also by othe confirmed, restored agayn to the Emperours of Rome ye prerogatiue of election, and of geuing of ecclesiastical dignities: yet not withstanding, after that Henry the Emperour was gone from Rome: Paschalis the Pope, greatly repenting and sorrowing that he had done (in allowing and confirming the priuiledges of Emperors through feare) touching the geuing and disposing of ecclesiastical functiōs,Priestes accused that take any benefate at the handes of a [...]y man. excommunicated the Emperour: And in a Sinodal councell at Laterane ordayned & decreed, that he should be had & accoū ted a wicked enemy, that woulde take any Ecclesiasticall function or preferment at the handes of a ciuile Magistrate, whereupon were made these decrees qu. 16. chap. 7. 13.14.15. and 16.

Therfore,Henry 5. compassed by ciuile dissention for the prerogatiue of election as his father was. when these decrees touching the desiguatiō of bishops, in spight and contempt of the Emperour were practised and put in vre: and when that uow (especially by the meanes and procurement of the bishops) intestine and ciuile warres begā to ryse in the Empire: the Emperiall iurisdiction in this matter was not onely weakened and much debilitate, but also in maner vtterly brokē and lost. For when Henry the v. Emperour was sharpely of Lotharius and his vassals the Bishops, beset & layd vnto by the prouocation of the pope, and was mightely by the byshops that tooke his part on y• other side requested & intreated (in hope of publique peace & tranquilitie) that he woulde condescend and somewhat yeld to the Popes demaundes: He at length (the more was the pity) yt he might be reconciled and haue peace with pope Calixtus the 2.Henry the 5. resigneth his prerogatiue of election. In the city of Uangio departed from and with that his prerogatiue or iurisdictiō of geuing ecclesiastical preferments to the pope and hys prelates, now more then 300. yeares (frō the time of Carolus Magnus) in the hands of them Emperours of Rome, and vntill this tyme with great fortitude & princely courage, conserued and kept: which resignation turned to no small detriment both of the Church of Christ, and Christian common wealth.

Then first and neuer before,The electiō gotte [...] to the Byshops of Rome. obteined the Byshop of Rome, and quietly enioyed that prerogatiue of election, & bestowing of benefices: which he so long before with suche great pollices (now secretly now openly, and nowe wyth force) had sought for. And with what sufficient and good authoritie Gratianus will proue, that before this tyme the same authoritie was geuen to the City of Rome for the election of the pope without the consent of the Emperor he sheweth: as in the 29. and 30. Canon, and what good stuffe he putteth in the latter, and howe subtilly that Papisticall flatterer or pontifical Parasite hath forged the same:Gratianus foūd a forger of the Canons. Sergius. 2. Iohn 6. and Adrian 3. The secōd fault founde with Gratianus. Both Carolus Molineus sufficiently in diuers places hath noted, and by the obseruatiō of tymes may of a meane Historiographer that hath red the French and Germaine histories, soone be espied & discerned. For first, fiue bishops one after an other succeeded this Gregory 4. vpon whome the 29. canon is entituled or fathered: that is, Sergius 2. Iohn 8. Adrian. 2. Iohn. 9. and Adrian the 3. whiche Adrian by force wresting the authoritie of the electiō from the people was made pope: when, as the Gregory (specially to be noted) would not take on him the Papacie, before that the Emperour had consented to his election. After this, Molineus compareth Raphell Uolateranus wt the 30. canon which agayne is suspected: For why, whē Eugenius was bishop which was the Successor of this Paschalis, wyth whom Ludouicus Pius is sayd to haue made a league or paction: The same Ludouicus Pius with his sonne Lotharius together with the helpe of the king of Romaines, at Rome made lawes both to all his subiectes in the Empire, as also to the Romaines themselues: speaking nothing of ye renuing of the decree made by Lotharius.The third fault founde with Gratianus. Thou agayn, how could Leo the fourth write to Lotharius and Ludouicus Emperours, that counterfeit or forged decree; beginning with Constitutio. &c. when in the same mentiō is made of Henricus Aucupes, & Otho the 1. whiche raigned more then 80. yeares after them, and Leo the 4. bishop of Rome.

Now with what face dare this fōd fellow Gratianus make Otho the first to be author of the 31. Canon,Howe shameles and impudent Gratianus is in forging the decrees. when as Otho depriued the same Iohn the 12. of the Papacye: And not onely took nothing from the Imperall iurisdiction concerning the election, nor from the city of Rome, nor any other bishops subiect to the Romain Empire: but added somewhat more therunto, as was said before. And yet notwithstanding, so shameles & sencelesse was this Gracian, yt he durst obtrude & lay before the reader, so manifest fraud and euident legerdemaine (fayned and made of hys owne braynes in the compiling of this decree) being so necessary as he thought for the dominion and prunacy of the Romaine Bishops, in ye sted of good and true lawes in either fearing that the same might be after his dayes reprehended, neither to his great shame and discredit vnto him attributed. Where also by the way is to be noted, that as this gracelesse Gratianus to please these holy fathers and to erect theyr kingdome, woulde geue so impudent an attempt to the blinding and deceiuing of all posterityes: inserting for grounded truthes and holy decrees such loude lyes and detestable doctrine:The corrupting of many good workes to be feared. what may be thought of the rabble of the rest of writers in those dayes what attemptes hope of gayne might cause them to worke: By whom and such like is to be feared, the fasifying of diuers other good workes now extant, in those perillous tymes writtē.

[Page] The election wrasted frō the Emperour.Thus, when the Bishops had once wrested this autoritie out of the Emperours handes: they then so fortified & armed thēselues and their dominion, that although afterwardes Fredericke the first, graundfather vnto this good Emperor Fredericke the second,What Rome once catcheth, that she keepeth as also Ludouicus Boius, and Henricus Lucelburgensis (as men most studious and carefull for the dignities of the Empire: vnfeined louers and maintainers of the vtilitie of the commō weale, and most desirous of the preseruatiō and prosperity of the Church) did all their indeuors with singular wisedome & strength, as much as in them lay, to recouer agayne from the byshop of Rome this the authoritie of the Imperiall iurisdiction lost, most cruelly & wickedly abusing the same to the destruction both of the Empyre, vndoyng of the cō mon wealth, and vtter subuersion of the Churche of God yet coulde they not be able to bryng the same to passe in those darck and shadowed tymes of peruerse doctrine and errours of the people,Not without good cause desired they to no [...]el the people in ignoraunce. and most miserable seruitude of ciuile Magistrates.

The same and like priuilege also in the election of theyr bishops & Prelates, and disposing of Ecclesiasticall offices, as the Emperour of Rome had: euery Prince and king in theyr seuerall dominions had the like.Euery kyng and prince in their seuerall kingdome had also till that time the prerogatiue of election. Hispane had the same. Fraunce had the same. For by the decree of the Councell of Tolerane, which in the 25. canon and 63. distinction is mentioned: the authoritie of creating and chusing byshops and Prelates in Hispane, was in the power of the king of Hispane. The like also by the Histories of Clodoueus, Carolus Magnus, Ludouicus nonus, Philippus Augustus, Philippus pulcher, Carolus 5. Carolus 6. Carolus. 7. Kinges of Fraunce, is apparaunt and well knowne: that all these kinges had the chiefe charge and gouernement of the French Church, and not the byshops of Rome.

England had the election.And by our English historyes also as you heard, it is manifest: that the authoritie of chusing ecclesiasticall ministers and byshops, was alwayes in the kings of Englād, till the raygne of king Henry the 1. who by the labour and procurement of Anselmus Archb. of Cant. was depriued and put from the same.

Germanie had the election.Also the Princes of Germany and electors of the Emperor, till the tyme of Henry the 5. had all euery Prince seuerally in his owne dition and Prouince the same iurisdiction and prerogatiue: to geue & dispose ecclesiasticall functions to their Prelates at theyr pleasure: and after that it appertayned to the people and prelats together. And how in the raigne of Fridericke, the Prelates gate vnto themselues alone this Immunitie: Ioannes Auentinus in his 7. booke of the Annales of the Boiores doth describe.

Sicilia had the election.Also it is probable, that the kinges of Sicilia had the same facultie in geuing and disposing their Ecclesiasticall promotions and charge of churches. Andreas de Istmia ad 1. constit. Neap. nu. 12. And that because Fridericke defended him against the tyranny of the bishop of Rome, therfore as Fazellus sayth, he was excommunicated of Honorius. But that Platina and Blondus allege other causes wherfore he was excommunicate of Honorius, I am not ignorant: Howbeit, he that will compare theyr writings with others that write more indifferently betweene Honorius and hym: shall easily finde, that they more sought the fauor of the Romayn bishops, then to write a veritie. But now agayne to the history of Fridericke.

The death of Constantia the wife of Fredericke. Nicholaus Cisnerus affirmeth, that whilest Friderike the Emperour was in Sicilia, hys wife Constantia dyed at Catrana or Catana. In the meane time, the Christians which was a great nauy sayled into Egipt and tooke the citie Heliopolis, commonly called Damatia, and long ago named Pelucinum, beyng in good hope to haue dryuen Sultanus ye Sowdā out of Egipt: had a great & marueilous ouerthrow, by ye conueiyng of the water of the floude Nilus (which then ouerflowed into their Campe) & were sayne to accord an vnprofitable truce with the Sowldane for certayne yeares,A great ouerthrow of the Christians in Egypt. and to deliuer the citty agayne: and so departing out of Egipt, were faine to come to Acone and Cyrus, to the no small detriment and losse of the Christian army. Wherupon, king Iohn surnamed Brennus (being king of Ierusalem) arriued in Italy, and prayde ayd of the Emperor agaynst his enemies, in whō he had great hope to finde remedy of the euils and calamities before declared and from thence he went to Rome to the Pope, declaring vnto him the great discomfite and ouerthrow past, as also the present peril and callamitie that they were in, desiring also hys ayd therin. By whose meanes (as Cisnerus sayth) the Emperour was reconciled agayne to the Pope,Fredericke and the pope made friendes. and made friendes together: to whome also king Iohn gaue Ioell his daughter in maryage, which came of the daughter of Conradus King of Ierusalem, and Marques of Mounte Ferrat: with whome he had for dowry, the inheritaunce of the kingdome of Ierusalem, as right heyre thereunto by her mother. By whome also, he atter obteyned the kingdome of Naples and Sicill, and promised that with as much expedient speede as he might he would prepare a power for the recouery agayne of Ierusalem, and be there himselfe in proper person:Hon [...] the [...] eth [...] he put [...] practise [...] vre aga [...] Frede [...]. whiche thinge to doe, for that vppon diuers occasions he deferred (whereof some thinke one some an other: Honorius) vnto whome he was lately reconciled, purposed to haue made agaynst hym some great and secrete attempt, had hee not bene by death before preuented, vppon whome were made these Uerses.

O pater Honori, multorum nate dolori.

Est tibi decori viuere, vade mori.

After whom succeeded Gregorius the 9. as great an enemy to Frederike as was Honorius:Gregori [...] as great an enemy to Fred, as Honorius. whiche Gregory, came of the race whom the Emperor (as before ye heard) condemned of Treason which they wrought against him. This Gregory was scarcely setled in hys Papacy, when that he threatned hym that greatly with excommunication, vnlesse he woulde prepare hymselfe into Asia, according to hys promise as ye heard before to king Iohn. And what the cause was, why the Pope so hastened the iourney of Frederike into Asia, you shall heare hereafter: In effect, he could not wel bring that to passe, which in his mischieuous minde he had deuised,Frederike seth to [...]e into Asia the pope [...] bidding in pope is angry. vnlesse the Emperour were farther from him. Notwithstanding, Fredericke it shoulde seeme smelling a ratte, or mistrusting somewhat (as well he might) alledged diuers causes and lets, as lately and truely he dyd to Honorius.

Fazellus a Sicilian writer sayth, that the special cause of the Emperors stay was: for the oathe of truce and peace during certayne yeares, whiche was made betweene the Saracens and Christians as you heard, which tyme was not yet expired.

The same also Fazellus,The caused the slay of the Emperours iourney into Asia. writeth thus of king Iohn of Ierusalē, that when hys daughter was brought to Rome the Emperour and the pope was reconciled together. And being called vp to Rome to celebrate y• mariage. P. Gregory (as the maner of those proud prelates is) offered hys right foote vnto the Emperour to kisse. But the Emperour not stouping so low, scarcely with hys lippe, touched the vpper part of hys knee and woulde not kisse his foote: which thing the pope toke in very euil part and was therwith merueilously offended. But for that no oportunitie at that time serued to reuenge hys conceiued grudge and old malice,The Pope dissembled his grudge. he dissimuled the same as he might for that tyme, thinking to recompence it at the full as tyme would serue, and fall out therefore.

After this, it fortuned that the Emperor hearing how the Christians were oppressed by the Souldane in Syria, and that from Arsacida there came a great power agaynst the christen princes: he made the more hast, and was with more desire encouraged to set forward hys iourny into Asia. Wherefore, assembling the Nobilitie of the Empire at Rauenna and Creinona: he gaue in commaundement to Henry hys sonne (whō not long before he caused to be created Cesar) that he should perswade the nobles & Princes of the Empire: that they all, would be ready to put to their helping hands, in furthering this hys iourney and enterprise. This writeth Fazellus: howbeit, some other affirme that these thinges were done in the tyme of Honorius. But how soeuer the matter is,The pre [...] ration ci [...] riage of Fredericke [...] Ierusal [...], and staye thereof. this thing is manifest: that Fredericke to satisfie the popes desire, which neuer would sin but by al means sought to prouoke him forward, gaue hym at length hys promise: that by certayn time he would prepare an army and fight himselfe agaynst those, whiche kept from hym the citty of Ierusalem (which thing he also confesseth himselfe in his epistles, and also how he desired, and obtayned of the pieres and Nobility of the Empire, theyr'ayd thereunto) as also, to haue a appoynted & conuenient tyme when they should be at Brundusium.

In the meane season, he with all hys power and indeuour made hasty and speedy preparation for the warres:The preparation of the Emperours war against the Turke. he rigged & manned a puissant nauy, he had the pykcost men and best souldiours that were in euery country, and made warlike prouison & furmture, for euery thing that to such a voiage and expedition appertayned. Neyther was the matter slacked, but at that tyme appoynted, great bandes assembled & mustred both of Germaine souldiours and others, and vnder theyr Captaines appoynted sot forth and marched to Brundusium. Theyr generals were, Thuringus and Sigebertus, and Augustinus the Byshop: where they, long tyme lying and attending the Emperours cō ming (being let by infirmitie and sickenes) great pestilēce [Page] and sondry diseases molested them, [...] slicknes in the Emperours army. by reason of the great heate and intemperance of that country: and many a souldiour there lost his life, among whome also dyed Thuringus one of their Generals. The Emperour, when he had somewhat recouered his health, with al his nauy launched out and set forwarde to Brundusium. And when he came to the straites of Poliponences and Creta (being Ilands lying in the sea) and there, for lacke of conuenient wynde was stayed: sodenly the Emperour (hys diseases growing vppon him agayne) fell sicke: and sending before all or the most part of his bandes and shippes into Palestina, promising them (most assuredly) to come after and follow them so soone as he might recouer and get neuer so litle health:The Emperour himselfe sicke. he himselfe with a few ships, returned and came to Brundusium, and from thence for want of health, went into Apulia.

When tidings here of came to the Popes eare: He sent out his thundring curses and newe excommunications agaynst the Emperour. The causes wherefore, I find noted and mentioned by his owne letters, that is. Now that whē he had robbed and taken from Brūdusius,The Pope excommunicateth the Emperour for staying [...]is viage. Prince of Thuring, his horses, hys mony, and other rich furniture of his house at the tyme of hys death, hee sayled into Italy: not for ye entent to make warre agaynst the Turke, but to conuey this pray that he had stolne and taken away frō Brundusius, who neglecting his othe and promise which he had made, and feiniug himselfe to be sicke, came home agayn. And that by his default also,He layeth [...]alse accusation to his [...]harge. Damieta was lost, & the hoste of the Christians sore afflicted. Fazellus besides these causes spoken of before doth write that the pope alledged these also. That he defiled a certayne Damosell, which was in ye Queenes nursery: and that he slew hys wife when he had whipped her in the prison, for declaring the mischieuous acte to her father king Iohn. But all the writers, and also Blondus hymselfe doth declare, that this Ioell died after the Publication of the proscript and excommunication: wherefore, ye Pope could not without great shame allege ye cause vpon the death of Ioell:The Empe [...]our put [...]eth him [...]lfe of those [...]imes the [...]ope layde [...]gainst him [...]y his letters. [...]edicated to [...]l Christen [...]inces. For vndoubtedly the truthe is, that she of her sonne Conradus dyed in childebed. Thē Fredericke, to refell and auoyd the foresayd slaunders, sendeth the byshop of Brundis, and other Legates to Rome: whom the Pope would not suffer to come to his presence, neither yet to the Councels of the Cardinals to make hys purgation. Wherfore the Emperour to purge himselfe of the crymes, which the pope did so falsely accuse him of: both to all Christen kinges and specially to the Princes of Germany, & all the nobles of ye Empire, he writeth hys lettters (which are to be seene) that those thinges are both false and also fayned, & of the popes own head muented. And sheweth, how that his Embassadours with his purgatiō, could not be suffered to come to the popes presēce: also doth largly intreat how vnthankfull & vngratefull the Byshops of Rome were towardes him for the great benefites whiche both he, and also his predecessors had bestowed vpon them and the Romaine Church: which letter, for that it is ouer tedious here to place, considering the discourse of the histostory is somewhat long, ye summe of the purgation is this.

The effect of [...]he Empe [...]urs lettersHe protesteth and declareth vniuersally, that he had alwayes great care for the christen common wealth, and that he had determined euen from hys youth, to fight against ye Turke and Saracens. And for that occasiō he made a promise to the Princes electours of Aquisgraue, howe that he would take that warre vpon him: Afterward he renewed his promise to Rome,The Empe [...]ours purga [...]on. when he was cōsecrated of Honorius: Then, when he maryed the daughter of the king of Ierusalem, which was an heyre of the same: And for because that kingdome might be defended & kept from the iniuries of the enemies, & that he fauored it euen as he did his own: he prepared an huge nauy, and gathered together a strong army of men: neither did he neglect any thing that belōged to the furniture of the warre. But when the tyme was come, and his band was gathered together: his sickenesse would not suffer hym to be there. And afterward when he had recouered the same, and came to Brundusium, and frō thence without any disturbance went forthwith to the sea: he fell into ye same sickenes agayne, by the which he was let of hys purpose:The Empe [...]ours epistle [...]eginning [...]hus. In ad [...]irationem [...] iusticiā, [...]nd agayne, [...]enate ocu [...]s. which thing (saith he) he is able to proue by sufficiēt testimony. Now the Pope also doth lay the loosing of Damieta, and other thinges whiche prospered not well with him, vniustly to hys charge: when as he had made great prouision for ye same iourney both of soldiors & other necessary thinges. But he yt will vnderstande these things more playnely among other Epistles of Petrus de Vineis, written in the name of Fridericke, let hym read these especially, which begin thus: In admirationem, & iusticiam & innocentiam: & Leuate oculos. And truely euen as Fredericus the Emperour declareth in his letters, concerning thys matter, all the olde writers of Germany doe accord and agree in the same.

Math. Parisiensis also briefly collecteth the effect of an other letter which he wrote to the king of England, A letter of the Emperour to the king of England abstracted by Mat. Paris. complayning vnto him of the excommunication of the Pope agaynst him: Whose wordes are these. And amongst other Catholicke Princes (sayth he) He also wrote his letters vnto the king of England, embulled with gold Declaring in the same, that the Bishop of Rome so flamed with the fire of auarice and manifest concupiscence: that not being contented with the goodes of the Churche which were innumerable, but also that he shamed not to bring Princes, Kinges and Emperours to be subiectes, and contributors to hym, and so to disherite them and put them from their kingly dignities. And that the king of Englande himselfe had good experiment thereof, whose father (that is to say King Iohn) they so long held excommunicate till they had brought both him and his dominions vnder seruitude and to pay vnto hym tribute. Many kingdomes haue experience of the popes practises. Also that many haue experience of the same by the Earle of Tholouse and diuers other Princes, which so long held theyr persons and landes in interdict: till they might bring them into like seruitude. I pretermit sayth he, the Symonies and sondry fortes of exactions (the lyke whereof was neuer yet heard) which dayly are vsed amongest the ecclesiasticall persons, besides their manifest vsury (yet so cloked and coloured to the simple sort) that therewithall they infect the whole world. The Church of Rome, the mother of mischief They be the sugred and embalmed Simonistes, the insatiable horse leaches or bloudsuckers saying, that the Churche of Rome is our mother and nurse, where as it is in deede the most polyng Court in the vniuersall world, the roote and right mother of all mischiefe-vsing and exercising no motherly doings or deeds but bringing forth the right exercises of a wicked stepdame: makyng sufficient proofe thereof by her manifest fruites to all the worlde apparaunt. Let the Barons of England consider whether this be true or not, whom Pope Innocent by his bulles with one consent encouraged to ryse and rebell agaynst their soueraigne Lord and Prince king Iohn your father, as an obstinate enemy to the Church of Rome. King Iohns submission to the pope blamed by the Emperour. But after that the king (farre out of square) remembring himselfe, had crouched vnto him and obliged both himselfe and kingdome to the Church of Rome, more liker a woman then a man: and that the wise Barons whome the Pope had first mayntained and stirred up, without all shame eyther of the world or feare of God, had done the same: sought howe he might with gaping mouth deuoure and consume the sweet fat from thē, whom he had miserably to death betrayed and disherited, as the maner of the Romayne Bishops is. By whose greedy auarice it came to passe, that England the Prince of prouinces was brought vnder miserable subiection and tribute. Behold the maners and conditions of our Romaine Byshops: behold the snares wherwith these prelates do seeke to intangle men withall: to wype their noses of their money: to make their children bondmen: to disquiet such as seeke to liue in peace: being clothed with sheepes clothing when in deede they be but rauening Wolues, Who be the rauening Wolues in sheepes clothing. sending their Legates hither, and thither to excommunicate and to suspend: as hauing power to punish whom they list: not sowing the seed, that is the word of God to fructifie, but that they may bribe and pole mens purses, and reape that which they neuer did sow. Thus commeth it to passe, that they spoyle the holy Churches and houses of God, which should be the refuge for the poore, and the mansion houses of sainctes, which our deuout and simple parentes to that purpose builded and ordeined to the refection of poore men and pilgrimes, The treasure of the Church belongeth to the pope. and to the sustentation of suche as were well disposed and religious. But these degenerate varlets, whome onely letters hath made both mad and malipert, doe striue and gape to be both kinges and Emperours.

Doubtles the Primatiue Church was builded and layd in pouerty and simplicitie of life, and then as a fruitfull mother begate she those her holy children, whom the Catologe of Saintes nowe maketh mention of: and verily no other foundation can be laid of any other Church, Christes church was builded in humilitie: The popes Church is all s [...]periluitie, Ergo, the popes Church is not Christes Church. then that which is layd by Iesus Christ. But this Church as it swimmeth and waloweth in all superstuitie of riches, and doth build and rayse the frame in all superstuous wealth and glory: So is it to be feared least the walles thereof in time fall to decay, and when the walles be downe, vtter ruine and subuersion follow after. Agaynst vs, he knoweth that is the searcher of all hearts, how furiously these Catholiques rage and go to work: Saiyng, therefore excommunicating me that I will not take vpon me the iourney I haue promised beyond the seas: whereas ineuitable and most vrgent causes and perils, as well to the Churche of God as also to the Empire, besides the annoyaunce of myne infirmitie and sicknes, do deteine me at home, and stay the same, but specially, the insolency of the rebellious Sicilians. For why, neither do [...] we thinke it safety to our Empire, not expedient to the Christian state, that we should now take our iourney into Asia, leauing behinde vs at home such intestine and ciuill warres: no more then for a good surgeon, to lay healing plaister to a grieuous wounde newe striken with the sworde, and made. In conclusion, also to this he addeth: admonishing all the Princes of the world that they[Page]would beware and take heede (by their auaricious iniquitie) of lyke perill and daunger to themselues: Because that as the prouerbe is: It behoueth him to look about, that seeth his neighbours house on fire. Thus much out of Parisiens. pag 69.

But now, that Fredericus the Emperor might in very deed stop yt slaunders of the cruell Pope, which did persist and goe forward still in his excommunication agaynst him: And that he might declare in the whole world,An other iourney of the Emperour to Ierusalem. howe that the last yeare he torslowed not his iourny by his own voluntary will, but by necessitie: when he had deutied and prepared all thing meet for the warre, and that he had gathered together and leuied a great army of mē: He departed from thence to Brundusium, committing the gouernment of his kingdome to Renaldus the sonne of Duke Spoletus, and to Anselmus a Baron of Instigensis and came by sea to Cyprus with his hoste.

From Cyprus, the Emperour with his whole nauy sayled into Ioppa, which City he fortified, for that the passages by land were stopped and kept of the enemies: And by sea might he not passe nor trauaile,The Emperour oppressed by famine and by prayer myraculously relieued. by meanes of ye extreme weather and tempest: whereby it came to passe, that within short space they lacked vitayles and were sore afflicted with famine. Thē fell they to prayer and made their humble supplicatiō to God, with whose teares his wrath being appealed: the great tempest and long cōtinued foule weather ceased, whereby (the seas now being calme) they had both vitaile great plēty, and all other necessary things for their need, brought vnto them: wherby immediately it came to passe, that both the Emperour & his army as also the inhabitauntes of Ioppa were greatly refreshed and animated: and on the other side their enemies being disappoynted of theyr purpose, were greatly discouraged. In so much, that the king of Egipt who with great power (accōpanied with Scarapho his brother prince of Gaza, and the Prince of Damascus their nephew, with many other Dukes and nobles) hauing incamped themselues within one dayes iourny of Ioppa, thinking to haue besieged the same: were contented vpon the comming of the Emperors Harolds vnto them to intreat of a peace.A conclusion of a profitable pe [...]ce during x. yeares betwene the Turkes and the Christians. Whereupon, Embassadours were sent vnto them with the Emperours demaunds right profitable to the Christian common weale. The Sarasens (immediately consulting vpon the same) graunted thereunto: so that a peace for x. yeares was concluded, & was confirmed by solempne othe on the behalfe of both Princes according to their seueral vsages and maner: the forme and condition of which peace, briefly collected are these.

First, that Fridericke the Emperour, should be crowned and annoynted king of Ierusalem, according to the maner of the kinges of Ierusalem before him.

The articles of the peace agreed vpon.Secondly, that all the lands & possessions which were situate betwixt Ierusalem and Prolomaida, & the greatest part of Palastina, and Cities of Tyrus and Sydon which were in Syria, and at other territories which Baldwinus the 4. at any time had and occupyed there: shoulde be deliuered vnto him, onely certayne castles reserued.

Thirdly that he might fortifie and builde what fortresses and castles he thought good, citties and townes: in all Syria and Palestina.

Fourthly, that all the prisoners which were in the Saracens hands, should be raunsomed freely and sent home: and agayne, that the Saracens might haue leaue without armour to come into the Temple where the Lords sepulcher is, to pray: and that they should holde and keepe still Chratum, and the kinges mount.

The letters of Fredericke to the princes and pope of his successe.Friderick now, for that he thought the cōclusion of this peace to be so necessary as also profitable for at Christians, and had also gotten as much thereby, as if the warres had continued he should: he sent his Legates with letters into the west, to all Christen kinges, princes, and potentates, as also to the bishop of Rome: declaring vnto them the circumstance and successe of his iourny and warres, as partly ye haue heard: Requiring thē, that they also woulde praise and geue God thankes for his good successe and profitable peace concluded: And desireth the Pope that for as much as he had now accōplished his promise, neither that there was any cause now wherefore he should be with hym displeased, that he might be reconciled and obtaine his fauor.

The Emperour crowned king of Ierusalem.In the meane season, the Emperour with all hys army marcheth to Ierusalem: where, vppon Easter day in the yeare of our Lorde. 1229. hee was with great triumphe & comfort of al his nobles, and also the Magistrates of that kingdome (onely the Patriarche of Cyprus the kings Legate, and Oliuer the maister or captayne of the Temple wt his company, excepted) solemnly and with great applause crowned king.

After this, he rerdifieth the Citty and Walles thereof which by the Saracens were beaten downe and battered. After that, he furnisheth it with munition, he buildeth vy the Churches and temples that were ruinous, he fortifieth Nazarethum and Ioppen with strong garrisons, vita [...]e, and all other thinges necessary.

Now see and behold I pray you, whilest that Fredericke was thus occupyed in the kingdome of Ierusalem, what practises the Pope had in Italy: Not I warrant you any whit at all carefull in the affayres of the Christian commōwealth, but studiyng and labouring what mischiefe and spite he might worke agaynst the Emperoure: whom, of a set purpose he had so occupied (partly for hate, and partly to enriche himselfe) in Asia and Ierusalem, so farre out of Italy,The first and secret practise of Pope Gregory [...] ye may be sure. First, he caused the souldiours whiche the Emperour sent for out of Germany to the mayntenaunce of the holy warres, to be stayde as they passed through Italy: letting them of their iourney, and tooke from them, and spoyled them of all such prouision as they had. And not onely this, but he sent secretly also hys letters into Asia, to those that were of his owne fac [...]ion: that is, to the Patriarche of Ierusalem, and souldiors that kept the temple and the hospitall, intising and inciting thē to rebell agaynst the Emperour: whiche thing, Blondus himselfe that Popish Parasite or historiographer dissu [...]uleth or hideth not. But that he furthermore disswaded the princes of the Saracens, that they should make no league nor take any truce with Fridericke, neither deliuer vp vnto hym the Crowne and Kingdome of Ierusalem. Whiche letters as they were manifest testimonyes of his trecherie and treason towardes him whom God had instituted and made his liege Lord and soueraigne, and mightiest potentate vpon earth: so was it hys will, that he should come to the knowledge therof, and that those letters shoulde fall into his handes. And that he kept the same letters for the more credible testimony thereof: in the same his last Epistle vnto the Christian Princes he proresteth. The copy of which letter amongest his other Epistles, you shall haue expressed.

Neither were the Popes letters written to that leauened secte and factious in vayne. For the Patriarche and his Collegioners which tooke their name of the Temple, did mightely repugne agaynst Fredericke. They raysed a tumult in Ptolomaida agaynst him:The Emperour withstandeth the secret [...] which the pope had wrought against him [...] Ierusalem. they accused him and his Legates openly of treason: and did malipartly & boldly wtstand the right worthy and good order he made amongest them. But as God would, by the helpe of the inhabitantes of Pisa and the Genowayes, and the Dutch souldiours: both their false accusations were refelled, and also their seditious purpose & tumult expressed. And thys was the cause, that when all other men reioyced and were glad of the Emperours coronation, they as wicked confederatours were heauy therefore, and obtrectours of hys worthy laud and fame.

The Pope,The second and man [...]d treason of the Pope against Fredericke. when he had thus conspired agaynst Fredericke, and had betrayed him to the publicke enemy of all Christen men, the Turke: he coulde not dissemble this hys mischieuous fact, nor content himselfe therewith, but that he would deuise and practise yet an other. For by reason of those sclaunders (whiche a little before I touched) of the death and slaughter of hys wife Iola: he incited Iohn Brennus his father in laws to make warre agaynst hym, who caused the subiectes of his Empire to withdraw from him their allegeance, as also the inhabitants of Picenum, & inhabitantes of Lumberdy.Brennus Pādolphus, Iohannes Columna [...] Thomas [...] traytor, the Popes generalles and leaders of his hoste. And thus ioyning themselues together, craued farther ayd of the Frenche king, whereby they made a great power. That done, they deuided theyr host in two armies, inuading with the one the Empire, & with the other the proper territories and ditions belonging in the inheritaunce of Fredericke: Iohn Brennus and Pandolphe Sauellanus, leading the one (as Generals) into Campania and the kingdome of Naples: and the other (with Iohn Columna Cardinals his Legat, and that Thomas before conuicted of treason, being his Liefetenantes) he sendeth into Picenum.

Of this treason of the Pope agaynst Fredericus, both also Mat. Paris. make mention during hys warres in Asia. Who (sayth he) purposed to haue deposed him, and to haue placed alium quem libet filium pacis & obedientiae loco eius subrogare, that is, any other he cared not whom (so that he were the childe of peace and obedience) in hys steede. And for the more certaintie thereof, the said Mat. Paris. pag. 71. repeateth the letter which a certayne Earle of Siria wrote vnto him concerning the same, which letter here vnder insueth word for word.

To the high and mighty Prince Fredericus by the grace of [Page]God Emperour of Rome, and euer Augustus and most puissant king of Sicilia, Thomas Earle of Actran his faythfull and trusty subiect in all thing humble salutation. After your departure most excellent Prince, Gregory the Byshop of Rome, & publique enemy to your magnificēce, gathering together a great power & host of men, By Iohannes Brennius late king of Ierusalem and other stout captaynes whome he hath made generals of the same hys host: As a foreigne enemy inuading your dominions and possessions of your highnes subiectes agaynst the lawe of Christianitie: hath purposed and determined to vanquish and subdue you with the materiall or temporall sworde, whome he cannot maister and ouercome with the spirituall sworde, he sayth. For the foresayd Iohn Brennus gathering out of Fraunce and other prouinces heare adioyning, a great armye: geueth vnto them of the treasure he hath gotten (by what meanes together I cannot tell) great wages, in hope to recouer and get from you the Empire. And furthermore, the same Iohn and others (the captaynes of the see Apostolicall inuading your land) burne and destroy all as they goe, driuing away and taking for their booties, all that they can come by, as well cattell as other thinges: And such as they take prisoners, they constrayne by inflicting them with grieuous punishementes to raunsome themselues for great summes of money: neither spare they man, woman, nor childe, but take and keepe your townes and castles, hauing no regarde that you be in the seruice of Iesus Christ. And further, if any make mention of your maiesty vnto him, he sayth there is none other Emperour but himselfe. Your friends and subiectes most excellent Prince, much maruell hereupon: yea and also the Clergy themselues of the Empire, doe maruell with what cōscience or vpon what consideration, the Bishop of Rome can doe the same, making such bloudy warres and slaughter vpon Christian men: especially, seeing that Christ commaunded Peter, when he stroke with the materiall sworde to put vp the same into the scabbard, saying: all that strike with the sword shall perish with the sword Or els by what lawe, he dayly can excommunicate such pirates, burners of mens houses, and robbers: when he himselfe is the patron and mayntayner of suche himselfe: hereat, they greatly muse and maruell. Wherefore most mighty and renowmed Emperour, I beseeche your highnes to cō sider your owne safety: for that the sayd Iohn Brennus hath layde and fortifie, all the portes and hauens with no small company of men and souldiours: that if (not knowing therof) your grace shold ariue in any of them, the same garisons of his shoulde apprehend and take you as a prisoner: whiche thing to chaunce GOD forefend.

Thus whilest the host of this hostile enemy the Pope was encamped in the dominiōs of Fridericke, he receaued the letters which Fridericke by his Legates sent into Europa as you heard: wherby he vnderstood the good successe he had in Asia:What mea [...]ing the P. [...]d to sende [...]redericke [...] fight a [...]ainst the [...]urke. Who not onely tooke no delecration at all therin, but was also in a vehement perturbatiō therwith: wherby manifestly it may appeare, what was the cause & meaning of the Pope, that he was so solicitous & vrgent to haue Fredericke the Emperour make a voiage into Asia. Doubtlesse euen the same, that Pelias had whē by hys instigation he procured Iason with all the chosen youth and floure of Grecia to sayle into Colchus, to fetch awaye the golden flease: and that by the oportunitie of his absence he might vse, or rather abuse hys power & tyranny: And that Fridericke might either be long afflicted & molested in the Asian warre, or that he might perish and lose his life therin, was that he sought and all that he desired.

And when he saw, that fortune neither fauored his fetthes, nor serued to his lōging lust, he was as a man berest of his wits, specially at these tidings of the prosperous successe of ye Emperour. [...]owe the [...]ope cha [...]th & fret [...]eth at the [...]rosperous [...]uccesse of [...]he Empe [...]our. He tare and threw his letters on the ground: and with all opprobrious words rebuked & reuised the Legates for the Emperor their masters sake: which thing also Blōdus himselfe denieth not, although he write altogether in the fauour of the Pope. And to the intent that he might couer this his rage and vnbridled fury with some cloke & colour of iust deserued dolour: He fayned him selfe therefore so much to mislike therwith, as though the Emperour therein had onely respected his owne priuate cōmoditie, not regarding the vtilitie of the Christians: for y• the Saracens had licence (although without armour & weapō) to haue repayre vnto the sepulcher of Christ, & had left for thē somewhat neare the same an hosterie or lodging place: For which occasion sayth Blondus, his Lord Pope rebuked the Emperours Legates by the name of traytors and such like other opprobrious wordes. [...]londus re [...]toued that [...]ote so [...]reatly in [...]he Popes [...]auour. Now go to frend Blondus, by what strong argumentes proue you & your Lord Pope, that the peace which the Emperour hath concluded, to be either against the Christian common wealth, or that the Emperour was a traytour. But who is it that seeth not these thinges either by reading of old and ancient writers, or els partly by me that haue gathered & collected the same out of diuers monuments and historyes: & plainly perceaueth not the consp [...]racies & treasons, of your good Lord the Pope so notable and filthy, as also hys man [...]est shame and infamie. What? there be diuers that write, how the Pope commaunded these Legates of Fredericke to be made secretly out of the way▪ and also how he commanded diuers souldiours returning out of Asia to be slayne, to the intēt that none shuld heare the report of those good newes which were in Asia, nor none go rhether to rel [...] y• fetches he had in hand at home. But I will make report of no more thē of those things which all the writers wt most consent agree vpon: This is most certayne, that the Pope caused this rumour to be spread of the death & taking of the Emperor vpon this consideration, yt he might allure vnto him the fidelitie of those Citties in the kingdome of Naples, which yet kept their allegeance vnto Fridericke, of whom they should now hope for no longer refuge. And of that doth the Emperour in hys Epistle intituled Leuate oculos, greatly agaynst him complayne.

Great are these iniuries of the Pope agaynst Fredericke,The third practise of P Gregory against the Emperour. and most wicked treasons: but herewith coulde not y• cruell and titannicall mind of him be contented, nor yet his lust satisfied: but so farre exceeded, as scarce is credible yt it could. For he presumed not onely to set variance betwene Henry (whō Fridericke his Father had caused to be made king of Germany) and him: but also by his allurementes, caused him to become an enemy vnto him.The P. setteth the sonne against the father, as a good father of peace. To whō, when his father had assigned the Duke of Bo [...]oria (named Ludouicus) to be his ouerscer and coūceller: neyther knew he amongst all the princes of Germany a man more mythfuller to him in his office and duety, or els more vertuous, or els more grauer & apt to be in authoritie:Henry Cesar at the popes intisement put [...]eth from him h [...]s truthe counsailer Ludonicus. Henry, fearing least he should vnderstand & know of these secret councels which he with his conspiratours had in hand agaynst hys father: or that he should vtter the same vnto him, or that he should go about to dis [...]wade him from that he was purposed to doe: by authoritie of the court and Senate of Rome, he put him out of office. And this was the fetch of all theyr pollicie: that together and at one instaunce (but in diuers and sondry places farre one from an other) sharpe & cruell warre might be made agaynst the Emperour: so that hys power being distract to the appealing of variable contention, might be himselfe the easiyer oppressed of a few.

When the Emperour now vnderstode what styrre the Pope kept in all his dominions in his absence,The Emperour hearing of the popes practises returneth secretly out of Asia. and that he had somewhat reformed and appeased the troubles whiche he secretly had wrought him in the kingdome of Ierusalē: thinking to preuent the Popes purpose in that he went about, and also to confirme the friendship towardes him of them, whom in his absence he found his trusty subiects: He left in Asia Renaldus with his garisons, commanding all the other bands to be vnder his appointment, and with al speede came foorth certayne Gallyes to Calabria. During the tyme of his there being, which vnlooked for came thether: he assembled hys power and made with his frends all the speedy preparation that he might. From thence he went to Barleta, where he taried xx. dayes: to whom came the Duke of Spolitanum with all his garisons.Iohn Brennus remoued frō the siege of Calatia God prospereth Fredericke in all his affaires. And so frō thence, with al his power he came into Apulia, & remoued Iohn Brennus his father in lawe from the siege of Calatia: and within short time by Gods help, recouereth agayn all his holds and dominions there. And from thence going into Campania, he winneth Ber [...]ueuentum, and as many other townes and holdes as the Pope had there, euen almost to Rome, and so after that, Umbria and Picena. And now, although the Emperour (being moued therunto vpon good occasion, & vpon ye Popes worthy desert) had gotten & recouered this so likely an entrance vpon the Popes dominions, wherby he might haue reuenged him of all the iniuries done to him: yet notwithstanding, for r• he preferred nothing before the Christian and publique tranquility (for y• loue of which he restrayning hys wrath so v [...]hemērly vrged & kindled) sēdeth vnto him hys Legates to intreat a peace:Fredericke entreateth for the Popes fauour although [...]ee haue no n [...]de. declaring vnto him, yt if no other conceaued grudge towards him were, then that he simuled and pretended: he promiseth that he would make to him an accompt volūtarely, of all things that euer he had done in his lyfe, and that he would, and was contented to submit himselfe vnto the Churche: and also that for this cause he willingly offered vnto him both duety and obseruaunce. Furthermore to the intreating of this peace and deciding of all controuersies, he sent to the Pope eight or x. of the noblest and chiefest about him, that were Princes and Dukes of the Empire. As Bartoldust the Patriarche of Aquileia, and his brother Otho prince of Dalmatia and Histria, Eberhardus Iunauensis, Sigifridus, Reginoburgensis, Sibbotus Augustanus, a worthy Prelate, Leopaldus of Austria & Stiria, [Page] and Bernhardus being all Dukes, besides others of the nobilitie to accompany them.

The Pope refuseth a peace with the Emperour.But yet so great was the insolency and pride of y• stubburne pope, that by no gentlenes or beneficence, he of those Princes could be brought that yeare to the profitable concord of the Church and Christian common weale. O worthy head, yt challēgeth al authoritie to himselfe in y• Church of Christ, and in respect of his own wilfull reuenge, setteth nothing by the health & vtility of all Christendome. Then therfore, when nothing coulde be done in the matter, & the most part of these noble men departed from Rome: yt next yeare after (with much adoe) a peace was made & concluded betwene thē, by the helpe and industry of Leopoldus of Austria, Hermannus capitaine of the Dutch souldiors, and the President of Messanea,The price of the Emperours absolution. The pope then absoluing the Emperour Fridericus of his excommunication, tooke therfore of him an hundreth and twenty thousand ounces of gold, restoring vnto him agayne the titles both of hys Empire, and also of his kingdomes. Nowe considering ye vncurteous dealing of the Pope with Fridericke the Emperour herein: who can sufficiently muse & maruell at the vnshamefastnes of Blondus,Vnshamefull Blondus. which hath the face to write, that the Pope (yet notwithstanding) had delt more gently and curteously with Fridericke then was meete, or beseemed him to do. Who is it that doth not see his manifest flatery, coulored neyther with reason, nor secret dissimulatiō. But,Cuspinianus pr [...]tely gudeth the Pope. much more truely, & better writeth Cuspinianus cō cerning this matter which saith, that the Pope doth occupy very profitable marchandise, which for so much money selleth that he receaued freely paying nothing therfore, if he had receaued it of Christ in deed, as he sayth he had.

And yet although the Emperour Fridericke, concluded with the Pope this vnprofitable peace for himself: yet he performed those things yt were agreed vpō faythfully & diligently. But the Pope, whiche thought it but a trifle to breake his promise, woulde not stand to the conditions of y• peace he made. For by ye way to passe ouer other things, neither hath he restored as he promised the customes in the land of Sicill, neither yet the city Castellana, whiche he before the peace cōcluded betwene thē did occupy & enioy. And that doth both Fridericke in his Epistles testifie, and also Fazellus in his 8. booke, writing of the affayres of Sicilia. Yet that notwtstanding: Fridericke, for the quietnesse and vtilitie of the commō wealth, purposed with himselfe to beare and suffer these small iniuries. And further studied in all that he might, as well by liberall gifts as otherwise, to haue the Pope to be to him a trusty frend. As whē the Romanes & other of the Ecclesiasticall number made warre against ye Pope for certein possessiōs which he kept of theirs:What beneficence the Emperour vseth to haue the Popes friendship which he shall neuer gette. he cōming to him at Reate, and as one that tendred the vnity of the church, & thinking to helpe the Pope at his earnest request in these matters: sēt his Legates vnto them, willing them to lay down their armour which agaynst the Pope they bare. And when yt would not serue, at the Popes further request & desire he leuied an army against them at his owne charge, and draue them from the siege of Uiterbium: with other such like assured tokens of amitie and frendship he shewed him. Who notwtstanding, so soone as the Emperour was departed with a small cō pany which he tooke with him into Sicilia, leauing wyth him the greater and most part of his army for the mayntenaunce of his warres: concluded a peace wt the Romaines (vnknowing to the Emperor) whom he had procured to trauell and labour therin with great expenses:A well recempenced good tu [...]ne of the Pope to the Emperour. affirming that without his wil and commandement, the Emperour had expelled them, and driuē them out of the territories of Uiterbiū. And hereof, doth Fridericke also himselfe make mentiō in his second and third Epistle, where he complayneth of the iniuries of the Popes towardes him.

Blondus taken with vntruth.Therfore, greater cōmendation had Blondus deserued if he had written of these trecheries of the Pope, then that forgetting himselfe (as vnto lyers often it chaunceth) in yt he writeth both cōtrary to himself in the effect of this matter, and contrary to the veritie of Fridericus his history: which sayth that the Romaines were incited to these new tumultes by his intising and setting on. As though simple men of vnderstāding, could not both by the offering of his sonne in hostage, by the great preparation of y• warres, and by the euent specially of the thing itself gather the cōtrary. But to to impudent will Blondus needes shew himselfe.

Whilest that these things were done in Italy and Sicilia, great rebellions were moued in Germany agaynst ye Emperour by Henricus Cesar and Fridericke of Austria,The Emperours sonnes no lōger suborned, make manifest rebellion against their father. hys sonnes being the chief authors therof. For Henry, being disapoynted and shakē of from his Lord Pope and other conspiratours by reasō of the peace betwene his father & him as ye heard: began now to make open chalenge to the Empire. And for that cause, he as before is sayd, put frō him Ludouicus whom he knew to be vnto the Emperour his father so louing and an assured frend: who as willingly (perceauing and smelling what mischief he went about) forsooke his court and came to Boioria: who had not there remayned a yeare, but was as he walked abroad at a certayne tyme stabbed in with a dagger of one Kelhemius & presently dyed,A wicked murther [...] Henry Cesar for [...] and [...] seruice. his seruauntes beyng not farre from him. Of whose death diuers diuersly write. Notwithstanding the sequell doth shewe them to write truliest, that affirme the sayd striker to be suborned by Henry Cesar: who comming vnto him in the habite of a messenger, deliuered vnto him certaine letters which he fayned to be sent frō the Emperour. And whilest Ludouicus was in reading the same, he strake him in with a dagger and gaue him his mortall wound: & with speed fled vpō the same. After whose death succeeded in that Dukedome his sonne Otho, who when solempnly according to the maner of the Boiores he shold haue bene created, was also let by the same Henry Cesar: who forbad the assēbly of the magistrates and Citizens of the same.The outra [...] of H. Cesar against the Emperour his father. They notwitstanding, neglecting his vniust restraint created him: Wherefore, he first besieged Reginoburgh & with an other company, sacked, brent, and wasted Boioria: wt many moe such great outragies & rebellions.

When intelligence was brought of these thinges to the Emperour, he sent his Legates and cōmaunded that both the Cesar his sonne and other Princes of Germany which had assembled their armies should breake vp and disperse the same. And because he saw and perceaued now manifestly that his sonne made so apparant rebellion agaynst hym, and fearing greater insurrections to insue in Germany, he thought good to preuent the same with al expeditiō: wherfore he determined to go in all hast to Germany with hys army, (from whence he had bene absent nowe 14. yeares) and hereunto he maketh the Pope priuy.The Emperour 14. yeares [...] Germany The Pope promised the Emperor hereupon, that he would write his letters in his behalfe to all the Princes of Germany: but perswaded him to the vttermost of his power, that he shoulde in no case go into Germany himselfe. For why, his conscience accused him that he had written to the nobles of Germany euen from the beginning of his Papacy (for the hate and grudge he had agaynst the Emperor) that they should suffer him, neither any of his heyres to enioy the Empire, & farther had stirred them all vp to rebell agaynst him: and had moued Henry the Emperors sonne by his bribes and fayre promises,The Pope feareth [...] his treason should be spied by the Emperour going into German [...]. to conspire against his father. And to conclude, he was the author & procurer of ye conspiracie which the Lombardes made then agaynst him: and fearing least these things should come now to the Emperours eare, he was greatly troubled and careful. But the Emperour not thinking it good at so needefull a time to be absent: he (all doubt set a part) with his second sonne Conradus, went speedely into Germany. And assēbling there a councell in the City of Nureburgh: Henry Cesar his sonne, after hys conspiracie was manifestly detected, which he had in practise with the Longoberdes (whereof,Henry Cesar condemned of treason, and [...] eth in p [...] the Pope was chiefe autor) was by iudgement and sentence of 70. Princes, condemned of high treason. And being commaunded by hys father to be bound, was as a prisoner brought to Apulia: where not long after in prison he dyed. In whose stede, he ordayned Conradus his 2. sonne Cesar, by consent of all the Piers & Princes,Fredericke Austricus proclaymed an open [...] my to his father and disherited. Furthermore, by publique commandement he renounced Fridericke Austriacus for his sonne, and for an enemy to the publique weale he caused him to be proclaymed. And further, when he sawe that neither that punishment could cause him to remember himselfe and acknowledge his abuse, the Emperour with a great armye (accompanied with diuers of the noble men of Germany) tooke from him all Austria and Stiria, and brought them agayne vnder hys owne obedience and fidelitie.

The same yeare,The Emperour maryeth kyng Iohns daughter of Englande. maryed he his third wife named Isabell, the daughter of king Iohn of England. Then, when he had set Germany in a stay and quietnes, he left there Conradus Cesar hys sonne: and with hys host returneth agayne into Italy, there to punish such as had with Henry his eldest sonne conspired agaynst him: whose treasons were all detected at the condemnation of Henry Cesar hys sonne, chiefly set on by the Pope. When the Pope had vnderstanding that the Emperour with warlike furniture marched toward Italie: although he fained himselfe recō ciled, and to be a frend to Fredericke, yet was he notwithstanding to him a most secrete & infestiue enemie. And vnderstanding, that he brought with him suche a power, both of horsmen and footemen, to do execution of such as he vnderstoode to haue bene conspirators against him in the late tumult and rebelliō: Those which were faultie herein and gultie (and all other that tooke their partes) hee admonished [Page] to ioyne thēselues together:The pope againe beginneth to play his part. and that they should furnish strongly their Cittyes with garrisons: that they send for ayde to theyr friendes, and that with all the force they were able, they shold prepare them for the warre. The rest of the Citties also in Italy, whether they were the Emperours or his owne, he indeuoureth to make them all hys, and proper to himselfe.

The Popes embassage to the Emperour.Furthermore, vnto the Emperor he sendeth his Embassadours: to whom, vnder the pretence of nourishing a peace, he had geuen secret cōmandement: that they should interdict him and his host, so soone as he came within the borders of Italy. To the preseruation of which peace, saith he, he had (but late since) promulgate a subsidie to be gathered amongst the Christians, when he began the holy warre. And also to say (not by way of intreatie, but cō maundingly) that what cause of controuersie he had with the Longobardes: the same he should commit to him, and stand to hys arbitrement. Whereunto, the Emperour repliyng, maketh his Legate this aunswere.

Shortly after sayth he, the peace was made betweene the Pope and me: he called me for a chiefe defence both of y• Church and himselfe, agaynst the Romaynes which made warre with him: and at his request, with mine owne proper charge I mayntayned that his warre, & gaue his enemies the ouerthrow. And further sayd, that he should not do well through the pretence of peace,The Emperour againe vnto the Pope. to be a let to him frō that which both by lawe and right he might and ought to do: But rather so he ought to dispose himselfe, with force to restrayne and expell them, which gathered thē together as rebels thinking to exclude themselues from the subiection both of him and the Empire. And that, such rebels as both had restrained the souldiours which the Emperor sent for when he was in Asia, & diuers others also (which for necessary causes he had called to hym) they had so wickedly delt with & abused: He, as they had deserued, should rather desire to see punished & reformed, then to mayntain them (vnder colour of peace) being so wicked and manifest euill doers. And touching that he demandeth of hym, that he should commit and deferre so great a cause wherein the wealth and safety of the Empire consisteth, to his arbitrement by him to be determined: without eyther assignemēt of any tyme when, or adding thereunto any condition or exceptiō for not doing the same: neither the diminishing & impayring the dignitie and regaltie of his Empire considered, he could not but maruell: Seing yt neither it apperteined to his calling and facultie, nor to the benefite or cō moditie of the Empire. To this effect also writeth Fridericke in his last Epistle to the Pope: the effect whereof amongst other Epistles you may read.

A secret cō spiracie of the pope against the Emperour.And in the same his letters he sheweth, that when the Emperour, at a certaine time had bene with the Pope: At his going away, he requested that when he came agayn he would come into Italy, but with his houshold band and familie: For that, if he shoulde come as before he did accustome with his army, he should terrifie thē ouermuch: amongst whom sayth he, you may assure your selfe to be in great safetye, and finde all thinges in rest and quiet: when quite contrary (as the Emperor for a certainty had tryed) he had there all things ready and prepared for his destruction. So that, when he pretended vnto him greatest frēdship, he was busiest in conspiring his death. The certayne time, when the Pope had this exercise in hand agaynst the Emperor I cānot search out, neither may it be in his epistles vndated, easly foūd out: But yt of the certainty thereof no man need to doubt, I haue assigned you to the Emperours Epistle where he maketh mention of the same.

The Emperour then, as he had determined prosecuteth his purpose & marcheth into Italy:The Emperour marcheth into Italie, notwitstanding the popes forbidding. where he brought vnder his subiection, those Cities that against him rebelled: as Mantua, Uerona, Ternisium, Patauium, and others. And then, he afterward set vpō the great host of the Mediolanenses, the Brixians, the Placentines and other confederators, vnto whom the Popes Legate Georgius Longomantanus had ioyned himselfe: of whome he tooke 1000. prisoners, and also their general being the chief Magistrate in the Citty of Mediolanum, and Petrus Tenopolus the Dukes sonne of Uenice, & slue diuers captaines moe and tooke all their ensignes. And in this battell specially at the recouering of Marchia and Ternissana he vsed the frendly ayd of Actiolinus.

The Pope now somewhat dismayd at this ouerthrow of his confederates & mates (though not much) began yet somewhat to feare the Emperour:The Emperour loth to breake the peace, of late concluded. & whereas before, that which he did he wrought secretly and by others, nowe he goeth to worke (with might and mayne) to subdue and depriue the Emperour. And although the Emperour saw & perceaued what inward hate and mortall malice he bare wardes him: not onely by that he so apertly stood with his conspiratours agaynst him, but also that on euery side he heard, and from all partes was brought him certain word how greatly he laboured agaynst him: as wt opprobrious wordes, naughty reportes, and slaunders, to the intent to pull from him the hartes and fidelitie of his subiectes, and make those that were his frends his enemies, neither that he meant at any time to take vp and cease from such euill and wicked practises: yet notwithstanding, for that there shuld be no default in him foūd, for the breach of the league and peace betweene them a little before concluded: he sendeth foure Legates to the Byshop of Rome which should aunswere vnto and refute, those criminous obiections whiche he layd vnto him: as also make him priuy to hys purpose, and what he ment to do, thereby to declare hys innocencie towardes him (in such causes) and simplicitie.

The Bishop,The pope refuseth to speake with the Emperours Legates. when he vnderstood these Embassadours to be not farre of from Rome, & knew the cause of their cō ming: he thought with himselfe, that in hearing the excuse and reasonable answere of the Emperour, perhaps might be prouoked to desist from hys purpose, and so degenerate from other of his predecessours: refuseth to speake with them,The new sentence of proscription against the Emperour. and at the day appoynted pronounceth the sentence of proscriptiō against him, depriuing him of all his dignities, honours, titles, prerogatiues, kingdomes & whole Empire. And that he had no occasion hereunto, as well Pandolphus & Colonutius, as the letters of the Emperour himselfe do both right well declare. For it may appear, he dedicated as it were himself to his vtter ruine and destruction, when he did sollicitate agaynst Fridericus, Iacobus Tewpolus the Uenetian Duke: Whom, for the displeasure he took with y• Emperor in the imprisoning of his sonne, was in good hope he should allure vnto him, he being in so troublous a time such a comforter & ayder vnto him: that as Blondus writeth, in a certein Epistle gratulatory he calleth him Lord of the fourth part of Croatia and Dalmatia,The Pope wageth and hyr [...]th 35. Galleyes to spoile the coasts of the Emperor. and Lord of the halfe of the Romane Empire. And calling vnto him the Uenetian and Benwetian Legates, made a peace betwixt them (whiche for certeine causes about their sea costes were at variaunce) and couenaunted with them vpon this condition: that at their publique charges, they should rig and man 35, gallyes, which should spoyle and burne all alongst the Sea coastes of the kingdomes and dominions of Fredericke.

But the Pope, when he saw the good will and fidelitie which the Duke of Uenice bare vnto the Emperour, and saw also what ayd the Emperour had of him, neyther that he was like to wynne him to hys purpose:The popes edict against the Emperour, Ascendit de mari [...]tlica best [...]. then had he recourse agayne to his old crafty practises & subtleties. And further deuised, to put forth an Edict at Rome to the vniuersal Church and people, the beginning whereof is Ascē dit de mari bellica bestia: wherein, he declareth the causes wherfore he curseth and geueth the Emperour to y• deuill of hell, & hath deiect him from all his princely dignitie. He in the same, accuseth him of so many & so huge a heape of mischiefes, as to nominate thē my hart detesteth. And besides yt, he restrayneth his soueraigne Lord, & Emperor of the appellatiō which euery priuat man by law may haue. He slaundereth him of treason, periury, cruelty, sacrilege, killing of his kinde, and all impietie: he accuseth him for an hereticke, a schismatike, and a miscreant: And to be briefe, what mischiefe so euer the Pope can deuise, with that doth he charge him and burden him. All this doth he sayth the Pope, that when he hath brought our holines, and all the Ecclesiasticall estate to beggary, he might scoffe at and deride the Religion of Christ, which as a miscreant he detesteth. And nowe for that the Pope had a great and speciall trust in Albertus Behauus of ye noble house called Equestri (as crafty apostle as the best) as one whom he saw ready to leane to his lust:Albertus Behauus the popes one hand. To him the Pope deliuered two othe [...] mandates in seueral letters sealed, in which he commaundeth al Bishops, Prelates, & other of the Clergy: that they should solempnly recite the same in their churches insteed of their sermon, that by his decree he had excommunicate Fridericke out of the fellowship of Christen men: put hym from the procuratiō or gouernment of the Empire:The P. threateneth to curse all those that wi [...]h well to the Emperour. & that he had released al his subiectes of their allegeāce & fidelitie towardes him. And farthermore, chargeth thē, & all other Christen men vnder the payne of cursing & dānation, that neither they succour ye Emperour, nor yet so much as wish him well. Thus he, being the Popes speciall & trusty seruiture & made to his hand, caused a most horrible confusiō and Chaos of publique quietnes, as shall after appeare.

Amongst al other noble men of Germany at that time towardes the Emperour, was Otho the gouernour of Rhenus and Duke of Boiora, both most seruiceable and also a Prince of great honour, riches and estimatiō. This [Page] prince, both with fayre promises & also rewards, he entised from hym, for that being made by him to beleue, yt Ludouicus his father of whō we spake before, was by the Emperour murthered and slaine. And the same Otho againe, caused 3. other Princes & Dukes, to reuolte from the Emperour to the Pope, which were neighbours & neare adioyning vnto him: as Uuenceslaus, and Belus, princes of the Ungarians, and Henry Duke of Polonia. To whom came also Fridericus Austriacus hys sonne:Otho with diuers other princes of Germany by the popes meane doe forsake the Emperour. who because he was proscript or outlawed of hys father, and had hys dukedome wasted and brent as you heard, was easly won vnto the pope. These gathering a Councell (whē they had thought to haue translated the Empiere vnto the Kyngs sonne of Denmarke) desired to haue the popes Legates to be sent from hym, to the effect of that election.

The Emperour was at Patauium when these newes were brought vnto him, what the pope had done at Rome Therefore he commaunded Peter to Uineis hys Secretary (vpon Easter day) to make a Narration to the people, of his great & liberall munificence to the byshops and church of Rome, & again of the iniuries of them towards hym in recompence thereof: of hys innocencye also in that whereof he had accused hym:What great good the oration of Peter de Vineis did in the themperors behalfe. and of the vnseemelines of such an act or deede: of the right vse of the ecclesiastical censure, & of the errours and abuse of the church of Rome. By which Oratiō of hys, he so remoued the cloud from many mens hartes of blynde superstition, and the conceaued opinion of holines of the church of Rome, and Byshops of the same, and also of theyr vsurped power and subtill perswasion: that both they playnely sawe and perceaued the vices and filthynes of the Church of Rome and Byshops of that sea, as also theyr fraudulent deceites and flagitious doynges: most vehemently lamenting and complaynyng of the same. Albertus maketh mention of certayne Uerses whiche were sent and written betweene the Byshop of Rome and the Emperour. The which verses in the latter of this present history of Fridericke you shall finde.

The Emperour moreouer both by hys letters & Legates, geueth intelligence to all Christen kynges, to the Princes of hys owne Empire, to the Colledge of Cardinals, and people of Rome: as well of the fayned crymes wherewith he was charged, as also of the cruelty of the Byshop of Rome agaynst hym. The copy of whiche letter or epistle followeth here vnder inserted.

The Emperour to the Prelates of the worlde.

The Emperours letter to all prelates to bridle the pope and restraine him of his will. IN the beginning and creation of the world: the ineffable foreknowledge and prouidence of God (who asketh councell of none) created in the firmament of Heauen two lightes (a greater and a lesse) the greater he created to gouerne the day, and the les to gouerne the night: which two, so do their proper offices and dueties in the Zodiake, that although oftentimes the one be in an oblique respect vnto the other, yet the one is not enemy to the other: but rather doth the superior, cōmunicate his light with the inferior. Euē so, the same eternal foreknowledge hath appointed vpon the earth two regimentes: that is to witte, Priesthoode and kingly power: the one for knowledge and wisdome, the other for defence. Mā being made of two partes hath two seu [...] rall regiments Gods word and the materiall sworde. That man, which was made of two partes (ouer wanton and dissolute) might haue two raignes to gouerne and bridle him withall, that peace thereby and loue might dwell vppon the face of the earth. But alas, the B. of Rome sitting in the chaire of peruerse doctrine or pestilence, that Pharisee anoynted wyth the oyle of iniquitie aboue the rest of his consortes in this our time, which for his abhominable pride is fallen from heauen: indeuoureth with his power to destroy and vndoe all, and thinketh (I beleeue) to stellifie againe himselfe there from whence hee fell. Hys purpose is to darken and to shadowe the light of our vnspotted life, The Apologie of the Emperor to the popes edict. Ascendit de mars &c. whilest that (altering the veritie into lies) his Papall letters stuft with all vntruthes, are sent into sondry partes of the world: of his owne corrupt humor, and vpon no reasonable cause, blemishing the sinceritie of our Religion. The Lord Pope hath compared vs, vnto the beast rising out of the sea, full of names of blasphemy, and spotted like a Lyberd. But we say, that he is that mō strous beast of whom it is sayd, and of whome we thus read: And there shall come an other red horse out of the sea, and hee that shall sit on him, shall take peace away out of the earth: let them therefore that dwell vpon the earth destroy him. For since the tyme of hys promotiō, he hath not ben the father of mercy but of discord: Antechrist long agone descried to the world by the Emperour. A dilligent steward of desolation in stead of consolation: and hath intised all the worlde to commit offence. And to take the wordes in right sense and interpretation, he is that great Dragon that dath deceiued the whole worlde: hee is that Antichrist, of whom he hath called vs the forerunner: he is that other Balaam hired for money to curse vs: the Prince of darcknes, which hath abused the Prophetes. This is the Aungel leaping out of the sea, hauing his Phials fild with bitternes, that he may both hurt the sea and the lande: the counterfait Vicar of Christ, that setteth forth hys owne imaginations. He sayth that we doe not rightly beleue in the Christen fayth, The confesion of the Emperours fayth wherof he was accused by the pope. and that the world is deceiued with three maner of deceiuers (which to name God forbid we should open our mouth) seeing that openly we cōfesse onely Iesus Christ our Lord and Sauiour to be the euerlasting sonne of God, coequall with hys father and the holy Ghost, begotten before all worldes, and in processe of tyme sent downe vpon the earth for the saluation of mankinde: Conceaued, not by the seede of man, but by the holy Ghost: which was borne of the glorious virgin Mary, & after that suffered and dyed as touching the flesh: and by hys Godhead the third day, he raysed from death that other nature which he assumpted in the wombe of his mother. But we haue learned, that the body of Machomet hangeth in the ayre and that his soule is buryed in hell: whose works are damnable & contrary to the law of the most highest. We affirme also, that Moyses was the faythfull seruant of God, and a true teacher of the law: and that he talked with God in mount Sinay, vnto whō the Lord sayd, Rubrum. &c. By whō also God wrought miracles in Egipt, and deliuered the law written to the Israelites, & that afterwards with the elect he was called to glory. In these and other thinges our enemy and enuier of our state, causing our mother the church to accuse her sonne, hath written agaynst vs venemous and lying sclaunder, and sent the same to the whole worlde. If hee had rightly vnderstoode the Apostles meaning, he woulde not haue preferred his violent will before reason, The pope vnder pretence of his holines deceiueth simple soules and ignorāt men. which beareth such sway with him: neither would he haue sēt out his Mandates to the suggestion of those which call light darcknes, and euill good: whiche suspect hony to be gall, for the great good opinion they haue cō ceaued of that holy place, which in deed is both weak & infirm, & cōuerteth al truth into falshood, & affirmeth that to be that is not.

Truly my opinion (so indifferent on euery side) ought not in any case to be infringed and auerted from the fayth, to such enemies of so corrupt a conscience. Wherefore we greatly are inforced not a little to meruaile, which thing also doth much disquyet vs to see: that you which be the pillers and assistentes in office of righteous dealing, the Senators of Peters Citie, and the principal beames in Gods building: haue not quallified the perturbation of so fierce a Iudge: as doth the planets of heauē in their kynd: which to mittigate the passing swift course of the great orbe, or sphere of heauen, The imperiall dignitie spurned at alwayes by the pope. draw a contrary way by theyr opposite mouinges. In very deed, our Imperial felicitie hath bene (almost euen from the beginning) spurned agaynst, and enueied at of the papall see and dignitie: As Simonides being demanded why he had no mo enemies and enuiers of hys state, answered and sayd: quia nibil falsciter gessi: for because (sayth he) I haue had no good successe in any thing, that euer I tooke in hand. And so, The answer of Symonides applyed. for that we haue had prosperous successe in all our enterprises (the Lordes name be blessed therefore) especially in the ouerthrow (of late) of our rebellious enemies the Lombardes: to whom in their good quarrell he promised life and absolution and remission of their sinnes, is the cause wherefore this Apostolicall bishop mourneth and lamenteth: And now, not by your councels (I suppose) he laboureth to impugne this our felicitie, but of hys owne power of bynding & losing, wherof he glorieth so much, he impugneth it. But presently where power and habilitie wanteth to redresse, there doth abuse take place. We see in hym which was so mighty a king, and the worthiest prince amongst all the Prophetes, to desire & craue the restitution of Gods holy spirit, when he had polluted the dignitie of hys office. But the prouerbe is, Vti indissolubilia non solnuntur ita inligabilia non ligantur. The Emperor prophesieth of the popes fall, As thinges indissoluble are not to be losed, so thinges that cannot be bound, are not to be bound. Which thing manifestly is proued in him. For why, the scriptures of God doe instruct men how to liue, they mortifie our soules whiche are immortall, and quicken the same whiche are dead for want of lyfe. And doubtles, he is able to humble and bring downe those that are vnworthy of dignitie, as much as him pleaseth, and when him pleaseth. Doubtlesse, if the Byshop of Rome were a true Byshop indeed, innocent, impolute, and not associate with wicked liuers and euill men, his life should declare him so to be. He would not then be an offerer of dissentious sacrifice, but a peaceable offerer of loue & charity, & would cense, not with the incense of griefe & hatred, but with the sweet smelling incense of concord and vnity: neither yet would alter suum pontificium in maleficium: That is, make of a sanctified office an execrable abuse. If he were such a Byshoppe as he ought to be, he would not wrest or abuse the preaching of the word, into the fruite and gayne of his owne dissention: neither shoulde we be accused for such an enemy of our mother the true church, as is layd vnto her sonnes charge by such a Byshopp. Which true and mother Church, with all reuerence we honour, and benignity embrace, so beautified and adourned with Goddes most holy Sacraments. Some singular persons notwihstanding, fayning themselues to be our brethren by that mother and yet are not, but of a strumpet begot: such I say as are subiect and slaues to corruptible things (putting thē from amongst vs) we vtterly reiect:[Page]Especially for that iniuries by them done, are not only transitorie and mundane, The Emperour vtterly reiecteth and the pope and Church of Rome. wherwith our maiestie is so molested, vexed & greued. Wherefore, we cannot so easily mitigate our moode, neyther ought we in very dede so to do: and therefore are we inforced the more to take the greater reuenge of them. You therefore that are men of graue and deliberate counsail, hauing the excellēt gift (as from God) of wisdom and vnderstāding: Refuse you that raoring enemie of ours in these his proceedings whose beginnings are so wicked and detestable: wisely comparing things past, with those to come. Otherwise, you that are vnder our subiection, as well of the Empire as other our dominions shall feele and perceiue (both of my chiefe ennemie and persecutour, as also of the princes that are his fautors and adherents) what reuenge by sword Fredericus Augustus shall take vpon them, God so permitting.

This done, hee denounceth a solemne Parliament or councel of al the princes & other nobilitie of the Empire at Aegra:The Emperour calleth a parliament or councell to expresse the popes malice. whether came Conradus Cesar, Moguntinus Presul, the Saxon Dukes, the Lordes of Brandeburgh, Misna, Thuringus, and the Legates of all the nobles of Brabant to aid the Emperor. But the princes of Boiemus and Palatinus, being dissuaded by the legates vnto whom the Austrians had ioyned thēselues, refused to come to the Councel holden at Aegra. And being at their wittes ends not knowing well what they might doe, forsoke at last the Emperor, and toke part with the pope and the other conspirators. Then Fredericus Austriacus the Emperors second sonne (whom he disherited as ye heard) by the aid of the Boiors and Bohemians, recouered againe the Dukedomes of Austria and Styria: putting to flight and discō fiting, the Emperors bandes and garrisons which he had there. And although the Cardinals (especially that honest man Albertus Boiemus) had allured vnto the pope Otho the duke of Boioria as ye heard, & diuers other noble men of Germanie: yet notwythstanding, certaine bishops in Boioria (as Eberhardus Iuuanensis, and Sigrefridus Seginoburgensis, being at that time the Emperors Chauncelour, Rudicenis Ratheuiensis, Conradus Frisingensis and others) left not or yet forsoke the Emperor. All which the foresayd Albertus not onely did excōmunicate,The godly Byshops of Germany are obedient to the kyng and prince. but also by processe sought to bring them vp to Rome before the pope: Geuing commaundement to their Collegioners and cloysterers, that they should depriue them of their offices, & chuse such others in their steade as would obey the Pope. All which things the Pope vnderstanding by Albertus, and of thys their fidelitie to the Emperor, corroborated and confirmed the same his doings, commaunding them to chuse other byshops in their stedes.

But the bishops & prelates with one consent contemning the popes mandates & writs, and also the curses and threatnings of Albertus, accused, reproued, & greatly blamed his temerity & also tiranny which he vsurped against the churches of Germanie, and especially against the good Emperor: that without his consent he durst be so bolde as to meddle in churches cōmitted to the Emperors gouernment, against the old & auncient customes: and that he had excommunicated the Emperor without iust cause, yt he had condemned the Emperors faithful subiects, as enemies to the Church, for standing with their liege and soueraigne Prince (which allegiance to violate, without horrible iniquitie they might not) and so had sought to disquiet them likewise in their charges and administrations, & had also in that quarel geuen such defiance to the Emperor. They accused and condemned the same Albertus also, for a most impudent impostor,The bishops of Germanie excommunicate the popes legate and Cardinall. and wicked varlet, and for a most pestiferous botch & soare of the christian common weale: and giue him to the deuil they do, as a ruinous enemie, as wel of the church as of his owne natural countrey: and further thinke him worthy to haue his reward, with the rest of the popes pursiuants being the most wicked inuentors & deuisers of mischief yt were in al Germanie. This done, they make relation hereof to the Emperor by their letters: and further, they aduertise all the princes of Germanie (especially those which were of the Popes faction or rebellion, & were the fauorers of Albertus) that they should take hede and beware in any case of his subtill deceites & pernitious deceiuable allurements: nor that they should assist the pope for al his words against the Emperor. And doutles by the counsaile of the high prelate or Archb. of Boioria (whose name was Iuuanerisis) and by his industry and persuasion:Iouanensis the Byshop, a true subiect to his prince. Fredericus Austriacus was againe reconciled vnto the Emperor his father, from whose aide and obedience after that (by no promises, threatnings, bribes, nor paines, no nor for the execrable curses of the Popes owne holy month) he would be induced or remooued. But Albertus prosecuteth stil his purposed mischief, alluring & inciting by al meanes possible (and yt not amongst the worst but the best) frendes to the pope, & enemies to the Emperor: To some, he gaue their tithes to fight against the Emperor, to other some he gaue the gleebe landes of benefices: and to other some hee gaue the spoile of such colledges and monasteries as tooke not part with the pope: and to some other also, he gaue the colleges & monasteries themselues. And assuredly I finde by Iohannes Auentinus lib. 7. annalium Boiorum:The passage of the pope to maintaine the warre against his Lord and maister. yt there were certen of the popes owne birdes, that had their ecclesiasticall tithes taken from them: and other some, had the rents and reuenues of their colleges pluckt away by force to the maintenance of the Popes quarel against the Emperour. Hereby was there a windowe opened to do what they listed (euery man according to hys rauening and detestable lust) and all things lay open vnto their gredy and insatiable desires. Who listeth to heare more hereof, let him reade Auentinus in his Booke before noted, and there shall he see what vastation grew therby to the whole state of Germanie, who largely entreateth of the same.

While these things were thus in working in Germanie, Fredericke leauing in Lumbardie Actiolinus wyth a great part of his hoste (hee passing with the rest by Apeninum) came to Hetruria and set the same in a stay, after that he had alaide certaine insurrections there: and from thence to Pysas, where he was with great amitie and honor receiued and welcomed. This citie was alwaies assured and faithfull to the Emperours of Germanie.The pope besiegeth Ferraria. The Pope vnderstanding of the Emperours comming into Hetruria, and knowing what power the Emperour had also left in Lumbardie, hee with a great army besiegeth the citie Ferraria, that alwaies loued the Emperour full well: which Citie, when the Popes Legate had assauted sharpely the space of 5. monethes and could not winne the same: he deuised with hymselfe to sende for Salingwerra out of the towne by way of a parlie, promising his faith and truth to him for his safe returne. Who, by the perswasion of Hugo Rambartus, that said without peril he might doe the same (being but by way of Parley) was comming to the legate: who preuenting him in his iourney tooke him as prisoner, contrary to his trueth and fidelitie.The fidelitie of papistes learned by this example. And thus gate he Ferraria, and deliuered the keping therof to Azones Astensis. And that the Popes Legate thus falsified his trouth, and circumuented the capitaine & olde man Salingwerra: the same is confessed of the Popes frendly Historiographers, to be but a Stratagem or warlike pollicie. But to returne againe: About the same time also the Uenetian nauie, at the mount Garganum chased 12. galleis of the Emperors which were appointed to the keeping of that coste,The Emperours Gallies chased, and one of his ships taken by the pope. & spoiled, brent, and wasted all the region: and farther tooke one of the Emperors great ships, being driuen by tempest and weather into the hauen Sipontinum, fraught with men and munition.

Fredericus againe getting on hys side the Lucenses, the Uolateranes, the Genenses, the Aretines, and diuers Cities besides in Hetruria to helpe that countrey: came to Pisas and Uiterbium, which tooke parte with him. Some say, that the names and factions of the Gibellins & Guelphes, sprang from Fredericke: that by them hee might spie and know (hauing recourse to all the townes and cities in Italie) which tooke part with and fauoured the Pope, and which the Emperour: and called the one by the name of Gibellines, and the other by the name of Guelphes. But for that, both Blondus, and Platina, and some others, bring no sufficient proofe thereof, but onely by slender coniecture, I rather cleaue to the opinion of Nauclerus, Hermanus, Antonius,The Gibellines and Gwelpes from whence they came. Florentinus, and other such wryters, which say: that these Guelphes and Gibellines in Italie, tooke their beginning of Cōradus 3. Fredericus his great vncle being Emperour. And that these Guelphes were dedicated to the Pope, of Guelphus the yonger brother of Henry the proud: and that those which were called Gibellines were appoynted either of Conradus himselfe or els of his sonne, being brought vp in the Lordship of Uaiblingen. But to our purpose.

The Pope,The pope afraid of the Emperors comming into Italy. when he vnderstoode that Fredericke was come to Uiterbium, he was very heauy: for that he feared he would come to Rome, the good will of which Citie the Pope much mistrusted. He therefore caused a supplication to be drawne, portraying about the same the heads of Peter and Paule, & with a sharpe and contumelious oration he much defaced the Emperour: promising them euerlasting life, & gaue them the badge of the crosse, as many as would arme themselues and fight against the Emperour, as against the most wicked enemy of God & the Church. Now when the Emperour marching somewhat neare to Rome gates, behelde those whome the Pope had with his goodly spectacle of S. Peter and S. Paule, and wyth his alluring oration stirred vp against him, and marked with the badge of the crosse to come foorth in battell against him: [Page] Disdaining to be accompted for the enemye of the Church,The Emperour hangeth all the crossed souldiours. who had ben therunto so beneficial, geuing a fierce charge vppon them, put them soone to flight: and as many as hee tooke (cutting off that badge frō them) he caused to be hanged. From thēce he marching into Campania & his owne kingdomes: leuied a great masse of money, & mustred new bandes, and augmented his armie: and in these bandes he retained the Saracens also. And to ye intent he might finde the Saracens the more trustie vnto hym: hee appoynted them to inhabit in a city named Luceria. For which thing, although the Papisticall wryters doe greatly blame and opprobriously write of Fredericke:The Emperour retayneth the Saracens in his warres against the Pope. yet notwythstanding, Nicholaus Machiuellus doth wryte, that therefore he retained them: least that through the Popes execrable curses, he should be quite destitute of souldiours as was Fredericus Barbarossa a litle before, his graundfather, when that of Alexander the Pope hee was excommunicated, as ye haue heard.

After this, when the Emperor had greatly afflicted by battaile the Popes Ecclesiasticall consorts, such as conspired with the Pope against him: and that he had wasted & destroyed Beneuentum, the mount Casenum, & Sora, for that they toke part with the Pope against him: Frederick, when he had manned the City Aquila, marched forth with a great hoste both of horsemen and footemen to Picenum, that he might vanquish his enemyes in Italie. And by the way, he besieged the strong towne of warre named Asculinum, which was also conuerted to the popes faction and rebellion. He there hauing vnderstanding what ye Popes assistents had done with the Princes electours and other princes of Germanie,The effect of a letter sent by the Emperour to the princes of Germany. especially with Wenseslaus king of Bohemia, and Otho Palatinus: wryteth his letters vnto them. In the which, first he sheweth how that those contumelies and spitefull wordes which the Pope blustered out against him, are light vpon himselfe: And how the bishops of Rome haue taken to them of late such hart of grace, and are become so loftie, that not only they seeke to bring Emperours, Kings and Princes vnder their obedience, but also seeke howe to be honoured as gods: And say, that they cannot erre, neither yet be subiect or bounde to any religion: and that it is lawful for them to do al things what they list, neither yt any accoumpt is to be sought or demanded of their doings, or els to be made of them to any, so impudent are they in these their affirmations. And further, as Princes they commaund (and that vnder paine of cursing) that men beleue euery thing they say, howe great a lie soeuer it be. In so much that by this couetousnes of his, all things goe backwarde,No enemy more hurtfull to the Church of God then is the pope and the whole state of the common weale is subuerted: neither can there any enemie be founde more hurtfull or perillous to the Churche of God then he. Hee wrote vnto them furthermore, that he (to whom the greatest charge and dignitie was in the whole common weale appoynted and committed) seeing and perceauing to hys great perill,The Emperour voweth to remoue the pope and put another more carefull shepheard into the church of God. their good harts, willes, & practises towardes him: would with all the power and hability that God had geuen him, do his indeuour: that he which in the likenesse of the shepheard of the flocke, & the seruaunt of Christ, and chiefe prelate in the Churche, sheweth himselfe so very a wolfe, persecutour and tyrant: may be remoued from that place, and that a true & carefull shepheard of Gods flocke, may be appoynted in the Church. Wherefore he exhorteth them, that if they desire the safetie and preseruation of the whole state of the cōmon weale and Empire: that they be vnto him no hinderers, but furtherers of his purpose and proceedings: least otherwise, they also should happē to fall into the same snare of seruitude with the Bishop of Rome. And further, he gaue them to wit, that if he should aspire to that hee sought for (that is to be an Emperour and King ouer kings) yet should that be no stay of his insatiable desire, but would be as greedy and rauenous as nowe he is. Therefore, if they be wise, to withstand him betimes: least hereafter whē they would it should be to late, neither were able to wtstand his tyrāny. The effect of this Epistle I toke out of Auētine which more largely dilateth the same: who also wryteth, that the Emperour (by his legates) sent the same to Wenseslaus.

Boiemus relenteth at the Emperours letter.Boiemus somewhat relenting at this letter, promiseth to accomplish the Emperors biddings and precepts: and forthwith gathereth the assembly of princes and nobles at Aegra: where, by commō consent they thinke to renouate wt the Emperour a newe league and couenaunt. And furthermore, they finde Otho Boius (which was absent, and wold not be at this their assembly) to be the author of this defection,The practise of Otho with the pope against the Emperour. and an enemy to the common weale. Otho, then seing himself not able to stand against Cesar, and the other Princes with whome he was associate, desiring aid of the Pope by his letters, came with all speede to Boiemus his kinsman: whome, when he coulde not perswade vnto him againe, neither he would vnto their parts also be wonne: obtaineth notwithstanding yet thus much at their hands, that the league and couenant (which they were in hand to make with the Emperor) might for a time be deferred, and yt another assembly might be made: whereat he also would be, and ioyne himself with them. Thus had they, who killed (as you heard) his father, bewitched also his sonne: and brought him to be both a rebell and traytor: In the meane season, the Pope sent his rescript vnto the king of Boiemia and to Otho, tending to this effect: that in no case they shuld either forsake him, or els the church, to take the Emperours part.The Pope rescript [...] sheth [...] matter [...] And so much preuailed he by the meanes of Bohuslaus and Budislaus (which were the chiefest of the Senate regal) and by his faire promises and bribes to such as hee before had made to him: that againe at Libussa by Boiemus and Boius newe assemblies were gathered for the creation of a new Emperor, in despite of Augustus the Emperour, & Cesar his sonne. And whilest that this was thus in hand, Cōradus Cesar casteth Landshuta the wife of Otho (being absent) in the teeth for great benefite & possessions which her husband had and possessed by the aunciters of him: and that vnlesse her husbād tooke a better way with himselfe, and shewed his obedience to the Emperour his father: that he should not enioy one foote of that lande, which nowe he had by his predecessours. The promotion and dignities which Otho had by the aunciters of Conradus Cesar came thus.By what meanes Otho attained so great possessions by the Empire his Ancestors. Fredericus Barbarossa in ye yeare of our Lord 1180. at a Parliament holdē at Reginoburgh, condemned Henricus Leo of high treason, and depriued him of his dominions of Boiora and Saxonie, and gaue Boiora to Otho Wiltespachius: for that hee had done him so faithful seruice in his Italian warres. After that, Ludouicus the sonne of this Otho, obtained of this Emperour Fredericus the seconde, in recompence of his assured and trustie fidelitie the dition of Palatinatum Rheni so called: which gaue also Agnetes the daughter of Henry Earle of Palatine to Otho hys sonne in marriage. This Henrie was the sonne of Henry Leo the traitor: vnto whom Henry the 6. the father of Frederick gaue in mariage Clementia his brothers daughter Cōradus Palatine of Rhenus, & gaue vnto him the keeping of the palace of the same. And as touching the inheritaunce of Boiora, that hee had also long now possessed by the heires of Otho Wiltespachius. But to our purpose againe.

At the same time also the gouernor of Colonia Agrippina reuolteth to the Pope:The governour of Agrippina reuolteth to the Pope. who not long after in a skirmish beweene Brabantinus & him, was vanquished and taken prisoner. And doubtles, Fredericus Austriacus after he was receiued into fauour againe with the Emperor (keeping most constantly his promise and fidelitie renued) during this time, made sharp warre vpon the Ungarians which tooke part with the Pope, & greatly annoyed them. As these things thus passed in Germanie: the Emperour, when he had gotten Ascalum and led his hoste into Flamminia, hauing Rauenna at his cōmandement: from thence came to Fauentia, which citie neuer loued the Emperour: the circuite of whose walles is 5. miles in compasse, & pitched his campe rounde about the same. And although the siege was much hindered by austeritie of the time & weather (being in ye dead time of winter) yet notwithstanding, through his great fortitude and courage, so animating hys souldiours in the painfulnesse of the laborious siege, he indured out the same: who thought it no little shame hauing once made that enterprise, to come from thence without any assault geuen. And therfore, when nowe the winter (so extreme cold & hard) was wel neare ended, and the spring time now hard at hand, and by long battery had made the same in diuers places sautable: The citizens (being greatly discouraged, & in no hope of the defence therof) sent their Legates to the Emperor, crauing pardon for their offence, and that he would graūt vnto them their liues, and so yelded themselues vnto his mercy.

The Emperour hauing against them good and sufficient cause of reuenge:The Emperours great lenitie and and clemency, but we [...] merueilou [...] enforced. yet for that his noble heart thought it to be the best reuenge that might be, to pardon the offence of vanquished men: hee thought it better to graunt them their requests, to saue the citie and citizens therof, with innumerable people: then by armes to make ye same his soldiours pray, to the destruction both of the Citie, and great number of people therein. So doth this good Emperor in one of his Epistles Adacta nobis confesse himself: which Epistle, to declare the lenitie and merciful heart of so worthy a prince, if that with great & maruellous prouocation and wrongs he had not bene incited, I thought good in ye middest of history heere to haue placed. But thus I haue kept you long herein, and yet not finished the same.

[Page]In this siege the Emperour hauing spent and consumed almost all his treasure both gold and siluer: caused other money to be made of leather, which on the one side had his Image, & on the other side the spreade Egle (the armes of the Empire) and made a proclamation yt the same shuld passe from man to man for all necessaries in steade of other money:The Emp. enforced to make his money of leather. and therwithal promised, that whosoeuer brought the same money vnto hys Eschequer when the warres were ended, he would geue them golde for the same, according to the value of euery coyne limitted: which thing afterward, truely and faithfully he performed, as all the hystoriographers do accord.

Thus, when the Pope as before is sayde, had stopped his cares and woulde not heare the Emperours Legates that came to intreat for peace, but reiected and despised his most courteous and equal demaundes: neither yet had left any wily pollicy vnattempted or force vnpractised, yt with his confederates he thought himself either able to reuenge or els resist: Hee by his Legates calleth to a Councell at Rome,The pope sendeth for forren ayde and is preuented. all such Prelates out of Italy, Fraunce, and England, as he thought to fauor him and his proceedings: that hereby as his last shift and onely refuge, he by their helpes might depriue Fredericke of his Empire, as an vtter enemie to God and to the Church. All which things Fredericus hauing vnderstanding of, & knowing that these assemblies shuld be but to the destruction & supplanting of him: determined to stop and let their passages to Rome, as wel by sea as by lande in all that euer he might. So that, all the passages by land being now stopped & preuented, he commanded his sonne Henry with certaine gallies to goe and keepe the coastes of Sardinia, which kingdom the Italians cal Entimum: and from thence to Pisas, and with the Pisans to rigge out a nauie to meete with (if it were possible) such as shoulde come to aide the Pope at Rome. The Popes champions vnderstanding, that by land they could not safely repaire to Rome: they procured of Gallies and shippes of Genua (hauing Gulielmus Graccius for their chiefe Capitaine or Admirall) for fortie saile their defence:The Emperour riggeth so [...]th a nauy to the sea. thinking hereby, that if they should fortune to meete with any of the Emperours ships or galleis, which shoulde lye for them in wait, they should be able to make their part in good, and geue them also the repulse. Encius in like maner and Huglinus (being Captaine and admirall of the Pisan nauie for the Emperour) launched foorth to sea with 40. ships and gallies: and betwixt the Iles of Lilium and Mons Christi, which lie betweene Liburnium and Corsica, they met with the Genewes ships: and straightwaies fiersly began to grapple with them & bourd thē, in which sight at lēgth, were 3. of the Genewes ships with boulged and sonke, and 22. taken and brought away, with all the riches and treasure in them.A great victory on the sea against [...]he popes consederates by the Emperours nauy In these were taken 3. Legates of the Popes, wherof were 2. Cardinals, Iacobus Columna, Otho Marchio, & Gregorius de Romania, (all cruell enemies against the Emperour) and many other Prelates mor: besides a great number of Legates and procuratours of cities, with an infinite number of Monkes & Priests, beside of Genewes souldiours 6000. with diuers others.

Pandolphus Colonutius in describing the circumstances of the great losse and misfortune of these champions of the Pope by sea, amongest the rest declareth: that besides the great pray and bootie which the takers had from them, they also founde many wrytings and letters against Fredericke, which much holpe him in the defence of those causes,The Emp. obtaineth an other victory by land at Ticinum against the pope and his confederates wherein they had laboured against him. The like mischance also, almost about that time happened on the popes side, by the Emperours soldieurs which lay in garrison at Ticinum, thus. There went forth vpon a time out of Ticinum into the borders of Genewes, certaine bandes to geue them larums in the countrey: which bandes, the scuriers of Mediolanum (where lay a great garrison of the Popes) discrying: tolde the Captaine of the towne, that nowe a very opportune and fitte time was to geue an assault to Ticinum: for that say they, the greatest part are nowe gone a foraging. Whereupon, they immediatly calling together the captains and such as had charge, set their souldiours in aray and marched forewarde to Ticinum. And now, when they were come almost thether, the Ticinian bandes (whome they thought to haue bene farre a foraging) were returned and met with them, & fiersly gaue a ful charge vpon them: who, being dismaied at the sodennesse of the matter, fought not long but gaue ouer and fled. In which skirmish was taken (besides those ye were slain) 350. captaines and brought prisoners into Ticinum with all their ensignes with them.

Newes hereof was brought to the Emperor not long after, who then was remouing from the siege of Fauentia as ye heard to the citie of Gononium thinking to haue destroied ye same. But vpon the hearing of these good newes, hee altereth his purpose, and thinking to haue heereafter a more cōuenient time therunto, leadeth his army towards Rome:The Emp. thinketh to make the P. a [...]ray de. and in the way, he reconciled to him the Citie Pisaurum. But Fanum, for that the townes men shut theyr gates and would not suffer the Emperour to come in, hee tooke by force and destroyed. For the Emperour, seing that neither by petition made to the pope, nor yet by his lawful excusation be coulde doe any good with him: thought, that by his sodaine comming thether, and with feare of the perill imminent, he might be brought to some vniformitie, & caused to leaue of his accustomed pertinacie. And although the Emperor was too strong for him, yet for that he regarded nothing more then ye publike tranquillitie of the Empire, and that hee might then take the Tartarian warres in hand: if he could by any meanes conclude, he refused not so to intreate a peace with him as though he had bene both in force and fortune much his inferiour.

Whilest that this ruffle was betwixt the Emperor and the Pope,The Turke inuadeth Christē dome with a great and mightie power. Ochodarius the Emperour of the Tartarians his sonne, with a great power & prouision made and inuaded the borders next adioyning vnto him, & there wan Roxolanum, Godolium, Mudanum, with d [...]uers other cities, townes, and villages: destroying, wasting, & burning the countreis al about, killing and slaying, man, woman and childe, sparing none of any sexe or age. At whose sodeine inuasion, the people being in such feare & perplexitie (hauing no citie, no refuge, nor aide to stande in defence for them) were saine to leaue all that euer they had, and disperse themselues into woodes, and flee into marishes and mountaines, or where soeuer any succoure els, did offer it selfe to them. And by this time, the Tartarian hoste was come as farre as Uratislauia,The vnmercifull crueltie and the great slaughter of Christen men by the Turke. where Henricus of Polonia and the Duke of Silesia wt their army met with them: who for the inequality of the nomber & smal strength they were of, had soone an ouerthrow, and almost all their souldiours being slaine, they themselues were taken and put to the sword. From thence, they came to Morauia, & from thence to the kingdome of Boiemia: which Countrey, while the king kept himselfe in strong defenced fortes, and durst not come abroade: he inuaded & destroied all Ungary, putting to flight and vanquishing Colmannus yc brother of Belus the 4. king of Ungary: by whome also, was great spoyle made in both the Pannonias, Mesiarum, Bulgaria, and Seruia, whē Belus the king of Ungary had gottē to Pola (which is a citie of Histria) vnto Otho the duke of Dalmatia:The K of Vngarie craueth ayde of themperour for the which he offereth him his lande. He sent his Legates to Fredericke the Emperour, promising that if he would send him aid that the Tartarians might be expelled: that Ungary shoulde euer after be vnder the iurisdiction of the Emperour: which thing if he refused to do, that then the same were in great danger to be subiect to the Tartarians, to the no litle peril of the whole Empire. And said further, that the cause wherfore he wyth more instance required the same, was: That so many christian men and countreis, made such pitiful lamentation in this their great calamitie & miserie, & that there was none able to helpe them: which sayeth he, is as great shame as may be to the whole Christian common state and Empire. And also sayde, that if the malice of this barbarous people were not suppressed, that then he thought they wold make inuasion vpon the Empire and prouinces of the same.

The Emperor, although he thought it very requisite, that with all conuenient speede this mifchiefe should be remedied and preuēted:The pope will graunt to haue no peace. yet notwithstanding, his great enemie the Pope with hys confederates, was the only let and hinderance therof. For when he saw and perceiued that he himselfe could doe no good, and onely laboured in vaine in seeking peace with the Pope: he gaue commaundement to Boiemus and Boius, to intreat and persuade wyth him: And (considering the imminent perill like to ensue by reason of such ciuile dissention to the whole state of Christendom) that he would take vp and conclude a peace, and mitigate some what his fierce and wrathful moode. Wherfore, when he saw furder that nether by that means of intreaty, nor any other, the Pope would desist from his stubburne and malicious froward purpose: He writeth againe to the king of Hungarie, ye he was right sory and greatly lamented their miserable state, & that hee much desired to relieue the neede and necessity he and all the rest stood in.The popes fault that the Turke is not resisted. But why that he coulde not redresse the same, nor stande him then in any stead, he blamed greatly the bishop of Rome: who refusing all intreatie of peace, could not wythout great perill to himselfe depart out of Italie: least that when he shoulde come to the aide of hym (by the Popes mischieuous imaginations) he shuld be in perill of losing all at home. Notwtstanding, hee sent Conradus Celar king of Bohemia & other princes more of Germany to resist and withstād the [Page] enemie, as much as in them lay to do. The great army and nomber of such soldiours, as ware the crosse by the Popes assignement, deferred their iourney against ye Tartarians, and had commaundement giuen them by that Albertus (the Popes procurator) to tary and abide at home till they should be called for in battaile to fight against the Emperour. This was the louing zeale and affection of the Pope and hys adherentes (to conclude) in this time of calamitie towards the Christian state and common wealth:The Pope had rather fight against the Emp. then against the Turke. That he had rather bend his force and reuenge his malice vpon the christian & good Emperour, then either he himself to withstande, or suffer and permit by conclusion of any profitable peace: that this most bloudy and cruell Tartarian should be let and restrained from so great hauock, spoil, & slaughter of the Christen men. And yet forsooth these mē wil seme to haue the greatest regard of al other to the Christian preseruation, and thinke to haue the supremacie geuen therin: what thing els is this, then manifest mockerie and deceiuing of the people: But notwithstanding, euē in the midst of this spoile and hauocke of Polonia, Bohemia and Hū garia, was it determined: that at Libussa, the princes confederate shuld be assembled about the deposing of the Emperour and creation of another.

But nowe, notwtstanding the prouident foresight and wise pollicie of the Emperour (as you heard before) in restraining the passages both by the sea & land, who had speciall regard thereunto, and gaue most straight charge that none should passe without priuie searche and examination, as one hauing sufficient triall as well in hys owne person as by the example of his predecessours, what great mischiefe & dissention by their Legates euery way sent out they had procured,The Emperor as well in his own person, as his predecessours haue triall of the Popes subtile practices. both to the Imperial state and dignity, and to the whole coūtrey of Germanie: yet found they such meanes, and wrought such pollicies, that they had not only secrete passage and repassage with their letters and spials into all places of Christendome where they listed, but also so laboured the matter and handled the same: that the long continued league of amitie betwene the French king and the Emperour, whose predecessors as also they themselues had many yeares reuerently obserued in Christian concord & vnitie: was by this seditious prelate & arrogant vicar of sathan, now either vtterly infringed, or els in variable suspence: as by their letters eche to other, and heere vnder ensuing, are to be red and seene: which for the more probability of this history of Fredericke (not being long or greatly tedious) I thought mete here to intext and place.

The Epistle of the French King to Fredericke the Emperour touching the imprisoning of certaine Cardinals of Fraunce.

HEtherto noble Emperour, hath the good opinion and great confidence (many yeeres in mutuall loue established betwixt vs) lasted and continued wel, hoping that no such cause shuld rise betwixt vs, to hatch either hatred or other occasion offensiue betwene your highnes empire & our kingdō.The great amitie and long cō tinued league betweene the Empyre and kingdome of Fraunce. Especially, seeing that al our predecessors Kings of France, late of most worthy memory (til these our daies) haue ben so zelously affected to the most high and regall state of your Empire: As that also we, after whom God hath placed successiuely to raigne as king, haue ben none otherwise minded nor affected towardes the same. None otherwise also on their behalfe, haue the auncient and renoumed Emperours of Rome our neighbours and your predecessours shewed themselues towards vs (eche other esteming the Empire and kingdom of Fraunce as one) and faithfully conseruing together the vnitie of peace and concord. In somuch, that there hath not chaunced betwene them these many yeares, so much as one sparke of discorde and dissention. But this notwithstanding, we for our parte cannot but greatly maruell, & not without good cause are troubled and vexed:The K. not with out great allurement of the Pope would so haue written to the Emperour. That without desert or any offence, you haue taken the Prelates of our realme vpon the sea, making their repaire to the see Apostolicall: to the which, as well by their faith as their obedience they stande bounde and are obedient, neither coulde they withstand the Pope his commandement: these haue you imprisoned, and so still deteine the same. Whereat (we do your maiestie to were) we are not wel pleased, neither yet take it in so good part as you peraduenture thinke we do. For by their owne letters we vnderstande, they had excogitate nothing preiudicial to your imperiall estate and celsitude, although the Pope had prosecuted therein more then became him to doe. Wherefore, seeing that there is no cause why ye should detaine them: it is meete and becommeth no lesse your magnificence, but that you restore vnto vs and set at libertie, the saide Prelates of our Realme: wherein also you shall appease our grudge and kepe vs your friend, which accompt the displeasure you doe to them, as our owne and proper iniurie For why, it were a great dishonour to our Realme and Kingly estate, if we should wincke hereat and ouerpasse the same with silence.Here it should s [...] the Emp. founde [...] fault of [...] tradition. Wherefore, if you wil consider and respect the thing that we haue sayde, we doubt not but that you will release the Bishoppe of Penestrum, with the other Legates and Prelates of the Churche, which you to our preiudice doe detaine. In desiring of our aide doubtlesse, we gaue vnto them a manifest nay: neither could they obtain in our kingdom any thing at all which, seemed to be against or preiudiciall to your maiestie. Let therefore your imperiall prouidēce pōder in the ballance of iustice, those things which we wryte vnto you, neither let our lawfull request vnto you, be frustrate or made in vaine. For our realme and kingdome of Fraunce is not so debilitate or empouerished; that it will be spurned at, or troden vnder your feete. Fare ye well.

The rescript of the Emperour to the same letter of the king of Fraunce.

OVr Imperiall magnificence hath perused your kingly letters: wherein, if we had not founde manifest contradiction, they might peraduenture haue obteined at our handes all that they required. But euen as with a little leauen a whole lumpe of dowe is sowred: so a manifest vntruth alleaged, hath made the whole argument of your letter both faultie and vnsauerie.The French [...] kinges I [...] ters co [...]ry to themselues. It is apparaunt that you wanted the vertue of mediocritie in the conclusion of the same your graces letter: For that, they themselues bewray no lesse, then we giue you manifestly to vnderstand, & many moe besides doth know. It is notorious also, and to al the world reuealed,A good Apostolicall father with a two handed sword. in what sort that Apostolical father hath impugned our innocencie, as well with the one sworde as with the other. And howe, that whilest we at his commaundement tooke our iourney beyonde the seas: the same our enemie and hostile aduersarie, inuaded our kingdome of Sicilia: and the same not in one place or two, but in diuers & sondry parts therof hath wasted, spoiled, and destroied. After this when with great intreatie at our returne from Asia, we had concluded a peace with him: which with vs at his owne pleasure he made. And had taken and receiued our deuotion for the same,120020, ounces of golde, as before you heard. which in seruiceable maner we graunted him: The sayde Apostolicall father (that notwithstanding) hath since that time, rather aggrauated his displeasure towardes vs, then any thing at all qualified the same: and further hath to our depriuation and subuersion, excogitate and deuised against vs, all the mischiefe hee might or hath bene able, no cause in all the worlde geuen of vs to prouoke the same. And farther hath promulgated to our great defamation and shame (as well by his letters as Legates) the sentence of excommunication against vs vnto all nations. Lastly, hee aspiring to our imperiall state, and conspiring our supplantation, hath made warre against vs, as against king Dauid Gods annointed: and hath vnto a priuate Councell for that purpose, called all the Prelates he cā get, as one that meaneth to set the whole world together by the eares. But such is the maruelous wisedom of God by whome we liue and raigne, beholding the wicked purpose hee went about (confounding the crafty in their craftinesse) hath geuen into our hands as well your Prelates of the realme of France,The craftie compassed [...] their cra [...] nes. as also of other regions and prouinces: al which, we imprison and detaine, as enemies and aduersaries to our Imperiall crowne and person. For where there desisted not to be a persecutor, there hath not wanted also a sufficient withstander & defender. Let not therfore your kingly highnesse maruell, although Augustus detaineth in prison your French Prelates, which haue indeuoured themselues to conspire and so to disturbe our imperiall estate and regiment. Fare ye well.

When Fredericke nowe saw there was none other remedie, and that in vaine hee laboured to haue peace wyth the Pope, hee prosecuteth his warre to the vttermost: and when he had gotten Ludertum and recōciled the same,Gregorys. dy [...]th for thought [...] curst hea [...]. he destroyed ye towne of Geminum and Naruia. and geueth the spoyle of them vnto his souldiors: He gently receiued the yelding vp of Siburnum, and wasteth all the countrey rounde about Rome. The Pope heere with dismaied and troubled with such as otherwise dissuaded and counsailed him, and that things not so well prospered with him and against the Emperour as he wished and desired: being in dispaire of obtaining his purpose, died for very anger and thought.

What opinion the Prelates of Germanie at that time had of this Gregory, is extant and to be sene by the oration of Eberhardus Byshop of Iuuauence that he made to the nobilitie of Boioria in the Parliament at Reginoburgh, written by Iohannes Auentinus in his 7. booke. Doubtlesse he not onely brought great and ruinous calamities to the whole Christen cōmon weale and also Empire: whilest he sought thus to depresse & bridle the Emperour, & aduance hiz papal sea and dignity; but also brought into the church of God much horrible impiety, blasphemy and wickednes, wherof both Blondus, Platina, Baleus and others make mention: And amongst others that most detestable Catilene Salue Regina in the which hee attributeth the honour and worship onely due to Iesus Christe, vnto the virgine hys [Page] mother. This is he in whose name the booke of the Decretals was set out, which (to omit ye opinion of diuers other learned men) Iohannes Baleus calleth it the sinke or puddle of foolishnesse and impietie. Doubtlesse Charolus Molineus a man both of singular iudgement in that law, which in tribunall courtes & iudgements is vsed: as also in this painteth foorth the decree of this Gregory in his booke of annotations vnto Platina, whose woordes thereof are these. Certum est, multa capita in ijs mutila & decurtata esse, vt inuidiosum argumentum lateret. C [...]rolus Molineus [...]pon the de [...]et [...]ls of [...]. Grego [...]y [...]. &c. That is, Doubtlesse, diuers Chapters in the same booke of decretals be mangled & vnperfect, that many contentious arguments therein myght lurke. For when the ambitious desire of raigning lyke kings tooke them, they studied nothing els but how to enlarge and aduance their See and dominion with the Empire it selfe and other kingdomes (ofte shaken and weakened through cōtention) and this purpose and end had they and none other, in al their constitutions. The profe wherof, Molineus declareth in his boke de regibꝰ Galliae & Angliae. But many moe examples by the Emperors, Princes, and Lords Electours of the Empire may be gathered: wherof to speake, more conuenient place shall serue hereafter.

The creation and death of P. Coeletius.In the steade of thys Gregorie, was placed Coelestine horne in Mediolanum amongst the Castellians: who as Blondus declareth, by fained promises offred a league wyth Fredericus, and the 18. day after he was created Pope, he also died.

Thus when the author of al this conspiracy was gon, Fridericus nowe thinking himselfe free and voyde of that feare which before he had, and durst not be absent out of Italy: with all his indeuour leuieth an army and prepareth his furniture and other necessaries for the deliuerie of the Christians, so mightely oppressed as ye heard by ye Turke or Tartarians. Who hearing of the comming of the Emperour, left the straight way thorough Hungarie,The Empe [...]our prepa [...]eth an army [...]o fight with [...]he Tartari [...]n [...], the Tar [...]rian [...] flye. whyche they came & returned by the riuer of Danubium to Taurica, and so through the fennes of Meotida: and by the riuer Tanaum, into Sarmatia Asiatica. When the Cardinals had nowe a long time protracted the creation of the Pope, and would not agree vpon the same: The Emperor put them in remembrance of their duty, and blameth them for their disagreeing, and exhorteth them to be more carefull for the christian common wealth. His 2. Epistles touching this matter are extant. Wherby appeareth that only for the care and desire of peace he had to the christian vnitie and state, he did the same: and for that (peraduenture) the cardinals refused to make peace with him, before they had created a newe Pope. The one for more breuitie I haue omitted, and here the other inserted.

An Epistle Inuectiue of the Emperour vnto the Cardinals, for that they cannot agree vpon the creation of the Pope.

Fredericke [...]gainst the Cardinals. VNto you I write, Oh you children of Ephraim, which euill haue bent your bowes, and worse haue shot your arrowes, filthely turning your backes in the day of battaile. Vnto you I speake, O you children of Belial, and disperpled flock. You insensible people and assistents of the great iudge. Vnto you I wryte, O you disētious Cardinals, who the world for your deserts doth hate: for whose causes the whole world being at variance is euill spoken of. Doubtlesse, I cannot speake vnto you, but to your detractatiō, because I am worldly and you spiritual. I am vnperfect, wherfore I must do as the vnperfect worlde doth: neither can the parte be dissonant to the whole, nor I contrary to my selfe that wryteth. Attend ye therfore my rude Epistle, wanting the dignity of Rhetoricall stile. My prouoked tounge brasteth foorth into wordes before my conceiuing spirit hath deliuered the same: and so not attending to the higher regiment, hath hastened to expres my words not fully conceiued or premeditate. Thus I say, troubled minde oftentimes doth beget vnordered talke, and vntimely vttereth the same. This therfore is, that our heart hath conceiued, that we beleeue and all men confesse, that Iesus Christ the mediatour betweene God and man, which came from heauen to make peace vpon the earth, is not deuided and at variaunce, being also the maister and Lorde of the Apostles. But Sathan being deuided in himselfe, that blustering prince is amongest you, as those to whome he ministreth: He, euen he, the perswader of discorde and dissention, that mankiller, father of lies, and spirite of darkenesse, that hath deuided your tonges, and set dissention amongst your selues: Neither ye doe good one to another, nor yet to the world, being by you in so perillous a state brought. And the little shippe of Peter,Peters ship by the disdentious Cardinals greatly afflicted.which is tossed vppon the sea by vehement windes, you nothing regarde: which shippe, though it neede not in deede vtterly to feare drowning, yet suffereth it by your negligence many great stormes and perillous tempests. Doubtlesse, if yee woulde diligently consider howe the nations and people whome ye were wont to iudge in scorne, shake their heades at you: euery one of you would be ashamed of an other. And to say the truth, they can not doe too much to detect your so detestable opporobrie: for whilest euery one of you aspireth to the chaire, euery one is at variance with his fellowe: and whilest one of you cannot agree with another, none is promoted, & whilest none is promoted, the Cathedrall dignitie vanisheth: And thus by your discorde, the peaceable state and concorde of the Churche is confounded, and the perfection of the faith and Religion whereby yee should liue, perisheth. And surely, through your default it perisheth, so that where as nature hath placed the sense and vnderstanding to be: that partly like a monster remaineth with you, both senselesse and headlesse.Peters shrill voyee turned into a scoffing Eccho.And no maruell, for why your hearing is impaired, and that sounde of the mouth that shrilly was heard throughout the whole earth, is vtterly dombe, and become a scoffing Eccho. For why, the tound [...]ings of Peter and Paule are now no more heard, the Preachers are become dumme dogges, and are commaunded to silence. Perhappes you haue handes readie to receiue, but there be no bribes: For why, those that were wont to come from Saba, and bring golde with them, nowe come no more: seeing the Lord is not in the maunger, and the celestiall shining starre refusing to be their guide. Moreouer, yee want feete to walke withal, for seeing there is no man to geue you ought, you will not remoue one foote for any mans pleasure. Fie shamelesse people, the least and simplest beast may learne you obedience, for the birdes haue their Captaine, and the sillie Bee their King, but you will come vnder no gouernment. &c.

The Emperour yet after thys,The Emperour releaseth the Cardinalls out of prison. at the request of Galdwinus, the Emperour of Constantinople, who came to Fredericus to Parma, released the Cardinals out of pryson: thinking thereby not onely to gratifie the Emperour Baldwinus, but also thinking that therby things would haue the better growne to publique tranquillitie on euery side. When the Cardinals were all assembled at Auignia: they made Simbaldus a Genues Pope: whome by a contrary name for that he had determined (as I suppose) to be hurtfull to the common wealth,Innocentius the fourth created Pope. they called Innocentius the 4. Of which election, when Fredericke vnderstoode, be was well pleased therewith: And for that he had in all this troublous time bene his friend, he well hoped yt the Christian common wealth, should by him haue ben brought to much peace and cōcord. Wherfore, he sent both his legates and letters gratulatorie vnto him, letting him to vnderstand, howe wel it contented and pleased him that he was made Pope,The Emperour reioyceth of the popes election but without cause why. & what peace & quietnes therby he promiseth (as it were to himselfe) he maketh full relation thereof: offring againe vnto him obseruaunce, helpe and aide in all things, commēding his dignitie to the publique state and quietnesse of the christian common weale and Empire, &c.

Hee also wrote hys letters to Otho Duke of Boioria, who a little before was reconciled to the Emperor: that he which was elected pope was a good man, a louer of peace, and studious as well for the tranquilitie of the christian cō mon wealth as of the Empire.

The Legates of Fredericke also with the furtherance of Baldwinus the Emperor of Constantinople, laboured very diligently for ye conclusion of the promised peace: And to be briefe, euery man was in good hope, and looked for no lesse. But farre otherwise fell the matter out, and contrary to al their expectations. For the Pope (set on and incouraged by the Cardinals and other against Frederick) secretly and amongst themselues wrought contrary to that they openly pretended: and not a little disappoynted both Fredericke and others of their expectation and good opinion they had in the Popes holines.The Pope taketh Viterbium whilest the Emperour hoped after peace. For whilest the Emperors legates attēded the answer of their peace before promised, Rainerus the cardinall went secretly to Uiterbium wyth a certen number of soldiors, and toke the towne which before was on the Emperors part.

The Emperor hauing vnderstanding hereof, mustereth his bandes, and with a sufficient power entreth the popes dition, againe to recouer Uiterbium. But yet, taking this war so in hand (not thinking thereby to expel al conditions of peace) at ye request of certaine of the Cardinals was contented to leaue Uiterbium, being furnished by the Emperor of warlicke prouision before, and came to Aqua. From thence he sent againe other ambassadors to Rome, & wyth them also the Emperor of Cōstantinople with the Erle of Tholonse, who he thought were able to do much with the pope in ye prosecuting of this peace.The dissimulation of the subtile Pope Innocent. 4. And although at ye time of Easter the matter semed to haue ben through, and peace concluded, for yt his legates had sworne in the behalfe of the Emperor (and as he willed them) that he wold submit him selfe to the Pope. And againe, for that the Cardinals and others, cōmonly called & named him Fridericus the Christian prince, yet all this was no more but for a further fetch [Page] and purpose. Not for that they ment in dede to cōclude any peace wt him; or to go through there wtall, but that through this dissimulation & likelihood of peace which they vnderstoode the Emperor much desired: he should set free & open the passages which he straitly kept yt no man could passe & come to Rome, whether a great multitude daily resorted & flocked for religions sake. But when all came to all, & that the Legates perceiued no conclusion of peace, was simply purposed on their behalfe: they began to dispaire of ye matter, letting the Emperor so to vnderstande.The Emperour hath too much confidence in the Pope. The Emperor yet notwithstanding doubted not, but if he might himselfe speake wt the Pope, he vpon reasonable conditions, should wel enough accord with him: wherfore, he by his Legates and letters desired him to appoynt a place where the Emperor might resort to him. The Pope seemed to be contented herewithall, and appoynted a day at Fescennia where they would talke together, & that the Pope w [...] be there before him, and accept the Emperours comming. But the Pope in this while, had made a confederacy wt the French king against Fredericus: who when he knew those 3. gallies to be ready and brought to Centincellas,The Pope mocketh the Emperour and goeth to Lyons where he proscribeth the Emperour. which he before had spoken for vnto the Genewes: secretly in the night with his company (hastening thether in post speede) tooke ship, and first came to Genua, and from thēre to Lions in Fraunce: where he (calling a Councel) with a loude voyce summoneth Fredericke, and appoynting him a day, commanded him there personally to plead his cause.

And yet, although he vnderstood the sodeine departing of him out of Italy, made plaine demonstration of no conclusion or meaning of a peace: and also knewe the Councel which the Pope had called, wherein he was himselfe both plaintife and iudge: and at the same councel those which he had by bribes allured, pretēded the destruction of the Emperor: with many other such euident demōstrations, both of his enuious & hatefull heart to wardes him: yet the most modest Emperor vsing the innocency & vprightnes of his cause, & as one most desirous of peace and christian cōcord: sent the Patriarch of Antioch, which lately was come out of Syria, the B. of Panormia, and Thadeus Suessanus ye president of his court (a most skilful and prudent Ciuilian) to the councell at Lyons: which signified vnto them ye the Emperor would be there for the defence of his owne cause: and for yt the day was very short, required a time more cō ueniēt for him thither to make his repaire.The Emperour comming to make his apparance before the Pope. The Emperor also, being onward on his way & come as farre as Taurinum, sent before other messengers (as the master of ye Flemish order, & Peter de Vineis) to geue them vnderstanding of the Emperors comming, and that he wold proroge the day of hearing, till yt he might conueniently trauel thether. [...]for any thing that could be either sayd or done,The extremitie of the Pope to the Emperour. or vpon how iust cause so euer required: the pope wold not geue so much as 3. dayes space, in the which time the Embassadors assured them of the Emperours presence: As though there had bene no common prouiso for euery man in yt case, by the lawe to haue vsed vppon any reasonable let. What should I longer protract the time: when the day by them appointed was come, the Pope wt his confederates (whom for money & bribes he had gotten to that councell) against gods law, against christian doctrine, against both the prescript of the law of nature and reason, against the rule of equitie, against the order of law appoynted, against the cō stitutions of Emperors, and also the decrees of ye Empire, without any obseruation of the law, or graunting dilatory daies, wtout probation of any crime, or his cause suffered to be pleaded vnto, or heard what might be answered therein: taking vpon him to be both aduersarie & iudge, condē ned the Emperour being absent. What more wicked sentence was euer pronounced, what more crueller fact (cōsidering the persone) might be committed? Or what thing more brutish & beastly could haue bene imagined or deuised? And yet hereat were these by shops nothing ashamed: but meaning to leaue their doings in wryting (as an impudent testimonie to their posteritie) established the same for a law to continue.

But marke what vengeance God toke vpon this wicked iudge.Vengeance falleth vpon the Pope for his false iudgement. The wryters of the Annales recorde, that when Fredericus the Emperor, and Conradus his sonne being Cesar were both dead: the Pope gaping for the inheritāce of Naples & Sicile, and thinking by force to haue subdued the same, came to Naples with a great host of men: where was heard in the Popes court manifestly pronounced this voyce, Veni miser ad iudicium Dei. Thou wretch, come to receiue thy iudgemēt. And the next day after, the Pope was founde in his bed dead, all blacke and blewe as though he had bene beaten with bats, as before in the history of king Iohn is declared.

When the Emperor had vnderstanding of this cruell & tyrannical sentence of the Pope, passed and pronounced against him (considering his furious purpose & mind therin) thought good by hys letters to let all christian princes & potentates vnderstand, as wel what iniuries & manifolde displeasures hee had susteined by the 4. Popes in all theyr times, as also the cruelty and tyranny of this Pope in pronouncing the sentence of iudgement and condemnation against him (passing the bounds both of iustice, equitie, and reason) which letter as he wrote the same, here vnderfolloweth to be seene.

The letter of the Emperour to the French King, and other Princes for the sentence geuen against him in the councel of Lyons by the Pope and Cardinals.

ALthough we suppose not the contrary, but that both by true certificate and common rumour you haue heard of the indifferencie of our cause and good handling therof: yet for that more credite is commonly geuen to that the eye seeth, then to that the eare receiueth: we thought good to present vnto you the naked truth of such things, which the Popes successiuely haue put forth, & forged against vs. To the perusing and consideration of which my case and letter, I beseech your gentlenes amongst other times of laisure, you wil spie out some fit and conuenient time therfore. And all other whatsoeuer that shall haue desire to heare princes [...] & affaires, let them in like sort attentiuely consider. First, whether our predecessours haue bene destitute or not of godly zeale, iust dealing, & righteousnes: or whether we may not lawfully reuenge our selues being so much prouoked, of such euils and iniuries as haue ben wrought against vs. Secondly, let them consider whether Christes vicare doth followe Christes steps or not, and whether Peters successors do follow his example or not: and also, by what law, equitie & right, that sentence which they haue pronounced against vs, may be maintained and allowed. As also what name they may iustly geue it, and whether that may be sayde to be a sentence which is geuen by an vnsufficient iudge or not. For, although we acknowledge that the Lord hath geuen full power in spirituall things vnto his Churche: that whatsoeuer the same bindeth in earth is bound in heauen, & whatsoeuer the same looseth, is also loosed: yet we reade neither by Gods lawe, nor by any lawe of man, that we ought of duetie to be subiect vnto him: or that an Empire ought at his pleasure to be transformed and transposed: or that he may geue any such sentence or iudgement to punish Princes temporally, and depriue them of their kingdomes. For why, although our consecreation belongeth vnto him by right and custome (as he chalengeth) yet our deposing and depriuing doth no more belong to him then doth that presumption belong to any other prelate of other Realmes, which doe consecrate and annoynt their kings, as the custome and manner is. Or put case it were so (we nothing hindered thereby) that hee had such power: Hath he that power to the intent to reuenge himselfe vpon whomsoeuer his malicious minde consenteth, and without all equitie and law to bring them vnder his iurisdiction: He hath proceeded of late against vs as is sayd, but not by the order of accusation: for so much as neither was there any sufficient accuser, neither went there out any inscriptiō or processe before. Neither yet by denunciation, for so much as there lacked a lawful denoū [...]er: neither yet by the way of inquisition, for that there went before it no manifest accusation. But hee peraduenture will say, that all things that he layeth against vs were manifest and notorious, but that do we deny, and nothing to be notorious but that, which may by a sufficient number of witnesses be approued & tried. For so may euery iudge himselfe (contemning the order of lawe) affirme what he list to be notorious, and thus condemne whom hee list. There were against vs (as well it may be sayd in counsell) certaine false witnesses although not many: of whome, the Byshop of Calin was one, whose neare kinsman or nephewe (by our lawes condemned for treason to be hanged) maketh also to vs an infestiue enemie. With such like effect prosecuting the rest of his Epistle, which for breuitie sake I omit.

This pollicie vsed the Pope to vexe and disturbe both the countrey of Germany and the whole Empire, and not so onely, but also vtterly to destroy and subuert the same: by the ruinous decay whereof, the Pope and his Prelates thought to make vp their mouthes. And thus, whilest that Germanie was nowe newly againe deuided, some taking part with Fredericke the Emperour, and Conradus Caesar his sonne & other nobles and princes of the Empire: some wyth those that shoulde by the Popes procurement be the electors of the new Emperour:Altogether in hurly burly thoroug [...] the Popes malicious minde. other some, with neither of both, as men not minding nor tending the publique vtilitie, but to serue theyr owne purposes, armed themselues: And thus was the publicke peace and quiet brokē and disturbed, and altogether in ti [...]nult and hurley burley. For whilest the one part laboured by all force to retaine the dominion by publique and common cōsent first to hym committed: [Page] the other part in like sort indeuored themselues wt all their force & power to vse and occupye the same, according to the decree of the bishop of Rome, & to take it from Fredericke, and thus great conflicts grew on all partes.

By these ciuill warres, Germany suffered no little calamity:Germany spoyled by ciuill dissention through the Popes only practise against the Emperour. In euery place was māslaughter and murder, the country spoyled, the townes and villagies set on fire and brent, the churches and temples violated & robbed, wherin the husbād mē had put their goods & substaunce: houses were pulled down, the goods deuided, & euery mans cattel driuen away. To conclude, in this turmoyle & cōtentiō of deposing & chusing an other emperor, in this factiō of princes, in this liberty of wearing armor, in this licēce of hurting & sinning: The impudent boldnes of diuers priuate souldiors, & especially of such as were ye horesemē thē coū ted ye better sort of souldiors, was so great: & there vnbridled & vnsatiable desire in robbing, spoyling, and taking of booties, catching & snatching al that came to hād, so much: that nothing could be sure and in safety that any good in ā enioyed. Wherefore a litle before the death of Guilielmus the king, 60. Cityes and Townes which were belonging to Ludouicus Palatinus Duke of Boioria and Rhenus, and Otho his sonne,The robbers and rebels chased out of Germany and other princes, whose names Auentinus in his 7. booke of ye Annales of the Boiores maketh mention oft ioyned themselues in a league for the expelling of these rebels & repressing of their so great iniurious rapines and slaughter of men. Of which armye the sayd Ludouicus being captaine, chased & draue the whole rout of thē to the vttermost partes of Germany, and puld down and ouerthrew their castles and fortresses, and cuery other place where they had intrenched themselues.

The fidelitie of Otho to the Emp.Otho Boius yet notwithstanding, kepeth his promise and fayth most constantly made before to the emperor Fredericke and Conradus his sonne. Whereupon, Philippus Iuuauensis, Albertus and others, calling a councell at Mildorsus (by the Popes commaundement) sent for Otho vnto them, vnto whom they opened the Popes pleasure & commaundement. To all which, whē he had heard, Otho aunswered: I cannot maruell at some of you enough, that when as heretofore you persuaded me to leaue and forsake the part I tooke with the Bishop of Rome, whome ye your selues affirmed to be Antichrist, & that I should take part with the Emperour: why that you your selues will not keepe your fidelity and promise made to those good Princes: And sayd that he perceiued in them a great inconstancy and leuity, both in their woords and deedes, which now call that wicked, vniust, and violent wrong, but lately that they thought equall,The answer of Otho to the Legates.iust & right. He sayd further, that they were ouercome with pleasures, corrupted with superfluitie, wonne with brybes▪ gaping for honour and estimation: & that they neither regarded honesty, godlynes, nor their duety and office, but studied how to make dissention and commotions, and longed after warre and bloudy battell.

He sayd farther, that for his part he would obey God and his prince to whom he had sworne fidelity, and that he naught esteemed the fayned holynes and detestable practises of such Prelates: He sayd he beleued in Christ and would trust in his mercy, & that he beleued how those whom they cursed and gaue to the Deuill, were in greatest fauour with God. Howbeit and notwithstā ding those Prelates tooke in good part this expostulation with him,Otho excō municated for turning from the pope to take the Emperours part. and seemed to beare Otho no malice or grudge for that he had sayd, but to be desirous of peace and vnity: yet not long after, Otho was cursed as blacke as all the rest, and counted as bad as the best.

Albertus the pops champion now in Germany playeth not rex onely amongst the citizens: But also bethought him of a mischieuous deuise agaynst Conradus Cesar the Emperours sonne. When by fraude and subtletye he had gotten and taken many of the rich Burgises and Citizens of Reginoburgh, which bare the Emperor good will and had sent them prisoners to Staffum. Conradus ioyning with other noble men of the Empire (after he had spoyled and wasted much of his lands and others his cōpanions) braue him so neare, that vpon certayne other conditiōs he deliuered agayne the Citizēs. And shortly after comming again to Reginoburgh, and being receiued & welcommed into the Colledge of D. Haimeranus: Albertus with certayn of his confederates by the meanes of Ulricus a chief officer of the monks, came in the dead time of the night into the chamber,Caesar in daunger by Albertus. where the Cesar with a few other about him did lie: And falling vpon them some they tooke, and other some they slew, & finding no other body in the chambers or lodginges, they thought that Cesar had bene slain amongest the rest. But he hearing the noyse, forsooke hys bed & hid himself vnder a bēch and so escaped theyr hands. The next day he outlawd or prescribed the bishop and his mates, and also the monke bailif of treason, & seased vpon all the goodes of the house. But at the sute of the guiltlesse monkes, he released all to them agayne, taking by way of fine 100. pound.Albertus [...] order of [...] [...]ery. Ulricus lost his office and Albertus therby to escape daunger of punishment, tooke vpon him the habit of a Monke, Conradus Hochensolseus which was the murderer of these men (although he escaped the punish ment of mans hand) yet the vengeaunce of God for y• fact, he escaped not. For as he rid in the day time abroad, he was sodenly stroken with a thunderbolt and dyed.

During all this busy and contentious time, it may well be gathered, Frederick the Emperour lay not stil, but had his hands ful: who notwithstāding (by Gods help) ouercōming & suppressing these or greater part of these rebellious popish tumults, and had done strait executiō (of those especially) that had conspired agaynst his person:The Emperour when he had somewhat suppressed these tumults came to Cremona. calling a coūsell and setting in some stay the troublesome affaires of his kingdome, came to Cremona with Fridericus Prince of Antioche, Richardus Erle of Umbria, the gouernor of Flamminia, and Encius king of Sardiuia, with a great number besides of souldiors & men of war. And besids, he took with him (which he sent for out of euery part) the wisest, most vertuous, and best learned men that there was: thinking with thē to haue gone himselfe to Lions to the Pope,The Emp. thinketh to goe to Lions to the Pope. and there to haue had with him communication as well concerning the sentence definitiue, as also about the cōclusiō of any peace, if by any meanes he might. And whē al things was prepared & ready, he took y• iourny in hād & came to Taurinū, hauing with him both a great army of souldiors & also a great cōpany of Legates and Ambassadors. From thence sending his carlages before, within 3. dayes iourny of Lions:Parma taken and kept by the popes legat and other friendes of his. he was certified that Parma was taken & kept by the outlawes of diuers & sundry factions of the Pope: his nere neighbors & frends: as by the popes Legate, and other citizens as of Brixia, Placentia, & such like. Which thing when he vnderstood, and that the Pope herein was the onely and chiefe doer: he saw manifestly it should litle preuayle, to attempt any further the thing he went about: & thē at length, whē he saw no other remedy putting from him all hope of peace,The Emp. altereth his iourney from Lions to the siege of Parma. determined himself to the wars with all his force and might. Thus altering his purpose & iourny, he took the straitest way into Lumbarby: and with an army of 60000. men, he besieged Parma. And to the intent he might more aptly and nere the town, plant his siege and battry, without disturbance: first he entrēched his campe and fortified the same about with bulwarkes & other defencible munition: After that, he caused diuers vitailing houses & tauerns in his cāpe to be sleightly builded of timber: and without the campe he appointed the place where the market should be kept, & all vitailers resort that would. He appointed places for their churches & tēples, & in seemely maner adourned the same: and for ye most part their tentes were builded with wood,The Emp. named his campe and siege about Parma Victoria. so that it was like an other Parma. All which things when he had finished, which was not long in doing: for this happy and prosperous successe he called and named it Victoria, & had thought to haue made the same to be in ye stead of the City Parma, which he purposed to haue made leuell with the groūd. And in the beginning both there and els where, all thing prospered well wt Fredericke & had good successe: for be sharply layd vnto their charges that defeded & kept the city Parma. And further Robertus Castilioncus which was the Emperors lieftenant in Picen [...], nere vnto Auximum: discomforted the Popes army, & slue of them more then 4000. and tooke many such as were of the confederate cities prisoners.The popes army discomfited by the Emperours Lieftenant at Auximum. And when the factions or cōpanies of the Gibellines and Gwelphes in Florentia were at controuersy: whē Fredericus of Hetruria came to ye Gibellines to whom they had sent for ayd: The Guelphes therewith dismayd fled from thence to Bononia, whose goods & substance came all to the Emperors cofers, & Florentia also it selfe to the Emperors obediēce. But this good successe and prosperous fortune lasted not long: for as at a time Fridericus to recreate himself (which seldom had his health) rod about the fieldes with certaine of his horsemē to hauke & hunt: Many also of the Emperors souldiors thinking no thing lesse then of such a matter to be attempted of a many staruelings within the towne Parma, wandred & ranged vnarmed out of their City Uictoria about the fieldes.The negligence of the souldiers offereth an occasion to the enemy. The souldiors in Parma hauing this occasion offered, with all force & speed possible entred ye Emperors campe or towne Victoria, which being not very strōgly fenced nor hauing gates to shut agaynst thē, was a thing easy enough to do. The soden straūgenes of the matter much abāshed the souldiors, & rang out their lar [...] bell. The first assault was geuen vpō Marcus Malaspina his charge, whom when the Emperor returning in all haste foūd to be hard beset, had thought to haue rescued him. But whē that was perceiued of the enemy, they bēt all their force altogether on y• [Page] side. In so much, that ye Emperor was inforced to take the trench,The discomfiture of the Emp. at the siege of Parma. lest he should haue bene of the enemy enuironed, & from thence he retired into the citie or campe where he had thought to haue gathered further aide. But the enemy geuing not so much tune thereunto, [...]a [...]l force entred the citie Uictoria. The Emperor now, when the enemies were entred, left the campe & came to Dominum, who when they had killed & slaine a great nomber of the Emperors soldiors, & had burnt & destroied the same campe Uictoria,The Emp. vpon suspition of treason imprisoneth diuers of his Captaynes. came, againe to Parma. The Emperor thē suspecting this thing to be wrought by treason, whereby the enemy had vnderstanding as wel of the Emperors absence, as also of ye negligence of his soldiors, imprisoned certaine of the chiefest about hym, amongst whome also was Petrus de Vineis. Yet whilest he was at Dominum gathering together his souldiors and residue of his bāds: Encius getteth a great victorie of the Mansuanos, who coming to the rescue of Parma, lost 50. of their ships and all that they had in them.

After this also, Richardus in another conflict in Picenum, discomforted the Popes souldiors, & slewe their captaine Hugolinus, besides 2000. others slaine & taken prisoners. When nowe Fredericus had gathered againe, and new mustered his bands at Dominum, he marched foorth to Cremona: and notwithstanding, yt there he vnderstoode of the good successe and victory that Encius had at Rhegium: yet for that he perceiued the defection and backsliding of all or most part of Lumbardie from him: he determined to take his iorney into Apulia, and when he had there leuied a strong and sufficient power, he purposed to make hys speedy returne againe into Lombardie. Therefore, in hys iorney through Netruria into Apulia, he ioyned with hys sonne Fridericus,Capras besieged and taken of the Emperor. which besieged Capras, and tooke the same: and led with him diuers of the chiefest captains prisoners, and after that subduing vnto the obedience of the Empire Miniatum, he came into Apulia.

When newes was brought him thether, that Encius hys sonne (comming to aide the Mutinenses against the Bononiens) was taken prisoner, two miles of from Mutina: and that in his absence, the Popes capitaines wt theyr bandes and garrisons went throughout all Lumbardie, Aemilia, Flamminia, and Hetruria, to stirre and procure the Cities to reuolt from the obedience of the Emperour: And the same, partly working by subtile pollicies, & partly by force & sinister meanes to bring them to his purpose: determined with himself, that with all the force and power he might by any meanes procure and make, to haue begon a fresh & prosecuted this warre to the vttermost.The Emperour purposeth to make some great attempt. Neyther was it to be doubted as Pandolphus Colonucius writeth, but that he would haue wrought some maruellous exploit & great attēpt, but that he was of this his purpose (wherunto he was both willing & bēt) preuēted by vnlooked for death. For whē he fell into this ague, being at a certaine castle of his in Apulia called Florētinū, & saw by the extremity thereof, his daies to be short: he remēbred that which was once shewed him, how he should die at Florēce. Wherupon, he made and ordeined his testament: and when vnto Conradus and other of his children he had geuen and appoynted the great and innumerable masse of mony which he had collected & leuied for the maintenance of his wars (and godly purpose as it is called) And vnto The Emp. preuented by death Fred. one of Gods elect. them also had geuen all other his kingdomes & dominiōs (to euery one according to their ages and yeres) departed this wretched and miserable world.

Pandolphus writeth, that Fredericus was very willing to dye, & as they made certayne report to him which were present at his death, that his minde was altogether set and bent vpon the heauenly ioy & felicity. Which thing also Gulielmus Putranus, Andreas Panbalus, and Manardus the bishop, being Italian writers do all affirme of whom this last writeth,Sundry opiniō, of the death of Frederick Emp. that he assuredly beleueth Fredericke to be one of the number of Gods elect.

The writers notwithstanding are of sundry iudgmēts & opinions touching this good Emperours death: Some write that he was traiterously poisoned by his cup bearer, being hyred therunto. Some other, that he was strangled with a pillow of Māfredo the sonne of Pherus. But Pandolphus as good a writer as the best, maketh no mention of any poyson that was geuen him, but onely that he died of an ague. The last opinion of Manfredus, he manifestly refuteth and that there is no maner of lykelihood of the same: & further, that the cōtrary is affirmed by diuers other writers that were of that time. He died in the yeare of our Lord. 1268. the 13. day of December, in the 57. yeare of his age, and 37. yeare of his raigne, whose corpes was brought to Panorinum, and there intombed.

Fredericke had 3. wiues: the first was Constantia, the daughter of the king of Arragon: of whom he begat Hēry the Duke of Sueuia and king of the Romains: The other Iole ye daughter of Iohaunes Brennus,The issue of Fredericke the Emp. king of Ierusalem, by whom he had the inheritance of Ierusale, Naples, and Sicile: of whom he begat Cōradus Duke of Suenia, king of Ierusalem & Naples being Cesar. The third Isabell the daughter of king Iohn of Englād, by whom he had a sonne named Hēry,Fred. a most puisaunt prince in Marshall affaires. which is said to die in his childhood. This Fredericus had not his peere in Marshall affayres to be compared vnto him and warlike pollicies amongst al the princes of that age: A wise and skilful souldiour he was: a great indurer of paynefull labors and trauels: most boldest in greatest perils: prudent in foresight: Industrious in all his doinges: prompt & humble about that he tooke in hand: and in aduer [...]ity mest stout & couragious. But as in this corruption of nature, few there be ye attain perfection: neither yet is there any pr [...]ice almost of such gouernment and godly institution, both in life & doctrine as is required of them: So neither was this Fredericke, without his fault & humaine fragility. For the writers [...]pute to him some fault of concupiscence,Frede. was not with [...] his fault of humane fragilitie wherwith he was stayned and spotted. And it appeareth that he was not all cleare therof, for as much as by sūdry Concubines he had sundry children: As Ene [...]is, the king of Sardina: Manfredus, the prince of Sarcutinū: And Frederick king of Antioche. And this is all that I finde of the description of Fredericke by Colonucius, which he affirmeth to haue gathered out of good & probable authors. But as touching the haynous artes and flagirious verdes, which the Pope burdeneth him withall, and in his sentence agaynst hym, maketh mention of: Fredericus not onely purgeth himselfe therof, but also diuers historicians (as well Germain writers as Italiās) affirme the same to be false and of the Popes owne braynes, to do him skare & teene withall, inuēted. Of which matter, those things which Pandolphus (touching the commendation or disprayse of Fredericus writeth) I thought good out of Italian, to translate: whose wordes be these.

‘Albeit the Emperor Fredericus was indued with many goodly giftes and vertues, The world of Pandolphus touching the prayse and dispraised of the Emp. yet notwithstanding was he accounted an enemy of the church and a persecutor of the same: of which, both Innocentius the 4. in his sentence hath pronoūced him guilty, & the same sentence haue other Popes registred in theyr sixe books of Decretals, and stablished the same for a lawe, howe that hee ought to be taken for no lesse. Therefore peraduenture it should not become me to falsifye or call in question that, whiche other haue confirmed, or els to dispute and argue much of that matter. Yet notwithstanding as much as his actes & dedes in writing declare, & the books of the chiefest authors affirme, as also his own Epistles do testify: I cannot precisely say, whether the bishops of Rome so call him and iudge him therfore: Or els for that, he was somewhat to bold in speaking and telling them but the truth, and reprouing the ecclesiasticall order of their great abuses. Or els, whether for that, he would haue had them gone somewhat more neare the conditions & liues of the auncient fathers of the primitiue Church and disciples of Christ: Or whether for that, he defē ded and stood with them for the prerogatiue and dignities belō ging to the empire or not: Or els, whether they stood in feare & awe of the great power he was of in Italy (which thing in deede Gregory the 9 in a certain Epistle of his, confesseth.) But of these things let them iudge and discerne, that shall read the monumēts and histories of Frederick Truely (sayth he) when I consider with my selfe that Christ (whose vicar the Romaine Bishops boast thē selues to be) sayd vnto his disciples:’ Fredericke The popes church compared with Christ his Church [...] as like as blacke and white. that they should follow him and also intimate his example as of their maister and teacher: and commaunded them farthermore, how they should not draw the sword, but put vp the same into the skaberd: and farther gaue thē in precept that they should not onely forgeue iniuries seuē times but 70. times seuen times to those that offended them: And when I now compare the liues of the Bishops of Rome, how neare they follow him whose vicar they say they be: And consider so manye and greet conspiracies, treasons, rebellions, disloyaltyes, lyinges in wayt, and treacherous deuises: So many Legates of the Popes (being Ecclesiasticall persons) which will needes be called the shepheardes of Christes flocke, to be suche warriours and Captaynes of Souldiours in all the partes of Italy, Campania, Apulia, Calabria (being the Emperours dominions) in Picenum, Aemilia, Flamminia, and Lumbardy, to be sent out against him. And also when with my selfe I meditate, the destruction of so many great and famous Cities, the subuersion of such common weales, the slaughter of so many men, and the effusion of so much Christian bloud: And lastly when I beholde, so victorious, prosperous, and fortunate Emperours to be: and so many miserable vnfortunate, and vanquished Popes put to flight: Am perswaded with my selfe to thinke and beleue, that the iudgements of God are secret and maruellous, and that to be true which Aeneas Siluius, in his history of Austria writeth: That there is no great and maruellous [Page] slaughter, no notorious and special calamity (that hath happened either to the publick weale, or els to the church of God, of the which the Bishops of Rome haue not bene the authors. Nicolaus Machiauellus also sayth, that all the ruinous calamities and miserable chaunces that the whole christian common weale and also Italy hath suffered: hath bene brought in by the Popes and bishops of Rome.

Many Epistles of Fredericus there be, which he wrote vnto the Bishops of Rome, to the Cardinals, and to diuers other Christian Princes, all which I haue read and in them is to be seene nothing contrary vnto Christian doctrine, nothing wicked and vngodly, nothing iniurious to the Church of God, nothing contumelious or arrogantly written of Frederick. But in deede I denye not the same to be fraught and full of pitifull complayntes and lamētatiōs, touching the auaritious ambitiō of the Ecclesiastical persōs, and pertinacy of the Bishops of Rome: and that he would receiue and take no satifactiō, nor yet excuse in the defence of the right and priuiledge of the Empire, which he maintained: also of their manifold and infinite cōspiracies which they practised both secretly and openly agaynst him: And of the often admonitions which he gaue to the whole multitude and order Ecclesiasticall, to attend vpon and discharge their functions and charges. And who, that farther is desirous to know and vnderstand the trueth, and coueteth to search out the renowmed vertues of magnificēt Princes, let them read the Epistle of Fredericke dated to all Christian Princes which thus beginneth: Collegerunt principes, pontifices & Pharisaei concilium:‘Deserued commendation vpon the Epistles of Fred. and an other, wherin he perswadeth the Colledge of Cardinalles to take vp the dissention betweene the Emperor and the pope, which beginneth: In exordio nascentis mundi: and also an other which thus beginneth: Infallibilis veritatis testem: besides yet an other: Ad Reges & principes orbis Christiani: with diuers other moe wherein may well be seene the princely vertues of this so worthy a piere: all which Epistles collected together in the Latin tongue, the lerned sort I wish to read, whereout they may picke no litle benefit and commodity to thē selues: In his Epistle last recited these are his wordes: Non existimetis id me a vobis ideò contendere, ac si ex sententia pontificia priuationis maiestas nostra sit perculsa: Cum enim nobis sit rectae voluntatis conscientia, cum (que)deum nobiscum habeamus, eundē testem inuocamus id nos spectasse, cum totum ordinem Ecclesiasticum tum praesertim primores, neruis potētiae, dominationis (que) eorum succisis extirpatis (que) tyrannidis radicibus ad primitiue Ecclesie conditionem & statum reuocaremus: That is. Thinke ye not that we so earnestly desire or craue this peace at your hand, as though our maiesty were terrified with the Popes sentence of depriuation: Fredericke purposed with the hazard of the imperiall state to reforme the church of Rome. When as God (vpon whom we trust and inuocate) is our witnesse, and iudge of our conscience: that when we went about to reforme the Ecclesiasticall state, but especially the ringleaders of the same: and should restrayne theyr power and extirpate theyr great tiranny, and reduce the same to the state and cō dition of the primatiue Church: we looked for no lesse at theyr handes. For these causes peraduenture, those which had the gouernement of the Ecclesiasticall dignity, decreed and pronounced Fredericke to be an enemy to the Church: which (as I haue sayd) I leaue others to iudge thereof. Hitherto Pandolphus Colonutius.’

Fre. shewed himselfe no enemy but a friend to the Church of Rome.And doubtles examples to the contrary doth appere, that Fredericke was no enemy to the church of Rome, for that he both gaue large and great giftes therunto, and also franchised the same with great priuiledges & imminuities: which thinges, by his owne constitutions, statutes, & customes may be perceiued and vnderstood. But rather contrariwise, that the Bishops of Rome most filthely recompēced the same his great liberality and princely beneuolēce again, which he gaue and bestowed vpō the same, as partly in the discourse of this history you haue heard: who not withstanding, they so molested and tired him with such & so many iniuries as you haue seene: he neuertheles, forgiuing and pardoning all the same, for the great zeale he had to the common Christian wealth (whereof he more forced, then els of any other thing) sought by all the meanes he might for to haue peace, although it wer to his own great hinderance. Therfore, seing he was of necessity by the Bishops of Rome prouoked to that warr,Selfe doe, selfe haue, the prouerb is, Hope of gaine allureth many to flatter and to write vntruthes. if he did them any skath in reuenge of his Imperiall dignity, let them thank their owne selues, which might otherwise haue remedied the same. Notwithstanding vpō this occasiō diuers (both Italian and Germany writers, which at that time sought for fat benefices, and euer since euen vnto these our dayes haue done the like, by flattery rather to obtaine that which they hunted for, then to beare true and saythfull testimony of things as they were in deed) took great occasiō to write, and sclaunder this good Emperour. But let vs passe ouer these Parasites and returne to those, which although they themselues were of that calling, I mean of the Ecclesiasticall order: yet notwithstanding, for: that they rather preferred the study of veritye, and to reuerence the trueth before Popish authority, & flattering seruitude: greatly extolled and commended this good Emperor Fredericke. So did Nicholaus Cusanus a Cardinall, in his writing affirme this Emperor to be an alter Carolus Magnus, both for hys wisedome and also diligent regard to ye common weal. So also writeth Aegidius Biturigum the Bishop, in his books of the institution & bringing vp of a prince, which he wrot to the French king: exhorting him and all others, to take a patterne of this most worthy and excellent Prince. In cō mendation of whose worthy prayse and vertue these verses are written on his tombe.

Si probitas, sensus, virtutem gratia, census,

[...]obilitas orti poslent resistere morti:

Non foret extinctus, Fridericus qui iacetintus.

Wherfore, in as much as it appeareth by the approued writers of whom I haue made mētion: who & what maner of prince Fredericke this Emperor was: And for that he diligently labored as wel in the preseruatiō of the christen common weale, as in the conseruation of the Imperiall dignity: procured to himselfe the great hatred and displeasure of ye Romain Bishops (who haue ben, to all the good Emperors for the most part vtter foes and enemies) & with what wicked slaūders & other iniuries both by thē & by their ministers they cōtinually molested him withal: This lesson ought to be ours: that hauing the same in our memory, we imitate & folow his vertues, hating & detesting the wicked & flagitious doings of those holy fathers ye will so be called, & Bishops of Rome: desiring God that he will so guid the harts of all kings & Princes, that they may by his grace aduaunce and set forth his glory, and reforme the corrupt & vicious maner and order of ye Church to a ll sincerity and purity both of life and doctrine.

These verses which here ensue were sent and written betwene the Emperor & Pope Innocentius the 4. which for that to the learned are both cōmodious and profitable at the end of this history I thought good to place.

¶ Fridericus Imp. Innocent. 4. Papae.

Fata mouent stellae (que) docent, auiúm (que) volatus

Totius subitò malleus orbis ero.

Roma diu titubans longis erroribus acta

Corruet, & mundi desinet esse caput.

¶ Innocent. Papa Frederico Imp.

Fata silent, stellae (que) tacent, nil predicat ales:

Solius est proprium nosse futura Dei.

Niteris in cassum nauem submergere Petri,

Fluctuat: at nunquam mergitur illa ratis.

Fama refert, Scriptura docet, peccata loquuntur:

Quòd tibi vita breuis, poena perennis erit.

Quod diuina manus potuit, sensit Iulianus:

Tu succedis ei, te tenet ira Dei.

Fre. fremit in mundo, de deprimit alta profundo:

Ri. mala rimatur, cus. cuspide cuncta minatur.

¶ Fredericus Innocentio.

Fata mouent stellae (que) docent auiúm (que) volatus

Lapsurum te mox ad stigis antra nigrae.

Cymba Petri non est, sed Christi, quae natat vndis:

Fluctuat, at nusquam mergitur illa ratis.

Fama refert, tua scripta docent, peccata nefanda

Interitum ostendunt, exitium (que) tuum.

Strangulat Adrianum musca, annon ira tonantis?

Cogitat & de te sumere supplicium?

Carcere suspendit sese Benedictus, & alter

In stupro captus, saucius ense perit.

Siluestrum extinguit Sathan, sceleratior ipse:

Ergo tuis factis praemia digna feres.

Innocuum te voce notas cum sis nociturus

Orbi terrarum Christianó (que) gregi.

¶ Fredericus Innocentio de integro.

Esso [...]membrum, non te caput orbis & vrbis

[...]actates cum sis orbis & vrbis onus.

Nunc membrum non es, sed putre cadauer & vlcus,

Ense recidendum ridiculúm (que) caput.

A Daniele [...], nefas (que) caput (que) malorum

Diceris, a Paulo filius exitij.

Nos solum Christum nostrum caput esse, malorum

Totius orbis te caput esse facis.

Et caput est vnum, quod Paulus dicit vbi (que)

Tu vecors balatro, dic mihi quale caput?

Corporis ergo caput monstrosi monstra paris (que)

Monstra paris monachos, scorta nefanda foues.

Est tua religio stuprum, Ira, superbia, caedes,

Error, deliciae, fulmina, turpe lucrum.

Ex his ergó liquet Christum te spernere: Christo

[Page]Hostem esse in uisum, dedecori (que) Deo.

Rex tandem veniet coelo delapsus ab alto

Tunc non defendent te, sacra, missa, cruces

Non in sublimi surgentes vertice cristae,

Non diploma potens, non tua sacra cohors.

Nec diadema triplex, nec sedes sanguine parta,

Nullus honos solij, purpura nulla tui.

Triginta argenteis Christum vendebat Iudas,

Tu Christi vendis corpora plura tui.

Corpora tu vendis Christi paruo aere, polum (que),

Caelestes genios, sidera, Iura, deos.

Certaine preachers in Sueuia.As ye haue heard of the iniquity & raging pride of the popish church against their lawfull Emperor: Now shall ye heare (Christ willing) how God beginneth to resist and withstand the corruption of that whorish Church, by stirring vp certaine faythfull teachers in sundry coūtries: As in the countrey of Sucuia, about the time of this Emperour. an. 1240. or neare vpon the same, where were many preachers mētioned in the Chronicle of Urspergēsis, and also in Crantzius Lib. 8. cap. 16. & 18.Ex Chron. Ab [...]. Vrsperg. Crātz. lib. 8. cap. 10. which preached freelye against the Pope. These Preachers (as Crantzius sayth) ringing the Belles, and calling the Barons in Hallis of Sueuia: there preached that the Pope was an hereticke, & that his Bishops and Prelats were simoniacke and heretickes. And that the inferiour Priestes and Prelates had no authority to binde and loose, but were all seducers. Itē that no Pope, Bishop, or Priest, could restrayne mē from their duety of seruing and worshipping of God. And therfore such cities or coūtries, as were then vnder the Popes curse, might notwithstanding lawfully resort to the receyuing of Sacraments, as well as before. Item that Friers Dominicke,Resistance against the Pope no new thing in Christes church and Franciscane, did subuert the church with their preaching. And as the indulgence of the Pope, & his Popelings was of no regard, so that remissiō, which they did preach vnto them, they preached it not from the Pope but as from the Lord. And thus much I thought here to recite, whereby it may appeare, how the resisting of the Popes vsurped power and corrupt doctrine, is no newe thing in these dayes in the Church of Christ. &c.

Arnoldus de noua villa condemned of heresie.And not long after these aforesayd, rose vp Arnoldus De noua villa, a Spanyard, and a man famously learned & a great writer. an. 1250. Whom the Pope with his spiritualty condemned among hereticks, for holding and writing agaynst the corrupt errors of the popish Church, His teaching was, that Sathā had seduced all the world from the truth of Christ Iesus. Item that the sayth (which then Christen men were commonly taught) was such a fayth as ye deuils had: meaning belike (as we now'affirme) that the papistes do teach onely the horicall fayth, which is the fayth Historiae non fiduciae. Itē, that Christen people (meaning belike for the most part) are led by the pope vnto hel. Item, that all cloysters are voyd of charity, and damned: And that they all doe falsify the doctrine of Christ.Vide librum, de testibus veritatis. Item, that the Diuines do euill in mixting Philosophy with d iuinity. Item, that Masses are not to be celebrated. And that they ought not to sacrifice for the dead. Certaine other opinions there be, which the slaundrous sects of Monks and Friers do attribute vnto him: (but as they are wont in al other to do) rather vpon enuious taking, then of any iust cause geuen.

And as this Arnoldus was condēned, so also the same time Ioannes Semeca,Ioannes Semeca the glose writer to the Popes decrees excommunicated. the glose writer of the Popes decrees, and Prouost of Halberstate was excōmunicated, & depriued of his Prouostship, for resisting Pope Clement the fourth, gathering certain exactions in Germany. And therfore he appealed from the Pope to a generall councel, and had many great fauorers on his side, till at last both the Pope and he dyed.

Consequently in this order and number, foloweth the worthy and valiaunt champion of Christ & aduersarye of Antichrist Guilielmus de S. Amore, Guilielmus de S. Amore. a maister of Paris, and chiefe ruler then of that Uniuersity. This Guilielmus in his time had no small a do writing agaynst the Fryers, & their hipocrisy. But especially against the begging friers, both condemning their whole order, and also accusing thē as those that did disturbe & trouble al ye churches of Christ by their preaching in churches agaynst the will of the ordinaries and pastors, by their hearing of confessions, and executing the charges of Curates and pastors in theyr Churches. All the testimonyes of Scripture that make agaynst Antichrist, he applyeth them against the Clergy of Prelates, and the Popes spiritualtye. The same Gulielmus is thought to be the author of the booke, which is attributed to the schole of Paris, and intituled: De periculis Ecclesiae. Where he proueth by 39. arguments, that Friers be false Apostles.

Moreouer,The place [...] the Go [...]p [...] expounded, Go [...] & sell all & come folow me. he doth well expound this saying of Christ (if thou wilt be perfect, go and sell away all thou hast, and come follow me) declaring there pouerty to be inioyned vs of Christ, non actualem, sed habitualem: not in such sort as standeth in outward action, when no need requireth, but in inward affection of hart, when neede shall require: As though the meaning & precept of our Lord were not that we should cast away actually al ye we haue, but that when the confession of the name of God & the glory of christ shall so require: that then we be ready to leaue & reliquish what things soeuer, for ye sake of him. &c. As when he requireth in vs, after like phrase, ye hatred of father & mother, and of our own liues: he biddeth vs not to dihonor father or mother, much lesse to hate thē: but that thē, when case shall require, we set all thinges behinde the loue of Christ. Many oth er worthy workes he compiled, wherin albeit he vttered nothing but what was truth,Guliel des Amore co [...] demned of the pope for in here [...]ike. yet notwithstanding he was by Antichrist & his rable, condemned for an heritick, exiled, & his bookes burnt: Whose hereticall argumētes as they called them, that thou mayst better iudge therof, here vnder I thought good to place.

Agaynst false Prophets with signes to know them by in these his wordes do follow. For because these seducers sayth he, name thēselues to be Apostles: and that they are sent of God to preach, to absolue & dispēse with the soules of men, by meanes of their ministery. Read the saying of ye Apostle in his second Epistle to the Corinthians, the xi. chap. For such Apostles are subtle and cratty workemen, disguising themselues to be like the Apostles of Christ: Therfore, we mean to shew some certaine infallible tokēs and probable, by the whic false Apostles may be discerned from the true preachers and Apostles of Christ.

The 1. signe or marke is,The 1. signe and token to knowe 2 false Fryer [...] Prophet [...]y. that such as be true preachers do not enter into simple womens houses ladē with sinne and take them as it were captiue, as many of the false preachers do: as in the second Epistle of S. Paule to Timothy the 3. chapter is manifest, saying: Of those sortes are they, which enter into womens houses. &c. Therfore those preachers which come into womens houses, to the intent they, may take thē captiue, be not true preachers, but false Apostles.

The 2. signe and token is,True Preachers do not deceiue men with painted flattering wordes. that those that be true preachers do not deceiue simple men with painted and flattering wordes, whereby they preferre their owne trash and traditions, as all false Prophets do, as in the last Chapter to the Romaines appeareth, saying: By their pleasaunt & sugred talk. and by their blessing and crossing they deceiue and beguile the hartes of innocent men and women. Glo. with gay glorious words they extoll & set forth their traditions, wherby they deceiue simple mē. Uery greatly doe they deceiue the soules of simple men, which cause them to enter into theyr sect, which they terme Religion. And they which before led a noughty life, by reasō of their ignorance or simplicity: after their entrance, become subtle false deceiuing hipocrites, entring together with the rest into poore mens houses: yea & oftentimes become worsse then the other. wherupō Mat. 22. wo be vnto you Scribes & Phareseis, hypocrits which go about. &c. Therfore they which do this, are no true messengers but false Apostles.

The 3. signe is,Signe 3. is, that true Apostles take in good par [...] when they be reproued. that the true Apostles if they be reproued, suffer the same patiently. 2. Cor. 12. saying: the tokens of my Apostleship are accomplished among you, in all patience & sufferance, meaning that patience, which pertayneth to the maners of the preachers. Therfore they which suffer not correction or punishment, be no true Apostles, but rather shew themselues to be no Christians at all 1. Cor. 12. No man can say that Iesus is the Lord, but by the holy ghost. Glossa. It is meet that christians should be hū bled, to the intēt that they may suffer themselues to be reproued, and not to be holden vp with yea and nay. And also such men do shew themselues to be carnall, and not spirituall at all, although they fayne themselues to be spirituall. Gal. 3. Therefore am I become an enemye vnto you? Notwithstanding the Glossa sayth: no carnall man will be reproued although he erre. Wher efore, those preachers which suffer not coroection, seeme not to be true Apostles, but false Prophets.

The 4. signe is, that true Apostles commend not them selues. 2. Cor. 4.The 4. signe is, that true preachers commend not themselues. For we dare not ioyne our selues, nor yet compare our selues vnto others which commend & boast many of theyr actes, when God alloweth none of them at all. Also true preachers although they be in deede prayse worthy for theyr good desertes: In the consciences of men are they prayse worthy, & not to the outward shew alone. 2. Cor. 3. We commend our selues sayth the Apostle to the consciences of all men: Then they do not commend them selues in cōparison of other, wherfore the glose saith vpon [Page] the same place: those that deserue no commendation but in comparison of other, do chalenge to thēselues other mens desertes and prayse: wherefore in the second Epistle of S. Peter the last chapter it is sayd. Euen as our welbeloued brother Paule according to the wisedome that God hath geuen vnto him, hath written vnto you: Glossa. The chiefest of the Apostles hath here forgotten his papall authority, and also his keies that were deliuered vnto him: For he is astonied as it were at the great wisedom geuen vnto his brother Paule. For in deede it is the maner of the elect children of God, to be more in loue with the vertues of other men, then with their owne: wherefore in the second chap. to the Philipp is writtē. Let those that are superiors esteeme of themselues in all humility. They therefore that do the contrary, [...]ving that their state or doings be better then other mens, although they be preachers, yet are they no true Apostles, in deed but false prophets.

Signe 5. is, that true preachers neede no letters commē datorie. The 5. signe is that true Apostles neede no letters of commendation: nor yet desire to haue themselues praysed of men: as in the 2. Cor. 3. chap. the Apostle sayth, we neede not the letters of commendatiō of any man: that is to say of false prophets.

Signe 6. is, that true Apostles preach not [...]iles they be sent.The 6. signe is, that true Apostles, doe not preach vnlesse they be sent, as in the 10. chap. to the Rom. how shall they preach vnlesse they be sent; Glossa. There be no true Apostles but those that be sent. For they haue no neede of Signes which are true witnes bearers, but those that be not sent and do preach, are false prophets.

Signe 7. is when those false prophets preach that were neuer sent.The 7. signe is, for as much as false Prophetes haue their authority in their owne names: wherfore, in the 2. epistle of S. Paul to the Cor. it is written. For we dare not boast of our selues or make comparison, Glossa. That is to say, with those that be false prophets: not taking their authority frō God, but vsurping the same desirous to beare rule, clayming in their owne name their authority. And therefore although peraduenture by presumption they say that they are sent of God, as all hereticks will say: yet notwithstanding, vnlesse they shal proue theyr sending, either by spirituall prophecy as Iohn Baptist did, saying: I am the voyce of a cryer in the desert: As out of the prophet Esay in the first chapter of S. Iohns Gospell is alledged: Or els by myracles, as Moyses did which turned his rod into a Serpent, and againe from a Serpent to a rod, as in the 7. chap. of Exodus: they ought for to be excommunicated, till such time they cease from preaching: Yet notwithstanding, a miracle ought not to be a sufficiēt testimony, of theyr sending, for as much as they be done oftentimes and that of euill and wicked men. 1. q. 1. we may perceiue towards the end. But miracles ought to be suspected, for as much as our Sauiour sayth in the 23. of Mathew. Then shall false prophets arise, &c. Therfore, they which do chalenge authority in their owne name, for as much as they haue not theyr authority from God, they are not true Apostles but false preachers.

Signe 8. is, that false prophetes pretende great holines in superstition.The 8. signe is, that false Prophets pretending great wisedome and holynes to be in superstition, haue named theyr owne traditions to be religion, the which are rather to be counted sacrilege or Church robbery, and doe vsurpe vnto themselues the due deserts of other men by boasting and bragging among straunge & vnknown people. Wherfore, the Apostle speaking of false Prophets in the 2. chap. to the Col. sayth: According to the precepts of men, which hauing a face of wisedome consist in superstition, interlaced with humility. Glose. That is to say, mingled with fained religion that it might be called religion, when in very deede, it is nothing els but sacrilege, because it is cōtrary to all authoritye: that is contrary to God himselfe, that any man should desire to haue gouernment of a multitude without publicke commaundement, as in Deuteronomi [...] 23. chap. Thou hast entred into thy neighbors vineyarde. Glose. that is to say, into the Church of an other Bishop. May a man warne & admonish others, or els correct that congregation which is not lawfull for him to gouern, nor yet to take so great a charge vpon him? no. And that it is not lawfull to enter into an other bishops Dioces, it is apparant: because it is not lawfull for the Archbishopp so to doe. To this effect appertayneth that which is red. 6. q. 3. And also it is written 9. q. 2. through out. Therefore those preachers which agaynst God and his diuine Scriptures do call their owne traditions religiō, are not are Apostles but false Prophets.

Signe 9. is, that when they neyther preach nor minister, yet liue vpon other mens labours.The 9. signe is, by the authority which they haue. For as much as they be no preachers of ye gospell or ministers of the Sacraments, yet they will liue by the Gospell; and not by the labour of theyr owne handes, against the text in the 2. Thess. 3. neither haue we eaten any mans bread for nought, or of free cost. Glossa. Then, those false Prophetes ought much more to liue by theyr labour, which haue not that authoritye which we ought to haue, that is to say to liue by the Gospell. And S. Augustine speaketh of this more expressely in his booke De opere monachorum, by these words. Those our brethren do clayme to themselues (very rashly as me thinketh) that they haue any such authority, to liue by the Gospell. If they be preachers of the Gospel, I graunt that in deed they haue such authority: if they be ministers of the aultar, if they be disposers of the Sacraments: they cannot well but take to thēselues this authority, as also manifestly to chalenge the same, if at the least they haue not where with all to sustayne this present life, without labour of their handes. &c. As though he woulde haue sayd, if they be not such maner of men, then haue they no authority to liue by the Gospell. Therefore those preachers, which haue not authority to line by the Gospell, or els minister the Sacraments, because they haue no cōgregation wherby to take charge of soules, yet for al that wil needs liue vpon the Gospell, they be no true Apostles but false Prophets.

The 10. signe is,Signe 10. is, that false prophets take that to them which pertayneth to the worde of God. that false teachers, reioyce more to be commēded themselues, then the word of God to haue the commendation & prayse. But they that are true preachers and Apostles, are farre otherwise minded as to the Thess. 2. not seeking the prayse of men. &c. And herin he toucheth those false Prophets, which desire rather to be commēded themselues, then that the word of God which they preach should haue the commendatiō, but he is an Apostle which not seeking the glory of this present world, but for the glory to come, doth abase himself to the intēt that ye preaching and word of God might be commended and exalted. They therfore which desire to haue prayse & to be commended of others, rather then that the word of God should haue the prayse, to be no true Apostles but false Prophets.

The 11. signe is,Signe 11. is, that false prophets doe preach for gaine and not for Gods cause. that true Apostles do preach onely for Gods cause, and for the health of soules, and for no tēporal gayne as in the 2. Cor. 4. saying, we preach not our selues. &c. Glose. Our preaching tendeth not to our glory and gayne, but onely to the glory of Christ. But the preaching of Christ by those that are false Prophets, tendeth to the contrary. Wherupon in the Phil. 1. is sayd: whether it be vpon occasion geuē, or els for the verities sake, let christ be preached. &c. Glose. False prophets doe preach the Gospell vpon some occasion, as either by seeking some commodity at the hands of mē, or els because of getting goodes, honor, or prayse among men. Which notwithstanding, that they be ready and willing as it should seeme to beare and sustaine iniuryes: yet they seek not so much the health of him to whom they preach, as in very deed they do their owne commodity and gaine. Whereupon. 2. Cor. 12. Glosse. Because I seeke not the thinges that be yours, that is to say, not your treasure as gold & siluer, but onely you your selues. Glosse. For other wayes it could by no meanes be gathered, that they should vnderstand him to speake or meane of theyr substaunce, because he more estemeth them then theyr mony, to the intent that they might vnderstand his great good will toward them. Therfore these euill and naughty preachers which preach for worldly gayn, or honor, or els for the prayse & cōmendation of men, be no true Apostles but false Prophetes. But it may be asked, how shall men vnderstand when these good fellowes preach for their owne vayne glory sake? It may be aunswered thus, when they preach before they be called, as in the 2. Cor. 11. whosoeuer boasteth let him boast and reioyce in the Lord. Glosse. Which thing to doe, cannot he by any meanes, that hath not his authority from God. For if any such Prophet preach, he seeketh his owne glory: and that may easely be perceiued. Because he is not called of God he hath no such authority of him, that is to say, of his Church or congregation, as to the Heb. 7. No man taketh to himselfe anye dignity, but he that is called of God as Aaron was. The Glosse. He is called of God that it is lawfully chosen of the congregation.

The 12. signe is,Signe 12. is, that false prophets doe counterfaite to loue where they hate. or token of a false prophet is: Because such Prophets do counterfait themselues to haue greater care, and loue to mens soules, then those that be theyr very gouernors & pastors haue, although they haue no charge at all of them, agaynst whom the Glose speaketh, and the 1. Thess. 2. We are become meek and louing towardes you, euen as the nurse which geueth her child sucke. Glosse. A woman nurseth other mens children for wages & not for loue alone, but she geueth her own suck of very loue with out respect of mony. Therfore those preachers which faine themselues, to haue a greater loue & affection to the soules of men, then they that haue the charge ouer them, seeme not to be true Apostles. The Apostles studye not for eloquēce nor for the curious placing of their words, but false [Page] Prophets do them both. As in the 2. Cor. 11. If the simple and vncloquēt man. &c. Glosse. The Apostles were not eloquent, but false Prophets are ful of curious eloquence. Also vpon the same an other Glosse. The Corinthiās were led away from the Gospell by ouer nice eloquence, the 2. Cor. 7. Let vs shew our selues before all men as the ministers of God. Glosse. The ministers of God, do not flatter as false Prophets do. And for this occasion those that be true Apostles haue not theyr abiding in princes Courtes, and noble mens houses, knowing this saying of Christ in S. Mathewes Gospel. Behold those that are clothed with silkes, dwell in kinges Courtes. And therefore true Apostles are not conuersaunt in Princes Courtes and noble mens houses. Glosse. Hard & strait life with the preaching of the Gospel loueth not to come neare Princes pallaces, and noble mens houses. Often times it commeth to passe that Courtiers are found great flatterers. Therfore those preachers that haue their abode in Courtes, or that in any other place do vse to flatter, are no true Apostles but false Prophets.

Signe 13. is, that false prophets doe circumuent men to haue their goods, and care for nothing els.The 13. signe is, that true Apostles or messengers, doe not circumuent or subtlely goe about to deceiue men, that they should geue vnto them their goods: either in their life time or els at ye time of theyr death: as in the 2. Cor. 7. We haue falsly deceiued no man. Glosse. By the subtle and deceitfull getting away of your substaūce as false Prophets do, which get away from you those things that be yours, vnder pretence of great frēdship. Also Mat. 22. Wo be vnto you Scribes & Phariseis you hipocrites which spoile widowes houses, by your long prayers: which mean nothing els by your superstition, but that you may spoyle & robbe the people as in Luke. 20. Which deuour widowes houses, by dissembling of your long prayer. Glosse. The which make ouer long prayers, to the intent they may seeme more deuout, & that they may get both mony & great cōmendation of all such as be sicke and troubled with the burden of theyr sinnes: Whose prayers be turned into sin, which neither are profitable for themselues nor any other. But rather shall haue for making those prayers greater damnatiō, for as much as by the same they deceiue others. For by this that they receiue and take both golde and siluer, it appeareth that they preath not for soule healthes sake, but onely for filthy lucre and gayne sake. Math 10, Be ye possessours neither of gold nor siluer. Glosse. If they then haue these thinges, they can not seeme, or be thought to preach for the health of y• soule, but for lucres sake. And so sayth Hi [...]rome vpon the Prophet Malachy. Because some Prophets tooke mony, theyr Prophecy became diuinatiō: that is to say, theyr prophecy appeared not to be prophecie but diuination, or inchauntment: that is, that such prophecy procedeth not frō God, but from the deuill. And this appeared in 1. q. 1. hauing this beginning Nunquā diuinatio. &c. Therfore these preachers which circumuēt and beguile men, to the intēt that they should geue them their goode, either in their life time or after theyr death: are not true Apostles but false Prophets.

Signe 14. is, that false prophets can not abide to haue the trueth preached.The 14. signe is, that false Prophets, when any verity is preached, which for the most part they are not acquainted with all, or that touched them: then begin they to chafe and barke against the same, wherupō the Apostle in the 3. chapter to the Philippiās saith: behold the dogges. Glossa. Understand you that they are not dogs by nature, but by their vsage & conditiōs, barking agaynst the truth, which they were neuer acquainted with. And so he cōpareth thē right well to dogges, because dogs folow rather custome, then reason: So false Apostles do keepe the custome of the law, & do bite and barke against the truth, as though they were without the gift of reason. And also in the secōd epistle to Timothy, the 4, chapter, saying: They get them instructors according to theyr owne desires. Glossa. Whiche may teach them what things they themselues are willing to heare, because the truth seemeth nothing pleasant vnto them. Therfore, those preachers which barke agaynst the late reuealed truth, which toucheth thē very neare & therfore cause the same to be hidden & kept vnder: are not true Apostles, but false prophets.

Signe 15. is, that false prophets do infor [...]e them to heare that are not willing to heare.The 15. signe is, that the true Apostles doe not enforce any to receiue or heare them, which be vnwilling therunto: but send them away rather, least they should seeme to seek after some earthly and transitory thing. Math 10 Who soeuer will not receiue you, get you out of that Citty, and shake the dust from off your feet. &c. Glossa That you may thereby shew, that the desire of earthly thinges hath no power in you. Therfore, those preachers which wrastle & striue as it were to that intent they would be receiued and heard, are no true Apostles: For as muche as the Apostle sayth. Corint. 11. If any man appeare among you to be ouer contentions or full strife: such custome haue we none nor yet the congregation of Christ.

Signe 16. i [...], false prophets doe cause pri [...] to hate [...] punish [...] that [...].The 16. signe is, that the Apostles did not procure the indi [...]nation of those princes with whom they were esteemed and regarded, against such persons as would not receiue them and heare thē, according as we read in the life of Simon and Iude the Apostles: The chiefe ruler being very angry, commaūded a very great fire to be made, that the bishops might be cast into the same, & all other which went about to de [...]ame the doctrine of ye Apostles of Christ: But the Apostles fell downe before the Emperor, saying: we beseech you syr, let not vs be the authors or causers of this destruction or calamity: Nor that we which are sent to be the preseruation of men, and to reuiue those that are dead through sinne, may seem to be killers of those that be aliue. Therefore, those preachers which seeke to stirre vp the displeasure of Princes agaynst them. (whose fauours now they enioy) that will not receiue and heare them, or rather whom they themselues hate, are no true Apostles but false Prophets.

The 17. signe is,Signe 17. is, that false prophets do not knowe neyther what God hath done, not yet [...] doe as true prophets [...]. that the Apostles of Christ haue not onely the knowledge of those things which God hath already done, but also of those thinges which he will hereafter doe, as in the Apo [...]. 3. The beastes were full of eyes both behinde and before. Glose. Obtaining the knowledge of those thinges which God had done, as also what he would do hereafter in the end of the world. Therfore those that say they know not the perils of the church in the latter time which are prophecied afore: or that they care not for them, or els if they know thē not, they haue not eyes be hinde and before, be no true Apostles. Therefore, what time as they call themselues Apostles, they are false prophets.

The 18. signe is,Signe 18. is, that false prophetes doe preach for money [...] are not to be discerned frō Wolues. that true Apostles do not desire the riches and goods of them to whom they preach, wherby they are discerned from wolues, that is to say, from false Prophets. Act. 20. I haue desired no mans golde nor siluer: Glose. By this are Wolues discerned, for they desire suche thinges. And agayne in the same place: For those thinges which I had neede of, and to those which were with me these handes haue ministred. Glose. This example also of labouring, is a spectacle for Bishops wherby they are discerned from wolues. For such as aske or beg of those to whom they preach, or set any other to aske or beg in theyr names: do seeme to commit simony: Like Byezi, of whom it is red in the third booke of kinges the fi [...]t chapt. that craued certaine apparell of Naaman the Sirian, to whome his maister Elizeus had restored the benefit of health. Not withstanding, he had gotten those garments, vnwitting to his maister. Whereupon Gregory Nazianzenus sayth 1. q. 1. Qui isti debetur. But some man perhaps will say: can not the preacher aske money or money woorth of those to whō he preacheth? Or at ye least, may not he beg? To this may be answered. If the preacher by authority preach and doth feed his flocke as a true pastor with the food of Gods word, he may take money or money worth: but then it is not begging or crauing, but it is by authoritye: as the second to Timothy the second chapter:If the Preacher do his duetie in preaching, he may [...] lawfully for his necessarye thinges. It is meete that the husband man that tilleth the ground, should first and afore other receiue the commodity of his encrease. Glose. He putteth the vertuous preacher out of doubt, not preaching for that intent to make marchaundise of the Gospell, and geueth him to vnderstand: that it is lawfull for him to take of them whom he feedeth as his flocke, what thinges soeuer he had need of: and doth it not in begging or crauing, but by good authority. It is manifest that it cannot in any place of the holy scripture be foūd, that the preacher ought to begge. But begging is forbidden of all the Apostles of Christ, and is abhorted of Salomon, and S. Augustine▪ & reproued by diuers other holy men. Therfore, it is manifest, that the true Apostles do not desire the tēporall goods of them to whom they preach, neither do they beg or craue the same. They therefore that require any thing of them to whom they preach, or els that any other man asketh for them, or in theyr names: do not seeme to be true Apostles, but false preachers.

The 19. signe is, that true Apostles are patient in tribulation: neither do they rēder euill for good,Signe 19. [...], that true Apostles doe not render euill for good as false doe. Mathew 10. Beholde I send you as sheepe among wolues. Glose. They that occupy the place of preaching, ought not to procure any euill toward their Brethren, as the example of Christ teacheth. 1. Peter. 2. saying: who when he was reuiled, reuiled not agayne, but did submit himselfe to him that iudged him vniustlye. They therefore that suffer not iniury, but rather do wrong themselues, are not true Apostles, but false Apostles.

The 20. signe is, that true Apostles at their first comming [Page] are euill intertayned, as the Lord sayth, in the xxiii. chap. of Math. Ye shall be hated of all men for my names sake:Signe 20. is, that true Apostles are not so well intertayned as false prophets be. but yet at the length such get the victory: According to that saying of the first of Saint Iohn the v. Chapter. Euery thing that is of God ouercōmeth the world. They therfore that in the beginning reioyce and are well intertayned, but in the end are reiected, seeme not to be true Apostles but false.

The 21. signe is, that true preachers goe not to preach vnto those which haue preachers appoynted vnto thē,Signe 21. is, that true preachers build not vpon an oan other mans foundation. because they haue not to reioyce of a company belonging to an other mans charge, as to the Romaines the 15. capter. I haue preached the Gospell where Christ was not before preached, least I should build vpon an other mans foūdation. And in the second Epistle of S. Paule to the Corinthians the x. chapter, he sayth: we are no boasters, nor busy in other mens mattets. Glose. where an other man had layd the foundation. Likewise in the same chapt. Not hauing pleasure to boast of other mens labors, that is to say of those which be committed to the gouernement of an other man. Likewise Augustinus sayth. Honour ought to seeke thee,Autoritie loueth them that refuse her, and yet abhorre her not. and not thou honour. Also Chrisostome: Authority is in loue with such a man as refuseth her, and yet abhorreth her not, They therfore that procure and haue desire to preach vnto the people committed to an other mās charge, which is an office of honor: especially in counsels, Synods, and great assemblies, also in kinges and princes courtes, and Prelates palaces, are not true Apostles, but false teachers.

The 22. signe is, that true Apostles when they know themselues to do much good in the church & congregation of God:Signe 22. is, that true prophets are not proude and vaine glorious as false prophets be. yet notwithstāding, are not puffed vp with pride. Ezech. 3. O sonne of man, I haue made thy face as an Adamants stone. The Adamant stone when it draweth irō vnto it, is not therby either lifted vpor altered. Likewise a true preacher when he draweth sinners vnto him by hys preaching (whose hartes were as hard as iron) is neuer the more lifted vp or higher minded therefore. But as in Luke the 18. chapiter: when ye haue done all that ye can, and as well as ye can, yet say that you are vnprofitable seruauntes. Psalme. Not vnto vs Lord, not vnto vs, but to thy name be geuen the glory. They therefore that do arrogantly boast themselues of the fruite and benefit that they haue done in ye church of God, saying: we haue geuē light to the vniuersal church, which was blind before our time, & we haue put out the flame of sinne in the church of God (when perhaps they haue more furthered hypocrisy, then either truth or verity) they are not true prophets but false, of whom it is spoken in the psalmes. The mouth of them that speake proud things. &c.

Signe 23. is, that false prophets be alwayes mē pleasers▪The 23. signe is, that true Apostles do not seek the fauor of the world, nor yet how to please men: As to the [...]a. 1. If I should please men, that is to say, if I had a desire to please men, I should not be the seruant of God, wherupō to tim. the 1. epistle & 2. chap. Not as men pleasers, Glose. Seeking to please because we haue not the pleasing spirit. Therfore those preachers that seek the fauor of ye world, & do labor to this intent that they might please men, are not true Apostles but false.Signe 24. is, that true prophets eat what is set before them and geue God thākes, but that doe not the false prophets.

The 24. signe is, that true Apostles when they haue meat and drinke they are contented, neither doe they desire ouer dayntye fare, according the saying of Math. 10. chap. Eating and drinking those things that are set before them. Glose. The gospell condemneth not altogether costly and delicate fare, yet so alloweth the same, that if we haue meat and drinke, we ought not to grutch, but to be therewith contēted. Therfore, those preachers which although that neither they be sent, nor haue authority to preach, and yet are offended when they haue not fine and delicate fare, are not true Apostles, but false preachers.

Signe 25. is, that false prophets do loue more their owne estimation, then that the word of God should be truely taught.The 25. signe is, that true Apostles doe loue more the law of God, thē their own estimatiō amongst their neighbors: According to that in the 7. chapt. of the Prouerbes. Keep my law as the apple of thine cie, & bind the same vp on thy fingers, and write the same in the table of thy hart: wherupon in the 119. psalme. The law of thy mouth is derer vnto me thē thousands of gold and siluer. Glose. Charite doth more loue the law of God, thē the desire of gold & siluer a thousand fold. He therefore that seeth the gospell of Christ troden vnder the foot, which is the eternall glad tidings to be taken away by that cursed one, and doth neglect and contemne the same, or els peraduēture consenteth vnto the same, to the outward apperance of ye world: And yet because he will keep his temporall dignity and estimation, refuseth not to stirre vp strife and contention about ye same, and so to be euill spokē of: seemeth not to be an Apostle of Christ, but rather a false prophet, if he be a preacher.

The 26. signe is,Signe 46. is, that false prophets are not contented with necessary thinges, but looke after superfluous. that true Apostles seeke not after such fine lodgings and wealthy habitations, where they may haue all thinges at theyr commaundementes: but rather such honest resting places, where they may haue necessary things for themselues, with theyr good wils of whom they haue it. And they take nothing of suche, whome they see to be so ready and liberall in geuing: as that thinke the one doth him more pleasure in receiuing the gift thē the other doth in geuing him the same. According to that in the 10. chapter of Mathew, saying: Into what city or town so euer ye shall enter, enquire out those that be of good report in the same: & abide you with them, so long as you tary in the same City or Towne. Glose. Your host with whom ye lodge, ought to be chosen by the good report of neighbors, least your preaching be euill spokē of by reason of his infamy. Neither ought such men to runne frō house to house. But whome shall we call worthy or of good report? Glose. Him, who knoweth better to do other men good, thē to receiue a good turne of an other: and this is he which geueth willingly for Christes cause, and not in respect of any commodity. Also true Apostles receiue nothing of such mē as lie waltering in their sins, but rather of those that are washed and clensed from their sinnes wherupon the 2. to the Cor. the 7. chap. They haue geuen themselues first to the Lord. Glose. Because they now amēding their olde errors and vicious maners haue vowed themselues vnto ye lord, & afterward gaue of that which they had to their brethren. For otherwise, they ought not to haue taken any thing of them, because gifts do blinde the eies. But those that geue where there is no cause of reproofe in their doing, haue no iust cause to geue. Therfore those preachers that seek how to come by dainty fare, & doe receiue bribes & rewardes of naughty men, that haue this world at will: to the entent that those preachers may couer and hide their faultes, and get of others what they can by subtlety, which geue indeed rather to remoue the shamelesse importunity of the crauer or els for auoyding of present shame, thē for any loue they haue to God: are not true Apostles, but false Prophets, according to that in the 2 [...]. to the Cor. the 9. chap. The Lord doth loue a willing geuer. Glose. He that geueth for presēt shame, or els for that he may be free from the importunacy of him that asketh, doth loose both his substaunce and merite: wherefore he that hath respect to these thinges, doth not seek the fruit and profit of the geuer, but the gift it selfe as the Apostle to the Philip. the 4. chap. sayth. Seeke not the gift but the fruit or benefit of the geuer.

The 27. signe is,Signe 27. is, th [...] those that be false prophets, their belly is their God. that true Apostles do not endeuoure themselues to seeke & enioy the fruit of other mens labors that they may be fed thereby: because that the belly is such mens God, according to that in the 2. to the Thessa. the 3. cap. we haue heard of some amongst you which walk vnordinately: not laboring at al, but liuing delicately or idlely. Glose. of other mens labors, and deserue they to be fed▪ The discipline of the Lord cannot away with that doing: for the belly is their God, which prouide to haue more thē necessary dishes of meat. Therefore those preachers which so do, are no true Apostles but false.

The 28. signe is,Signe 28. is, that true prophets reioyce not in miracles as false prophets doe. that true Apostles do not reioyce only of the miracles, or other excellēt works, which the Lord doth by them: but they reioyce rather of the saluatiō which they looke for from the Lord, then that by doing those miracles, they desire any honor. According to that which is written in Luke x. saying: Reioyce ye not for that the spirits be subiect vnto you, but because your names are registred in heauen. They therfore that boast of their own miracles, or of any that belong vnto them, for this cause that they are saued by the doing of them, as many do say, seme not to be true Apostles but false.Signe 29. is, that true prophets seeke not their owne glory as false prophets doe.

The 29. signe is, that the true Apostles do neuer seeke their owne glory in this life, but the glory of Christ, as in Iohn. 7. He that speaketh of himself doth seek his own glory. But he that seeketh ye glory of him which sēt him (that is of whom he is sent) is a true Apostle. Therefore those which seeke the thinges that pertayne to the glory of thys world, of the which one is: To be assistent to those yt beare rule and authority, according to that saying of Boetius De consolatione. Those that do desire to be extolled, either they raigne & beare rule themselues, or els do desire to be nere about thē, that haue such dominiō. Another is, they desire to haue the fame and victory, of that which they haue nothing at all deserued before God. Whereupon is written that saying of the Apostle in the Gal. 5. Let not vs become desirous of vaine glory. Glose. To be desirous of vaynglory is, to haue victory without any merite or desert: & those I say that doe such thinges seeme not to be true Apostles but false.

The 30. signe is, That true Apostles care not for the [Page] solemnities of men, neither their salutatiōs, nor feastings, nor any other benefite of theirs.Signe 30. is, that true prophets doe not force vpon the solemne salutatiōs of men as false prophets doe. Signe 31. is, that false prophets resort to other mens bordes, and flatter them for a m [...]ales meate which true prop [...]ets doe not. They therfore which loue & seek the company and fellowship of men, their feastings, and other their commodities, do not seeme to be true Apostles but false.

The 31. signe is, that true Apostles do not commonly resort to other mens tables, least yt they should for a meals meat become flatterers, as in the 2, Thessalon. 3. That we should geue you an example to follow vs. Glose. He that cōmeth oftētunes to an other mans table, being geuē to idlenes, cannot chuse but flatter him, which fedeth him: but Christes religion calleth men to liberty, and to no such bō dage. They therfore that resort oftentimes, & that of theyr owne mindes to other mens tables (liuing idlely) are not true Apostles but false.

The 32. signe is, that true Apostles do not hate theyr enemies,Signe 32. is, that true prophets doe not hate their enemies as false prophets doe. and such as hate them: which doctrine the Lord taught Mathew. 5. saying. Loue your enemies, do well to them which hate you. But false Prophets doe both hurt & defame their neighbors, according as S. Ierome. 14. saith. The Prophets of Ierusalem haue defiled the whole earth Glossa. They are not contented onely to hurt their neighbors, but also whōe they before this time haue hated, they defame and speak euill of, in euery place they come. Therfore those preachers which hate them whome they thinke are their enemies, and do defame them, are not true Apostles but false preachers.

The 33. signe is,Signe 33. is, that true prophets do not persecute men as the false prophets doe. that false Prophets when they are examined, & proued whether they be true Apostles or liers, take that very greeuously. And persecute all those that can proue thē to be so. And also do stirre vp and prouoke other to persecute the same men: which also ioyne thēselues together by secular power euen as certain false prophets did in the primitiue Church, agaynst the Bishop of Ephesus: to whom the Lord sayd in the Apoc. 2. I know, that is to say: I do alow thy workes and thy labour: that is thy tribulation, because thou canst not away with those that be euill men. Glossa. But that thou hast a desire to amend thē, or els to expell them, and hast examined those, which say that they are Apostles, and are but lyers: and also hast suffered this patiently. Glossa. The euils, which these false Prophetes ioyned together by seculare power doe bryng in: Are not the doinges of true Apostles but false Prophets.

The 34. signe is,Signe 34. is, that true prophets preach to those which be not yet conuerted, which the false prophets do not that true Apostles go not to preach to those which are cōuerted already by other men, but rather doe conuert those which are not yet conuerted: least that they should build vpon an other mans foundation, as S. Paule, Rom. 15, sayth: I haue laboured so, that from Ierusalem to Iliricus, I haue replenished the Gospell in euery place. Glose. That is, I haue preached the same aboū dantly, in whom the great vertue of the holy ghost appeareth: because so many nations, that is, the Gentiles haue receiued the Gospell by my preaching. But I haue preached the Gospell there, where Christ was not preached before, least I should build vpon an other mans foundatiō. Glose. I should not preach to those that were conuerted by an other man. Also 2. Corinth. 10. we are not such as boast and glory in other mens labours. Glose. where an other man layd the foundation: for that should be to boast inordinately. Also in the same place: not thinking to boast, wher an other man hath gouernmēt, but in those things which are put in experience. Glose. Of other preachers. Because the Apostle did preach vnto those to whō the Gospell was neuer preached, that he might get prayse by his owne proper labour. Therefore, those Preachers which goe not to that people which haue neede to be conuerted, but to those which are conuerted already, which haue apostles of their own: that is to say, Bishops, and Priests, and yet do boast ouer an other mans flocke: are not true Apostles, but false Prophets.

The 35. signe is, because true Apostles when they are sent,Signe 35. is, that true prophets chiefly preach in their owne dioces, and not in other mens. go to their own dioces, & not to an other mās dioces: euen as Paule being sent, went to the Gentiles when he purposed to preach: Actes. 13. Seperate Paule and Barnabas, for the businesse whiche I haue chosen them vnto Glose. According to the appoyntmēt and decree of Iames, Cephas, and Iohn, went he forth to be a teacher vnto the Gentiles. But those preachers that stand vpon theyr feet: That is to saye, those Preachers whiche haue but small worldly substaunce, for which cause they are more readier to goe which way so euer it shall please the Lord to send them: I say, the Lord hath sent them to preache, not to those which be sufficiently learned, but to those that are infidels, as we read in Ezech. 2. After that, the spirit of the Lord set Ezechiel vpon his feet, in qua spem situs vnus tangitur, and he sayd vnto him: O sonne of man beholde I send thee to the nations which haue [...]art [...]acke from their profession: which haue gone from me, that is to the Iewish heretickes, and to those nations which sometime haue bene Christians: as the Egyptians, the Babilonians, and all those that obserue the law of Mahomet. Therefore, if such go to those that are already instructed, & hauing both Apostles, bishops, and priests of their owne: they goe not into their own dioces, but into an other mans dioces: and are not true Apostles, but false preachers. And it is greatly to be feared, least the Church be in hazard and daunger by such, vnlesse they be thrust o [...]t of the same betime: Euē as Ionas which whē he was sent to [...]i [...]iuy of the Lord, which is interpreted large or wide, and leadeth to the hill: that is to the Infidels we speake of before. They go not to those Infidelles according to the commaundement of the Lord, but they turne an other way, take their iourny into [...]harsis, which is interpreted, [...]o [...]king after ioy and pleasure: That is, they goe vnto thos [...] which receiue thē with ioy and gladnes, & do well prouide for them, that is to say▪ to godly and deuout Christians▪ And therefore it is to be feared least the ship in which they be (that is the Church) be in great perill, vnlesse they be thrown forth. And therefore the Apostle spake of such false Prophets, not without good cause. 2. Timo. 2. And shonne thou those. Glose. That is such men as those be.

The 36. signe is,Signe 36. is, that fa [...] proph [...] attribute [...] to themselues [...] which t [...]y neuer die. because true Apostles doe not boast, neither do they attribute vnto thēselues any other thing, but in that God hath wrought the same by them. Paule, Romaines 15. sayth: I dare not say any thing, but that which Christ hath wrought and accomplished by me. Glo. That is, I speake onely those thinges (which by me) that is by my ministery, Christ hath wrought. They therefore that boast of many things, & do attribute much vnto thē selues, which they neuer did, are not true Apostles, but false Prophets.

The 37. signe is,Signe 37. is, that false prophets [...]o cleaue and leane to logicall and philosop [...] call reaso [...], Signe 3 [...]. is, that false prophets do loue carr [...] l [...] and not spi [...]ituall [...]. that true Apostles do not apply them selues, or leane to Logicall or Philosophicall reasons. Therfore those preachers which do indeuour themselues to such kinde of reasons, are not true Apostles, but false Prophets.

The 38. signe is, that true Apostles doe not loue carnally or after the flesh, but hate what thing soeuer doth resist them in the seruice of God, as Luke. 14. He that doth not hate his father and mother, his sonne and sister, and also himselfe, he cannot be my disciple. Glose. That is, he that doth not hate whatsoeuer doth resist or let him in the seruice of God, is not worthy to be a Disciple, neither can he abide in that office. Therefore for as much as true preachers are the true Disciples of the Lord, it must needes follow: that those Preachers which do promote their nephewes and kinsfolks (how vnworthy soeuer they be) to Ecclesiasticall promotions and liuinges, contrary to the will of God: or do any other thing that letteth or hindreth them in the seruice of God, are not true Apostles, but false Prophets.

The 39. signe is,Signe 39. is, that fal [...]e [...] prophets is hunt after the friendship of the world. that true Apostles do not hunt for the frendship of this world: for he that is the frend of this world, is the enemy of God. Therefore those preachers which purchase the frendship of this world are not true apostles but false prophetes, Therefore, for as much as the Scripture is infallible, as in the 24. chapter of Mathew, saying: Heauen and earth shall perish, but my words shal endure for euer. And the holy ghost which spake in the Apostle cannot lie: for prophecy (for the most part) is not spoken by the will of man, but the holy men of God spake by the inspiration of the holy Ghost, as it is red in the first epistle of Peter the 5. chapter: It remayneth that all men which are bound to defend the Church, may rise vp in the defence of the same, according to that in the 24. chapter of the Prouerbs. Deliuer those that are led to death and cease thou not to rescue those which are drawne to destruction. Neither may he alleadge vayne accusations, because it is sayd in the same place:Whatsoeue [...] doth perishe in the church of God for wāt of preachers shall be required. If he say he is not able, or strong enough, he that beholdeth the thoughtes of mens hartes, shall know it. &c. what so euer perisheth in the Church of God for want of preachers: all that shal be demaunded of them at the day of iudgement: As Iacob confesseth to La [...]an, whose sheep he fedde. Genesis. 31, I did restore all thy losse, and that which was stolne I made aunswere for. I will demaund his bloud at thy handes. Ezechiell. 3. This is sayd, to the Pastor or Prelate. But if the other thinges which we haue spoken of before could not mooue the Prelates, and Cardinals: this at the least should mooue them: Because that then, the spirituall power which doth consist for the most part in ye exercise of preaching, in hearing confessions, & enioyning of penaunce: shall be taken away frō them by litle & little. For by piece mele doth the wolfe d [...] nour [Page] the poore & needy man. 3. q. cap 1. when the authority Ecclesiasticall therfore shall be quite taken from them, and disposed to other, such as either by their order, or Apostolicall graūt, do challenge to haue the same: Then doubtles, shall neither the iurisdictiō of ciuile causes and pleadings, nor any authority that such Prelates haue yet remaining, neither yet the possessions of the temporall goodes of the Church, any longer remayne amongest them. Shall suche haue the temporall goods of the church which minister not the spirituall treasure thereof? 1. Cor. 9. Know ye not that they which kill the sacrifice ought to eate of the sacrifice, & they that serue at the aultar are partakers of ye aultar? For as the body without the soule cannot stand, so corporall thinges without spirituall things cannot continue. 1. q. 1. if any shall take away the same. Thus haue you had the 39 arguments, for the which both he was cōdemned, and his bookes burned.

In the dayes of this Guilielmus,A detestable booke of the Fryers called Euangelium [...]ernum. there was a most detestable and blasphemous booke set forth by the Friers, (mentioned also in Math. Parisiens.) which they called Euangelium aeternum, or Euangelium spiritus sancti: That is, the euerlasting Gospell, or the Gospell of the holy Ghost. In which book, many abhominable errors of the Friers were conteyned, so that the Gospell of Iesus Christ was vtterly defaced: which this booke sayd, was not to be compared with this euerlasting Gospel, no more then the shell is to be cōpared with ye carnell: then darknes to light. &c. More ouer that the Gospell of Christ shal be preached no longer but fifty yeares, and then this euerlasting Gospell should rule the Church. &c. Item, y• whatsoeuer was in the whole Bible, was in the saide Gospell contayned. At length this Friers Gospell was accused to the Pope, and so 6. persons chosen of the whole vniuersitye to peruse and iudge of the booke:The eternall and spiritual Gospell of the Fryers condemned with much a do of the Pope. as Christianus Canonicus, Baluacensis: Odo de Doaco: Nicholaus de Baro: Ioannes de Sicca Vella Anglus. Ioannes Belim, Gallus: Among whom, this Guilielmus was one, who mightely impugned this pestiferous and deuillish booke. These 6. after the perusing of the booke were sent vp to Rome. The Friers likewise sent their messengers withall: where they were refuted, and y• errors of the booke condemned: but so, that the Pope with the Cardinals commaunded the sayd booke to be abolished and condemned not publickly (tendering the estimation of the religious orders, as of his own most chiefe champions) but that they should be burned in secret wise: and the books of the foresayd [...]uilielmus to be burnt with all.

Besides other his bookes, 2. Sermons we haue of his yet remayning, one vpon the Gospell of S. Luke, of the Pharisy and the Publicane: the other vpon the Epistle, redde in the Church on May day. where in the first he resembleth the Phariseis to our Monkes, and that he proueth by all the properties of the Phariseis described in the Gospell. The Publicane he resembleth to the Laity, such as for because the sooner they are reduced to acknowledge their sinnes, the more hope they haue of mercy. The other, because they stand confident in their own righteousnesse, are therefore farther from their instification. In the latter sermō he setteth forth and declareth what perils and daū ders be like to fall vpon the Church by these religious orders of Monkes and Friers.

Among the other besides of that age which withstood the bishops of Rome & his Antechristian errors, [...]aurentius Anglicus condemned of the pope. Desensio Gulielmi. Ca [...]endum [...] pseudo prophe [...]s. The Pope Antichrist. The synagogue of Rome to be great Babylon. Ex Nicolao Emerico in libro suarū inquisitionum. Petrus Ioannes burned after his death. Robertus Gallus prophesieth against the Pope. was one Laurēce an Englishman, and maister of Paris. An other was Petrus Ioannes a Minorite. Of whome the foresayde Laurence was about the yeare of our Lord. 1260. who in his teaching, preaching & writing, did stoutly defēd y• part of the forsayd Guilielmus & the rest of his side agaynst the Friers. Against the which Friers he wrote 2. bookes: One in ye defence of William afore mētioned: the other vpō this argument and title: To beware of false prophets. &c. Certayn other things also he wrote, wherin by diuers proofes and testimonies he argued & proued, that Antichrist was not farre of to come.

The other, Petrus Ioannes was about the yeare of our Lord. 1290. which taught and maintained many things agaynst the Pope: prouing that he was Antichrist, and that the sinagogue of Rome was great Babilon. He wrot vpon Mathew, vpon the Epistles, and vpon the Apocalips. Mention of this Petrus Ioannes is made in Nicholaus Emericus in Lib. Inquisitionum. &c. And sayth moreouer, that Mi [...]hael Cesenas (of whō Christ willing shall followe hereafter) took of him a great part of his opiniōs. And because the pope could not burne him aliue, after his death he caused his bones to be taken vp and burned.

To these and with these aboue specified, is to be added Robertus Gallus, who being borne of a right noble parentage for deuotion sake, was made a Dominicke Frier, about the same yeare of our Lord aboue touched, an. 1290▪ This man, as appeareth by his writing, had diuers and sundry visions: whereof part is annexed with the visions and prophecy of Hildegardis. His visions al tend against the spiritualty of Rome. where in the fift chapter, he calleth playnely the Pope an Idoll: which hauing eyes seeth not, neither lusteth to see the abhominatiōs of his people, nor the excessiue enormity of ther voluptuousnes. But only to see to the heaping vp of his own treasure: & hauing a mouth, speaketh not, but sayth: I hane set good men ouer them, (which is sufficiēt for me) to do them good either by my selfe or by some other. And foloweth in the same chapter, wo to that Idoll: woe to the mighty and proud, who shall be equall in all the earth to that Idoll? He that exalted vp his name in earth, saying: who shall bring me vnder? Is not my house compared with the mighty Potentates of the land? I am higher then Dukes: Knightes on their horsebacke do seruice vnto me. That which my Fathers had not before me, y• haue I done to me. My house is strowed with siluer: gold and pearle are the pauement of my palace. &c.

Agayn in the 12. chapter and also in the first,The Pope described. vnder the name of a Serpēt he paynteth out the Pope: whom he declareth to extoll himselfe aboue measure, and to oppresse y•, few that be godly, and to haue many fal [...]e prophets about him, which neglecting the word and the name of Christ, do preach & extoll him only, obscuring the name of Christ. The church of Rome and the Pope he describeth in these words: I was praying (sayd he) on my knees, looking vpward to heauen,The visions of Robertus Gallus. nere to the aulter of S. Iames in Paris, on the right side of the aultar: & saw in the ayre before me the body of a certain high bishop all clothed in white silke, who turning his backe on the East, lift vp his hand toward the west, as the Priestes are wont in theyr Masse turning to the people, but his head was not seene. And as I was considering aduisedly whether he had any head or no:The state of the church of Rom [...] described. I perceiued a certayne head in him all dry, leane & withered, as though it had bene a head of wood. And the spirit of the Lord sayd to me: This signifieth the state of the Church of Rome.

Moreouer, the same author in his visions well describing the maner of the schole sophisters, and Sorbonists, addeth in this wise.The scholemen and the friuolous questions described. An other day as I was in like contē plation as before, I beheld in spirit: and beholde I saw a man apparelled like to the other before: which wēt about, hauing fine bread, and excellent wine, that hanged about him on both sides. And the same hauing in his hand a lōg and an hard flint stone, was gnawing hungerly vpon the same, as one being hungry is wont to bite vpon a loafe of bread. Out of the which stone came two heads of two serpentes, the spirit of the Lord instructing me, and saying: This stone purporteth the friuilous, intricate, & curious questions, wherein the hungry do trauaile and labor, leauing the substauntiall foode of their soules. And I asked, what these two heads did meane. And he sayd, The name of the one is vaine glory, the name of the other is the marring and dissipation of religion.

Also,The reformation of the church presignified. concerning reformation of the church, this vision he declareth▪ It happened as I was (sayth he) in the same City in the house of a certaine noble man (a Britaine) and was there speaking with certayne: I saw a crosse of siluer very bright, much like to the Crosse of the Earle of Tholouse. But the 12. apples which did hang beside in the armes of the crosse, were very vile, like the apples which the sea is wont to cast vp. And I sayd: what is this Lord Iesu? and the spirit answered me: This crosse which thou seest is the church, which shal be cleare and bright in purenes of life, and shall be heard and known all ouer through the shrill voice of the preaching of sincere verity. Then being troubled with the apples, I asked, what these apples so vile did signify? and he said: it is the humiliation of the Church. &c.

This godly man did forewarne (as in a certain chro [...]ticle is declared) how God would punish the simony and auarice of the clergy with such a plague,The simonie and auarice of the clergie to be punished. that riuers should runne with bloud. &c. It is sayd, that there is remayning a great volume of his visions, whiche are not yet abroad: for these that be abroad, are but a briefe extract out of hys visions and reuelations.

After y• we haue thus lōg straid in these forrein stories of Fredericke, and in the tractation of other matters pertayning to other countreys: Now after this sufficient disgression, it is time that we returne to our own country agayne. where, in folowing ye continuatiō of time, & course of the Church: we will now adioyne to these good fathers and writers, the history of the learned Bishop of Lincolne [Page] named Robert Grosted,The story of R. Grostede Byshop of Lincoln. a man famously learned (as that time serued) in the three toungs, both Latin, Greeke, and Hebrue, also in all liberall sciences. whose works & Sermons, yet this day are extant, which I haue seene in the Queenes Maiestyes Library at Westminster. wherin is one speciall Sermon writtē and exhibited in foure sundry skrolles to the pope, and to other foure Cardinals, beginning Dominus noster Iesus Christus. &c. Ex Nic. Triuet. Rob. Grostede a Southfolke man borne. Nicolas Triuet in his chronicle writing of this bishop, affirmeth that he was borne in Suffolke, in the Dioces of Northfolke: who geuing him the prayse to be a man of excellent wisedome, of profound doctrine, & an example of all vertue: witnesseth, that he being maister of Arte,The commendation of Rob. Grostede. wrote first a Commentary in librum posteriorum of Aristotle. Also that he wrote Tractations de sphera, & de arte comput. And that he set forth diuers books concerning Philosophy. Afterward being Doctor in Diuinity, and expertly seene in all the 3. tongues, drew out sundry Treatises out of the Hebrue gloses: also translated diuers works out of the Greeke, as namely the Testamentes of the xij. Patriarches, & the bookes of Dionisius, commenting vpon the new translation with hys owne glose. Haec ille. Many other workes and volumes besides were written by the said Grosted,The bookes and workes of Rob. Grostede. as De oculo morali, de Dotibus, De cessatione legalium, paruus Cato, Annotationes in Suidam, in Boetium, De potestate pastorali, expositiones in Genes. in Lucam, with a number mo [...], besides diuers Epistles, Sermons, and Inuections sent to the Pope, for his vnmeasurable exactions, wherwith he ouercharged & oppressed the Church of England.

This godly and learned Bishop after diuers conflicts and agonies sustayned agaynst the Bishop of Rome: after the example of Fredericke: of Guiliel. de sancto amore, of Nico. Gallus and other after minded: at length after great labors and trauells of life, finished his course, & departed at Buckdone in the moneth of Octob.Anno. 1253. The death of R. Grostede. an. 1253. Of his decease thus writeth Mat. Parisiens. pag. 278. Out of the prison and banishmēt of this world (which he neuer loued) was takē ye holy bishop of Lincolne Robert, at his manor of Buck [...]one in the euen of S. Dionise: who was an open reprouer of the Pope and of the King: a rebuker of the prelats, a corrector of the Monkes,Malleus Romanorum Grosthedus. director of the Priestes, instructor of the clerkes, fau [...]or of scholers, a preacher to the people, persecutor to the incontinent, a diligent searcher of the Scriptures. A malle to the Romaines, and a contemner of theyr doings. &c. Haec Mat. what a malle hee was to the Romaines, in the sequele hereof (Christ willing) shall better appeare. The story is this.

It so befell, among other dayly and intollerable exactions wherein Pope Innocēt was greuous and iniurious (manifold wayes) to the Realme of England:The trouble of R. Grost. with the Pope. he had a certaine cosin or nephew (so Popes were wont to call theyr sonnes) named Fredericke, being yet yoūg & vnder yeres: whom the said Innocent the Pope would needs preferre to be a Canon or Prebendary in the church of Lincolne, in this time of Robert Bishop of the sayd Church. And vpō the same directed down letters to certayn his factors here in England for the execution thereof. The copy of which letter, by chaunce, yet not by chaunce, but by the oportune sending of God, came to my hādes, as I was pēning this present storye, written in the ende of an olde parchment book and otherwise rare I suppose to be foūd. As is this.

Dilectis filijs Archdiacono Cant. & magistro Innocēt. scriptori nostro in Anglia commoranti: An vnreasonable letter of the Pope. salutem & Apostolicam benedict.

Cum dilectus filius noster G. Sanct Eustachij Diaconus cardinalis dilecto Recte dictum fortassis filio. filio Fridericho de Lauania, clerico nepoti nostro, de speciali mandato nostro Canonicatum Lincolniens. cū plenitudine iuris canonici duxerit cōferendum, ipsum per suum anulum corporaliter, & praesentialit. inuestiens de eodem, vt extunc canonic. Lincolniensis existat, & plenum nomen & ius Canonici consequatur ibidem, ac prebendam, si qua vacauerit in Ecclesia Lincol [...] a tempore quo dudùm litere nostrae super receptione, ac prouisione facienda sibi in Eccles. eadem de praemissis venerab. fratri nostro Episcopo Lincoln. presētatae fuerūt: a lioqui post va [...] caturam conferendā sibi donationi Apostolicae reseruarit: decernendo irritum & inane, si quid de praebēda huiusmodi a quoq̄ fuerit attentatum: nec non & in contradictores & rebelles excommunicationis sententiā vbique promulgando, prout in literis eiusdem exindè de Confectis. cōstitutis pleniùs cōtinetur Nos ipsius Frede rici deuotis supplicationibus inclinati, quod ab eodē Cardin. factum est super hoc & ratum & gratum habentes, idem autorit. Apostolic. duximus confirmandum. Quocirca Discretioni vestrae per Apostolica scripta [...]mandamus, quatenus eundem Fredericū, vel procuratorum suum eius nomine in corporalem possessionē praedictorum Canonicatus & praebēdae, autorite nostra inducatis. & defendatis inductum: cōtradictores per censuram Ecclesiasticā appellatione postposita cōpescendo. Non obstātibus aliquibus consuetudinibus vel statutis, inramentis, vel confirmationibus sedis Apostolicae, seu quacun (que) alia infirmitate roboratis: vel quòd dictus Frider. praesens non fuerit ad prestandum iuramentum de obseruandis consuitudinib. eiusdem Eccles. consuetis. Siue si praedicto Episcop. vel Capitulo ipsius Ecclesiae communiter vel singulatim: [...]eu alijs quibuscūque personis a dicta sede indultum existat, quòd ad receptionem, vel prouisionem alicuius cō pelli nequeant, siue quòd nullus alius in eorum Ecclesia nemini prouidere valeat: vel quod interdici, suspendi, aut excommunicari non possint, per literas apost. sub quacūque forma verborū obtentas, vel obtinendas, etiamsi totus tenor indulgē tiarum huiusmodi de verbo in verbum in ijsdem literis sit insertus, siue quibus alijs indulgentijs quibuscunque personis, dignitati, vel loco, sub quacunque forma verborum concessis a sede Apost. vel etiam concedendis: per quas effectus huiusmodi prouisionis posset impediri aliquatenus vel differri: Tamen volumus ea de certa scientia, quantum ad prouisionem factam & faciendam Frederico praedicto in Ecclesia Lincoln. viribus omnino carere. Coeterum si aliqui praedicto Frederico, vel procuratori super praemissis, vel aliquo praemissorum, aliquatenus duxerit apponendum: Illos ex parte nostra citari curetis, vt peremptoriè infra duorum mēsium spacium post citationem vestrā personaliter cō pareant coram nobis, eidem Friderico super praemissis legitimè responsuri. Non obstantibus priuilegijs, siue quibuslibet indulgē tijs personis regni Angliae generaliter vel cuiuis alij personae, vel dignitati, vel loco specialiter a praedicta sede sub quacunque forma verborum concessis: Quod non possunt vltra mare, seu extra ciuitatem vel Diocesin suam in iudiciū euocari per literas apost. sub quacunque forma verborū obtētas, quod priuilegium & indulgentias eisdē personis de certa scientia nullatenus volumus suffragari, & constitutione aedita de duabus dictis in cōcilio generali non obstante. Diem autem citationis & formam nobis, vestris literis tenorem praesentium continentibus fideliter intimetis. Quòd si non ambo his exequendis interesse poteritis alter vestrum nihilominus exequatur.

Datum Perus. 7. Cal. Febr. Pontificat. nostro anno decimo.

Which letter to be englished is this.

Vnto our welbeloued sonnes the Archdeacon of Cant. & to maister Innocent our scribe abiding in England: greting and Apostolicall benedictiō. The Pope [...] vnreasonable letter. For so much as our welbeloued sonne G. of S. Eustace Deacon Cardinal, vpon our speciall commaūdemēt hath geuen and graunted to our welbeloued sonne Frederick de Lauania (a Clarke and our nephew) a Canōship in the Church of Lincolne with full power and graunt of the same: Inuesting him also corporally, and presently with his owne ring in the said canōship to be frō hēceforth Canō of Lincolne, & to haue ful power of the sayd canonship in the church, and a prebend when anye shall fall in the Churche of Lincolne: From that time, since whiche our former letters of late, concerning this receiuing and prouision to be geuen to him in the sayd Church were presē ted & exhibited to our reuerend brother Bishop of Lincolne: Or els after the next auoyding the said prebendship to be reserued to the Apostolical donation & to be geuē to him, making it void & frustrate if the sayd prebēdship shall be geuē to any other man beside, Excom [...] nication [...] bused. and also denouncing the sentence of excōmunication agaynst all them that shall rebell and gainsay the same as in the letters of the sayd Cardinall is more fully contayned.

We therfore graciously inclined by the deuout supplication of the said Friderick, ratifying & gratefully approuing that which hath bene done by the said cardinals in the premisses haue thoght good by the authority Apostolicall to confirme. Wherefore we geue in cōmaundement by our letters Apostolicall to your wisedomes, that you will see the sayd Frederick (or his proctor in hys behalfe) to be really and corporally possessed in the sayd Canonship or prebēd by our authority, & also defend the sayd party being therin possessed, denouncing the sentence of excommunication against all such as shall withstand the same: All maner of customes, or statutes to the contrary notwithstāding, corroborated either with oath, or cōfirmatiōs of the sea Apostolick, or by what stay or let soeuer: Or whether that the said Frederick be not present to take the oath accustomed to be geuen for obseruing the customes of the sayd church: Or whether it be geuen and graunted by the sayd sea to the foresayd Bishop, or to the chapter of the sayd church ioyntly and seuerally, or to what person or persons els, that no man by compulsion should haue admission or prouision for any person in their Church wherby they cannot be interdicted, suspended, or excommunicate by the letters Apostolicall obtained, or to be obtained hereafter, vnder what form or words soeuer, yea although the whole tenour of the sayd indulgence be inserted word for word in the sayd your letters or by any other indulgences to what persō or persōs soeuer, of what estate, dignity or place soeuer, vnder any maner or forme of words, graūted hereafter by the sea Apostolicke: by the which indulgences the effect of the said prouision may be by any maner of waies hindered or deferred: yet of our certayne knowledge we will that they shall want theyr strength in the prouision made or to be made[Page]for the sayd Frederick in the Church of Lincoln: And if any vpon the premisses or any of them shall alleadge agaynst the foresayd Fredericke, or his procurator: That you will cause them to be cited on our behalfe, so that they being cited peremtorily shal within the space of two monethes of your citation, personally appere before vs there according to the law to make aunswere to the sayd Fredericke, vpon the premisses: Any priuiledges or indulgē ces what soeuer, geuen and graunted either generally to the king dome of England, or peculiarly to any other person of what state, degree, and place soeuer, graunted by the foresaid sea, vnder what soeuer maner & forme of words for them not to be called vp beyond the sea, or out of their owne City or Dioces by letters Apostolicall, vnder whatsoeuer forme of wordes obtayned, to the contrary in any wise notwithstanding: All which priuiledges and indulgences, we will in no case shall stand in any force or effect to the sayd partes. Moreouer, the day and forme of the citation, we will that ye faythfully do intimate vnto vs by your letters containing the tenor therof. And if both of you can not be present at the execution hereof, yet we will notwithstāding that one of you do execute the same without fayle.

Dated the 7. Kal. Febr. the 10. yeare of our Popedome.

As the [...]e is no mā which hath any eies to see, but may [...]asely vnderstand in reading this letter of the Pope, how vnreasonable his request is how impudently he commaū deth, how proudly he threatneth, how wickedly he oppresseth and racketh the Church of God, in placing boyes and straungers in the ministery & cure of soules, & also in making them his prouisors, to rauen vp the Church goodes: So is it no great maruell,A double [...]ommenda [...]ion of B. Grosted. if this godly Bishoppe Robert Grosted was offended therwith. who in my mind, deserueth herein a double commendation, not onely that he so wisely did discerne error from sincerity and truth: but also that he was so hardy and constant to stand to the defence therof agaynst the Pope, according as in this his answere to the Pope agayne may appeare, as foloweth.

The aunswere of Robert Grosted.

The answer of R. Gro [...]ed to the Pope. SAlutem. Pleaseth it your wisedome to vnderstand, that I am not disobedient to any the Apostolicke precepts: but both deuoutly & reuerently with the natural affectiō of a sonne obey the same: And also am an vtter enemy to al those that resist such Apostolick precepts, as a childe zelous of his fathers honor. And truly I am no lesse then bound therunto by the precept and cōmaū dement of God. For the Apostolick preceptes are none other nor can be, then consonant and vniforme to the doctrine of the Apostles, and of our Sauiour Christ being the maister and Lorde of all the Apostles: whose type and person, specially in the consonant and vniforme hierarchie of the Church, the Lord Pope semeth to beare (the same our Lorde and Sauiour Iesus Christe, saying) whosoeuer is not with me, the same i [...] agaynst me: Therefore, agaynst him, neither is nor can be, the most diuine sanctitye of the sea Apostolicall. The tenour then of [...]our foresayd Apostolicall letter is not consonant to true sanctity but vtterly dissonāt and disagreeing to the same. First, for that vpon the clause of this your letter & many such other letters like, which clause alwayes ye so much do vrge (Non obstante) induced and brought in vpon no necessity of any naturall law to be obserued: doth swarme, and floweth with all inconstancy, boldnes, pertinacy, impudency, lying, & deceiuing, and is also a sea of mistrust in geuing credit to no man. Which as it swarmeth with these, so in like maner with innumerable other vices which hang and depend vpon the same: mouing and disturbing the purity of Christian religion and lyfe agreable to the same, as also the publique tranquility of men. Moreouer, next after the sinne of Lucifer (which shalbe in the latter time, to wit, of Antichrist the childe of perdition, whome the Lord shall destroy with the breath of his mouth) there is not nor can be any kinde of sinne so repugnant and contrary to the doctrine of the Apostles [...]nd holy scripture & to our sauiour Christ himselfe more hatefull, detestable and abhominable: then to destroy and kill mens soules by defrauding them of the mistery of the pastorall office which by the ministery of the postorall cure ought to saue and quicken the same. Which sinne, by most euident places of the Scripture such men are discerned & knowne to commit: which being in the authority of the Pastorall dignity, do serue their owne carnall desires and necessaries, with the benefit of the milke and wooll of the sheep and flocke of Christ: and do not minister the same Pastorall office and charge to the benefite and saluation of those theyr sheep. The same therefore by the testimony of the Scripture, is not the administration of the Pastorall ministery but the killing and destruction of the sheep. And that these two kinde of vices be most vile and wicked (although after a differryng sorte) and farre exceeding all other kinde of wickednesse, hereby it is manifest: For that the same are directly contrary to two vertues most chiefely good (although differring in themselues) and vnlike together. For that is called most wicked which is contrary to a thing most best. So much then as lyeth in the offenders, the one of their offences is directly agaynst the deity, which of himselfe is alwayes essentially and supernaturally good: The other is agaynst the deification and the Image of God in man, which is not alwayes but by the participation of Gods lightsome grace essentially and naturally God. And forasmuch as in thinges being good, the cause of good is better then the effect: & like as againe in euill things the cause of euill is worse then the effect of euil proceeding therof: hereby it is manifest: That the inducers of such wicked destroyers of Gods Image and deification in the sheep of Christ (that is the church of God) are worse thē those chief destroiers, to wit, Lucifer & Antichrist.

And as in these degrees of wickednes how much more excellent such be, who hauing a great charge committed to them of God (to edif [...]ication, and not to destruction) are more bound to keep away and exclude such wicked destroyers from the church of God: Power giuē [...]o ministers to edificatiō only, not to destruction. So much is it also of that, that this holy seat Apostolicall to whom the Lord Iesus Christ hath geuen all maner of power (to edification as the Apostle sayth, and not to destruction) can commaund, or will to goe about any such thing, vrging vnto so great wickednesse, so odible, detestable, and abhominable to our Lord Iesus Christ and also so pernitious to mankinde. For this should be a great defection, corruption, and abuse of the sayd seat and fulnesse of power, and an vtter separation from the glorious throne of our Lord Iesus Christ, and a neare neighborhood vnto the two most principall princes of darcknes, sitting in the chaire of pestilence, Two principall princes of darknes, Lucifer and Antichrist. prepared to the paynes of hell. Neither can any mā which is subiect and faythfull to the sayd sea (and not cut away from the body of Christ, and from the sayd holy sea) with sincere and vnspotted conscience▪ obe [...] such maner of precepts and cō maundementes, [...] what so [...]uer other attemptes proceeding, yea though from the high order of aungels themselues: but rather ought of necessity with all their strength to withstand & rebell against the same. Wherfore my reuerend Lorde, I like an obedient childe vpon my bound duty of obedience & fidelity, which I owe to bot [...] the He mea [...]ieth either Christ & the Church, or els Peter and Paule. parentes of this holy Apostolicke sea, and partly for loue of vnity in the body of Christ ioyned with the sayd sea: doe not obey but withstand and vtterly rebell agaynst these things in the said letter contained, & especially which vrge and tend to the foresayd wickednes: so abhominable to the Lorde Iesus Christ, so repugnant to the holines of the holy Apostolick sea, & so cōtrary to the vnity of the catholick [...]aith. Neither for this cause can your discretiō determine any extremity vnto me, because al my doing and gaynsaying in this matter is no resistaunce nor rebellion, but a▪ childly obedience to the diuine precept and honour due both to Idest, both to Christ and hi [...] Church. Father and Mother. Briefly therefore repeating my wordes I say: that this holy Apostolicke sea cannot do any thing but to edification, and nothing at all to destruction. For this is the fulnes of power, to be able to do all thinges to edification. But these which you call prouisions, be not to edification, but to manifest destruction. The holy Apostolicke sea therfore cannot nor ought to attempt any such thing, because that flesh and bloud which cā not enter into the kingdome of God hath reuealed the same, and not the Father of our Lord Iesus Christ which is in heauen.

Then followeth it in the story both of Mathaeus Parisiē sis and of Florilegus, Ex Ma [...]. Paris. ad verbu [...]. in these words: That when this Epistle came to the knowledge of the Pope, he fuming & fret [...]ing, with anger and indignation answered, with a fierce looke and proud minde sayng: what olde doting franticke wretch is this so boldely, & rashly to iudge of my doinges? By sweet S. Peter and Paule, were it not but that vpon our own clemency and good nature we are restrayned,Well sworne maister pope. we would hurle him down to such confusion, that we would make him a fable, a gasing stock, an example and wonderment to all the world. For is not the king of England our vassall? and to say more, our mansiple or page (to vse the very wordes of mine author) which may at our pleasure & becke both hamper him, and imprison him and put him to vtter shame? This when the Pope in his great fury and rage had vttered amōgst his b [...]thren the Cardinals, who were scarce able to appease the furious violence of ye pope, with milde moderatiō of words, they sayd vnto him: that it was not expediēt for thē to proceed agaynst that bishop in such rig [...]rous m [...]ner, For sayd they to confesse the truth to your holynes, it is but very truth that he affirmeth, neither can we condemn him therfore. He is a catholick man yea also a holy man: more holy & also religious thē we our selues:Giles Cardinall defendeth Rob [...]rt Grosted to the pope. a man of excellent wit and excellent life, so as it is thought among all the Prelats he hath not his better nor yet his like. This is not yet vnknowne both to the french & English clergy vniuersally, neither can our cōtradictiō preuail against him: The truth of this his epistle perhaps is knowne now to many & shall stir vp many against vs: for he hath the name to be a great Philosopher and singularly seene in all the tounges both Greeke, Latine & Hebrue: zelous in iustice, a reader of diuinity in the scholes, [...] preacher amongst the people, a louer of Chastity, & a persecutor [Page] of Simony. These words spake L. [...]iles, a Spanish Cardinall to the Pope and other mo moued by theyr cōscience to speak. And this coūsell they gaue to the Pope, that he should dissemble and wincke at these thinges as one not seing or regarding them: least otherwise perhaps, some tumult might rise and spring thereof: Especially seing this is manifest and known to all men, that once must needes come a defection and parting from the Church of Rome.The godly talke of R. Grosted in time of his sicknes.

Not long after this (about the canicular dayes) thys reuerend & godly Robert bishop of Lincolne lying at his manor place in Bugden fell greuously sicke: and therupon within few dayes departed. In the time of his sickenes he called to him a certayne Frier, of the preaching order named M. Iohn Giles, a man expert & cunning both in phisick & Diuinity: partly to receiue of him some cōfort of his body, and partly to confer with him in spirituall matters. Thus vpō a certeine day, the said. B. cōferring wt the foresayd M. Iohn, & riciting to him the doings & procedings of the Pope: did greuously rebuke & reprehend his fellow brethren the preaching Friers, and the other order also of the Minorites. That for so much as their order being plā ted in wilfull pouerty of the spirit, to the intēt they should more frely carpe and reproue the vices of the mighty, & not to flatter or spare them, but sharply to rebuke & reprehend the same: The said Friers contrary to theyr profession did not boldly enough cry out and inuey against the abuses of their superiors and men of power, nor did vncouer nor detect their faults and wickednes. And therfore sayd the Bishop, I iudge them to be no better thē manifest hereticks: And addeth moreouer (demaunding of M. Iohn) what is heresy? and that he should geue him the true difinition therof. wherat, when the Frier did stay and pause, not remembring the solemne difinition of that matter: the Byshop therupon inferreth, geuing this difinition in Latine, by the true interpretation of the Greek word:Heresis quid. Heresis Graece, electio Latine, est sententia humano sensu electa, Scripturae sacrae contraria, palam docta, pertinaciter defensa. That is. [...]eresy is a sentence taken and chosen of mans owne brayne,Definition of heresie. contrary to holy Scripture, openly mayntained, and stifly defended. And this difinitiō geuen consequently he inferred sharpely reprehending the Prelates of the church, but especially the Romaines: which commit the charge of soules vnto their kinsfolks being both in age vnworthy, and in learning vnsufficient. To geue sayth he, the charge of soules to a boy is a sentence of a prelate chosen and taken of mans own head, onely for carnall and earthly respect: & also is contrary to holy scripture the which forbiddeth any such to be made ministers or pastors, which are not sufficient to driue away the wolues.The P. proued here an heretick And moreouer it is also openly mayntayned, because it is manifestly borne abroad and cōmaunded, with chartes imbulled both with waxe & lead. And finally, it is stifly defended: for if any man shall dare to presume to withstand the same, he is suspensed and excommunicated and open warre cryed out agaynst him: Therfore to whom the whole definitiō of an heretick doth agree, he is a very heretick. But euery faythfull Christian man ought to set himselfe agaynst an heretick as much as he may: wherefore he that can resist him and doth not, he sinneth and seemeth to be a fautor thereof according to the saying of Gregory.The saying of Gregory. He lacketh not cōscience of secret societye which ceaseth to resist open impietye. But the Friers both Franciscanes and Dominicks, are most chiefly boūd to withstand such, seing both of them haue the gift of preaching cōmitted to them by their office, and be more apt to the sayd office, by reason of their pouerty: And therfore, do not onely offend in not resisting such, but also are to be roū ted mayntayners of the same, according to the sentence of the Apostle to the Romains saying: Not only they which commit such things, but also they that consent are worthy of death.The Pope accused of heresie. wherefore it may be concluded, that as well the Pope (vnlesse he cease frō that vice) as also the same Friers, vnlesse they shew themselues more earnest and studious in repelling the same, are both worthy of death, that is, perpetuall damnation. Item sayth the Canon decretal, that vpon this vice of heresy the Pope both may & ought to be accused.

After this, the vehemency of his disease more & more increasing and because the nightes were something lōger: the third night before his departure, the bishop feeling his infirmity to grow vpon him willed certaine of his clergy to be called vnto him, therby to be refreshed with some cō ference or communicatiō:Certain Aphorismes or articles layd of R. Grosted against the B. of Rome. unto whom the bishop mourning and lamenting in his minde for the losse of soules through the auarice of the Popes court sayd on this wise, as by certayne Aphorismes.

1. Christ came into the world to saue and win soules: Ergo, he that feareth not to destroy soules, may he not worthely be counted Antichrist?

2. The Lord created the whole world in sixe dayes, but in restoring of man he labored more then 30. yeres. wherfore he that is a destroier of that, about which the Lord so long labored, is not he worthy to be coūted the enemy of God, and Antichrist?

3. The Pope shameth not impudently to adnihilate and disanull the priuileges of his holy predecessors of Romain Bishops,The Pope accused [...]n his [...] clause [...] by this obstacle (Non obstante) which is not done without the preiudice and manifest iniury of them, For in so doing, he doth reproue and destroy that which so many and so holy men haue builded vp before, and thus semeth he to be a contenmer of the Saints: worthely therefore he that contemneth shall be contemned, according to the saying of Esay: woe to thee that doest despise, for shalt not yu thy selfe be despised? And who shall keepe his priuiledges which so breaketh the priuiledges of others.

4. The Pope answering hereunto thus defēdeth perhaps his error.The P [...] sed for [...] gating [...] then is [...] to him, [...] proued [...] to be equal but [...] to his pre [...] cessours▪ He that is equall, hath no superiority ouer his equall. Therfore, no Pope hath power to binde me being pope as well as he. To this I answere agayne (quoth the Bishop) It seemeth to me, that he that now presently is sayling in the daūgerous seas of this world: and he that is safely ariued in the hauen, hauing past all ieopardyes, are not both like and equall. Graūt that some Popes be saued (God forbid any should say contrary.) Then sayth our sauiour: He that is least in the kingdome of heauē, is greater then Iohn Baptist, a greater thē whom did neuer rise amongst the children of men. Is not therefore some Pope greater being a giuer and cōfirmer of priuileges then this that is aliue? Truely me thinkes he is greater. Therefore he hath dominion ouer his inferior.

5. Doth not the Pope thus say,The P [...] sed for r [...] ing the [...] and foundations of his predecess [...] Proued tha [...] the Pope [...] liue is [...] our to hi [...] predecess [...] before him. And therfore to ha [...] no authoritie to infringe the priuileg [...]es of other Popes. Proued by example [...] Benet th [...] men more auncien [...] time ough [...] to be pref [...] red in higher reuer [...] speaking of all his predecessours for the most part: This our predecessor, and thys our predecessor of most worthy memory. &c. And agayne, we (sayth he) cleauing to, or following the steppes of our predecessors. &c. And why then doe such Popes as [...]me after, destroy these foundations which their predecessors haue layd?

6. Many Apostolicke men comming after, haue confirmed some priuiledge being graunted by other before: And be not many Bishops being already saued by the grace of God, to be counted greater and better then one Byshopp which hath not yet atteined, but standeth in daūger to obtayne that which the other haue got already?

7. Also our former fathers bishops of y• Apostolical sea, in prefermēt of time go before the other, which in time come after. And those whom the estimatiō of auncient time doth aduaunce, such are we boūd to esteme and to haue in more reuerence. This did the holy man Benedict well consider who in his rule preferreth such as came first in time, what so euer men they were, before them, which (albeit being more auncient in yeares) come after them into the order: & commaundeth them to be theyr superiors, and to haue the preheminence. which being so (as it is) true and certayne: how commeth then this iniurious and rash presumption, which dare repeale and disanull, the old priuileges of many auncient holy Bishops, in time and in reuerence going before them.

8. Moreouer,The Pope accused for maintain [...] of vsur [...]. and though many Popes haue bene grieuous to the Churche, yet this Pope most specially hath brought it most into seruitude & manifold wayes hath dā nified the same. For these Caursini, these open vsurers, whō our holy forefathers and doctors (whom we haue seene) and namely our learned maister in Fraunce preacher: also the Abbot of Flay a Cistercian: maister Iacobus de veteri, and maister Steph. Archbishop of Cant. in the time of his banishment: And also maister Rob. Curcun, with his preaching, banished out of Fraunce (for before that time these kinde of [...]surers were neuer knowne in England) the same Caursini, these wicked vsurers (I say) were by thys Pope induced, supported and mayntayned: so that if any do speak against them, he is miserably tossed and tro [...]sed for his labor, wherof partly Roger bishop of London hath some experience.

9. The world doth know,Against r [...] re [...]s. that vsury is counted a detestable thing in both the Testamēts, and is forbidden of God. But now the Popes usurers or Exchaungers (the very Iewes crying out agaynst them) being openly suffered in London to exercise their vsury, to the great damage & detrimēt of all ecclesiasticall persons (but especially houses of religion) compelling such as be in pouerty, to counterfeit, and to put to their scales vnto forged writinges: which is no lesse then to commit Idolatry,The [...] practise of vsurers. and to abrenoūce the veritye whiche is God himselfe. As for example, I borow 100. Markes for a yeare, in stead of 100. Poundes. I am [Page] compelled to make my writing, and to seale the same, confessing that I haue receiued in borow an 100. pounds to be repaied againe at the yeares end to such a man. &c. And if it shall chaunce that your occupying be such, that wythin a moneth you bring againe the principall to the Popes vsurer, hee will receaue no lesse notwithstanding, then his ful 100. poundes:The Popes Vsurers worse then the Iewes. which condition of vsurie is much woorse then that of the Iewes. For to the Iewe what principall you bring, he wil require no more then proportionally, for the commensuration of so much time, wherein his money hath bene out of his hands.

10. Moreouer,Craftie subtil [...]ie of the Pope to get money. we haue sene & knowen the Pope to haue geuen in charge and commaundement to the Friers preachers, and minorites: to enquire diligently for such as lie sicke and like to die, and so comming to them diligently to perswade them, to make their wils and Testamentes fa [...]orably to the profite and subsidie of the holy lande, and to take the crosse vpon them, that if they do amend, they may wring them in the law. And if they die, they may wrast the money from their executors.

11. We haue knowen likewise and seene men that haue taken the vowe and signe of the crosse vpon them,Men signed to the holy land, sold for money lyke sheepe by the Pope, Remission of sinnes, solde for money. The Pope accused to be iniurious [...] churches in his prouisions and seleruations. to be solde to lay men, as sheepe and oxen were wont in time past, to be sold in the temple.

We haue seene wt our eyes, the Popes letter, in which we haue foūd this to be written: that they which bequeath any thing to the behoofe or subsidy of the holy land, shal receiue so much indulgence, as they haue disbursed money.

12. Ouer and beside all this, the Pope in diuers and sundry his letters, hath willed and commaunded Prelates to receaue into Ecclesiasticall benefices, and to prouide some such liuing in their Churches, as shall be sufficient to such and such a straunger, (being both absent, and also vnworthy) which haue neither learning, nor yet the language of the countrey: whereby they are neither able to preach, nor to heare confessions, nor to kepe residence for to refresh the poore and waifarers.

The Pope accused to be iniurious to the Abbot of S. Albons.13. Item, we knowe and haue seene our selues, that the Pope hath wrytten to the Abbot of S. Albane, to prouide for one called Iohn de Camezana, whome hee neuer sawe, in some competent benefice. wherupon in fewe dayes after, when prouision was made for him in a certaine Churche, worth 40. markes by the yeare and more: the partie being not therewith contented, complained to the Pope. who then wryting to the foresayde Abbot, commaunded him to prouide for the foresaide M. Iohn in some better thing, reseruing notwithstanding the gift of the former benefice, to himselfe.

The Pope accused for violent extortion.14. Againe, not long after came also to the house of ye foresayd Abbot two other persons like begging vagabondes, bringing with them the Popes letters: in the tenor wherof the Abbot was commanded, that incontinent vpon the sight thereof, he should geue & disburse to the sayd persons for the expedition and dispatch of his affaires 10. marks in hand, without any delay or sticking: The which persones vttering to the Abbot proude and threatning woordes, he was faine to agree with them and send them away.

The Pope accused for troubling & corrupting learned men of the spiritualtie with his temporal a [...]ayres.15. Item, of men which are both holy and well learned, which haue left the world for the following of God in such order, as they ought not to turne backe againe, the Pope of them maketh hys Tolners and bankers to gette in his mony: The which charge they are compelled against their willes to take vpon them, least they should seme to be disobedient: and so of spirituall men, are made more secular then the most secular. And so, ye basenesse of their chimmers and scapillers which they weare, doth proue them to be liers: whilest vnder the habite of pouerty and humiliation, lurketh the spirite of pride and elation. And because no Legate may be sent into England, but being first required of the king: the Pope sendeth sophisticall Legates and suche as be disguised in counterfet apparell, and are garded with great might and power: neither is it hard to bring foorth examples thereof. For so many such daily do come into the realme, that to heare the names of them recited, it woulde be tedious for any man to heare.

16. Furthermore (as we haue seene our selues) the Pope graunteth for secular fauor,The Pope accused for vnlawfull dispensation that a man may haue a Bishopricke, and yet be no Bishop consecrated, Sed electus sempiternus, that is, elect for euer. which is as much to signify, to haue the milke and the wolle of the sheepe, and not to kepe the wolues away from the sheepe: To retaine the rents of a Bishop, and not discharge the function of a Bishop.

And when this godly Bishop had thus reproued these and such other detestable enormities of the court of Rome: as all kinds of auarice, their vsurie, their simonie, their extortion, all kindes of filthinesse, fleshly lust, glottonie, and their sumptuous apparell raigning in that Court: then sayth he, this old verse may be truely verified vpon it.

Eius auariciae totus non sufficit orbis,

Eius luxuriae meretrix non sufficit omnis.

All the worlde cannot suffice their greedie auarous minde,

Nor all the drabs and naughty packes their filthy lusting kinde.

Afterwarde he went about more to prosecute, how [...]he foresaide court like a gulph neuer satisfied, euer gaping (so wide, that the floude of Iordane might runne into hys mouth) aspired howe to vsurpe the goodes of them that die vntested, and of Legacies bequeathed wythout forme of law, and whereby more licentiously to bring this to passe, they vsed to ioyne the king to be fel [...]ow and partaker with them in their spoyles, extortions, and robbings. Neyther sayeth he, shall the Church be deliuered from the seruitude of Egypt but by violence and force,Ex Mat. Paris. and wyth the bloudie sword. And albeit sayeth he, these be yet but sight matters, yet shortly more great and greuous things then these shall be seene.

And in the end of this his propheciyng which he scarsly coulde vtter,The death of R. Grosted Byshop of Lincoln. wyth sighing, sobbing and weeping, his tounge and breath began to rai [...]e, and so the organe of hys voyce being stopped, made an ende both of his speache and life. Ex Math. Paris.

And for as much as mention hath bene made before, of the insatiable a [...]arice of the Popes court by his inordinate prouisions and reseruations, it is testified by the sayde author Math. Paris that the foresayd Robert Grosted being bishop of Lincolne, caused to be vewed and considered diligently of his clearks,What the reuenues of the Popes Clarkes here in England came to by yeare. Ex Cestrensis▪ lib. 7. what the reuenues of forreiners and strangers within England set in by the Pope, came to by the yeare: and it was founde and euidently tried, that thys Pope now present, to wit, Innocentius 4. did empouerish the vniuersall Churche throughout Christendome, more then all his predecessours from the time the Pope first began: So that the reuenues of forreiners and clearkes placed by him heere in Englande, mounted to the summe of 70000. markes and aboue, whereas the mere reuenues of the crowne came not to 30000.

Of this Robert Grosted wryteth Cestrensis in his 7. booke of his historie: that partly for that it greeued hym to see ye intollerable exactions of the Pope in this realme, and partly because he refused to admitte a certaine younge nephew of the Pope to be canon of his Church (as hath bene before recited). He therefore wryting to the Pope, and signifying that he could not admit any such persons into hys Church, which neither knewe themselues, nor the tounge of the people, nor the charges committed vnto them: was called vp to Rome,The Pope stroken with the staffe of Grost. Bysh. of Lincoln and there excommunicated, who then appealing from ye Pope, shortly after departed, which was An. 1253. It chanced within 2. yeares after his decease, the sayde Pope Innocent being a slepe: a certaine Bishop apparelled bishop like, appeared vnto him, and striking him with his staffe on his left side, sayde: Surge miser veni in iudicium. That is. Rise wretch and come to thy iudgement. The next day after, the Pope was found amased as a man stroken on the side with the stroke of a staffe. This Robert though he was greatly commended for his sanctimony, & as Cestrensis sayeth, for his myracles: yet was he not permitted in the court of Rome to be ascribed in the Cataloge of Saintes. And thus much out of Cestrensis concernyng thys matter. But Math. Paris. and the author of Flores historiarum prosecuting thys storie more at large, addeth thys more vnto it & sayth. That Pope Innocent the next yeare folowing,Anno. 1254. which was An. 1254. being passing angry: contrary to the minde of his brethren the Cardinals, woulde haue the bones of the foresayd byshop of Lincolne cast out of the Church, and purposed to bring him into suche spite and hatred of the people, that he shuld be counted an Ethnicke, a rebell, and disobedient person through the whole worlde. And thereuppon caused his letters to be wrytten and sent downe to the king of England, knowing that the king would gladly serue him therein to haue the spoyle of the bishop and of his church. But the night following, the said B. of Linc. appeared vnto him as cōming in his pontificalibus, and wt a seuere coūtenance and sterne loke, and terrible voyce speaketh vnto him being in his rest, & smiting him on the side with a vehement stroke with the ende of his crossestaffe thus said,Ex Mat. Paris. Ex Fl [...]r. hist. Senibalde pap [...] miserime. The Popes new and true stile giuen by Grost. Bish. of Lincoln. O thou scourfie, lazie, old, bald, lousie, wretched, doting Pope. Hast thou purposed to cast out my bones out of the Church to the shame and slaunder of me? Now commeth this rash wilfulnesse in thy head? It were more meete for thee being this aduaunced by God & honoured, to make much of the zelous seruaunts of God, although departed. The lord wil not suffer thee hēceforth to haue any more power ouer me. I haue writtē vnto thee [Page] in the spirit of humilitie and loue, that thou shouldest correct thy manifolde errors. But thou wyth a proud eye and disdainful hart hast despised my wholesome admonitions. Woe to thee that despisest, shalt not thou also be despised? And so the Bishop departing from the Pope, stroken as is said on the side, le [...]t him for half dead, and so lying in sorow & lamentation. Wherupon his chamberlains being amased hearing these things, came rūning to the pope to know what him ailed. To whome the Pope much troubled and bexed in his spirit, sayd: that great terrors in his slepe, vehemently disturbed and molested him in such sorte, that he thought he should neuer recouer it, nor be restored to himselfe againe. Oh (sayeth he) howe sore is my side, and howe egerly it vexeth me, as being runne through with a speare. Neither did the Pope eate or drinke all that day,The Pope disquieted in his minde. but faining himself to be sicke of a burning ague, kept in. And yet the indignation of the irefull hand of God (sayth the story) so left him not.

For after these wholesome admonitions geuen to hym by the seruaunt of God:The reuenge of God vpon pope Innocent. the Pope not regarding them, but all set vpon warre, suppression of his enemies, and secular affaires, gaue his minde wholy vnto them. And yet all his labors, counsailes, & expences bestowed vpon them, could neuer prosper after that day, in that he wēt about. For the Pope the same time hauing warre with the Apulians, all his army fighting vnder ye Popes nephew their captaine, were slaine & confounded the number of many thousands.The Popes army vanquished and confounded whose lamentable slaughter al ye countrey of the Romains did much bewaile. The Pope not yet quiet in his minde, directeth his iorney towarde Naples, although sore vexed in his side like a man sicke of a plurisie, or s [...]itten rather wt a speare. Neither could any phisicke of his Cardinals help him. For Robert of Lincolne (sayth the story) did not spare him. And hee that woulde not heare him gently correcting him, being aliue, his stripes did he feele whē he was dead. So that hee neuer after that enioyed any luckie or prosperous day, till time of his death: nor yet any prosperous or quiet night vntill the morning.The death of Pope Innocent. 4. And so continued he vnto his death, which shortly after ensued, he being at Naples. An.Anno. 1255. 1255. or as N. Triuet recordeth. An. 1254. And thus haue ye the whole discourse betweene Robert Grosted & Pope Innocent.

¶A note to the reader concerning the appearing of dead men.In the which story is to be noted (gentle reader) that although in the storie of Cestrensis, of Mathewe Paris and of Flor. hist. it is expresly testified and reported, that the Pope was smitten with the staffe of Robert the foresaid Byshop of Lincolne: yet thou must wisely vnderstand, that how so euer Gods hand dealeth heere in this world in punishing his enemies, or how so euer the Image of things not sene but phantasied, offer themselues to the secrete cogitation of man (his senses being a slepe) by the operation or permission of God, woorking after some spirituall influence in our imaginations: certaine it is, that no dead man materially can euer rise againe or appeare, before the iudgement day, to any man with his staffe or without his staffe, to woorke any feate, after he haue once departed this life.

Dissention betwene the arch. of Cant. and the Church of Lincolne.After the death of this Robert Grosted bishop of Lincolne, great dissention fel betwene the Archb. of Cant. Boniface, and the canons of the said church of Lincolne, about the right of geuing prebendships, and about the reuenues of the said church, in time of the bishops see being now vacant. Which right & power the Archbishop claimed to him selfe, but the canons of that Church (maintaining the contrary side) stood against him,Excommunication abused. Appellation made to Rome. Henry Lexintō B. of Lincolne. and for the same were excommunicated of the Archbishop. Amōg whom, one M. Wolf resisting the Archb. to the face, in the name of all the other canons, made vp his appeale to Rome, where much money on both sides was spent. At length, after this Grosted, was elected Henry Lexinton in the see of Lincolne.

About which time, the wicked Iewes at Lincolne had cruelly crucified, whipped, & tormented a certaine child named Hugo of 9. yeres of age. An. 1255. in the month of August. Ex Gualt. Gisburn. At length the childe being sought & found by ye mother, being cast in a pit. 32. of those abhominable Iewes were put to executiō.A childe crucified of the Iews at Lincolne. wherof Mathew Paris. reciteth a long storie. The same or like fact was also intended by ye like Iewes at Norwich 20. yeres before vpon a certaine childe, whom they had first circumcised, & deteined a whole yere in custodie, intending to crucifie him, for the which the Iewes were sent vp to the tower of Lōdon, of whom 18.Ex Nic. Triuet. Ex Cestrens. l. 7 cap. 34. Ex Flor. hist. The Iewes expulsed out of Fraunce. were hanged, & the rest remained long in prison. Ex Cestrens. lib. 7. Of this wicked Iewish people I find also in the boke of Flor. hist. that about this yere of our Lord 1255. they began first to be expelled out of Fraunce, by the commaundement of the French king, being then in Palestina, warring against the Turkes: By the occasion that it was obiected then by the Turke against him and other Christian princes,A childe [...] cumcised [...] the Iewes, and kept a whole yeare to be cruc [...] fied. for the reteining the Iewes amōgst thē which did crucify our sauiour, and warring agaynst them which did not crucifye him. Ex Flor. Hist Of these Iewes moreouer king Henry the same yere 1255. exacted to be geuen vnto him 8000. markes in paine of hanging. Who being much agreued therwith, & complayning that the king went about their destruction,The Iewe [...] aske leaue to depart the realme of England. desired leaue to be geuen thē of the king, that they might depart the realm, neuer to returne agayne. But the king committed the doing of that matter vnto Earle Richard his brother, to enforce them to pay ye mony whether they would or no. Moreouer of the same Iewes mention is made in the story intituled Eulogiū. Of the Iewes in Northhampton,Ex E [...]lo [...], Iewes burned at N [...] thampton. who had amōg thē selues prepared wilde fire, to burn the city of Londō. For the which diuers of thē were takē, & burned in the time of Lent, in the said city of Northhamptō, which was 2. yeres before, about the yere of our Lord. 1253. Ex Eulogio. And for so much as mention here is made of the Iewes, I cannot omit what some English storyes write of a certaine Iew: who not long after this time about the yeare of our Lord.A Iewe fa [...] len into a priuey, wold not be take [...] out for keeping his Sabboth day 1257. fell into a priuy at [...]uekesbury vpon a Sabboth day which for the great reuerence he had to his holy Sabboth, would not suffer himselfe to be plucked out. And so Lord Richarde Earle of Glocester, hearing thereof, would not suffer him to be drawne out on sonday for reuerence of the holy day. And thus the wretched superstitious Iew remaining there till Monday, was found dead in the dong.

And to note the blinde superstitiō of that time, not only among the Iewes, but also among the christians, to omit diuers other storyes as of Walter Gray,Superstitious falling noted in Walter arch. of Yorke. Archbish. of Yorke, who comming vp to the Parliamēt at Londō. an. 1255. wt vnordinate fasting, did so ouercharge nature, & pyned himselfe, & (as the story mētioneth) did so drye vp hys braine: that he losing therby all appetite of stomack, going to Fulham,Ex Flo. hist. there within 3. dayes died, as in the compiler of Flor. Hist. is both storyed and reprehended. Let this also be adioyned, which the forenamed author, and in the same yere is recorded of one named Peter Chaceporce, who diyng in Fraūce,Superstition in seeking saluation by wronge meanes. an. 1255. left in bequest of his testamēt 600. marks for lands to be purchased to the house of Mertō for God to be serued there perpetually pro anima eius, & omnium fideliū i for his soules health, and all faythfull soules. As who would say, Christian fayth were not the ordinary meanes sufficient to saluation of faythfull soules, without the quire seruice of the Monkes of Merton.

Ye haue heard it often complained before, how ye vsurped power of the Pope hath violētly and presumptuously encroched vpon the Church of England,The Pope iniurious to the Church of England. in geuing & conferring benefices and prebends to his Italians and strangers, to the great damage and ruine of Christes flock manifold waies. This violent iniury & oppression of ye Pope, as by no lawfull and gentle meanes could be reformed: so by occasion & meanes inordinate about this time, it began somwhat to be brideled. The matter whereof was this, as it is in the collector of Flor. Hist. recited. In the dayes of the raigne of this king 44. The Byshop of London named Fulco, had geuen a certaine prebende in the Church of S. Paul, to one master Rustandus ye Popes messenger heere in Englande. Who entring into the profession of the gra [...]e friers, & shortly after dying on the other side of the sea: the Pope immediatly conferred the sayd prebend to one of his specials,A prebendship of pa [...]s giuen both of the Pope and of the king at one time to two seuerall persons. a like straunger, as ye other was before. About the same instant it befel, that the bishop also of London deceased, wherby the byshoprick now vacant fell into the kings handes. Who hearing of the death of ye forenamed Rustandus, gaue the sayd prebendship (geuen of the Pope before) to one Iohn Crakehale his vnder treasurer. Who with all solemnitie tooke his installation, vnknowing as yet that it was bestowed of the Pope before. It was not lōg after as time grew, but this being noised at Rome, forthwith commeth downe a certaine Proctor named Iohn Gras wyth the Popes embulled letters, to receaue the collation of the benefice by his commission procuratory, geuen by ye Pope: wherin Iohn Crakehale had bene already installed, as is aforesaide,The Popes donation preferred before the kinges. by the kings donation. This matter comming in trauise before Boniface Archbishop of Cant. hee inquiring and searching which donation was the first, finding the popes graunt to be the former, gaue sentence with him against the king: so that in conclusion, the Romane clearke had the aduauntage of the benefice, although the other had long enioyed the possession therof before. Thus the popes man being preferred, and the Englishman excluded, after the partie had bene inuested & stalled after the vse and maner, hee as thinking to be in sure possession of his place, attempted with the rest to enter the Chapter house, but was not permitted so to do: wherupon the popes clerke geuing place to force and number, went toward the archbishop to [Page] complaine.Two Romain clarkes going to complaine were [...] the way. This being knowne, certaine recluses pursued him, and so being compassed about, one in the thicknesse of the throng being neuer after knowne, sodenly rushing vpon him, a [...]itle aboue his eies so pareth of his head, y• he fell downe dead. The same also was done to an other of his felowes in fleing away. This hainous murder being famed abroad, strait inquirie therof was made, but the deede doer could not be knowen. Although great suspition was laide vpon Crakhale the kings Chaplein, yet no proofe could be brought. But moste men thought, y• bloudy fact to be done by certaine ruffians, or other light persons about the City or the Court, disdaining belike, that the Romanes were so enriched wyth Englishmens liuings, by whome neyther came relief to any Englishman, nor any godly instruction to the flocke of Christ. And therefore, because they sawe the Church and realme of England in such subiection, and so much to be troden downe by the Romanes and the popes messengers: they thought therby somthing to bridle, as wt a snaffell, the Popes messengers, from their vntemperate ranging into this land. Ex Flor. Hist.

The story of Mat. Paris. here ceaseth.¶Heere by the way is to be noted, that vnto the death of this foresayde Fulco Byshop of London, continueth the history of Mathew Paris. monk of S. Albons, which was to the yeare of grace 1260. The residue was continued by an other Monke of the same house, but not wyth such like commendation, worthy to make any autentike story, as I haue seene it noted in a written booke.

It were to tedious and curious in order to prosecute what happened in euery yere, through this kings raigne: as how it was prouided by ye king, that whosoeuer coulde despend 15. li. land by yere, should be [...]ound to make to the king a souldiour, that watch should be kept euery night in Cities: that who soeuer was robbed or otherwise damnified in any countrey, he that had the custody, shuld be compelled to make vp the losse againe, or els to pursue the malefactor, which was An. 1253. witnessing Flores hist. Item, how the king making his viage into [...]ascone, his expenses were reckened to mount 270000. marks, beside 30000. Markes bestowed vpon his brethren by the mother side, & beside other great gifts geuen abroad. By reason wherof, great taxes and colonies and tenthes were required of his subiects, especially of the Churchmen: who were wont to receiue tithes of other, nowe were constrained to geue tithes to the laitie. Flores Hist. An. 1254. Item, howe in the yeare next following, the Londoners offring a 100. li. for a gift to the king with a precious cup of gold, at his returne out of Fraunce, were shortly after compelled by the King to pay 3000. Marks, for the scape of a certaine prisoner being a clerke condemned: which clerke being graunted of the King to the Bishop, and he hauing no prison sufficient for him, borrowed of the Londiners to haue him kept in the prison of Newgate, who escaping thereout, they as is sayde, were demaunded this recompence aforesaide. Anno 1255. Item, how the king greatly complaining of his debt, the same yeare required the whole tenthes, which shoulde be gathered in 3. yeres, to be takē vp all at once. To whose request, the nobles and commons agreed to straine themselues, so that the Charter of their liberties and customes might be ratified, & fully by him confirmed. And so for that yeare they were.Pope Alexander 3. ma [...]er warre. Flores Hist. Item, howe Pope Alexander the 3. to destroy the city Michera, with king Menfrede the sonne of Fredericke the Emperor, sent foorth the same yere Octauianus his Cardinall with a puissant armie:The Popes army slaine. who comming to the City with his siege, through the counsaile of Marchisius one of the chiefe Captaines, discharged a great part of his hoste, whereby the most of the Popes army was slaine and destroyed, almost all, saue onely the familie of Marchisius. An. 1255. Flor. Mat. Paris.

Lewlinus K. of Wales war [...]eth against the kyng. Lewlinus & the K. cōcorded.Many other thynges during the time of thys King might be congested, as the rising of Lewlynus King of Wales and of the welshmē against the king, and wasting the land vnto the towne of Chester, who destroyed diuers of the Englishmen horsemen, taken in the Marrys, wyth whom at length they fel to agremēt by the meanes of Octobonus: that his successors should be called princes onely of Wales, and shuld do the king his homage. And the king of him to receaue 3000. Markes. And this being stablished in wryting,Ex Polychro nico. lib. 7. was confirmed by the Popes seale. An. 1257. Ex Polychron.

About the same time, such famine oppressed the land and lacke of victuals,Ex autore Eulogij. Anno. 1257. that a summe of corne was then solde for 26. shillings: in somuch, that the pouerty were forced to eat nettle rootes, thissell rootes, & whatsoeuer they could gette. Ex Eulogio. Although some refer this to the yere 1262.

Hereunto moreouer might be adioyned, how Pope Alexander abusing and mocking the kings simplicity, made him beleeue that he would make his sonne Edmund king of Apulia,Pope Alexander to make shifte for money ma [...]eth the king beleue his sonne should be kyng of Apulia. Richa [...]de the kings brot [...]er made king of Almaine. so that he would sustaine the charges and costes thereof, to maintaine the warre which thereto shoulde appertaine. Whereby the king cast in a sodaine hope, caused his sonne incōtinent to be proclaimed king of Apulia. And vpon the same sent vp to the pope all ye riches he could wel make in his realme. And thus was the realme manifolde waies miserably unpouerished to enrich the pope. Ex Flor [...] Hist. About which season, Rich. Earle of Exceter the kings brother, was made king of Almaine by the Electours.

Here might be shewed moreouer, and added to the stories aboue, how the yere next following, which was 1259. (as Nicholas Triuet wryteth,) the King entering into France, required the restitution of such lands in Normandie and Angiew, as of olde righte was due vnto him, and wrongfully with holden from him. But the French King againe alledged, saying: that the coūtrey of Normandie by old time was not geuē away from the crowne of France, but vsurped, and by force extorted by Rollo. &c. In cōclusion, the King fearing and suspecting the hearts of his nobles, and looking for none other but for rebellion at home, durst not try wt them, but was compelled to agree wt them vpon such peace & conditions as he coulde get, which was this.What c [...]ill discorde worketh worketh. Resignation of the Earled [...]me of Normandy and Ang [...]ew. That he shoulde haue of the French king xiii. C. M. of Turen poundes, with somuch lands els, as came to the value of xx. M. pound in yearely rent: so should he resigne fully and purely to the handes of the French king, all such landes and possessions which he had in Fraunce. Wherby the King geuen ouer his stile and titles which hee had in those partes, ceased then to be called Duke of Normandie, or Earle of Angiew.

Albeit if it be true that Gisburn wryteth,Ex Gual. Gisburn. the king afterward repenting of his deede, did neuer receaue the money in all his life, neither did hee cease during his life, to entitle himselfe Duke of Normandie. But after him, hys sonne Edward and his successour in their stile left out the title, to be called Duke of Normandie.The conflict & skirmish betweene the Northern Welth men, and the Southern men in Oxford. &c. Ex Gisburn.

Beside many other matters omitted, here I ouerpasse also the sore and vehement conflict, not betwene the [...]rogs and the mise which Homer writeth of, but the mighty pitched field fought in the yeare of our Lorde 1259. betweene the young students and scholers of the Uniuersitie of Oxford, hauing no other occasion (as I read in Math. Pariens.) but onely the diuersitie of the Countrey where they were borne. For the Northern men ioyning with the welshmē, to try their manhoode against the Southerne part: fel both parts together in such a broile, with their ensignes & warlike aray, yt in conclusion diuers on both sides were slaine. This heauy & bloudy cōflict during and increasing amōg them, the ende was this: that the Northern lads with the welsh had the victorie. After that fury and fiery fiercenesse had done what it could, the victorers bethinking at length wt themselues, partly what they had done, partly howe it would be taken of the higher powers: and fearing due punishment to fall vpon them, especially seeing the brother of Leoline prince of Wales, and sonne of Giffine, was newly dead in prison, drawing their counsaile and helps together: they offer to king Henry 4000. markes, to Edwarde his sonne 300. and to the Queene 200. to be released of their trespasse. But the king answering them againe, that he set more price by the life of one true subiect, then by all, which by them was offered: would in no wise receiue their money. And so the studentes without hope of peace, went home wyth small triumphe, learning what the common Prouerbe meaneth: Dulce bellum inexpertis. Notwithstanding, the King being then occupied in great affaires and warres, partly with Leoline and ye welshmen, partly inwrapped wyth discorde at home with his nobles, had no leisure to attend to the correction of these vniuersitie men, which was. An. 1259. Ex Mat. Pariens. Likewise concerning the dissention following the next yeare after,Variance betweene [...]he studentes and the Friers in Paris. Variance betweene the Vniuersitie of Oxforde and Cambridge. Variance betweene the Archb. of Cant. and the chapter of Lincolne. Variance betweene the Archb. of Cant. and the chapter of London. Ex Flor. [...]st. in the Uniuersitie of Paris, betwene the students there and the Friers: the number of whome then did somuch increase, that the commons vnneth was able to sustein them with their alines. Also betwene the Uniuersities both of Oxford and Cambridge, for a certaine prisoner taken out of prisone by strength, and brought into sanctuarie the same yeare, as is testified in Mathewe Paris. An. 1259. In like maner, touching the variance betweene the Archbishop of Caunterb. and the Chapter of Lincolne. Againe, betweene the sayde Archbishop of Canterb. and the Chapter & bishop of London: and how the said Bishop at his consecration woulde not make his profession to the Archb. but wyth this reception, Saluis iure & libertate Ecclesiae Londinens. quae pro posse meo defendā in omnibus. &c. recorded in Flores Hist. Al which wranglinge and dissentiōs, with innumerable other raigning daily in the Churche at those dayes, if I had so much leasure to prosecute them, as I find them in stories remaining: [Page] might sufficiently induce vs to vnderstande what sma [...]l peace and agreemēt was then ioyned with that doctrine and religion in those dayes,Litle peace in the Popes Church. during the state & raigne of Antichrist.

These with many such other matters moe, which here might be discoursed and storied at large, being more forein then Ecclesiastical, for breuity I do purposely contract and omitte, cutting of all such superfluities as may seeme more curious to wryte vpon, then necessary to be knowen.

Histori [...]s profitable for example.This that foloweth concerning the pitiful & turbulent commotion betwene the king and the nobles, which lasted a long season: because it is lamentable, & conteineth much fruitfull example, both for Princes and subiects to beholde and looke vppon, to see what mischiefe and inconuenience groweth in common weales, where study of mutuall concorde lacketh, that is: where neither the Prince regardeth the offending of his subiects, and where the subiects forget the office of christian pacience, in suffering their princes iniuries, by Gods wrath inflicted for their sinnes. Wherfore, in explaning the order and storie thereof, I thought it not vnprofitable to occupy ye reader with a little more tariance in perusing the ful discourse of this so lamētable a matter, and so pernitious to the publicke weale.

And first to declare the occasions and first beginnings of this tumult, here is to be vnderstode, which before was signified: howe king Henry maried with Alinor daughter of the Earle of Prouince,The occasions of commotion betweene the kyng and the Nobles. a stranger, which was about the yere of our Lord 1234. Wherupon, a great doore was opened for strangers, not only to enter the land, but also to replenish the court: to whome ye king seemed more to incline his fauour, aduancing them to more preferment, then hys owne naturall English Lordes, which thing was to them no litle greuance. Moreouer, before was declared, how the king by Isabel hys mother who was a straunger, had diuers brethren: whom he nourished vp with great liuings and possessions, and large pensions of money, which was an other hearts sore to diuers, & also an hinderance. Ouer & beside hath also ben declared, what vnreasonable collectiōs of mony from time to time, as quindecims, subsidies, tenthes, mersements, fines, paiments, lones and taxes, haue bene leuied by the king, as well of the spiritualtie, as of the lay sort, partly for maintaining the kings warres against Wales, against Scotlande and Fraunce, to recouer Normandie: partly for helping the kings debtes, viagies & other expenses: partly for the kingdom of Apulia, which was promised the kings sonne by the pope: partly for moneying and supporting the Pope in his warres against the Emperour. By reason of all which sundrie and importable collections, the common wealth of the Realme was vtterly excoriate, to the great impouerishment of poore English men. Neither did it a little vexe the people to see the king call in so many Legates from Rome euery yeare, which did nothing els but transporte the English money vnto the Popes cofers. Besides all thys, what variaunce and altercation hath bene betweene the king and hys subiects about the liberties of Magna charta, & de foresta, graunted by king Iohn, and after confirmed by thys king, in the former councel holden at Oxford, hath bene afore declared.

Perhaps thys might be also some peece of a cause, that the king considering and bearing in minde the olde iniuries done of the Lordes and Barons to his father Kyng Iohn before him: did beare some grudge therefore, or some priuie hatred vnto the Nobilitie, to reuenge hys fathers quarel. But of things vncertaine I haue nothing certainly to affirme. This is certaine, by truth of historie, that the yeare next ensuing, which was 1260. thus wryteth Nicho. Triuet, Anno. 1260. that the kings Iustices called Itinerarij, being sent thether to execute their office, were from thence repelled: the cause being alledged for that they were against the king in proceeding and enterprising against ye forme of the prouisions enacted and stablished a little before at the Towne of Oxford.

Straungers hauing all the wealth of the realme vnder the kyng. Ex Gualt. Gisburnensi.It befell moreouer the same yeare, aboue other times (as Gualt. Demmingford wryteth) that a great number of aliens comming out of Fraunce and other prouinces, resorted into England: and had heere the doing of all principall matters of the Realme vnder the king. Unto whome the rewards and reliefes, & other emoluments of the land did most chiefly redound, which thing to see did not a little trouble & vexe the nobilitie and baronage of England. In so much,The wordes of the Nobles to the kyng. that Simon Montfort Earle of Leicester, offering to stande to death for the liberties and wealth of the Realme, conferred together with other Lordes and Barons vpon the matter. Who then comming to the king after an humble sort of petition, declared to him howe all the doings of his Realme and his owne affaires, were altogether disposed by the ha [...]des, and after the willes of strā gers, neither profitable to him, nor to the weale publicke: for so much as hys treasures being wasted and consumed, he was in great debt, neither was able to satisfie the prouision of his owne house, but driuen to ta [...]e for his owne cates, to no small dishonour to his owne state. And nowe therfore said they, pleaseth your highnes to be informed by our aduise, and to commit your house to the guiding and gouernment of your owne faithfull and naturall subiects: And we will take vppon vs to discharge your whole debt within one yere, of our owne proper goods and reuenues, so that we within 5. yeares may cleare our selues againe. Neither wil we diminish your familie, but rather increase it with a much greater retinue: prouiding [...]o for the safety and seeing to the custodie of your royall person,The K. g [...] teth to [...]. Lordes. as your highnes shal finde and vnderstand our diligence most trusty and faithfull vnto you in the ende.

To these woordes so louingly declared, so humbly pretensed,A sitting [...] the king and Lordes at Oxford. so heartely and freely offered, the king as willingly condescended: assigning to them both day and place, where to conferre & to deliberate farther vpon the matter, which shoulde be at Oxforde, the 15. day after Easter. At which day and place,The proui [...] ons or law [...] ma [...]e at Oxforde. The King swearet [...] to the prou [...] ons ma [...] a [...] Oxford. all the states and Lordes wyth the bishops of the realme were summoned to appeare at the sayd town of Oxford, for the behalfe of the king, and the Realme conuented together. Where first of the King himselfe, then of the Lordes an oth was taken: that what decrees or lawes in the said assembly should be prouided to the profite of the king and of the realme, the same vniuersally shuld be kept and obserued to the honor of God, & vtilitie of his church, and wealth of the Realme. Besides these Lordes and the King, were also 9. Bishops, which swearing to the same, did excommunicate all such as should gainstand the sayde prouisions there made, the King holding a burning taper in his hand, and the Lordes openly protesting, to rise with all their force, against all them that shall stande against the same.

There were at that present in the Realme,The kinges brethren. [...] gainst the prouisions of Oxford. foure brethren of the kings (most part of them by the mothers side) which would in no case agree heereunto, but in anger departed priuely vnto wint. The nobles hearing thereof, in all spedy wise pursued them, fearing least they should take the Citie of Wint. and forceably keepe the same. Wherfore, the Lordes preuenting their purpose, and seeing them stiffely to persist in their stubburne sentence, wrought no other violence against them, but returning to Oxforde againe, prescribed to them these cōditions, that they departing the realme should repaire to their owne lands & possessions, which they had beyōd the sea. And that foorthwith they should put this iniunction in execution. Notwtstanding that the King made for them great intercession, yet it tooke no place.The proui [...] ons of O [...] forde. And because this should seeme to procede of no speciall displeasure against thē, they enacted moreouer, that all strangers and aliens of what state or condition soeuer, should forthwith auoid the realme in paine of death. Diuers other prouisions the same time were ordeined and stablished: that if any did holde of the king in whole or in part, and should chance him to depart (his heire being vnder age) the wardship of him should belong to the king, as hath partly before bene specified.

Moreouer it was there decreed,Ex histori [...] G [...]alte [...] Gisburnensis. God grau [...] this lawe might take place agai [...] God gra [...] the like [...] againe fo [...] the wealth of the realm Diuers in this coun [...] impoiso [...]t. that the wooll of England should be wrought onely wythin the realme, neither should it be transported out to straungers.

Item, that no man should weare any cloth, but which was wrought and made onely within the realme.

Item, that garments too sumptuous, shoulde not be brought in nor worne.

Item, that all excessiue and prodigall expenses wasted vpon pleasure and superfluity, should be e [...]hued of al persons.

Many other lawes & decrees (sayth the author) in this assemble were ordeined, wherein they continued the space of 15. daies: and many of them were impoysoned, of whom was the Abbot of Westminster, a man in that order much commended. Also William brother to the Earle of Glocester. Also the Earle himself being [...]mpoisoned hardly escaped wt life, his heare and nailes falling of his body, wherof the author not long after was taken, and duely executed at Wintchester. In the mean time, ye nobles considering those dangers and ieoperdies, were constrained to breake off for that time, appoynting the 14. day of Octob. next folowing to conuent together at London with weapon and harnes: to prosecute & finish the residue, that was in the said counsaile to be concluded. All which at the time & place appointed was fully accomplished, and the actes thereof in order of wryting promulged,The kyn [...] repente [...] his othe. and so committed to execution.

After the promulgation whereof, many things therein displeased the king, and it began to repent him of hys othe. [Page] Anno. 1261.But because he coulde not at that present otherwise chuse, he dissimuled for a season. Thus time passing on, wythin a yeare following, which was 1261. the king seeing himselfe more & more to grow in debt, and not to be relieued according to promise made, but especially being egged (as may be thought) by his brethren,The K. sneth to the pope to release him of his oath. taking it to stomacke, sent vp the Pope both for him, and his sonne Edwarde, to be released of their othe made before at Oxford. The benefite of which absolution being casely obtained (or rather bought at the Popes hande) the king stepping backe from all that was before concluded,The Popes absolution abused. calleth an other parliament at Oxford. Where he before the Lords and nobles declared: how in the late counsel of Oxford they had agreed among them selues for the cōmon vtilitie of the Realme and of the king (as they pretended) for the increasing of his treasure, & his debt to be diminished. And therupon bound themselues wt an othe, causing also himselfe, and his sonne Edward to be bound to the same. But now by experience prouing & trying the matter to be otherwise then their promise was: and that they, contrary to their couenaunt made, sought not so much the prof [...]te of him & of the Realme as their owne, taking him not as their Lord, but going about to bring him vnder their subiec [...]ion as an vnderling: and for that moreouer his treasure greatly decreasing, his debtes encreased, and hys princely liberalitie was cut short and trodē vnder foote: They should not maruell therefore, if he hencefoorth would be no more ruled by their counsail, but would prouide himselfe of some other remedy, such as he might. And moreouer, as touching the othe wherewith he & his sonne stode bound vnto them, he had sent already vnto Rome, & had obtained absolution and dispēsation of the same, both for him, and his sonne Edwarde also, and for all other that would take his part. And therefore, he required of them to be restored againe to that state & condition, he had enioyed in times past.

The answer of the nobles again to the kyng.To this againe gaue aunswere the state of nobilitie on the other side, being in the same place present. In the number of whome was Simon Moūtfort Earle of Leycester, Richard Clare Earle of Glocester, Humfry Ronne Earle Ferrence, with a great number of Barons: as Lord Iohn Fitze, Iohn L. Hastings, L. Geoffrey Lucie, Lorde Iohn Uescy, L. William Segraue, Hugh Spencer, L. Roberte Uespoynt, with diuers and many mo, whose aunswere to y• king againe was this. That the prouisions made at the counsaile of Oxforde (whereunto they were sworne) they would hold, defend, and maintaine to their liues end: forso much as they did sound, and also were agreed vpō, both to the honor of God, to the profit of the prince, & stable wealth of the Realme. &c. And thus partes on both sides discording among themselues, would so haue departed, had not certaine of the Bishops comming betwene both, laboured betwene thē to take vp the matter.The controuersie betweene the king & the Nobles put in comprimis. By whose meane (saith Gualt. Gisburn.) and procurement, the determination of the cause was brought in comprimis, and referred to Ludouick y• French king to iudge betwene them, who hearing both the allegations (sayth he) like no equal iudge, but a partial frende: inclined wholy and fully to the kings sentence, and condemned the nobles. But the author of Flores Hist. sayth, yt by the mediation of certaine discrete men, two were chosen: one for one side, the other for the other. To whome the thirde also was adnexed, who hearing as well what was brought of the kings part, as also what was aunswered of the other, should define betweene them both. And so peace was betwene them cōcluded, til the comming of Edward. Al this while as yet, the Popes absolution for the king, although it was graūted and obtained at Rome, yet was it not brought downe in solēne wryting, neither was prince Edward as yet returned out of Fraunce to England.

The Pope releaseth the K. of his oath.At length, the wryting of the kings absolution being brought from Rome, the king eftsoones commaunded the same to be published throughout the Realme, and sendeth to the French king and other straungers for helpe. Moreouer sesseth all his Castels into his owne hand, reiecting the counsaile of the Lords, to whose custody they were before committed. Also remoouing the former officers, as instices, and the Chancelour: with other placed afore by the Lordes, he appoynted new in their stead.

To this foresald absolution procured frō Rome for the king and his sonne: Edward returning out of Fraunce, at that time did not geue his consent, but held wt the Lordes. Who then putting themselues in armes, with a great power repaired vp to London (keping there, in the suburbes and places about) while the king kept wtin the tower, causing the citie gates to be watched and lockt, and all within the said citie being aboue the age of 12. yeares to be sworne vnto him. But at length through the meanes of certaine comming betweene, this tumultuous perturbation was somwhat appeased, (at least some hope of peace appeared) so that the matter was takē vp for that time without war or bloudshed.Wicked makebates. Notwtstanding, some false pretensed dissemblers there were, which secretly disclosing all the counsails and doings of the Lords vnto the king, did all they coulde to hinder concord,Ex Flor. hist. in. Anno. 1261. and to kindle debate. By the meanes of whom, the purpose of the Lords came not to so good effect, as otherwise it might. Ex Flor. Hist.

In this present yere (as affirmeth yt forenamed author) it was rumored abroade,Bishops going about to recouer benefices appropriate frō religious houses Ex Florilego ibid. that all the Bishops of England went about to recouer againe out of yt handes of religious men, all such churches and benefices, which were to them improperated or appropriated: and y• they, for the expeditiō of the same had sent vp to Rome, both messengers & mony nothing misdoubting to obteine their purpose. But as a litle good fruite in those daies vsed to spring out of that sea: so I do not finde,Pope Alexander dyeth. Pope Vibane. that godly sute and labour of the bishops to take any fruitfull effect. The same yere died Pope Alexander, after whom succeeded Pope Urban the fourth.

Of the which Pope Urbane the king also obtained,Anno. 1267. or rather reuiued a new releasemēt from hys oth, made to the prouisiōs and statutes of Oxford.A new release of the kings oth from Rome, with this epitaph: Hic pudor Hypoliti. Paridis gerasensus Vlisiss. Eneaepietas, Hectoris ira iacet. Which being graunted, he commaundeth incontinent all the foresaid lawes & prouisions through England to be dissolued and brokē. This done, the King with the Queene taketh hys voiage into Fraunce, where he fell into great infirmitie of sicknes, and the most part of his familie taken with the fener quartane, of which many died. In ye number of whome beside other, died Richard the worthy Earle of Glocester and Heriord, after whom succeeded Gilbert Clare, his sonne.

The Welshmen this yere, breaking into the borders of England, did much annoyance in the lands of Roger lord Mortimer:The Welchmen rebell. but mightely again by him were expulsed, not without great slaughter of the inuaders. About which time,The p [...]ouisions of Oxford again graunted by the kyng. the king through some discrete counsaile about hym, inclined to peace and concorde with his nobles, graunting of his mere voluntarie will, the constitutions and prouisions of Oxforde to take place in the Realme, directing his commaundement to euery shire. All be it, the Realme yet was not altogether pacified for all that.

In the latter end of this yere,The kings palace at Wellm. brent with fire. the kings palace at westminster was brent, and for the most part was al consumed with fire, which seemed to many an euill prognosticate against the king. Ex Flor. Hist.

In some English Chronicles it is also recorded,Vsury punished for taking aboue [...] pence a weeke in a pounde. that the same yeare 500. Iewes at London were slaine for taking vsurie more then 2.d. a weeke for 20. s. being before forbid by the king to take aboue that rate by the weeke.

After this foloweth the yeare 1263. in which,Anno. 1263. the Barons of England confederating themselues together, for maintaining the statutes and lawes of Oxford, and partly moued with the old grudge conceiued against the straungers (maintayned by the King and the Queene, and Edward their sonne, in the realme of England) ioyned powers in all forceable wise: and first inuaded the sayd straungers, namely thē which were about the king.The Nobles rysing against the straungers hauing the commodities of the realme Peter of Hereford a Burgundian a rich Byshop, Their goods and manors they wasted and spoyled, whether they were persons ecclesiasticall or temporall. Among whom besides other, was Peter a Burgundian (Bishop of Hereford, a rich prelate) with al his treasure apprehended and spoiled: also his coūtreymen, whom he had placed to be Canons of the same church. With like order of handling other alienes also, to whom was cōmitted the custody of diuers castels, as of Gloucester, of Worcester, of Brignorth: were spoiled, imprisoned, and sent away. Briefly, whatsoeuer he was in all the land that could not vtter the English toung, was of euery rascall disdained, and happy if he might so escape. By reason where of it so came to passe, that a great number as wel of other foreners, as especially religious men and rich Priestes (which here had gathered much substance) were vrged to that extremitie, yt they were glad to flee the lande. In the catalogue of whō, was one most principally named Iohn Maunsel,Iohn Maunsell a rich priest. a priest notoriously growen in riches and treasures not to be told: hauing in his hand so many & rich benefices, that neare no bishop of this realme might compare with him in riches. Who notwtstanding he kept with the king at London, yet was cōpelled priuely to voide the Realme, & was pursued by Henry the sonne of Rich, king of Almaine. Certaine other straungers there were, to the number of 200. and more, which hauing the castell of Winfore there immured and intrenched themselues, to whome at length prince Edward also adioyned himselfe.

In the meane time while this sturre was abroade,The kyng agayn agreeth with the Nobles. the king keeping them in the tower, & seeing the greatest part of his nobles & commons with the Londoners to be set against him: agreed to the peace of the Barons, & was contented to assent againe to the ordinances and prouisions of [Page] Oxford.The Queene a great cause of this debate. Albeit the Queene, by al meanes possible went about to perswade the king not to assent therto. Who as semed, was a great worker in kindling thys fire of discorde betweene the king & the baronage. In so much, that when the sayde Queene Almore shoulde passe by barge from the tower to Windsore: the Lōdiuers standing vpon ye bridge with their exclamations, cursings, and throwing of stones & di [...]t at her, interrupted her course, causing her to returne to the tower againe.The sorme of peace concluded betweene the king and the Nobles. Notwithstanding, the peace yet continued with the nobles and the king, the forme therof was this. First, yt Henry sonne of Richard king of Romanes, should be deliuered by the King & Quene. Secondly, that the Castels againe should be committed to the custodie of Englishmen, not of straungers. Thirdly, that the prouisions and statutes decreed at Oxford, should as well by the king, as by al other inuiolably be obserued. Fourthly, that the realme henceforth shuld be ruled and gouerned not by foreners, but by personages borne within the land. Fiftly, that all alienes and straungers should voyde the land, not to returne againe, except onely such, whose abode shoulde by the common assent of the kings trustie subiectes be admitted and alowed.

Thus the King and the nobles ioyning together after this form of peace aboue prefixed, although not fully with heart, as after appeared: put themselues in armes with all their power to recouer the Castell of windsore out of the strangers handes. But Edward in the mid way betwene London & the Castel, meeting with his father and the barons, entred cōmunication vpon the matter. Which being finished, & he thinking to returne into the Castell againe, by the policie of the Earle of Leicester, & William byshop of Worceter,The castle of Windsor recoue red out of the handes of straū gers. was not permitted to reenter. Whereupō, the straungers within the holde (destitute of all hope to withstand the great force approching) rendred the Castell vnto the king and barons, vppon this conuention: That with horse and harnesse they might be suffered safe to depart the land, not to returne any more. Which being graunted, certaine of the Barons conducted them in their iourney toward the sea side, and there they left them.

In the same yeare about the beginning of October, the king and Quene made ouer to France, wt Simon Montfort and other nobles, to heare and stand to the arbitremēt of Lewes the French king, cōcerning the controuersie betweene the states of England, and al through the procurement of Alinore the Queene.Manet alta mē te repostum iudicinum Paridis. &c. Virg. For shee not forgetting the olde contiunelie of the Londiners, exclaming against her vpon the bridge, wrought alwaies what reuēge she could against them. Concerning the arbitrement of this matter put to the French king, part hath bene sayde before, more shall be sayde (Christ willing) hereafter. Some stories do adde moreouer, that the king continuing long in France: worde was sent to him out of England, that vnlesse he returned againe to the realme, they would elect a new king. Whereupon the king returning out of France to Douer, would haue entred the castel, but he was stopped. Wherefore the king in fierce anger and great indignation, prepared his power towarde London: where, Simon Montfort the worthy Earle of Leicester, through subtile traine, was almost betraied and circumuented in Southwarke, by the sodaine pursuing of the kings armie, had not the Londiners wyth more spede breaking barres and chains, made way to rescue him. By the meanes of whome the Earle at that time escaped the daunger.

The sentence of the french king, with the king of England against the Barons.Now, to come to the sentence of the French king, for so much as the arbitrement of thys matter was committed to him, as hath before bene specified: he in a great frequency, both of French and English persons about him, considering & peysing the cause on both sides, betwene the king and the nobles: clearely and solemnely pronounced on the kings side against the Barons, ordaining that the king of England all this whyle had suffered wrong, and that hee shuld be restored againe to his pristine state, notwithstanding the prouisions made at Oxford,Ex Flor. hist. ex Gisbur. & alijs. which he ordained to be repealed and abrogated. Ex Flor hist. Gisburn.

The sentence of the French king thus awarded: as it gaue to the king of England,Warre betwene the king and the Barons beginneth. with his retinue no little incouragement, so it wrought in the nobles hearts great indignation: which, notwithstanding that partiall decreement of the French king, spedde themselues home out of Fraunce to defend themselues with all their strength and power. And not long after, foloweth also ye king, by whose traine, Simon Mountfort Earle of Leicester (as is aboue recited) was well neare circumuented in Southwarke.Vniuersitie of Oxford, remoued for a tyme to Northampton. Then the king calling his counsaile together at Oxforde (from whence he excluded the vniuersitie of studentes for a season, who were then at Northampton) there cōsulted, conferring with his friendes and counsailours, what way was best to be taken. And hearing that the Barons were assembled in a great number at the towne of Northampton, went thether with his host, and with his banners displaied,Anno. 1264. accompanied with Richard his brother king of Almaine: Also wyth Edwarde his sonne, Iohn Comyn of Scotland, with many Scots, Iohn of Dalliolo, Lorde of Galewaye, Robert of Bruse, Lord Walter of Auand, Roger of Clifford, Philip of Marmyon, Iohn of Wans, Roger of Layburne, Henry Percie, Phillip Basset, Roger of Mortymer, and William of Walance, and many other. Therefore the king commaunded the Barons that were within, to yeld vnto him presently the city and the pledges or els he would immediatly destroy them. But they counselling with the yonger Simon de monte forti, which by his fathers commaundement had got ye residue thether to take counsell together (for hys father and the Erle of Glocester were not yet come) boldly and wyth one minde answered: that they would not obey the kings wil, but would rather defend themselues and the Citie if neede were euen to the death. With the noble men of the kings part hearing, sent word againe, that at the least they should come to the wall of the Citie to speake to the King, if by any meanes peace might be made. And they suspecting no deccite, followed their counsel, and leauing their holds, came to the wall towardes the medowe, for there lay the king and his strong host hard by.The Nobles taken at Northampton. But in the meane space, whilest diuers matters were reasoned and intreated of betwene the king and ye Lords: the Lord Phillip Basset (which before was appoynted to worke that feat) wyth mattockes and other instruments of yron and men prepared for the nonce: neare to the monasterie of S. Andrewe, did vndermine the wall of the Citie. And by this meanes, the wal fel downe lightly, and there was made a great plaine, so that in one forefront there might haue gone together on a row 40. horsemen. And of this subteltie, the alian Monkes that were there, were thought to be the workers, because they made way and entraunce for them that came in. But when they that passed by saw this, & the kings banners were erected, ready to enter in: There was a great howling made, & the noise of the people came to the eares of the Barons, & they made speede to resist them, but it was all in vaine, because they were already preuēted of a great cōpany of their enemies. But Simon Mountfort the yōger, after he had valiantly fought a while in the middest of his enemies wyth Peter Mountfort,Simō Moūtfort the yoū ger taken prisoner. The scholers of Oxford stout against the kyng. and a fewe that were with him: when Edward the kings sonne came, was by his commaundement taken and led away prisoner. But the clearks of the vniuersitie of Oxforde (which vniuersitie by the Barons commandement was trāslated thether) did worke against the kings men, more hurte then the other Barons, wyth their slings, long bowes, and crossebowes: for they had a banner by themselues, and that was set vp a hie against ye king. Where withall the king being greatly moued, sware at his entring in, yt they should al be hanged. Which when they hard, many of them shaued their crownes, & they that were able ran away as fast as they coulde. And when the king entred the Citie, many fled in their armour into the Castell: other left their horse and harnesse and ranne into churches, and a few were slain, and those were of the common people. But there was not much bloudshed, because all things were done as vppon a sodaine. When the Citie was at the length set in a quiet, the king commaunded his othe to be executed vpon the Clarkes. But his counsellers said vnto him: This be farre from thee O king, for the sonnes of thy Nobles, and of other great men of thy kingdome were there gathered together into the Vniuersitie: whome if thou wouldest cause to be hanged or slaine, euen they that nowe take thy parte would rise vp against thee,The studēts of Oxford spared.not suffering to the vttermost of their powers the bloud of their sonnes and kinsfolkes to be shed. And so the king was pacified, and his wrath against the Clerks was stayed.

In the same day, after little more then an houre, the kings host assaulted the Castell, and the new hold keepers were afraide, for that they had not victuals & other things necessary for their resistance: therfore they sent immediatly messengers vnto the King, and yeelded themselues to the kings mercy. There were taken that day these Knights & Barons vnder wrytten:The Lords taken at Northamtō. Lord William de Ferrers, Lorde Peter Mountfort, cōpanion of the sayd Simon de Moūtforte the yonger, Lord Baldwyn de wake, Lorde Adam de Newmarche, Lord Roger Bertram, Lord Simon the sonne of Simon a valiaunt warriour, which first erected hys banner against the king, Lorde Berengarius de waterwile, Lord Hugo Bubiam, Lord Thomas Maunsell, Lord Roger Botemlam, Nicolas wake, Lord Robert de Newton, Lord Philip de Driby & Brimbald de Pauncefoote. All these afore hand did the king take prisonners and [Page] [...] [Page] many more, of whom he committed some to the Lord Nicolas of Hauersam to be kept in the same Castle well defē sed: some he led away with him, and some he sent to diuers Castels, and appointed Simon Mountfort to be cast into windfore Castell. And all these things, as touching the taking of Northampton, were done on the Sabboth day in passion weeke, being the thyrd of Aprill, in the yeare of our Lord. 1264. And the king went forward euen to Notingham, burning and wasting the manners of the Lords and others his enemies, and there he gathered together his nobles, and greatly increased hys number.

When this ill lucke was tolde of them that there were run away to the Earle Simon, whiche was comming towardes Northampton wt a great hoste: he was in a great rage,Earle Simon Mountfort sayneth him selfe sicke. & yet was not discouraged. But immediatly going to London, caused a chariot to be made him after the maner of lytters or couches, wherein he might ride as though he were sicke: for he fayned himselfe to be feeble and weake, whereas he was in deede a stout and valiaunt warriour. And there gathered to him other noble men that were cō federate with him, Earles and Barōs, euery one bringing with them their seuerall armies. And preparing their ingynes of woode,Rochester besieged of the Barons. they went to besiege Rochester, for the Earle of Worcester in the kynges behalfe, kept both the towne and castell. When they had gotten the first gate and the bridge, they were partly wounded and compelled to retire, and there that valiant knight Roger de la Bourne was wounded and very il handled: And whilest they continued siege there a while, it was told them that the kyng was comming toward London with a mighty host. And they sayd one to an other: if the king at hys cōming should take London, we shall be shut in as it were in a straight corner. Let vs therefore returne to London that we may keep in safety both the place and the people. Therefore appointing certaine persons to keepe the siege, they returned to London. At the length when the king came, they went forth with the Citizens to meere him, not with floures and palmes in their handes, but swordes and speares. The K. shunned them,The Kyng s [...]uaneth London. and after he had the Castell of Kingston, which was the Erle of Glocesters, he went from thence to Rochester: where after he had killed a few, he brake yt siege, and from thence the king went to Tunbridge. And the towne and Castell now being geuen vp to him, he tooke there the Countesse of Glocester, & put her into an Abbey, not to be kept in hold, but to goe at libertye whether she would: And he left for the custody of the Castell and City a great part of his hoast to the number of aboue xx. picked out ensignes, for that it was commonly said that the Earle of Glocester would come out of hād to assault them. Which being done, he continued on his iourney to Winchester, where he receiued to peace, the seamen of the hauē townes. And three dayes alter vpon the sonday following he came to the towne of Lewes, and was receaued into the Abbey, and his sonne Edward into the Castell. Then the Barons sent letters to the king the 12. day of May, the tenor wherof followeth.

TO theyr most excellent Lord Henry by the grace of God king of England, The letter of the Lords in the kyng. Lord of Ireland, and Duke of Aquitania: hys Barons and other his faythfull subiectes, being willing to keep their othe and fidelitie to God and him, send greeting and due obedidience with honour and reuerence. Whereas by many experimentes it is manifest, that some of your graces assistaunces haue reported to your maiesty many lyes of vs, working mischiefe, as much as in them lyeth, not onely agaynst vs, but agaynst you also and your whole Realme. Be it knowne to your highnes, that we haue bene alwayes willing to defend the health and sauegarde of your person with all our power and fealty due to your grace: purposing to vexe to the vttermost of our power and estate not onely our ill willers, but also your enemies, and the enemies of your whole Realme. If it be your good pleasure geue no credite to thē, we shall be alwayes found your faithfull. And we the Earle of Leiceister and Gilbert of Clare at request of the other, for vs & them haue put to our seales.

These letters being read and heard, there was a counsell called, and the king writ back to them, and specially to the two Earles of Leicester and Glocester, in maner and forme following.

HEnry by the grace of God king of England. Lord of Ireland, Duke of Aquitanie.The answer of the king to the Lords &c. To Simon Mountfort, and Gilbert de Clare, and their confederates.

For as much as by the warre & generall disquietnes by your meanes raised vp in our whole realme, and also the burninges and other hurtfull enormities, it appeareth manifestly that you keepe not your fidelitie to vs ward, nor care any thing for our health or safety: And for that ye haue inorderly greued our nobles, and other our faythfull subiectes, sticking faythfully and constantly to vs (as you haue certified vs) we accounting their losse as our owne, and their enemies as ours. And seing these my aforesayd faithfull subiects for the keeping of their fidelitie, do assist vs manfully and faythfully agaynst your vnfaithfulnes, we therefore care not for your fidelitie or loue, but defie you as our and their enemies.

Witnes myselfe at lewes the day & yeare abouesayd.

Also Richard king of Almaine, The letter of Richard K. of Almaine and prince Edward to the Barons. and Lord Edward the sonne of king Henry writ also to the Barons in this wife. Richard by the the grace of God, king of the Romaynes alwayes Augustus, and Edward the eldest sonne of the noble king of England, & al the other Barons and nobles constantly and faythfully in hart & deede cleauing to the foresayd king of England: to Simon Mountfort, and Gilbert de Clare and to all and singuler other their adherents in their conspiracie. By your letters whiche you sent to our Lord the noble king of England we haue vnderstanding that you defie vs, although before any such word, your defiaunce towardes vs was apparant inough by your cruell persecution in burning our possessions and spoyling our goodes: we therefore geue you to witte, that we all and euery one of vs, as your enemies, doe defie you all as our open enemies. And farther that we will not cease, where soeuer it shall lye in our power, to the vttermost of our force and might, to subuert your persons and all that you haue. As touching that you laye to our charge, that we geue neyther faythfull nor good counsell to our Lord the king, you say not the truth. And if your Lord Simon Mountfort, or Gilbert de Clare, will affirme the same in our Lord the kinges court: we are ready to get safe conduit for you to come to the sayd Court to try, and declare the truth of our innocency and the falsehood of you both, as forsworne traytors, by some man equall with you in nobilitie and stocke. All we, are contayned with the seales of the aforesayd Lordes, the Lord Richard, and the Lord Edward.

Dated the day aforesayd.

Both which letters beyng read,The battaile of Lewes betwene the king and the Barons beginneth. they drew neare to the king for they were not farre distant from the place whiche is called Lewes. And for that there wanted to the Kinges store prouision for their horses, it was cōmanded them, on tewsday to go forth to seeke for hay and prouender. Which when they were gone forth, were preuented most of them, of their enemies and killed: but the residue returning, saw their enemies comming very early, on yt wednesday morning, and making outcries stirred vp the king, & his hoste to arme themselues. Then the Barons comming to the full playne descended there, and girding & trunming their horses made fit their harnies to them. And there the Earle Simon made the Earle of Glocester, and Robert Deuer, and many other new knightes: which being done, he deuided and distincted his host into foure seueral battails. And he appointed noble men to guide & gouern euery battaile. And ouer yt first battayle were ordayned Captaines, Henry Mountfort the eldest sonne of the Earle Simon & Buidd his brother, Lord Iohn de Bruch the younger, & Lord Humfry de Boun. Ouer the second battaile, Lord Gilbert Clare Earle of Glocester, Lord Iohn the sonne of Lord S. Iohn and Lord William of Mouncherisi. And ouer the third, in whiche the Londiners were at their request, the Lord Nicholas Segraue was assigned. Which required also very instanntly, that they might haue yt first stroke in the battayle, at the aduenture come what come woulde. But ouer the fourth battayle, the Earle himselfe was captayne with the Lord Thomas of Pilnestone. In yt meane season came forth the kinges host, preparing themselues to the field in three battayles: of whiche Edward the kynges sonne led the first, with the Earle of Warwicke and Malence the kings brother: and the secōd the king of Alinaine guided, with hys sonne Henry: but the king with hys nobles guided the third. And the fourth legion the king appoynted not, by reason that he had left many of hys chiefe souldiours behinde him, to keepe the Castell and towne of Tunebridge agaynst the Earle of Glocester. And the most part of the kinges army were but young men, for the king thought not that his Barōs had bene come so nigh hand. Theyr armes being on both sides set in aray & order, they exhorted one an other on eyther party to fight valiantly: & after they buckled together, the battaile was great & many horsemen were ouerthrown euen in a moment. But by and by Edward the kings sonne with his band, as a fierce young gentlemen, & valiant knight fell vpon his enemies with such force, that he compelled them to re [...]ule backe a great way: so that the hinmost (thinking by reason of their geuing backe, that the foremost were slayne) ran many away of them, and taking water to passe ouer, were almost threescore souldiours drowned, & a few of the being slaine, all the rest fled. Straight way the Londiners whiche had asked the first fight, knowing not howe the battaile went [Page] tooke them to theyr hecles: Whom Edward pursued with his band killing the himmost of them by the space of two or three miles. For hee hated them because they had rebelled agaynst his father, and disgraced his mother whē she was caryed by barge vpon the Temse, frō the tower to Windsore, as is aboue touched, pag. 000.

Richard king of Almaine with his sonne taken prisoners.Whilest that Prince Edward was thus in the chase of the Lōdoners, who had the vawward of the Barons battell: In the meane tyme the mayne battayle of the Barons set vpon the kinges mayne battayle, of the which the kyng of Almaine ye brother of king Henry had the leading: which being soone discomforted, and he with hys sonne Henry & Robert de Brus,The kings main battaile at Lewes discomforted, and the king fayne to take the Abbey. Iohn Couen with diuers other Captaynes taken prisoners: the reareward wherein the Kyng himselfe fought, being immediately so hardly beset, & seyng his knightes and souldiours on euery side about him beaten down and slayne, and diuers other of hys souldiours to forsake the field and shift for themselues: thought good to take agayne the town, and so retired into the Abbay frō whence he came, shutting and rampering vp the gates, & caused the same to be strongly warded with souldiours. To be briefe, the Barons thus getting the field after long fight, and many men on either side slayne: entred also the town of Lewes, pursuing in chase such souldiours as thether fled for succour.

Prince Edward returning from the first chase, findeth altogether lost.In the meane tyme, Prince Edward returning from the chase of the Lōdiners, as ye heard, who desired to geue the first onset: and first espying the chariot of ye Earle Simon (which he caused purposely to be made for him) & the horses in the same, without eyther waggener or any other to gouerne the same: fell immediately vpon the chariote, & brake it al in peeces, & slew two Burgeses that were within the same. But when he came nearer to the place where the bloudy battel had bene fought, & saw the great discomforture and ouerthrow which in his absence wt great mortalitie and slaughter had happened: hys hart was muche dismayd, and hys countenaunce altered. Yet notwithstanding comforting & couraging his knightes & souldiors, of whom he had a valiant company, in battell aray marched toward the towne. Agaynst whome, came the Barons agayne with all theyr power. And this was begon betwixt them a fresh field and new battaile, & many men slayne on either side.The prince fighteth a new battell. But at length, the Earle de Warenia, with the kinges two brethren, forsooke the field and fled: after whō went more then seuen hundred chosen souldiours, whiche were of their house and family: who the same day came to Penensie, and there took shipping ouer the sea. Also Hugh Bigot with diuers other fled, and left the valiaunt Prince fighting in the field: which thing he also perceauing, tooke the towne. And when he found not the King his father at the Castle, he went frō thence to the Abbey where he was. In the meane season the town was deuided in parts: some fighting: some spoyling, some getting of booties, neyther could scarcely one of them know,Prince Edward also put to the worit, and fame to take the town & discerne an other whether he were his friend or enemy. But when win a whyle the Barōs had assembled some company, they gaue an assault vpon the Castel, thinking to haue rescued Iohn Bifford and others whom the kings souldiours had takē prisoners and put therein. But the souldiours win defended manfully the same, add in throwing out balles of wyld fire, as for the defence thereof they had, they also fired part of the towne.The Castle of Lewes besieged Then the Barons retired and left the Castell, and purposed to haue set vpon the Abbey where the King and prince Edward hys sonne was, which also was set on fire by the assault geuen to the Castell. But yet it was shortly recouered & quenched. Then Edward the kinges son perceiuing the bold enterprise of the Barons, prepared with couragious knightes and souldiours as were yet remayning & within the Abbey, to haue issued out, & to haue geuē a new charge vpon thē, But that perceiuing the Barons, sent vnto the king Messengers to intreat a truce for that day, & on the morow to talk and cōclude of a further peace betweene them. This battaile was fought vpō the 19. day of May, being the yeare of our Lord. 1264.

The next day, whiche was Thursday, there were sent on eyther side two preaching Friers betweene the king & the Barons,A peace intreated betweene the king & Barones. with certaine articles, & demaunds of peace: so that with certeine others, these conditions were agreed on: that on the morow beyng Friday, ye prince should geue himselfe in hostage for the king hys father and other of his partes. And Henry the Kinges sonne of Almayne also shoulde geue himselfe the like for hys father.The two princes giuen in hostage. That those thinges which should be concluded vppon for the benefite and commoditie of the Realme, and peaceable quietnes thereof might be performed: and that all such prisoners as were taken on either side, shoulde be freely raunsomed and sent home.

The next day which was Saterday, the king discharged al his souldiours, and other that were with him in the Abbey, licensing them to depart whether they listed. And furthermore, by the aduise of his sonne and the Barons: he gaue commandement to those which he had appoynted to the keeping of Tunbridge, that they shold make no attēpt to the preiudice or hurt of the Barons, but in hope of the peace which was now at the poynt to be concluded, they should also depart euery man to theyr houses and habitations.The kyngs souldiours in Tūbridge after they had spoyled the Londners at Crowdown kept themselues in garison at Bristow. But they geuing no credite thereunto, went wt theyr furniture to Bristow, where they kept themselues in garrison, vntill the escaping of Edward the kinges sonne out of prison. But first before that, when they heard at Tunbridge that the king was vanquished in battaile, & that the Lōdiners in the forward were put to flight by Prince Edward (by a messenger that escaped from the same) and that also the same Londiners were at Crowdown: they set vpon them in the euening tide, and taking from them much spoyle: slew also many of them.

But when Roger Mortimers part began to decrease, & Simon the Earles part on the other side to increase: he bare himselfe more stoughter, for that both the king and all that was his,Earle Simon after this victory beareth himselfe so slout, the [...] he imprisoneth the hostages of the kings. did depend vpon the good will and fauour of the Earle: and led with him the kinges sonne to such holds & Castles as he thought to be most strōgest. As though all were in hys handes to doe as hym liked, and kept the hostages more straightly thē he was wont to do. In so much that when it was blown abroad that the kings sonne was kept as a prisoner, diuers couusailed him that were hys frendes, that he should desire to disport himselfe at the barriers, that ye people might haue a sight of him, but he being narrowly garded as hee knewe, and fearing some tumult to arise, thought good to refuse their counsell and so did.

In this troublesome yeare, whiche was 1264. as the Londiners with the nobles were thus occupyed in warre and dissention: the malignaunt Iewes thinking to take vauntage of that tyme, wt priuy treason conspired agaynst the whole Citty and state of the Nobles. Who being taken with the maner, were almost all slayne that dwelt in the city of London.

In this yeare after the death of Pope Urbane,The death of Pope Vrbane. Pope Clement. 4. Pope Clement first a maried man, & had wife and children Thomas Aquine Bo [...] uenture [...] ders at Pa [...]is succeeded the sayd yeare of our Lord. an. 1264. Pope Clement the 4. Whiche Clement, as affirmeth Nich Triuet, was first a maryed man & had wife and children, and was the sollicitor and counsailor to the Frenche king. Then after ye death of his wife was bishop intituled Podiēsis. After that archbishop of Narbone. And at last made Cardinall. Who being sent of P. Urbane in Legacie, for reformation of peace in his absence was elected Pope by the Cardinals. About this time florished Thomas of Aquine, reader at Paris among the Dommike Friers, and Bonauenture among the Francis Friers. Ex Nich. Triuet.

As this passed on, the sonnes of Simon the Earle, to wit,Ann. 1265. Henry, Simon, Buido, and Hēry being puft vp, and with the pride of this successe eleuated, did that whiche nothing contented the Earle of Gloucester. In so muche that he chalenged Henry the eldest sonne of the Earle Simon Mountfort,Dissent [...] betweene Earle Simon and the Earle of Glocester at the barriers, to be tryed at Northampton. But that chalenge was taken vp, least some further inconuenience might haue risen therof. But the Earle of Bloucester being moued therewith in hys minde, sent vnto hys father the Earle that he should deliuer him such prisoners being Noble men, as he tooke at the battayle of Lewes. Amongst whom, the king of Almaine was named first. But he by countermaund answered him and said: that it might content and satisfie him, for that he had saued and preserued to him his landes, that day the battayle was fought at Lewes. And that furthermore he would not send him such prisoners as he demaunded: But that he himselfe kepte more nobler then they in the Castell of Douer: among whom was Iohn Basset, whiche vndermined and brast downe the walles of Northampton, at that conflict as is sayd before and specified.

The Earle of Gloucester being herewith displeased, as soone as he heard this aunswere: sent incontinently to the Lord Roger Mortimer,The Earle of Glocester and Roger Mortimer conspire together against Earle Symon. which alwayes tooke the kynges part, desiring that they two might take together touching the benefite and commoditie of the king. Who, doubting some deceite, desired sureties and pledges for hys safe return, & he would come and talk with him, and so had. Whē they met, and had a while talked familiarly: the Earle of Glocester shewed him all that he was purposed to do: and that further he lamented, he had so much and greatly offended the king: And that he woulde with all his power and habilitie make amends for that offence in the restitution of the king agayne to his kingly dignitie, as much as he possible might. Therfore they sēt secretly to Robert, ye brother [Page] of ye Erle of Gloucester, which was neare about the Earle Symon, & made him to consent with them therein. And to work this thing more circumspectly, whē oportunitie serued therunto: Roger Mortimer sent vnto the kings sonne a horse excelling all other in footmanship, vnto whome he might be sure to trust, when he saw conuenient tyme therunto. After which things thus contriued, Prince Edward desired leaue of the Earle to proue his courser against such time he should ryde at the tylt, as they might when they listed. Assoone as he had gotten leaue, and that with gallopyng and raunging the field he had weryed diuers of their horses: at the last, getting vp vpon the horse which for that purpose was sent, and spying a seruaunt on horsebacke cō ming toward him with two swords:Prince Edward escapeth frō out of the custody of Earle Simon by a trayne. He turned about vnto his keeper, whose name was Robert de Rose, & to other his playfellowes that were with him, saying: My louing Lords, thus long haue I kept you company, & haue bene in your custodies: And now not purposing to vse your cō panyes any longer, betake you to God: And quickely turning his horse about, put to the spurres and away went he. The other pricked after a pace, but yet came far inough behinde, and ouertake hym they coulde not. At last, when they sawe Roger Mortimer comming from his Castle of Wygmore, accompanyed with many armed men to meete him as before it was appointed, they returned again home as wise as when they came foorth. And when this the princes escape was diuulgated: much people came vnto hym out of euery quarter, with great ioy therof. Amongest whom, the first was the Earle of Gloucester, and the other souldiours of the kings, which had long now lien at Bristow, and thereaboutes. And within a short space he had a great and mighty host.

Which thing when the Earle Symon vnderstode, he much doubted and mistrusted himselfe: And sending into Wales, he gate from thēce a great many men, and augmē ted hys power as strongly as he might, from euery part of England.The Earle [...] Ien [...]h about, [...] in all [...] gathe [...]h a pow- [...]. He sent also Simon his sonne to the noble men of the North partes, that with all possible speede he might bring them with him: who with a great companye came with him, and at Kenelworth a while they stayd, and there pitched their tents. But leauing Kenelworth for a certein time they went to Winchester, and spoyled the same, and then returned agayne to Kenelworth. And when this by a certen spiall was declared to Edward the kynges sonne, who then was at Worcester, which he had gotten after he came from Gloucester a little before: prepared himselfe with hys souldiours, in the night season to goe to the place where the spye should bring hym, which was into a deepe vally nere vnto the place, where Simon and his company had pitched.The first enterprise of prince Edward after his escape by the meanes of a spie. And whē in the morning they were very early about to arme thēselues, and prepare theyr horses: they heard a great noyse of theyr enemies comming towardes them. Then thinking, that they had prepared themselues agaynst their comming, and so had bene betraied: they set forth in battell aray marching forward, till that they mette certeine of theyr enemies straggling in long winges, thinking to haue gone aforaging & to haue sought for vitailes: whō they took, & with their fresh horses, new horsed their souldiours that had their horses tyred wt long trauell. And so marching forward, came very early in the morning vpō theyr enemies, whom for the most part they found sleeping and laying lustily about them: they slew diuers, some they toke, the rest they put to flight: and 15. of theyr chiefest ensignes they tooke, and many other rich spoyles. But yong Simon himself lodged in the Castell, who with a few with him escaped and fled. And this was the fourth day before the Nones of August. an. 1265.

But when Edward, heard that Earle Simon was cō ming toward Kenelworth, to ioyne with hys sonnes battell: he marched forward to meete hym, ye third day after at Eusham.The disposing of the princes battayle against the Earle Simon fought at Eusham. where he deuided hys host into 3. battayles, he himself hauing the leading of one, the Earle of Gloucester the secōd, and Roger Mortimer the third, which came vpō their backs. The kings sonne Edward came Northward as though he came frō Kenelworth to Eusham, & because he would not be descride, he caused hys owne standerdes and ensignes to be taken down, and yong Simons which he had taken before to be aduanced. But the Erle Simons Scurier, whose name was Nicholas, shewed the Earle yt such bandes and companies were marching towards him who thinking the same to haue bene Simon hys sonnes power, not knowing of the ouerthrow whiche he had before, gaue small credite thereunto: till that ye said Nicholas the better to view and descrie them, went vp to the Abbey steple of Eusham, where he might plainly discerne them all and their standerds: For by this tyme, they were mounted the hill which they laboured to attayne, thinking to haue that vauntage, when they shold geue theyr charge as they had purposed: and had also aduanced agayn his own standerdes, and pulled down Simons, wherby they were the more eas [...]yer descried and knowne. Then he cryed aloud to the Earle Simon and said, we are all but dead men: For it is not your sonne as you suppose that commeth, but it is Edward the kinges sonne, that commeth from one parte: and the Earle of Gloucester,Prince Edwar [...]s host desc [...]i [...] whereat the Earle was much abashed. from an other part, and Roger Mortimer from the third part. Then said the Earle. The Lorde be mercifull vnto our soules, forasmuch as our bodyes and liues are now in their handes: commaunding that euery man should make hymselfe redy to God, and to fight out the field, for that it was their willes to dye for their lawes and in a iust quarrell: And such as woulde depart, he gaue leaue to goe their wayes that they shoulde be no discomfiture to the rest.

Then came vnto him his eldest sonne Henry & comforted him, desiring him to haue no dispaire, nor yet mistrust in the good successe of this victory, with other such cheerfull wordes.The wordes of Earle Simon to his sonne. No my sonne (sayth he) I dispayre not: but yet, it is thy presumption and the pride of the rest of thy brethrē that haue brought me to this end ye see. Notwithstanding yet I trust, I shall dye to God and in a righteous quarrel. After wordes of comfort geuen to all his host, and the oration made as is the maner, they all armed themselues. The king also (whom the Earle alwaies kept with him) he armed in an armour of his owne. And then deuiding theyr battailes, they marched toward theyr enemies, but before they ioyned, the welchmen ran theyr waies, and thinking to scape ouer the riuer of Dee, were there some drowned, & some slayne. Then when the battayles ioyned and came to handy strokes, within short space, many of the Erles part fell and were slayne. And the king himselfe being stroken at, cryed with a loud voyce to them, saying: kill me not,K. Henry almost slain in the battell, at length knowen by his voice & res [...]ued by his sonne. I am Henry your king. And with these the kinges wordes the Lord Adam Monhaut knewe him, and saued him. At whose voyce and cry came also prince Edward hys sonne, and deliuered him to the garde and custody of certayne knightes. In ye meane season, the Earle Simon was hard bestead and beaten downe, and also slayne before Edward the prince came at hym. Howbeit, before he fell, when as ye fought for his life, & Hēry his sonne & other noble men on his part were about hym, he brake out in these words vnto hys enemies saying: what, is there no mercy & compassion with you? who agayne answered, what compassion should there be shewed to traytors? Then sayd he, ye Lord be mercifull to our soules, our bodyes are in your hands. And as soone as these wordes were spoken, they mangled hys body, and deuided his members, and cut of his head, which head Roger Mortimer sent vnto his wife. And not farre of from him also was slayne Henry his eldest sonne, the lord Hugh Spencer,Earle Simon, his sonne, and many moe Lordes and Barons slaine at this battell of Eusham. the L. Radulphe Basset, the Lord Thomas de Hestele, the Lord William Maundeuile, the Lord Iohn Bewchampe, the Lord Guido Baillofer, the Lord Roger Rowley, and many other noble men besides with a great multitude of people the Lord knoweth howe many. This battail was fought in the moneth of August & continued from one of the clocke till it was night: in the which, was not so much as one man on the Earles part of any estimation, fortitude, and courage, but in that battell lost his life: more then the Lord Iohn, who by the great grace of God escaped death. Neither is this to be forgottē, that the same day being Tuesday, at that instant houre, when the battell began, whiche was at one of the clocke at after noone: there was such a darcknes ouer all, such thunder and such tempest: that the like before that time was neuer seene, being very calme and fayre weather both immemediately before and after, which seemed (sayth myne author) to geue a playne demonstration of that whiche afterward chaunced and followed.

After this great slaughter and ouerthrow,Anno. 1266. there was a Parliament sūmoned at Winchester by the Earle of Gloucester, and other of hys part.A parliament summoned at Winchester, where K. Henry was againe restored to his regalitie. Here by the is to be considered, that the king although he was in the camp of the Erle of Leceister, being then in custody, and his sonne Edward with the Earle of Gloucester, yet the king was in that side agaynst his will, and therefore in the sayd Parliament, the king was restored to his kingly dignitie which was before that tyme vnder the custody of the Barons. But after the battaile was ended and done, certaine of them that loued the Earle: vpon an old ladder, gathered vp suche partes of his body as remayned, and couering the same with an old gowne brought it to Eusham: where they putting ye same in a faire linnen cloth, buried it in ye church. But not lōg after, by such as thought not themselues sufficiently reuenged with his death (to wreke them of the dead corpes) took vp the same and threw it in an other place, saying: that he [Page] which was both accursed, and a traytor, was not worthy of Christen buriall.

The same yeare also died Walter Cantilupus Byshop of Winchester, after whom succeeded Nicholas of Ely, the kinges Chauncellor.

The same yeare the king perceiuing, that vnlesse yt Castle of Kenilworth were recouered, and the boldnes of thē restrayned that kept the same: many euils and inconueniences might ensue therupon, to yc preiudice of his kingdom: for that the number increased euery day more & more, wasting and spoyling the country all about. Therfore, he gathered an army and came downe to warwick, where he a while taryed expecting the meeting and assembling of hys Marqueses and Lordes, with engines and other munition sautable. Who when theyr bondes were furnished and mustred, and al thinges ready, the morow after Midsomer day he displayed hys banner, & began his vyage marching towardes Kenilworth & besieged the same. During which siege, by the aduise and counsaile of the king, the Popes Legate,Kenilworth castle besieged of the king. Kenilworth decree against the disherited. and other noble men 12. persons were chose which should haue the disposing of those thinges yt pertayned to the state of the Realme, & of those that had lost their landes and inheritaunces: who amongest other thinges, made and established this one prouiso, that was commōly called Kenelworth decree. That all those whieh hast lost their lā des by attaynder (although yet not attainted) should fyne therfore at the kinges pleasure, and take their lands of him agayn: paying some three yeares, some foure yeares, some two yeares reueneues of the same, according to the quallitie of the cryme & offence committed. All which prouisos or prouisions, were established and confirmed as well by the corporall othe, as by signment of the same with the handes & seales of al the Prelates and clergy of England, there assembled for that purpose by the Popes Legate vpon the feast of all Saints. When these things were thus finished, messengers were sent on the kings behalfe, as wel to those that kept yt castle of Kenilworth, as also to those that were assembled in the Ile of Ely: willing them to come vnder the protection of the Kinges peace, and yeld to the foresayd prouisos established by the twelue commissioners. who altogether aunswered & sayd: that they would in no wise cō descend therunto: both for that it was done without theyr consentes not being called vnto it, and also for that the said decree was ouer straight and intollerable. Within shorte space after,Kenilworth decree gaynsayd by diuers. great famine and pestilence chaunced amongest them which kept the castle, in so much as they were without all hope of keeping the same: wherefore, soone after the king sending agayne to them to yeld the Castle and take theyr pardōs, they consulting together of their own estate: thus aunswered the kings messengers, if it please the king and his counsaile to permit vs to send our messenger vnto the Lord Symon Mounfort which is beyond the sea: that he may come by a certayne day to the defence of this hys garrison & fort:Kenilworth castle yelded vp to the king before the returne of the messengers out of Fraunce. and that in the meane space, we be not disturbed by the kinges army that hath enuironed vs, til the return of our messēgers: If by the day appoynted he come not, we will yeld vp the same, so that we may be pardoned of life, limme, and moucables.

When the messengers were returned, and had declared to the king their aunswere: he consulting with his Nobles about the matter, agreed to their petitions. And caused the truce to be proclaimed throughout all his campe, after that sufficient hostages were on either side geuē for the performance of the same: whereupon, they set forward theyr messengers, as before was sayd they woulde. But after that many of thē within the Castell being very greeuously vexed with the bloudy flixe and other diseases, in so much that the whole men might not abide the corruption, and anoyaunce of those that were diseased: deliuered vp the Castell before the returne of the messengers againe, and were permitted to goe whether they would to refresh themselues, as men molested with great vexation & miseries. After the rendring vp of the Castell, the king committed the custody therof to hys sonne Edmund, and so with hys host departing from the siege, came vpon Christmans euens euen to Osney: where, he with great solemnity and triumph kept his Christmas during seuen dayes, and from thence with hys host came to windsore, from whence after a few dayes he marched towardes Ely: In whiche Iland he besieged those, which were disherited, and sharpely assaulted them.

The same yeare, Pope Clement the 4. promoted maister Walter Giffard Byshop of Bathe, to be Archbishop of Yorke.

In which yeare also the Church of England began to pay the tenthes of all their reuenues as wel spirituall as temporall, to the king: to continue for 3. yeares space, and this was done by the authoritie Apostolicall.

Within a while after, the Barons which were yet remayning, gathered themselues together agayne:The tenth [...] graunted to the K [...]y autoritie Apostolicall. Amongst whome Iohn Daywile (being a subtile and stoute man of warre) began to haue a name & was well esteemed amongest them: who altogether did what mischiefe they might, and in the moneth of May, they assembled at Chesterfield, vnder the sayd Iohn Daywile & the Earle Ferarence, vpon whom the kinges souldiours,A new assembly of the Barons at Chester field, where they had the ouerthrow. comming sodenly in the night toke them sleping, and slue many of them. Then the sayd Iohn Daywile quickly arming himselfe came forth: thinking wt more defence both to saue himself and to escape. who in the way, stroke the Lord Gilbert Humsard such a blow with his dimilance, that he feld both him & his horse to yt ground, & so fled with a few more after him.All the confederates of Symō Mei [...] fort, with their childrē disherited by the king. Simō Moūtfort and his confederates excommunicated by the Popes Legate. Tenths grā ted by the pope to the kyng and queene for vij. yeares. And thus whilest the poore souldiors fought & were slayn, the Barōs fled away & saued thēselues. Also the Erle Ferarence fled, & hid himself in a Church. But being be wrayed by a womā he was taken forth, and led away prisoner. After this, the king kept a parliament at Northampton, where he disherited all those, that tooke any part with the Erle Simon & al their childrē, where also the Popes Legate Octobonus held a conuocation, and excōmunicated al such bishops, as had taken any part with Simon, against the king: of whō diuers he sent vp to Rome, to be absoyled of the pope, and farther the said Legate caused to be proclaymed certain decrees, which he himselfe had made: And also the new graūt of Pope Clemēt, to the king and Queene, of al the tenthes for seuen yeres to come. And shortly after a taxe also was fined vpon yt country of Norfolke: to the gathering wherof, Walter the byshop of Norwich was appoynted. Ex Scala mundi.

After this, in the yeare of our Lord. 1267. King Henry besieged agayne the Castell of Kenelworth,Anno. 1247. from the 7. day before the first day of Iuly, vntil the beginning of December: whether came Octobonus yt Popes Legate,The castle of Kenilworth again besieged. by whose intreaty Henry Hastinges deliuered the same vnto the K. which stoutly had defended the same and resisted the kyng, hauing pardon graunted both for him and hys, of his lyfe, landes, goodes, and cattels. In which tyme also the Barons agayne assembled, with Iohn Dayuile in the Ile of Axioline,An other assembly of the Barons at Axioline and discomforture of them. & so proceeded till they came to Lincolne: which also they tooke, and spoyled the Iewes, and slue many of them: And curring their Sinagoge teare and rent the book of their law, and burnt the same, and all other writinges & obligations which they could come by. which thing when the king heard, he sent thither hys sonne prince Edward: but as soone as they heard that,The Iewes spoyled and slain at Lincolne. they fled into ye Ile of Ely, and fortified the same with Bulwarkes as strongly as they might, at euery entraunce into the same. This was in the month of Aprill when Edward the kinges sonne came thither.The Barons fortified the Ileland of Elye. Who for the great aboundaunce of waters in the same, could by no meanes enter the Iland, til at length by the counsayle of the inhabitauntes of that prouince, he caused with a number of workmen great trenches and ditches to be made, somewhat to conuey away the water: And so long vsed the Counsayle of them, in making bridges with planks and hurdles, till at last they entred the Iland. who as soone as they were entred,The Ile of Ely assaulted and entred by prince Edward. the Barons fled to London, where they were of the Londiners well entertayned. The rest which were in the Iland, yelded themselues (amongest whom was Roger Wake, Simō the yonger, and Peches) sauing their liues and members. After this, both the King and Edward his sonne, came to Londō with a great power, but yet were kept out of the city,The king kept out of London. 40, dayes by the Barons and Citizens. by the Barons and Citizens, for the space of 40. dayes. And Octobonus the Legate (who for feare was fled into the Tower) they narowly layd for, that he shoulde not escape. At length by the intreaty of the Earle of Gloucester and other Earles that were his friendes, both the Barons and Cittizens were pardoned, and admitted to the kinges fauour. And 4. Byshops and 8. other noble men were chosen, such as were at Couentry first nominated: that they should order and dispose all matters betweene the King and suche as had lost theyr inheritaunce,A peace cō cluded betweene the Barons and the kyng. as also the forme of theyr peace and raunsome. And proclamation was made vppon the feast of all Sainctes, of perfect peace and record throughout al the Realme.

The 52. yeare of this king Henries raigue 8. daies after the feast of S. Martin, he held a parliament at Marlberge in the yeare of our Lord aboue recited: where by the aduise of wise and discrete men,The statutes of Marleberge. A conuocation holden at London by Octobonus the popes legat. & with all the consentes of the nobles, he ordeined and enacted diuers good and profitable statutes for the reformation and bettering of the state of the realme & execution of common iustice, which are called the statutes of Marleberge.

The same yeare vpon S. Gregoryes day, Octobonus the Legate called a Councell at London, where were fine [Page] Archbishops, and a great number of Byshops, Abbots, & other Prelates: which Councell also within three dayes brake vp agayne.

The same yeare vpon S. Iohns day the Baptist,The Legates departing out of Englande. Edward the kinges sonne & diuers other noble men of England took vpon thē the crosse by ye legates hands at Northhampton, to the reliefe of the holy land, and the subuersion of the enemies of the crosse of Christ, which done, the legate yt same yeare wēt out of England,Valuation taken of all Churches by Octoborus the Popes Legate. Pensions out of Cathedrall and conuentuall churches paide to the popes clarks not purposing after that to returne agayne. This holy Legate (sayth mine author) whiche might well bee resembled to Lynx the monstrous beast whose quicke sight penetrateth euery thing: enrolled to perpetuall memorye the valuation of all the churches in the realme of England so narowly, as by any meanes possible be might enquire the certainty thereof. The same was he, that made all the Cathedral & Conuentuall Churches to pay pencions: so that those Churches whiche gaue not the vacancie of their benefices to their Clerkes and straungers should pay vnto them a certein yearly pencion during the vacācy of the benefices which they should haue.

The same yeare died Pope Clement 4. after whose death the Church of Rome was two yeares vacant:Pope Clement the 4. dyeth. & then was chosen an archdeacon Cardinall, whose name was Theardus,Pope Gregory the 10. as hee was taking hys iourny into the holy lande, and called hym Gregory the 10.

The mariage of Edmund Earle of LancasterThen also dyd Edmunde Earle of Lancaster and Leicester, and seconde sonne of king Henry, take to wife the Earle of Albemark his daughter, and the Niece of y• Earle of Gloucester: at whiche maryage was the king and the Queene: and all the Nobilitie of England.

The same yeare was the body of S. Edward the king & Confessour, by Walter Gifford Archbishop of Yorke and other Bishops intombed in a new & rich Schrine of golde and siluer,Edward the kyng & confessour shrined. beset with precious stones in the presēce of Hē ry the king of Englād: In which yeare also fel great rayne and inundation of waters, suche as hath not lightly bene seene, which increased and continued the space of 40. dayes and more.

The same yeare died Walter de Lawile Bishop of Sarum the third day before the nones of Ianuary. After whō succeeded Robert of Northampton the Deane of the same Church. And because the see of Cant. was then vacant, he was confirmed by the Chapter of Canterbury: whiche Chapter had alwayes the iurisdiction in spirituall causes, during the vacancy of that see, in as ample maner as the Byshop hymselfe had beyng aliue.The Byshop of Sarum put from his consecratiō. After thys, the Byshop elect comming thither, thinking to haue had hys consecration, was notwithstanding put backe for two causes: one was, for that there was present then no more but one Byshop: the other was, for that all the other Bishops had appealed, that he might not be consecrated to their preiudice, that is, by the authoritie of the Chapter of Cant. saying, that they would not be vnder the obedience of the monks.

After this, solempne Messengers were for this cause sent to the Cardinals of Rome, for that then yt see of Rome was vacant: who receiued aunswere, that during the vacation of that see, the confirmation and consecration of the Byshop elect, pertayned to the foresayd Chapter of Caunterbury.

The death and slaughter of L. Richarde the kings sonne of Almaine at Viterbiū.The same yeare also was the Lord Henry the sonne & heyre of the Lord Richard king of Almayne and brother to king Henry 2. slayne at Uiterbium, in a certayne Chappel hearing Masse, by the Lord Simō and Buido the sonnes of the Lord Simon Mountfort Earle of Leister.

During this kinges raigne, there was made a great & generall expedition of diuers and sondry Christian princes to Ierusalem, taking vpon them the Lords character: that is the Crosse: among whome was also Edward the kings sonne one, to ye which expeditiō was graunted him a subsidie throughout al ye realme.Anno. 1270. And the month of May, the yeare of our Lord. 1270. or as sayth Florilogus, an 1269. he set forward on his iourny.

The death of Boniface Archbish. of Cant.About the time when Prince Edward was preparing his iourny toward Asia. Boniface the Archbishop of Canterbury ended his life, in the country of Sebaudia, goyng belike to Rome or comming thence. After whose death, the Monks of Canterbury proceeding to a new election grā ted by the king,Adam Chelindene elected Archb. of Cant. agreed vppon the Prior of their house named Adam Chelendene. But the king & his sonne Prince Edward consenting and speaking in the behalfe of Robert Burnell theyr Chauncellour: did sollicite the matter with the Monkes, partly intreating. partly threatning them, to chuse the said Robert to be Archbishop.Appellation from the K. to the Pope by the Mōks of Cant. Notwithstanding the Monkes being stoute, woulde neyther relent to their curteous request, nor yet bow to theyr boystrous threates, but constantly persisting in their former election, appealed from the king and prince to the Pope, Prince Edward being now on his iourny, and seing himselfe thus frustrated of the Monkes, writeth backe to the king his father: deuoutly praying and beseching in no wise to admit the election of the foresayd Monks. And so passing to Douer with Hēry the sonne of Rich. his vncle king of Romanes,Adam Chelindene goeth vp to Rome. with their wiues tooke their passage in the month of August. After this the Prior thus elected, as is foretold, but not admitted by the king to be Archbishop went vp to Rome.

In the meane tyme, the Monkes in the absence of their elect) ordayned one Geoffrey Pomenall to be theyr Official: who seing himself aduaunced to that dignity, & bearing belike some old grudge agaynst the Prior of Douer,Variance betweene the officiall of Cant. and the prior of Douer. caused him to be cited vp to appeare in the Chapter house of Canterbury. The Prior of Douer seing this citation to be preiudiciall to him and to the Church of Douer, whereas the Monkes of Cant. haue no such iurisdiction (the see of Cā terbury being vacant) but that all things appertayning to that Church, ought to be reserued whole to the consecratiō of the new Archb. therefore,Appellation to Rome. for the state both of hym and of hys Church, he appealed vp also vnto Rome. But to returne to the archbishop agayne.

The second yeare after,Adam Chelindon resigneth to the Pope. Rob. Kilwatby Archb. of Cant. Adam Chelindon the foresayde Archb. elect, remayning all this while at Rome: at last resigned vp hys election to the popes hand, beyng Breg. 10. who then gaue the same to Rob. Kilwarby. Who then cō ming to Douer, restored agayn the Prior of that house, being before excluded vpon certain causes. By these coutentions, iudge good reader, of the religion of these men, and of these tunes, And now to returne to our former story.

About whiche tyme came out the great concordaunces by an Englishe Frier,The cōcordance called Iohn Dernington. Ex Eulogio.

It was aboue declared, how a generall voyage beyng proclaymed to warre agaynst the Turkes, and a subsidie beyng collected in Englād vpon the same: prince Edward with other was appoynted to take theyr voyage, & nowe were onward in theyr iourny. Who at Michelmas following, with hys company came to Egermorth, whiche is from Marsilius 8. leagues westward: & there taking ship agayne (hauing a mery winde and prosperous) within x. dayes ariued at Sunes at Tunicium, where he was wyth great ioy welcommed & entertayned of the Christian princes that there were to this purpose assembled, as of Philip the French king, whose father Ludouicus, died a little before: of Carolus the king of Sicilia: and the two kinges of Nauarre and Aragō. And as the Lord Edward came thither for hys father the king of England, thither came also Henry the sonne of the king of Almaine for his father, who at hys returne from the voyage, was slayne in a chappell at Uiterbium hearing masse, by the Lord Simō and Buido, the sonnes of the Lord Simon Mountfort Earle of Leicester.

When Prince Edward demaunded of these kings and Princes what was to be done, they answered him agayne and sayd: The Prince of this Cittie sayd they, and the prouince adioyning to the same, hath bene accustomed to pay tribute vnto the king of Sicile euery yeare. And nowe, for that the same hath bene for the space of vii. yeares vnpayed and more, therefore we thought good to make inuasion vpon hym. But the king knowing the same tribute to be but iustly demaunded, hath now according to our owne desires satisfied for the tyme past, and also payed his tribute before hand.

Then sayde he: My Lordes what is this to the purpose? Are we not here all assembled,The great expedition to inuade the Turke stayed by the concluding of a peace. and haue taken vpon vs the Lordes Character to fight against the Infidels and enemies of Christ? what meane you then to conclude a peace with them: God forbid we should do so: for nowe the land is playne and hard, so that we may approch the holy Citty Ierusalem:The great voyage of the frēch kyng against the Turkes turned to a mony matter. then sayd they nowe haue we made a league with them: neither is it lawfull for vs to breake the same: But let vs returne agayne to Sicilia and when the wynter is past, we may well take shipping to Acra. But this counsaile nothing at al liked him, neither did he shew himselfe wel pleased therwith: But after that he had made them a princely banquet, he went into hys closet or priny chamber, from amongst them: neither woulde be partake [...] of any of that wicked mony which they had taken. They notwithstanding continuing their purpose: at the next mery wynd took shipping, and for want of ships, left CC. of theyr men a shore crying out & piteously lamenting for the perill & hazard of death they were in.The clemēcie of prince Edwards toward the poore souldiers. wherewith Prince Edward being somewhat moued with compassion, came backe agayne to the land and receiued and stowed them in his own shippes, being the last that went aborde. within 7. dayes after, they arriued in the kingdome of Scicilia ouer agaynst the Citty Trapes, casting theyr anchors a [Page] league from thence within the sea, for that their ships were of great burden & throughly fraught. And f [...]ō the hauen of the Cittie they sent out varges and boates to receiue and bring such of the Nobilitie to land as would: but for theyr horses for the most part, and all their armour they kept stil within bourd. At length towardes the euening, the sea began to be rough & encreased to a great tempest & a mighty: In so much,A great shipwracke of the Christians lying at anchor a litle from Trapes. Money euil got, as euill lost. that their ships were beaten one against an others sides, and drowned there was of them at that rēpest lying at anchor, more then 120. with all their armour and munition with innumerable soules besides, and that wicked mony also which they had taken before likewise perished and was drowned. But the tempest hurt not so much as one ship of Prince Edwardes,Non habet euē tus, sordida praeda bonos. Ex scala mundi. Ex Gualt. Gisburn. Ex Flor. hist. who had in number 13. nor yet had one man lost thereby, for that as it may be presupposed, he consented not to the wicked counsaile of y• rest. When in the morning the Princes and kinges came to the sea side, and saw al theyr shyps drowned: and saw their men and horses in great number cast vpon the land drowned, they had full heauy heartes, as well they might. For of all theyr shyps and mariners, whiche were in number a 1500. besides the common souldiours: there was no more saued, then the Mariners of one onely Shyp, and they in this wise. There was in that ship a good and wise Matrone (a Countesse or an Earles wife) perceiuing the tempest to grow, and fearing her self, called to her the Maister of the ship: & asked whether in attempting to the shore, it were not possible to saue themselues: who answered, that to saue the ship it was impossible, howbeit the men yt were therein by Gods help he doubted not. Then sayd ye Countesse, for the ship force no whit:Prince Edward and his men preserued from the tempest. The integritie of Prince Edward rewarded of God. saue the soules therein, and haue to the, double the valure of thy ship. who immediately hoysing the sayles, with all force ran the ship a groundso neare the shore as possible was. Thus with the vehemency of the weather and force he came withall, brast the ship and saued all that was within the same, as the matter had shewed and sayd before.

Then the kinges and princes (altering theyr purpose after this so great a shypwrack) returned home again eueuery one vnto their own lands: Onely Edward the kings sonne remayned behinde with his men and ships, which y• Lord had saued and preserued. Then Prince Edward (renouating hys purpose) tooke shipping agayn, and within 15. dayes after Easter arriued he at Acra,Prince Edward arriueth at Acra and taketh Nazareth. and went a land taking with hym a thousand of the best souldiours & most expert, & taryed there a whole month, refreshing both hys men and horses and that in this space he might learne and know the secretes of the land. After this, he took with hym 6. or 7. thousand souldiours and marched forward twenty myles from Acra, and tooke Nazareth: and those he there found he slew, and afterward returned again to Acra. But their enemies following after them, thinking to haue set vpon them at some straight or other aduauntage: were by the Prince premonished thereof, and returning agayn vpon them gaue a charge, and slew many of them and the rest they put to flight. After this about Midsomer, when the Prince had vnderstāding that the Saracens began to gather at Cakhow, which was 40. myles from Acra: he marching thether, set vpō them very early in the morning, and slue of them more then a 1000. the rest he put to flight, and tooke riche spoyles, marching forward till they came to a Castle named Castrum Peregrinorum, situate vpon the Sea cost, and taried there that night, & the next day they returned toward Acra. In the meane season, the king of Ierusalem sent vnto the noble men of Cypres, desiring them wt speede that they would come and ayde the Christians: but they would not come, saying: they would keepe their own land and go no further.The Noble men of Cyprus shew their fidelitie to the Prince and kings of England. Then Prince Edward sent vnto them, desiring that at his request they would come & ioyne in ayd with him. Who immediately thereupon came vnto him with great preparation and furniture for the warres, saying: that at hys commaundement they were bounde to do no lesse, for that his predecessors were sometimes yt gouernors of their lande, & that they ought alwaies to shewe their fidelitie, to the kings of England. Then the Christians being herewt animated, made a third voiage or Rode, and came as farre as the fort called Vincula S. Petri, and to S. Georges: and when they had slayne certayne there, not finding any to make resistance agaynst them, they retyred agayne from whence they came.

A guilefull deceipt of the Saracens practised against prince Edwarde. Ex Gosb. Scala mundi.When thus the fame of prince Edward grew amongst hys enemies, and that they began to stand in doubt of him: they deuised amongest themselues, howe by some pollicie they might circumuent him and betray him. Whereupon, the great Prince and Admirall of Ioppa, sent vnto hym: sayning himselfe vnder great deceit to become a Christian, and that he would draw with hym a great number besides so that they might be honorably entertayned & vsed of the Christians. This talke pleased the Prince well, and perswaded him to finish the thing, he had so well begonne, by writing agayne: who also by the same messenger sent and wrote backe vnto him, diuers tymes about the same matter, whereby no mistrust shoulde spring. This messenger, sayth myne autor, was one ex cautè nutritis, one of the slony harted that neither feared God, nor dreaded death. The fift tyme when this messenger came, and was of the Princes seruauntes searched, according to the maner and custome what weapon and armour he had about him, as also his purse, that not so much as a knife could be founde about him: he was had vp into the Princes chamber, and after hys reuerence done, he pulled out certayne letters, which he deliuered to the Prince from his Lord, as he had done others before.The messenger searched before he came to the princes presence. This was about eight dayes after whitsontide vpon a Teusday, somewhat before night: at which time the Prince was laid vpon his bed bare headed in his Ierkin, for the great heat and intemperature of the weather.

When the Prince had red the letters, it appeared by thē yt vpon the Saterday next following, his Lord woulde be there ready to accomplishe all that he had written and promised. The report of these newes by the prince to the standers by liked them well, drawing some what backe to consult thereof amongest themselues, In the meane tyme, the messenger, kneeling & making his obersance to the Prince (questioning further with him) put his hand to the belt, as though he would haue pulled out some secret letters: & sodenly he pulled out an inuenomed knife, thinking to haue stroken hym into the belly therewt as he lay: But y• Prince lifting vp his hand to defend the blow, was striken a great woūd into yt arm.Prince Edward wounded & h [...] with an inuenemed knise of the Turkes messenger. And being about to fetch an other stroke at him, the prince agayn with his foote tooke hym suche a blow yt he feld him to the ground: wt that the prince gat him by the hand, and with such violence wrasted the knife from him, yt he hurt himself therwith on the forehead, and immediately thrust the same into the belly of the messenger and striker, and slue him. The Princes seruauntes being in the next chamber not farre of, hearing the bulkling, came with great hast rūning in: and finding the messenger lying dead in the floure, one of them tooke vp a stoole, and bet out his braynes: wherat the Prince was wroth, for that he stroke a dead man, and one that was killed before. The rumour hereof as it was straunge, so it soone went throughout all the Court, and from thence amongst the common people: wherefore they were very heauy and greatly discouraged, To him came also the Captayne of the Temple & brought him a costly and precious drinke agaynst poyson, least the venim of the knife shoulde penetrate the liuely bloud, and in blaming wise sayde vnto hym:The Prince in perill of death by reason of his hurt is comforted [...] phisition [...]. Did I not shewe your grace before of the deceipt & subtiltie of this people? Notwithstanding, sayth he, let your grace take a good hart, you shall not die of this wound, my life for yours. But straight wayes, ye surgions & phisitiōs were sent for, and the prince was dressed: and within few dayes after the wound began to putrifie, and the flesh to looke dead and blacke, wherupon they that were about the prince began to mutter amongest thēselues, and were very sad and heauy. Which thinge he himselfe perceauing, sayd vnto them: why mutter you thus amongest yourselues? What see you in me, can I not be healed? Tell me the truth, be ye not afrayd. Whereupon one said vnto him: and like your grace you may be healed, we mistrust it not, but yet it will be very paynefull for you to suffer. May suffering, sayth he, again restore health? Yea sayth the other, on payne of loosing my head. Then sayd the Prince, I commit my selfe to you, doe with me what you thinke good. Then said one of the Phisitions, is there any of your Nobles in whome your grace reposeth speciall trust? To whome the Prince aunswered yea, namyng certayne of the Noble men that stoode about him. Then sayd the Phisition to the two whome the Prince first named, the Lord Edmund, and the Lord Iohn Uoysie: And doe you also faythfully loue your Lord and Prince? Who aunswered both, yea vndoubted. Then sayth he, take ye away this Gentlewoman and Lady (meaning hys wife) & let her not see her Lord and husband, till such a time I will you thereunto. Whereupon they tooke her out of the princes presence, crying out and wringing her hands. Thē said they vnto her, be ye contented good Lady & Madame. It is better that one woman should weepe a little while, then that all the realme of England shoulde weepe a great season. Then on the morow, they cut out all the dead and inuenemed flesh out of the Princes arme, and threw it from them, and sayd vnto him: how chereth your grace, we promise you wtin these fifteene dayes you shall shew your selfe abroad (if God permit) vpon your horse backe, whole and [Page] well as euer you were. And according to the promise her made the prince, it came to passe, to the no litle comfort and admiration of all his subiectes. When the great Souldan heard of, and that the Prince was yet aliue, he woulde scarsly beleue the same▪ and sending vnto hym three of hys nobles and princes,The Prince restored to health, and the Soldian forl weareth himselfe. excused himselfe by them, calling hys gods to witnes, that the same was done neither by hym, nor his consent. Whiche Princes and messengers standing a loofe of from the kinges sonne, worshipping hym, fell flat vpon the ground. You sayth the prince doc reuerence me, but yet you loue me not. But they vnderstoode hym not, because he spake in Englishe vnto them, speaking by an interpreter. Neuertheles, he honourably intreated thē, and sent them away in peace.

The Prince returneth out of Turky toward England aagaine.Thus when Prince Edward had bene 18. monethes in Acra, he tooke shipping about the assumption of our lady, as wee call it, returning houseward, & after 7. weekes he arriued in Sicilia at Trapes: and from thence trauelling through Palestina and Mermes, and so through the middes of Apulia, till he came to Rome, where he was of the Pope honourably entertayned. From thence he came into Fraunce, whole same and noble prowes was there much bruted among the common people: and enuied of y• nobillitie, especially of the Earle de Chafōs: who sent vnto hym and required him, that he might breake a staffe wt him at the Tilte in hys countrey: whiche thing to doc, for that the prince would not diminishe his honour and fame (although he might haue well alledged a sufficient cause and excuse by meanes of hys trauell) yet he would not, but willingly consented therunto.A day of [...]orte in Fraunce appointed, which turned to good earnest. Wherupon it was proclaymed, that Prince Edward by suche a day, with those that were with him, had challenged all commers at the Tilt & Barriers. Whereupon great assemblies were made in the country all about: and diuers as well horsemen as footemen had coniured amongst themselues, and conspired agaynst the Englishmen, selling their horses and armour a forehand, & drinking one to an other in bon voiage of the spoile of them whom they would take as theyr prisoners. Prince Edward in the meane tyme, sent into England for diuers Earles and Barons whiche came vnto hym. Whē the day appoynted was come, the Prince had wt him more then 1000. horsemen, whiche were knightes, besides hys footemen. But yet there was as many mo on the other side both in horsemen and footemen. When the parties should meete: The French footmen whiche had before conspired: began both to spoyle,A conspiracy of the French men against the Englishmen rifle, and kill. The Englishmen resisted & defended thēselues both with bowes & slings: many of thē they slue & draue them to the gates of their Citty, the other they chased ouer a riuer, where manye of them were drowned. In the meane season, the Earle with fiftie of his knights which followed him, came forth and ioined together so many for so many, and a lōg time together they tryed it with theyr swordes, laying one at an other. At the last, the Earle perceauing himselfe not able to match with him at the armes end: enclosed with him, and taking him about the necke held him with his armes very straite. What meane you my Lord, sayth the prince, thinke you to haue my horse? Yea marry quoth yt Earle, I meane to haue both thee and thy horse. Hereat Prince Edwarde being ascourued, lifted vp himself, and gaue him such a blow yt therwithall he forsaking his horse, hong stil about the Princes necke, till that he shooke him off to the ground. Herewith the Prince, beyng somewhat in a heate, lefte the prease to take some ayre, thereby to refreshe himselfe. But when he sawe the iniury of the Frenchmen towardes hys men,Exercise of battaile vsed in stede of Barrio [...]s and Torney. and how they had slayne many of them, he then said vnto them that they vsed rather the exercise of battayle then of Torny Spare you not therefore, sayth he, from henceforth none of them all, but geue them agayn as good as they bring. Thē they assayed to kill eche other freely on eyther part, and let theyr swordes walke. And when by this tyme the English footmen were agayne returned, and saw the conflicte of horsemen and many other Englishmen ouerthrowne: they put themselues amiddes the prease, some pāching the horses, some cutting a sonder the girthes of y• Frenchmens saddels, ouerthrew [...] the ryders and gaue them holibread. Then when the foresayd Earle was horsed agayn by some of his men & amongst the throng, Prince Edward also rushed in amongst the thickest & coped agayn wt him: to whō he often spake and cryed, that he shoulde yelde hymselfe as vanquished: but that he would not doc. Notwithstanding when his strength began to fayle hym, he was fayn to yeld himselfe vnto a simple knight,The victorie of the prince and English men against the Earle of Chalons & Frenchmen. according as Prince Edward him bad: and all the rest of hys horsemen & Knights fled and saued themselues: Howbeit, many of them in that place were slaine, and our men returned hauing the victorye. But when after this they thought themselues to be quiet and at rest: they were killed by two & by three at once as they went in the streetes of the Citizens. Which thing, when the prince heard, he sent for the Maior and Burgeses, commaunding them to see the same redressed, and that immediately: for otherwise, of hys knighthoode, he assured them, that vpon the morow he would fire the city, and make it leuell with the grounde. Whereupon they went theyr wayes, and set watchmen in diuers places of y• same to keepe the peace, by whiche meanes the Prince and hys mē were in safety and quiet. Thus in this pastime of Torneing and Barriers, much bloud was spilte, whereupon the name of the place was chaunged: so that it is not called Torniamentum de Chalons, but paruum bellum de Chalons.

From thence the prince came to Paris,Prince Edward was in Vasconia at the time of his fathers death. and was of the french king honorably entertained: & after certain dayes, went from thence into Vascouia, where he taryed till that he heard of the death of the king his father.

In the yeare of our 1272.Anno. 1272. died pope Clement the 4. After whom succeeded Pope Gregory the 10. who in the next yeare following, whiche was the yeare of our Lord. 1273.Pope Clement the 4. dyeth. Pope Gregory the 10. called a general Councell at Lyons, about the controuersie betweene the Greeke Church and the Latine Churche, and for the vacancy of the sea Apostolicall. &c.

¶ Certaine Notes of other occurrents chaunced in forreine Countryes abroad within the compasse of yeares and raygne of the foresayd King Henry the thyrd.

HAuing thus accomplished the life and history of King Henry the third, with such accidents as happened wtin this realm, I thought good to adioine vnto the same some other foreine matters not vnworthy the note, incident in other Countries during the tyme of the sayd king: Namely from the yeare of our Lord. 1217. vnto this yeare 1272. which I thought the rather not to be omitted, for that euen from and about the beginning of this kings raigne sprang vpp the very welspringes of all mischiefe and sectes of Monkish religions and other swarmes of Popish orders which with their grosse and horrible superstition haue encombred the Church of Christ euer since.

First to omitte the repeticion of Pope Innocent the third the great Graundsire of that fowle monster Transustantiation and auriculer Confession, with the fryers Dominick, and Franciscane Fryers: Thomas Aquinas, Iacobus de Uoragine, Uincentius: with Pope Honorius the third coyner of the Cannon Lawe and the Cardinall Hostiensis, as also Bonauenture, Albertus magnus with Pope Urbane the 4.Ex Annalibus Silesiae. first founder of the feast of Corpus Christi and procuror of the adoration of the body of Christ in the Sacrament,The Tartarians make great spoile in Christendome. besides Durandus and many moe: followeth further to be noted, that the Tartarianes aboute the yeare 1240. issuing out of Moscouia into the partes of Polonia made great waste in Christendome so muche the rather because the Princes about Polonia beyng at variaunce amongest themselues,The Seythians army lyke locustes. vsed none other remedie for theyr defence, but heapes of Masses, Inuocation of the dead and worshipping of Images, whiche in deede dyd nothing relieue them but rather encrease theyr trouble.

The next yeare following the whole nation of the Scithians (mustering like Locustes) inuaded the partes of Europe with two mightye armyes: whereof the one entring vppon Polonia made great hauocke and caryed away many Christians from thence Captiues, the other ouerrunning Hungaria made no lesse spoyle there. Adde hereunto an other freshe armye of Tartarianes to the number of 5000000. Who at the very same tyme, ioyninge themselues together entered into Muscouia and Cracouia, and made most horrible slaughter sparing neyther sexe, nor age: noble nor vnnoble within the Land. From thence passing to Uratislauia, made great spoyle there also, and thinkyng there to winne the Castle, were by the miraculous workyng of the Lorde at the instaunce and prayers of good people discomfited beyonde all expectation of man by thundringe and lightning falling vpon them from heauen in most terrible wise.

The same yeare immediately after Easter an other armye of Tartarians were gathered agaynst Lignicium drawing neere to Germnany: By the bruyte whereof the Germaynes being put in great feare were altogether dismayed: but yet not able to helpe themselues by reason they lacked a good guyde and gouernour amongest them. All which came to passe specially by the mischieuous practize of the Romayne Popes raysing variaunce and discorde [Page] amongst them notwithstanding Dentry prince of Polonia and Silicia gathering a power as well as he coulde,Kyng Henry slaine, and his army vanquished. dyd encounter with him, but in fine hys whole armye was vanquished, and the kyng hymselfe slayne. Notwithstanding whiche ouerthrowe of Christians it pleased God to strike such a feare into the heartes of the sayd Tartarianes that they durst not approche anye further or nearer into Germany, but retired for that tyme into they Countrye agayne:Nine sackes full of Christians cares being slain who recounting theyr victory by taking each man but one eare of euery of the Christians that were slayne founde the slaughter so great as that they filled it, great sackes full of eares. Neuertherles, after this viz the yeare 1260. the same Tartarianes hauing the Moskouites to theyr guides returned agayne into Polonia and Cratonia, where in the space of three monethes they ouerranne the land with fire and sword ouer to the coastes of Silesia. And had not the princes of Germany put to theyr helping hand in this lamentable case, they had vtterly wasted the whole lande of Polonia and the Coastes thereaboutes.

This yeare also in the month of Aprill, Richard Kyng of Almayne dyed at the Castell of Barchamsted, and was buryed at the Abbey of Dayles, whiche he built out of the ground.Richard king of Almaine dyeth. A great variāce betweene the Monkes and citizens of Norwich. The same yeare also at Norwich, there fel a great controuersie, between the monks and the citizens, about certayn tallagies and liberties. At last, after much altecration and wrangling wordes, the furious rage of the Cittizens so much increased and preuayled, and so litle was the feare of God before theyr eyes, that altogether they set vpon the Abbey and Priory, and burned both the church and Byshops Pallace, whē this thing was heard abroad, the people were very sory to heare of so bold & naughty an enterprise, & much discommended ye same. At the last, K. Dēry calling for certayne of hys Lords, and Barons, sent thē to the city of Norwich,Excution done at Norwich by the commaundement of kyng Henry the 3. Adam Prior of Cant. refuseth to be Archb. of Cant. Rob. Kilwerby Archb. of Cant. that they might punish and see execution done of the chiefest malefactors: in so much that some of them were condemned and burnt, some of them hanged and some were drawne by the heeles with horses throughout the streetes of the Citty, and after in muche misery ended theyr wretched liues. The same yeare, Adam the prior of Canterbury, and Bishop elect: in the presence of pope Gregory the 10. refused to be archbishop, although he was elect. wherefore, the pope gaue the same archbishopricke, to Frier Robert Kilwardby the Prouost of the preaching Friers: a man of good life and great learning. He was cō secrated at Caunterbury, the fourth day of March by sixe bishops of the same Prouince. The same yeare also at Michelmas, the Lord Edmund, the sonne of king Richard of Almaine, maryed the sister of Gilbert Erle of Gloucester, Also in this yeare of our Lord, 1273. the 16. day before the Calendes of December vpon S. Edmundes day the archbishop and confessour:The death of K. Henry the 3. died King Henry, in the 56. yeare of his raigne, and was buryed at Westminster: leauing after him two sonnes and two daughters, to wit Edward the Prince, and Edmund Earle of Lancaster and Leicester, Beatrice, and Margaret, whiche Margaret was maryed to the king of Scottes. This king Henry in his life tyme beganne the building of the Church & steeple at westminster, but did not throughly finish the same before his death.

King Edward the first.

K. Edward 1. IN the time of the death of K Henry, Edward his eldest sonne was absent in Dasconia, as a little before you heard: yet notwithstanding, by Robert Kilwarby Archb. of Caunt and other bishops & nobles, he was ordeined heire and successour after hys father: who, after he had heard of hys fathers death, retourned home to his Countrey, and was crowned the yeare of our Lord 1274. who then layd downe his crowne, saying: he woulde no more put it on, before he had gathered together all the landes pertayning to the same. This Edward as he had alwayes before bene a louing and naturall Childe to his Father, whom he had deliuered out of prison and captiuity: & afterward hearing both together of ye death of his sonne, & of his father, wept and lamented much more for his father, then for his sonne, saying to the French king (which asked the cause thereof) that the losse of his child was but light,P [...]ti [...] [...] Parēts rewarded of God. for Children might after increase and be multiplied, but the losse of his parent was greater, which could not be recouered:Ex Chron. Tho. Walsinghami. Robert Auesbury. So almighty God for the same his pietie to his father shewed, rewarded him agayn with great successe, felicitie, and long raigne. In so much, ye he beyng yong as he was playing at Chesse with a certayne souldior of his,A miracle of God in preseruing king Edward. sodainly hauing no occasion geuen: rose vp and went his way, who was not so soon voyded the place, but incontinent fel down a mighty stone from the vawt aboue directly vpon yt place where he sate, able to haue quashed him in peeces,False was [...] ip reprehended. God geue [...]s the be [...]te & a dum [...]e stocke hath the tha [...]. if he had caried neuer so little more. In the proseruation of whome as I see, the present hand and mighty prouidence of the huing God: so in the kinges order agayne, I note a fault or error worthy of reprehension: For that he receiuing such a liuely benefite at the hand of the liuing Lord, going therefore on pilgrimage to walsingham, gaue thanks not only to our Lady, but rather to a rotten blacke, Ibidem. Of the gentle nature of this couragious prince, sufficient proofe is geuen by this one example: that what time he being in hys desport of hauking, chaunced sharpoly to rebuke the negligence of one of his gentlemen, for what fault I cannot tell about his hauke: the gentleman being on the other side of the riuer, hearing his manassing wordes was glad (as he sayd) that the riuer was between them, with this answer the couragious bloud of this Prince being moued, vppon present hear, he leaped straight into the floud, both a swift streame and of a dangerous deepnesse, and no lesse hard in getting out. Notwithstanding either forgetting his owne life, or neglecting the daunger present, but hauing a good horse, ventreth his own death, to haue the death of his mā. At length with much difficultie recouering the bank, with his sword drawn pursueth his prouoker. Who hauing not so good an horse, and seeing himselfe in daunger of taking, reineth hys horse:Example of prince [...]. [...] mency [...] learned [...] kinges and princes. submitteth his necke vnder hys hande to strike. The prince, whose feruent stomack the water of the whole riuer could not quench, a little submission of his man did so extinct that the quarrel fell, his anger ceased, and his sword put vp, without any stroke geuen. And so both returned to theyr game,Ex Chron. Nic. [...] &c Tho. good friendes agayne. Auesb. Nich. Triuet.

In the first, beginning of his raig [...]e, this Kyng had much adoe in Wales, where he had diuers conflictes wyth the welshmen: whom at last he subdued & cut down theyr woodes, suppressed rebellions, & vanquishing theyr kings, Lewline and his brother,Wales sub. dued. The Kings sonne first prince of Wales. ordeined his eldest sonne Edward, borne in the same Countrey to be Prince of Wales. This Lewline Captayne of ye welshmen here mentioned, rebelling agaynst king Edward: asked counsayle by way of coniuration, what euent should come vpon his attempt To whom it was tolde, that he should goe forward boldly for doubtlesse, he should ryde thorough Chepeside at London, with a crowne on his head. Whiche so came to passe. For he being slayne,Vayne prophesies not to be sought to. hys head was caried through Chepe, with a Crowne of siluer to London bridge: whereby men may learne not to seeke nor stick to these vayne prophesies: which though they fall true, yet are but the traynes of the deuill to deceyue men.

About this time was a great earthquake, and suche a rotte, that consumed a great multitude of sheep, in the land through the occasion as they say, of one scabbed shepe that came out of Spayne. The king returning from Wales to England, ordred certayne new lawes for the wealth of the realme.Punishment for Baker, S: Milners. The statute for Mortmaine first enacted. Among many other this was one: that authoritie was geuen to all Maiors Baili [...]es, & other officers to see execution and punishment of all Bakers making bread vnder the sise, with pillory. Of Milners stealing corn with the tumbrel. &c. And within two yeares after the statute of Mortinayne was first enacted, which is to meane that no man should geue vnto the Churche any landes or rentes, without a speciall licence of the king.

About which tyme also, being the 7. yeare of his raigne 297.Anno. 1279. Iewes for mony clipping were put to execution. In whiche same yeare began first the foundation of the blacke Friers by Ludgate. And the towne of Bosten was greatly wasted the same yeare with fyre. The halfepeny and farthinges began first to be coyned the selfe tyme, which was the 8. yeare of hys raygne. The great conduit in Chepe began the fourth yeare after to be made.Blacke Fryers by Ludgate builded Bosten blemished with fire. The great Conduit in Cheape. Westminster Church finished. The Iewes banished the Realme. anno. 1248. And the yeare next following the newe worke of the Churche of Westminster (begon, as is afore premonished in the thyrd yeare of Henry 3.) was finished, whiche was 66. yeares in edifiyng the Iewes were vtterly banished this Realme of England the same tyme, for whiche the commons gaue to the kyng a fifteene. anno. 1291.

After that the country of Wales, was brought in a full order and quiet, by the hewing downe of the woodes, and casting down the old holdes, and building of new, whiche all was brought to perfect end, about the 24. yeare of thys kings reigne: then ensued an other broile as great or greater with Scotland: to the great disquiet of the king and the realme of England, many yeares after. This trouble first began by the death of Alexander king of Scots, who dyed without issue left aliue behinde him.A place in Fabian corrected. Although Fabiane in yt 7. booke of hys Chronicle affirmeth: that he left 3. daughters, the eldest maryed to sir John Bailol: the secōd to Robert Bruce, the thyrd to one Hastinges. But this in Fabian, is to be corrected as which neyther standeth with it selfe, & [Page] is clearely conuinced by the witnes and history of Rob. Auel bury, Ex Thoma [...]alsing [...]a [...] & [...]ualtero inburnensi. and also [...] Gi [...]burne.

For first, if king Alexander had left his eldest daughter marked to Syr Iohn Bailol, then what cōtrouersie might rule among the Lords about succession, needing so diligent and anxious deciding by the king of England. Secondly, what clayme or title could the king of Norway haue to the crowne of Scotland which was one of ye chalengers, claiming the sayd crowne in the behalfe of Margaret the nece of the forsayd king Alexander her graunfather, if the eldest daughter of ye father had heue left aliued Thirdly, what can be more playn, when by the affirmance of the foresaid story is testified, that K. Alexander had 2. wiues. Of the second whereof he had no issue. Of the first had two Children: Alexader which died before his father, and Margaret maried to the kyng of Norway, whiche died also before her Father,Lack of successiō what disturbance it worketh in a Realme of whom came Margaret the [...]ece of Alexander, and daughter to the king of Norway afore mentioned. And the also dyed in the iourny betweene Norway and Scotland, the fourth yeare after the decease of her grandfather. Wherfore, as this matter standeth most cleare, so let vs now returning frō whence we digressed, prosecute the rest that foloweth. After that Alexāder thus as is said, departed without issue, & also Margaret his [...]iece in Norway was deceased: the matter came in a great doubt among the nobles of Scotland (especially 12. by name) to whome the right of the crowne should next pertayne.The klag of Englande proued by old records, chiefe head & foueraign Ann. 1291. After much variaunce among parties, at length the election and determination of the matter was committed to the iudgement of king Edward of England: who after sufficient proofe made to the Scottes and firme euidence, brought out of all the ancient historyes both of England, and Scotland, testifying from tyme to tyme that he was chief head and soueraigne of the Realme of Scotland: first by necessitie of the law, and by al theyr consentes tooke full possession of the same. And that bone, adiudged ye right of the Crown to John Bailol, who descended of the daughter of Dauid Earle of Huntington, brother to Dauid King of Scotland, in the dayes of Kyng Henry the second. This Erle Dauid had three daughters, Isabell maried to Robert Brusse, Margaret to Allen Earle of Galeway, had Ellen to Henry Lord Hastinges: Allē Earle of Galeway had Ellē maried to Roger Quincy Erle of Winchester, Constable of Scotland, & Doruagile maried to John Bailol father to Edward king of Scots.

Sir Iohn Bayloll male king of Scotland by King. Edward. K. of Scots doth homage to the King of Englande.When these thinges were thus finished in Scotlande, and Syr Iohn Bailol as most rightfull inheritour had receaued the crowne of Scotland at the handes of kyng Edward thankefully: & for the same in the presence of the Barony of England and of Scotland, did vnto the sayd king Edward his homage, and sware to him fealty: the Scottes with theyr new king returned into Scotland, and Kyng Edward remoued agayne to England:

But not long after, the falsenes of this Scotishe Kyng soone appeared. Who repenting him of his homage done, vntruely for sook his former othe & promise, and made war against king Edward, through the counsaile of the Abbot of Menros.The falsenes of the Scottish king. Wherfore, the king with a great host sped hym into Scotland, & in processe laid siege to the towne of Berwicke: which the Scots did egerly defend, not onely to the discomfiture, but also to the decision of the kinges and hys English host. But in conclusion, the English men preuayled and wan the towne,The towne and castle of Barwicke wonne of Englishmen. where were slayne of the Scottes the number of 25. thousand. And while the king was there busied in winning other holds about the same, he sent part of his host to Dunbarre, where the Englishmē agayn had the victory and slue of the Scottes xx. thousand, Gis burne sayth but x. thousand, so that very few were lost of the English company.Falsenes iustly punished. The king with a great nūber of prisoners returning into his realm, shortly after sped him ouer vnto Flaūders, where he sustayned great trouble by the French kyng, till truce for certayne space was betweene them concluded. But in the meane while that K. Edward was thus occupyed beyond the Seas: the French king (resorting to his practised maner) set the Scottes secretly agaynst the Englishmen to keep the king at home.The Scots rebell again. Which Scots makyng themselues a Captaine named Williā Waleis: warred vpon the borders of Northumberlād, where they dyd much burt. At length the king returning from Burdeaux into England, shortly vpon the same tooke hys iourny into Scotland. Where meeting at Yorke with hys host, marched into the Realme of Scotlande, winning as he went, townes and Castles,The second [...]iage of king Edward into Scotland. till at length comming to the towne of Frankyrch on Mary Magdalens day, he met with the power of Scotland: and had with them a fore sight, but through Gods prouidence the victory fel to the right cause of Englishmen: so that of the Scottes were slayne in the field, as it is of diuers writers affirmed, ouer the number of xxxii. thousand:Anno. 1298. and of Englishmen but barely. xxviii. persons. Whereupon, the king agayn taking possession and feairy of the whole land, returned home.

And yet the false vntroth of the Scots would not thus be ruled,Ex Fabiano. A notable victory against the Sco [...]e. Anno. 1299. The Scottes sworne to the kings alleageāce but rose vp in a new broyle: so that the kyng was enforced to make his power agayn the yeare folowing into Scotland, where he to suppressed the rebellion of yt Lords and of the commons, that they swearing to the kings allegiaunce, presented themselues by great companyes, & put them wholy in the kings grace and mercy: so that the king thinking himselfe to be in peaceable possession & in a great surety of the land, caused to be sworne vnto hym the rulers of the boroughes, citties, and townes, with other officers of the land, and so returned vnto Barwicke, and so into England, and lastly to Westminster.

These martiall affayres betwene England and Scotland although they appertayne not greatly to the purpose of our story Ecclesiastical: yet so much by ye way I thought briefly to touch, whereby the better it might be vnderstanded by these premisses, that whiche followeth in the sequele hereof. As the Scottes were thus warring and ragyng agaynst the king, and saw they could not make theyr party good,Ex Chron. Tho: Walsinghami. Auesburiensis. The Popes message vnto the kyng. they sent priuily to Pope Boniface for hysayde and counsaile: who immediatly sendeth downe his precept to the K. to this effect, that he should hereafter succease to disquiet or molest the Scottes, for that they were a people exempt and properly pertaining to hys Chappell. And therfore it could not otherwise be, but that the Citty of Ierusalem must needs defend hys own Citizens: & as the mount Syon,The Kinges aunswere to the Pope. mayntayn such as trust in the Lord. &c. Whereunto the king briefly maketh aunswere agayne, swearing with anothe that he would to his vttermost keepe & defend that which was hys right, euidētly known to all the world. &c. Thus the Scots bearing themselues bold vpon the popes message,The Pope chalengeth the Realme of Scotland to be free from the dominion of England & also confederating themselues with the French mē, passed ouer that yeare. The next yeare after yt (whiche was 29. of the kinges raigne) the sayd Pope Boniface directeth hys letters agayn to the kyng, wherein he doth vē dicate the kingdome of Scotland, to be proper to ye Church of Rome, & not subiect to the king of England. And therfore it was agaynst God, against iustice, and also preindiciall to the Churche of Rome, for hym to haue or hold dominion vpon the same, which he proued by these reasons.

First, that when king Henry the father of this Kyng, receiued ayd of Alexander king of Scots in his warres agaynst Simon Mountfort: he recognised & acknowledged in his letters patents, that he receaued the same of king Alexander, not of any duety, but of speciall fauour.

Item, when the sayd king Alexander comming to England, did homage to the sayd kyng Henry: he did it not as king of Scotland, but onely for certayne landes of Lyndal and Penreth lying in England.

Item, where the sayd king Alexander left behynd hym Margaret his heyre, being [...]ece to the king of England, and yet vnder age: yet the tuition of ye sayd Margaret was committed not to the K. of England, but to certain Lords of Scotland, deputed to the same.

Moreouer, when any legacie was directed down from Rome to the Realme of England, for collecting oftenthes or other causes: the sayd legacie tooke no place, in the realm of Scotland, and might well he resisted (as it was in kyng Alexander hys dayes) except an other speciall commission touching the realme of Scotland, were ioined wall. Wherby it appeareth, these to be two seueral dominions, and not subiect vnder one.

Adding furthermore, that the kingdome of Scotland first was conuerted by the reliques of the blessed Apostle S. Peter: through the deuine operation of God: to the vnity of the Catholicke fayth.

Wherefore vpon these causes and reasons, Pope Boniface in hys letters to the king, required him to geue ouer hys clayme, and cease his warres agaynst the Scottish nation: And to release all such both of the spiritualtie and laytie, as he had of them prisoners. Also to call home agayne his officers and deputies, whiche he had there placed and ordained to the greauance of that nation, to the sclaunder of all faythfull people, and no lesse preiudice to the Church of Rome. And if he would clayme any right or title to the said Realme or any part therof: he should send vp his procuratours specially to ye same appoynted, with all that he could for himselfe alleadge vnto the sea Apostolicke,Anno. 1301. The K. replyech to the Pope. there to receaue what reason and right would require.

The king, after he had receaued these letters of the Pope, assembled a councell or Parliament at Lincolne: by the aduise of which counsell & Parliament, he addressed other letters responsall to the Pope agaynes wherein first in al reuerend maner he desireth him not to geue light care to [Page] the sinister suggestions of false reportes,Scotland alone with England. Brutus. and imaginers of mischiefe. Then he declareth out of old recordes & histories frō the first time of the Brittaynes, that the realm of Scotland hath alwayes from time to time bene all one to England, beginning first with Brutus in the tyme of Dely and Samuell the Prophet:Lokrinus. Albanactus. Camber. which Brutus comming frō Troy to his Ile called then Albion, after called by hym Britannia, had three sonnes: Locrinus to whome he gaue ye part of the land, called then of hym Loegria, now Auglia Albanactus his second sonne, to whom he gaue Albania, nowe called Scotia: and hys thyrd sonne Lamber, to whome he gaue Cambria, now called Wales. &c.

And thus much concerning the first deuision of this Ile, as in auncient histories is found recorded. In whiche matter passing ouer the death of king Humber, the actes of Dunwald, king of this Realme, the deuision of Belyn and Brene, the victories of king Arthur, we will resort (sayth the king) to more nearer tymes, testified and witnessed by sufficient authors, as Marianus Scotus, William Malmesbury: Roger Abyndon: Henry Huntington: Radulph de Bizoto and other. All which make special declaration, & geue manifest euidence, of the execution of this our right (sayth he) & title of Superioritie, euer continued & preseued hetherto.

And first to begin with Edward the Seniour, before the conquest,Alias 907.sonne to Alurede kyng of England, about the yeare of our Lord. 900. it is playne and manifest, that he had vnder hys dominion and obedience the king of Scots. And here is to be noted, that this matter was so notorious and manifest, as Maryan the Scot writing that story in those dayes, graunteth, confesseth and testifieth the same: and this dominion continued in that state 23. yeare. At whiche tyme, Athelstane succeeded in the crowne of England, and hauing by battaile cōquered Scotland, he made one Constantine king of that party, to rule & gouerne the country of Scotland vnder him, adding this princely word: That it was more honour to him to make a king, then to be a king.

24. yeares after that, whiche was the yeare of our Lord 947. Eldred king our progenitour, Athelstanus brother, took homage of Irise then king of Scots.

30. yeares after that, whiche was the yeare of our Lorde 977. kyng Edgar our predecessour tooke homage of Kynalde king of Scots. Here was a little trouble in England by the death of S Edward kyng and martyr, destroyed by the deceite of hys mother in law: but yet within memory.

40. yeares after the homage done by Kynald to King Edgar, that is to say, in the yeare of our Lord. 1017. Malcoline the king of Scots did homage to Knute our predecessour. After this homage done. The Scots vttered some peece of theyr naturall disposition, whereupon (by warre made by our progenitour S. Edward the confessour. 39. yeare after that homage done, that is to saye, the yeare of our Lord. 1056) Malcoline king of Scots was vanquished. and the realme of Scotland geuen to Malcoline his sonne by our sayd progenitour S. Edward: vnto whom the sayd Malcoline made homage and fealty.

Within 40. yeares after that, William Conquerour entred this realme, whereof he accompted no perfect conquest, vntill he had likewise subdued the Scots: and therfore in the sayd yeare (which was in the yeare of our Lord. 1068) the sayde Malcoline King of Scots did homage to the sayd William Conquerour, as hys superiour by Conquest king of England.

25. yeares after that, which was the yeare of our Lord. 1093. the sayd Malcoline did homage & fealty to William Rufus, sonne to the sayd William Conquerour: and yet after that was for his offences and demerites deposed, and hys sonne substitute in hys place: who likewise fayled in his duety, and therfore was ordained in that estate by the sayd William Rufus, Edgar brother to the last Malcoline, and sonne to the first, who did hys homage and fealty accordingly.

7. yeares after that, which was in the yeare of our Lorde. 1100. the sayd Edgar king of the Scots, did homage to Henry the first our progenitour.

37 yeare after that, Dauid king of Scots did homage to Matilde the Emperatrice, as daughter and heyre to Henry the first. Wherefore being after required by Stephen, then obtayning possession of the Realme, to make his homage: he refused so to doe, because he had before made it to the sayd Matilde, and thereupon forbare. After whiche Dauids death, whiche ensued shortly after, the sonne of the sayde Dauid made homage to the sayde Kyng Stephen.

14. yeares after that, whiche was in the yeare of our Lorde 1150. William king of Scots, and Dauid hys brother, with all the nobles of Scotland made homage to Henry the second sonne, with a reseruation of their duetye to Henry the second hys Father.

25 yeares after that, which was in the yeare of our Lorde 1175. William kyng of Scotland, after much rebellion and resistaunce, according to their naturall inclination (King Henry the second then beyng in Normandy) knowledged finally his errour, and made hys peace and composition, confimed with hys great Seale, and the Seales of the nobilitie of Scotland, making therewith his homage and fealtie,

Within 15. yeares after that, which wat the yeare of our Lorde 1190 the sayd William king of Scots came to our Citty of Caunterbury, and there dyd homage to our noble progenitour Kyng Richard the first.

1124. yeares after that, the said William did Homage to our progenitour king Iohn, vpon a hill besides Lincolne, making his othe vpon the Crosse of Hubert then Archbishop of Canterbury, being there present, and a merueilous multitude assembled for that purpose.

26. yeare after that, whiche was in the yeare of our Lorde 1230. Alexander king of Scots maryed Margaret the daughter of our progenitour Henry the third, at our Citty of Yorke, in the feast of Christmas: at whiche tyme the sayd Alexander dyd hys homage to our sayd progenitour: who reigned in this Realme 56. yeares. And thereford betweene the homage made by the sayd Alexander king of Scotland, and the homage done by Alexander, sonne to the sayd king of Scots, to vs at our coronation at Westminster, there was about 50. yeares: At which tyme, the said Alexander kyng of Scottes repayred to the sayd feast of our coronation, and there did he his duety as is aforesayd.

¶ Besides these letters of the king, the Lordes temporall also in the name of the whole communaltie and Parliment, wrote an other letter to the pope, answering to that, where as the pope arrogated to hym to be iudge for the title of the realme of Scotland, whiche the king of England claymed to hymselfe: whiche letter I thought also here to annexe contayning, as in the wordes of the same here foloweth to be read and seene.

* The Lordes temporall, and the whole Baronie of England to the Pope.

THe holy mother Churche,A letter of the Lordes temporall to the Pope. by whose ministery the Catholicke fee is gouerned: in her deedes (as we throughly beleeue and holde) proceedeth with that ripenes in iudgement, that she will be hurtfull to none but like a mother would euery mans right to be kept vnbroken as well in other, as in her selfe. Whereas therefore in a generall Parliament called at Lincoln of late by our most dread Lord Edward by the grace of God the noble kyng of England: the same our Lorde caused certayne letters receaued from you to be read openly, and to be declared seriously afore vs, about certayne businesses touching the condition & state of the realme of Scotland: We did not a little muse and maruaile with our selues hearing the meaninges concerning the same, so wondrous and straunge, as the like we haue not heard at any time before. For we know most holy father, and it is well knowne as well in this realm of England (as also not vnknowne to other persons besides) that from the first beginning of the Realme of England: the certayne and direct gouernement of the Realme of Scotland in all temporall causes, from tyme to tyme belonged to the kynges of the same Realme of England, and Realme of Scotland: as well in the times both of the Brittaines, as also of Englishmen. Yea rather, the same Realme of Scotland of olde tyme was in see to the Auncetours of our foresayd Lordes Kynges of England, yea and to hymselfe. Furthermore, the Kynges of Scottes and the Realme haue not bene vnder any other then the kynges of England, and the Kinges of England haue answered, or ought to aunswere for theyr rightes in the foresayd Realme, or for any hys temporalities afore anye Iudge Ecclesiasticall or secular, by reason of free preheminence of the state of hys royall dignitie and custome kept without breach at all tymes. Wherefore, after treatie had and dilligent deliberation of the contentes in your foresayd letters, this was the common agreeing and consent with one mynde, and shall be without fayle in tyme to come by Gods grace: that our foresayd Lord the Kyng, ought by no meanes to aunswere in iudgement in any case, or shoulde bring hys foresayd rightes into doubt: nor ought not to send any proctors or messengers to your presence: specially seeing that the premisses tend manifestly to the disheriting of the right of the Crowne of Englande, and the playne ouerthrow of the state of the sayd Realme, and also hurt of the liberties, customes, and lawes of our fathers: For the keeping and defence of whiche, we are bounde by the duety of the othe made. And we will mayntayne them with all power, and will defend them (by Gods helpe) with all strength. And farther we will not suffer our foresayd Lord the king to doe, or by anye meanes to attempt the premisses being so unacustomed, vnwont, and not heard of afore. Wherefore, we reuerently and humbly beseech your holines, that ye would suffer the same our Lord king of Englande (who among other Princes of the worlde, sheweth himselfe Catholicke and deuour to the Romishe Churche) quietly to enioye hys rightes, liberties', customes and lawes aforesayde: without all empayring, and trouble, and let them continue vntouched. In witnesse whereof we haue set our seales to these presentes, aswell for vs, as for the whole [Page] communaltie of the foresayd Réalme of England.

Dated at Lincolne in the yeare of our Sauiour 1031. & anno Edwardi primi. 28.

Anno. 1303. The P. letteth [...]log against king.The yeare following, which was from Christ, an. 1303. the sayd Pope Boniface the eight of that name, taking displeasure with Phillip the Frenche king: did excite king Edward of Englad, to warre against him, promising hun great ayd thereunto. But he (as mine author sayth) little trusting ye Popes false vnstable affection toward him well proued before,Ex R. Auesb. put him of wt delayes. Ex Rob. Auesb. wherupon, the French king fearing the power of king Edward whom the Pope had set agaynst hys friendship: restored vnto him agayn Wascone, which he wrongfully had in his hands deteined. Concerning this variaunce here mentioned between the Pope and the French kyng, how it begā first, and to what end it fell out: the sequell hereof (Christ willing) shall declare, after that first I haue finished the discourse begon betweene England and Scotland.

Another Scottish rebellion supprest.In the yeare 1303. the foresayd Willa Waleys, which had done so many displeasures, to the king before (continuing still in his rebellion) gathered great multitudes of the Scottes to wtstand the king: til at length, the yeare following he was taken, and sent vp to Londō, and there executed for the same. After which thinges done, the king thē held his Parliament at Westminster, whether came out of Scotland the Bishop of S. Andrewes, Robert Bruse aboue mentioned, Earle of Dunbarre, Earle of Acles, and Syr Iohn comming, with diuers other: The which volū tarily were sworne to be true to the king of England, and to keep the land of Scotland to his vse agaynst at persons. But shortly after the sayd Robert Bruse,The P. dispenseth with due & true obedience of subiects toward their prince. who as is sayd maried the second daughter of Earle Dauid, forgetting his othe before made vnto the king: within a yeare or two after this, by the counsell of the Abbot of Stone, and Bishop of S. Andrewes: sent vp vnto Pope Clement the 5. for a dispensation of his othe made unsinuating to him, that King Edward vexed and greued the realme of Scotland wrōgfully. Whereupon the pope wrote vnto the king, to leaue of such doinges.The Popes inhibition neglected in England. Notwithstanding whiche inhibition of the Pope, the king prosecuting hys owne right, after he had ye vnderstanding of ye doings of the Scots, & of the mischiefe of Robert Bruys (who had slayne wt hys owne handes Syr Iohn Comyng, for not consenting with him and other Lordes at hys Parliament) areared his power & strength of men preparing himselfe toward Scotlād:Another rebellion of the Scots repressed. where he ioyning with the said Syr Robert and all the power of Scotland in a playne, neare vnto S. Iohns towne, put him to flight and so chased the Scots, that of them were slayne to the number of 7. thousand. In the which victory, such Byshops and Abbots as were taken, he sent thē to the Pope: the temporall Lordes and other Scots he sent vnto London.The Scots againe subdued. &c. Syr Robert Bruys after this discomfiture, when he had thus lost both the field and chiefe frendes, seing himselfe, not able to make hys party good, fled into Norway, where he kept hys abode during the time while king Edward liued. Whē this noble Edward had thus subdued the Scots, he yelded thankes to God for hys victory, & so letting ye land in a quiet, and an order, he returned vnto London, which was the 35. yeare and last of his raigne. &c.

A greeuous variance betwene Philip the frech king & pope Boniface. Pope Nicolas. 4. Popedome vacant two yeares.Now returning to that which I promised before touching the variaunce and greuous dissention betwene Philip the French king, and Pope Boniface the eight of that name. After the byshopricke of Rome had bene long voyd through the dissentiō of the Cardinals, for the space of two yeares and 3. monthes: at length, Pope Celestinus was chosen, successor to pope Nicholas the fourth. Which Celestinus in hys first consistory, began to reforme the Clergy of Rome, thinking to make it an example to al other churches. Wherefore, he procured to hymselfe such a hatred among hys Clergy men, that this Boniface, then called Benedictus, speaking through a reede by his chamber wall nightly admonished him,Pope Celestinus 5. as it had bene a voyce from heauen, that he should geue ouer his Papacie, as beyng a burden bigger then he could wyld. Ex Masseo.

This pope Celestine after he had set vi. monethes, by the trechery & falshhoode of this Boniface, was induced to geue vp & resigne his Bishoprick,Crastie ingling among Popes and Cardinals. Ex Massao. partly for the voyce spoken of before, partly for feare: being told of certaine craftely subornated in his chāber, that if he did not resigne, he shold lose his life. Who thē after his resignation goyng to liue in some solitary defert (being a simple man) was vilely taken and thrust in perpetuall prison by Pope Boniface: crastely pretending that he did it not for any hatred vnto Celestine, but that sedetious persōs might not haue him as their hed to rayse vp some stirre in the Church.The eight Nero. And so was brought to his death. Wherfore, this Boniface was worthely called the eight Nero: of whom it was rightly sayd, hee came in like a Foxe, he reigned like a Lyon, and dyed like a dogge.

This Pope Boniface succeeding,P. Boniface. 8. or rather inuadyng after Celestinus, behaued himselfe so imperiously, that he put down princes, excommunicated kings, such as did not take theyr confirmation at his hand.The mischiefe of Pope Boniface described. Diuers of his Cardinals he draue away for feare, some of them as schismaticks he deposed and spoyled them of all theyr substaunce. Philip the French king he excommunicated, for not suffering hys money to goe out of the Realme, and therefore cursed both his and him, to the fourth generation. Albertus the Emperour not once nor twise, but thrise sought at his handes to be cōfirmed, and yet was reiected, neyther could obtain vnlesse he would promise to driue the Frenche king out of his realme.Guelphes and Gibelines 2. factions in Rome. The factions discorde in Italy betweene the Guelphes, and Gibillines, which the part of a good bishop had bene to extinct: so little he helped to quench the smoke, that he of all other was chiefest fire brande to encrease the flame. In so much that vpon Ashwednesday, when Porchetus an Archbishop came and kneeled down before hym to receaue hys ashes: Pope Boniface looking vpon him, & perceauing that he was one of ye Gibbellines part, cast his handfull of ashes in hys eyes, saying: Memen to homo quòd Gibellinus es &c. That is:Iubilei first be gonne in Rome. remember man that a Gibeline thou art, and to ashes thou shale go. This Pope moreouer ordained first the Iubilei in Ro [...]in ye solemnising wherof, the first day he shewed hymselfe in his poutificalibus, & gaue free remission of sinnes to as many as came to Rome out of all the parts of the world. The second day (beyng arrayed with Imperiall ensignes) he commaunded a naked sword to be caryed before him and sayd with a loud voyce:The P. claimeth and practiseith power of both swordes. Eccepotestatem vtrius (que) gladij. That is, Loe here the power and authoritie of both the swords, [...]es.

From the which very yeare (as most stories do record) the Turkes, doe beginne the first count of their Turkishe Emperours, whereof the si [...]t▪ was Ottomannus, as you shal heare discoursed hereafter by Gods grace in the history of the Turkes.

By this sayd Pope Boniface,Pope Boniface 8. Author of the booke of decretals. diuers constitutions extrauaganes of his predecessours were collected together, with many of his owne newly added thereto, and is made the booke called Sextus decretalium, &c. By whom also first sprang vp pardons and indulgences from Rome.

These thinges thus premised of Boniface, the Pope,Romish pardōs first begunne by P. Boniface. 8. now will I come to the occasion of the strife betweene him, and the French king: Concerning whiche matter, first I finde in the history of Nicholas Triuet, that in the yeare of our Lord. 1301. the Byshop of Oppanubam beyng accused for a conspiracie agaynst the French king, was brought vp to hys Court,Ex hist. Nie, Triuet. & so committed to prison. The pope hearing this, sendeth word to the kyng by hys Legate to set him at liberty. The French king not daring to the contrary, looseth the Bishop: But whē he had done, he dischargeth both the byshop and the Legate commaunding them to voyde hys realme. Whereupon, Pope Boniface reuoketh all the graces and priuiledges graunted eyther by him or his predecessors before to the kingdome of Fraunce: also,Philip the French king excommunicated. not long after thundring out the sentence of hys curse agaynst hym. Moreouer, citeth all the prelates, all diuines, and lawyers both ciuile and canon, to appeare personally before him at Rome, at a certain day, which was the first of Nouember. Agaynst this citation, the king againe prouideth and commaundeth by straite proclamation, that no maner of persō should export out of the Realme of France eyther gold, or siluer, or any other maner of ware or marchandise, vppon forseting all their goodes, and theyr bodyes at the kinges pleasure: prouiding with all, the wayes and passages diligeurly to be kept that none might passe vnsearched. Ouer and besides, the sayd French kyng defeited the Pope in geuing and bestowing prebendes, and benefices, and other ecclesiasticall liuings, contrary to the Popes profite. For ye which cause, the pope writeth to the foresayd king in forme and effect as followeth.

¶ Boniface Byshop and seruaunt to Gods seruauntes to hys beloued sonne Phillip by the grace of God, king of Fraunce, greeting and Apostolicall blessing.

BOniface the seruaunt of Gods seruauntes &c. feare God, and obserue his commaundementes.Ex lib. Stephant Ausrery. We will thee to vnderstand, that thou art subiect to vs both in spirituall thinges, and temporall. And that no gift of benefices or prebendes belongeth to thee: and if thou haue the keeping of any beyng vacaunt, that thou reserue the profites of them to the successors. But if thou haue geuen any, we iudge the gift to be voyde: and call backe how farre so euer thou hast gone forward. And whosoeuer beleueth otherwise, we iudge them heretickes.

[Page]Vnto this letter of the Pope, king Phillip maketh answere agayn in maner & order as followeth, which is this.

¶ Phillip by the grace of God King of Fraunce, to Boniface not in deedes, behauing himselfe for Pope, little friendship or none.

A letter of king Philip of Fraūce to pope Boniface.TO Boniface bearing himselfe, for chiefe Byshop, little health or none. Let thy follishnes know that in no temporall things we are subiect to no man, and that the giftes of prebendes, and many benefices made and to be made by vs were and shall be good both in time past and to come. And that we will defend manfully the possessours of the sayd benefices, and we thinke them that beleue or thinke otherwise, fooles and mad men.

Geuen at Paris the Wednesday after Candlemas. an. 1301.

After these aforesayd and other writinges passing to and fro, betweene the French kyng and the pope: within a yeare and a halfe after, the king sommoneth a Parliament sending downe hys letters to his Sheriffes and other officers to summon the Prelates and Barons of the Realme, vnto the sayd Court of Parliament, according to the tenor of the kinges letters here following.

A Parliament summoned by K. Philip at Paris.PHilip by the grace of God king of Fraunce, &c.

Whereas we would take counsaile with the Prelates, Barons and other our faythfull, about weighty matters and hard, and suche as belong greatly to our right and touching our honour, state, liberties and lawes of this our Realme, Churches, and Ecclesiasticall persons, and would also go forward and proceede in the foresayd matters according to their counsayle: We commaund you, that ye dilligently in our behalfe require & straightly charge all the Prelates in your baliwicke, and also all and singuler Abbots and Priors of the same your foresayd baliwicke, (to certayne of the whiche, we haue directed downe our special letters for the same cause) that as they fauour our honour, the good state both of the realme, of théselues, and of the Church: they repayre to vs in their own persōs all lets and delayes set aside, and all other busines left of Shewing to them moreouer, that we can iudge none of them to be eyther to vs faythfull subiects, or friendes to the Realme, which shall faile herein, or withdraw himselfe in the foresayd busines, counsayles, and helpes in tyme. Wherin if peraduenture any shall slack or refuse to resort and come toward vs within 8. dayes frō the tyme of this charge geuen by you, or your commaundement: That then, you to seise all hys temporall goodes into our hand; & so seised to holde them vntill you receiue other commaundement from vs.

Geuen at Paris the Monday before the Natiuitie of S. Iohn Baptist, in the yeare of our Lord. 1303.

¶ A declaration of maister William Nagareta, made against Pope Boniface the eight, with his appellation also made at Paris, afore the kyng and his Counsaile in the Church of Paris.

The appeale of Nagareta made against pope Boniface the 8.IN the name of God Amen. In the yeare of our Lorde. 1303. Indictione secunda, the 12. day of March, and the ix. yeare of the Popedome, of the most holy father the L. Boniface the 8. by Gods prouidence pope: and in the presence of vs common notaries, and witnesses written vnder, the noble man maister William Nagareta knight (a worshipfull professour of the lawes) standing afore the most excellent Prince the Lord Philip, by the grace of God most noble king of Fraunce:Ex Registre. spake with liuely words, and gaue in writinges these thinges that follow.

There haue bene false Prophetes among the people: as there haue bene also among you false teachers. &c. S. Peter the glorious prince of the Apostles, speaking to vs by the spirite, tolde vs thinges to come: that likewise as there were false Prophetes afore tyme, so there should come among you false teachers, bringing in sectes of destruction: by the which the way of trueth shall be defaced: and couetously they shall make marchandise of you with fayned wordes: and further addeth, that such maisters did follow the way of Balaam, of Bosor, whiche loued the reward of wickednes, and had hys bridled Asse to correct hys madnes, whiche speaking in a mans voyce did stop the foolishnes of the Prophet. All which thinges as they be shewed to vs by the greatest Patriarch himself: Your eyes see them fulfilled this day according to the letter. For there fitteth in S Peters Chaire the mayster of lyes, causing himselfe to be called Boniface. 1. a well doer, where he is notable in all kinde of euill doyng: And so both he hath taken to himselfe a false name, and where he is not a true ruler and maister, he calleth himselfe the Lord, Iudge, and mayster of all men. And comming in contrary to the common order appoynted by the holy fathers, and also contrary to the rules of reason, and so not entring in at the doore into the Lordes shepefold, is not a shepheard nor hierling, but rather a theefe & robber. For he (the true husbād of the Romish church yet liuing) deceiued him that was delighted in simplicitie, & entised him with fayned flatterings & gifts to let him haue his spouse to be his wife,An inuectib against the placing of Boniface, 8. in the papall sea. let no man separate: & at length laying violent handes vppon hym, perswading him falsely that thing which the deceiuer sayd to come from the holy spirite: was not ashamed to ioyne to himselfe with wicked practise that holye Church, which is maistresse of all Churches, calling hymselfe to her husband, where as he cannot be: for Celestinus the true Romish Byshop, agreed not to the said deuorce, being deceiued by so great subtiltie, nothing is so contrary to agreeing as errour and deceit, as mans lawes beare witnes, that I neede not to speake of his violence. But because the spirite inspireth where he will, and he that is led with the spirite, is not vnder the lawe, the holy vniuersall Church of God, not knowing the craftes of that deceiuer, stumbling and doubting whether it came from the holy ghost, that Celestinus should leaue of his gouernment, and the sinnes of the people deseruing it, for feare of a schisme, suffered the foresaid deceauer: although according to the doctrine of our Lord, by hys fruites he might be knowne, whether he came to the say'd regiment by the holy ghost or otherwise: his fruites (as it is playnely here written beneath) are now manifest to all men, by which it is apparaunt to the worlde, that he came not in by God but otherwayes: and so came not in by the sheepefould. His fruites are most wicked, and hys ende is death, and therefore it is necessary that so euill a tree (according to the Lordes saying) should be cut downe and cast into the fire. This cānot auaile to his excuse, which is said of some men, that is: that the Cardinals did agree vpon him: agayn after the death of the sayd Celestinus the pope, seing he could not be her husband, whom it is manifest that he defiled by adultery, her first husband yet liuing, & she beyng worthy to haue the promise of mariage kept vnto her. Therefore, because that whiche is done agaynst the Lord, turneth to the wrong of all men: and specially in so great a mischiefe, by reason of the consequence by which she is iudged of the people both a woman adultres or defamed: I like a bridle Asse by the power of the Lord, and not by the voyce of a perfect mā, being not able to bear so great a burdé, take in hand to rebuke the madnes of the sayd false Prophet Balaam, whiche at the instaunce of kyng Balaac. 1. of the Prince of deuils,The pope well compared to Balaam which was wont curse Gods people for reward of money. whom he serueth, and ready to cursie the people blessed of the Lord, I beseeche you most excellent Prince, and Lord Phillip by the grace of God king of Fraunce: that like as the Aungell of God in tyme past mette in the way with a sword drawne, the prophet Balaam goyng to curse Gods people: so you (whiche are vnwilling to execute iustice, and therefore like the Aungell of the Lorde, and minister of power and office) woulde meete with a naked sworde this sayde wicked man: whiche is farre worse then Balaam, that he performe not that euill whiche he intendeth to the people.

First, I propound that the foresayd man,Articles propounded against pope Boniface. that nameth himselfe Boniface is no Pope, but wrongfully keepeth the fear which he hath in deede to the great damage of all the soules of Gods holy Church. I say also, yt his entring was many waies faulty, and he entred not in at the doore, but otherwaies, and therfore is to be iudged a theefe & a robber.

2. I propound also, that the sayde Boniface is a manifest hereticke, and vtterly cut off from the body of the holy Church, because of many kindes of heresies, whiche are to be declared in conuenient tyme and place.

3. I propound also, that the sayde Boniface is an horrible simoniacall, & such a one as hath not bin sithens the beginning of the world: and the mischiefe of this sinne in him is so notorious to all the world (whiche thing is manifest to all that will playnly vnderstand) in so much that he beyng openly slaūdered, said openly that he could not commit simony.

4. I propound also,The nature of this pope and al popes by his image painted out. that the sayd Boniface being wrapt in infinite manifest haynous sinnes, is so hardened in thē, that he is vtterly not possible to be corrected: and lying in doungeon of mischiefe so deepe, that he may not be suffered any longer without the ouerthrow of the state of ye church. His mouth is full of cursing, his feete and steps are swift to shed bloud. He vtterly teareth in peeces the Churches, which he ought to cherishe, wasting wickedly the goodes of the poore, & making much of wicked men that geue hym rewardes: persecuting the righteous, and among the people not gathering but scattering, bringing in new sectes of destruction that haue not bene heard of.The pope thinkes himselfe equall with Christ. Blaspheming the way of truth, and by robbery thinking himselfe equall to yt Lord Iesus Christ which is blessed for euer. And he beyng most couetous thirsteth for gold, couereth gold, & by some deuise getteth gold of euery people: & vtterly not regardig the worshipping of God, with sayned wordes sometimes by flattering, sometimes by threatning, sometime by false teaching, and all to get mony withall, he maketh marchā dise of vs all: enuying all thinges but hys owne, louing no man, nourishing warre, persecuting & hating the peace of [Page] his subiectes. He is rooted in all vnspeakeable sinnes, contrarying and striuing against all the wayes & doctrines of yc Lord.Abhominatio desolationis Papa. He is truly the abhomination of the people which Daniel the Lordes Prophet described.

Therfore I answere that lawes, weapons, and all the elemēts ought to rise against him, which thus ouerthroweth the state of the Church: for whose sinnes God plagueth the whole world. And finally, nothing remaineth to hym being so vnsatiable to satisfie him wtall, but onely the vnsatiable mouth of hell, and the fire that cannot be quenched, continuing for euer. Therfore, seing that in a generall coū cel it so becommeth, and I see this wicked man to be damned, which offendeth both God and al men. I aske and require, as instantly as I can, and beseech you my Lord and King aforesaid, that ye would declare to the prelates, doctours, people, & princes your brethren in Christ, & chiefly to the Cardinals and all Prelates, and call a Councell. In the which (when this foresaid wicked man is condemned) by the worshipfull Cardinals: the church may be prouided of a shephearde, & for that Councell I offer my selfe ready, lawfully to pursue the foresaide things. And where as the saide man being in highest dignity, in the meane time cannot be suspended of hys superiour, therefore he ought to be taken, suspended in deede for the things aforesaid, seing his state, is called into iudgement by the meanes aforesaid.

I beseech and require the said Cardinals by you, and I presently require them & the church of God, that this wicked man being put in prison, the Church of Rome may be prouided of a Vicar, which may minister those things that shall appertaine, vntil the Church of God be prouided of a bishop, vtterly to take away all occasion of a schisme. And least the saide wicked man should let and hinder the prosecuting therof, I require these things of you my Lord king aforesaid, affirming you to be bounde to doe this for many causes. First for faithes sake. Secondly, for your kingly dignitie, to whose office it belongeth to roote out such wicked men. Thirdly, for your oth sake, which ye made for the defence of the Churches of your Realme, which the foresaid rauener vtterly teareth in peeces. Fourthly, because ye be the patron of the Churches, & therfore ye are not bound onely to the defence of them, but to the calling for againe of their goodes, which the foresaide man hath wasted. Fiftly, ye following the footesteps of your auncetors, ought to deliuer your mother the Romish church, from so wicked a hand, wherein by oppression shee is tied bound. I require that a publike instrument may be made of these requestes by the notaries here present, vnder the witnes of the worshipfull men that be here present. These things were done and spoken as is aforesayd at Paris in the Kings hous [...] of Lupara.

After this protestation of master Nagareta, immediatly insued the appeale of the king, pronoūced and published against the sayd Boniface, in forme as foloweth.

The appeale made by the king and the louers of the Realme against Boniface.

The appellation of the French king and Nobles against pope Boniface. 8. IN the name of God. Amen. In the yeare of our Lorde 1303 Indictione prima. 13. day of Iune, and the 9 yeare of the Popedom of Boniface Pope the 8. By the tenour of this publique instrumēt be it vnto all men knowen that the most noble prince and Lorde Philip by the grace of God, king of Fraunce, the famous and reuerend fathers in Christ, Archbishops & Bishops, religious men, Abbots and Priors here vndernamed, in the presence of vs common Notaries here vnder written, especially called and required for this purpose, as it is contained in the subscriptions heere vnder, the famous & noble men, the Lord Lewes, sonne of the French king Guido of S. Paule, and Iohn Drocem Earles, and William of Plesiano Lord of Vitenob knight: Moued as they saide with a feruent faith, with affection of sincere loue and zeale of charitie to be shewed to the holy Romish church, and hauing pitie from their heart, on their mother the vniuersall church, which as they sayde is oppressed daungerously vnder the rule of the saide Lord Boniface, and suffereth outragious defacing and losse: and pitying the right faith (as they say) in which standes the saluation of soules, & which (alas for pitie) in their times miserably pineth away, & perisheth for the lacke of wholesome gouernment of the Churche through all Christendome: and earnestly taking paines, as they said, for the repairing and enhaunsing of the Catholicke faith▪ specially, seeing it was necessary for the same church, for the foundation of the faith, and health of the soules, that none shoulde rule the fold of the Lordes flocke, but the true and lawfull shepheard: and also because the same Churche was the spouse of Christ that hath no spot nor wrincle, all errour, offence, wickednes & wrong shoulde be put away, and saluation, peace and quietnesse through Gods mercy might be procured to the whole worlde, which they say lieth in warres and darkenesse by the wicked deedes, cursed workes, and hurtful examples of the sayd Boniface: They said and laid against the said Boniface, heresie, and other diuers horrible & cursed faultes, wherein they affirmed him to be tangled, and commonly and notoriously reported, the king himselfe being present, with Archbishops, Bishops and other Prelates and Churchmen (which were assembled for to entreat of their owne matters, and matters of their Churches) beside Barons, Earles, and other noble men, whose names are vnder written.

The said William propounded & obiected against him, swearing by the holy Gospell of God which hee corporally touched, that he coulde prooue all and euery the premisses to be true. And the sayd William of Plesiano sware further this othe, that he beleued he could prooue the premisses, and that he woulde pursue to the full ende against the saide Boniface in the generall Councell, where, when, and afore whomsoeuer of right it ought to be done: requiring earnestly the sayd Lord king as a champion of the faith, and defender of the Church: that for declaring of this truth to the praise of Gods name, to the increase & promoting of the Catholike faith, to the honour and wealth of the vniuersall Church and of all Christen people, and the congregation of the sayd generall councel: that he woulde helpe and bestowe his profitable labour, with souldiors and other like, for the loue of men, and zeale to iustice (because his kingly house was euer a ruler of the trueth) and that he wold earnestly require the Archbishops, Bishops, & other Prelates, and that he woulde be effectually instant with them. The Earles & knights themselues besought earnestly many of the same prelates (as they were pillers of the Church & the faith) that they would helpe and effectually bestowe their labour to the calling, and assembling of the said councell, by all waies and meanes lawful according to the ordinances of the holy fathers and decrees of the canons. But when the prelates heard & fully vnderstode such obiections, oppositions, and requests, as is aforesaid: and considered that such a matter not onely was most hard, but needed wise counsell, they departed out of the same place. But on the Friday next following i. the 14. day of the same moneth of Iune, the foresaid Lord king being present, and also the Lords, Archbishops, Bishops, Abbots, Priors, and many witnesses here vnder written the same time being present, and in the presence of vs common Notaries heere subscribed, and being specially called and required for this purpose: the foresayd William of Plesiano Knight sayde, propounded, affirmed, obiected and read, as was contained more fully in a certaine paper which he held in his hand, whose tenor was after this sort.

I William of Plesiano Knight, say, propound, and affirme, that Boniface which now ruleth the Apostolical sea is a rancke hereticke in heresies, and by heresies, outragious dedes, and wicked doctrines hereafter to be declared, which things to be true, I beleeue I am able to prooue: or els, such things as these shall be sufficient to prooue hym a full hereticke, in a cōuenient place & time, and afore whom of right this can or ought to be done. This thing I sweare on the holy Gospel of God presently touched of me.

First, that he beleueth not the immortalitie of men and of christen soules,Pope Boniface had rather be a dogge then a French man. but thinking much like as the Saducies did beleeue, that there is no euerlasting life, and yc men can not get at the length ioy, but all the lot and part of comfort and gladnes to be in this world: and by this meanes he affirmeth, that it is no sinne for the body to liue daintely in al dainties. And out of the aboundance of this leuen, he was not ashamed to say and opēly to cōfesse, that he had rather be an asse or a dogge or any other brute beast, rather than a Frenchman, which thing he would not haue said, if he beleued a Frenchmā had a soule that could enioy euerlasting life. This thing he taught many men, which knowledged this at the point of death, and the common report goeth on him thus in these things.

2. Also, he beleeueth not faithfully, that by the wordes ordained of Christ & spoken ouer the hoste, after the fashion of the Church by a faithfull priest that is lawfully ordered, the body of Christ to be there: and therefore it commeth to passe, that he geneth no reuerence to it (no not a litle) when it is lifted up of the priest, yea he rises not to it, but turneth his backe to it, and makes himselfe & his seat to be honoured where he sitteth, rather then the altare where the hoste is consecrate: and he is commonly reported to doe this.

3. Also, he is reported to say that whoredome is no sinne, no more than rubbing of the hands together, & thus commonly runnes the voice and brute.

4. Also, he saide often, that to thrust downe the King and Frenchmen (if it coulde not be otherwaies done) he would ouerthrow himselfe the whole world, & the whole Church. And when he had sayd so, some yt stode by said, God forbid, he answered God graunt. And when good men that heard the wordes replied against him, that hee should not say so, because the church of God & all Christen men should suffer [Page] great slaunder so: he answered, I care not what slaunders soeuer come, so that the Frenchmen and their pride be destroied: for it is necessary that slaunders & offences come.

5. Item, he called againe & allowed a booke made by M. Arnold of Newton, conteining and smelling of heresie, cō demned by the Byshop of Paris and reproued by the maisters of diuinitie, and burned openly by Boniface himself: and in the full consistorie of Cardinals being likewise reprooued, condemned, and burned, yet hee allowed it being wrytten againe, and containing the same fault.

6. Item, that he might make the most damnable remembraunce of him perpetuall, he caused his Images of siluer to be set in the Churche, by this meanes bringing men to Idolatrie.

7. Item, he hath a priuate deuill, whose counsell he vseth in all things and through all things.

8. Item, he said once that if all men were on one side, and he on another, they coulde not deceiue him neither in lawe nor in deede, which thing could not be done except he vsed a deuilish ar [...]: and of this he is openly thus reported.

9. Item, he is a witch, asking counsell at soothsayers both men and women, and thus he is commonly iudged.

10. Item, he sayd openly that the Romish pope could not commit simonie, which is hereticall to say. This is a sinne reprooued aswell in the old Testament, as in the new, and generally in the holy Councels. Also hee is wont to make marchaundise of prelates liuings, dignities, superiorities, and benefices, to the which holy orders be necessarely ioyned: and of absolutions and dispensations, like as vsurers and merchaunts vse to buy and sell common things in the market, and of this the common bruit reportes him.

11. Item, hee letteth with all his might among Christian men the speciall Embassade of Christ, made to hys owne sonnes, saying: Peace I leaue to you, & soweth discord and warres: Wherefore ones it was sayde afore him, that certaine parties would freindly agree after a good sort, but he letted the peace: and when the other parte did humbly beseech him, that he would geue licence to agree (he sayde) he woulde not: Yea if the sonne of God or Peter the Apostle would come downe into the earth and commaund him: he would say, I will not beleeue thee.

12. Item, because the French nation (being manifestly a most Christian nation) followeth not hys errours in the faith: he reckeneth and openly calleth al and euery of them, Paterniani.

13. Item, he is infect with sodomiticall sinne, keping with him boyes for cōcubines, and of this fault he is most commonly and openly reported.

14. Item, he hath caused many murthers of Clearkes to be done in his presence, & commending it reioysing at their death: and if they were not deadly wounded at the first by his seruant [...], as oft as he law them smiting, he saide smite, smite: by which example many were slaine.

15. Item, when he had condemned a certaine noble man, he forbad the Sacrament to be geuen him at the poynt of death, desiring it and being penitent: saying, that the Sacrament of penaunce was not necessary to saluation.

16. Item, he cōpelled certaine Priestes to shew vnto him the confessions of men, and hee published them openly afterwarde contrary to the will of them, that were confessed to their shame & confusion, and compelled them to redeme their sinnes. In so much that ones hee deposed a certaine bishop of Spayne, for the faultes that he confessed to a certaine Cardinal, confessing vnto him a certaine priuy horrible fault vnder Benedicite, and compelled the Cardinall against his will to declare his confession: and yet afterward he restored the same Bishop againe to his place for a little money. Wherfore he is thought to play the hereticke in the Sacrament of penance.

15. Item, he fasteth not on the fasting dayes, nor Lent, but eateth flesh indifferently, & without cause suffreth his houshold and frends to eat, saying it is no sinne. Doing in this thing against the generall state of the holy church.

16. Item, he oppressed the order of the Cardinals, and hath oppressed the order of blacke & white monks, of gray Friers & preachers: and said oft, that the world was destroyed by them, & that they were false hypocrites, and that neuer good could chance to any that would be confessed to them, or would be familiar with them, or would keepe them in their house, and he neuer sayde good worde of any prelate, religious man, or clark: but euer rebuketh and slaūdereth them, taking away their good name, and to compel them to redeeme their faultes, he is glad of their accusations: and this is the common voyce and report of him.

17. Item, of olde time he going about to destroy the faith, conceiued a hate against the French king, euen to the abhorring of the faith: because of the light of faith which is there, and because of the great witnes and example of christianitie, is & hath ben there. And before he had this seat he is proued to haue sayd, yt if he were Pope: he would rather ouerthrow all christendom, but he would ouerthrow and destroy the nation, which he calleth the pride of French.

18. Also hee is reported, that when the Embassadours of the king of England, in the name of the sayde king did require and entreat for the tenth of the realme of England to be geuen him: he aunswered, that he would not geue them the tenth, but on this cōdition, that he would make warre with them against the French king. And beside this, he is reported to haue geuen great sommes of mony to certaine persons, to hinder that peace shuld not be betwixt the sayd kings. He himselfe also withall his might hath letted it, by messengers, letters, and otherwaies that he coulde, yea by geuing bribes.

19. Item, he is reported also to haue commaunded Fridericke which kepeth the Ile of Cicil, that if he would betray Charles the king and breake the peace which he made, and sweare that he would keepe with him, and would stirre against the king, and kil the Frenchmen: that then he would geue him aide, helpe, and counsaile, & for so doing he would geue and graunt him the said kingdoms.

20. He confirmed also the king of Almaine to be Emperor,Pope Boniface ene [...]y to the Frēch men. and saide openly that he did it to destroy the nation, which he calleth the pride of the French men: which say, that they are subiect to none in temporal things. Wherein sayeth he, they lied on their heds, declaring moreouer, that whosoeuer (yea if it were an Angell from heauen) would say that all kings of the world were not subiect to the same king of Almaine, he were accursed.

21. Further, he brake the agreements of peace betwixt the king of Alamine and the French king:Pope Boniface an enemy to peace. in which, eyther of them shuld haue their owne saued. And what encrochings so euer had bene on either side, should be brought to a due state, and vnder an othe orderly geuen and taken: he is reported to haue commanded the same king of Almaine, that he should not kepe these conditions of peace, but be an enemie and go about to sow debate among christen men.

22. Itē, he is openly reported, that the holy land was betraied through his fault, and came to the enemies of God and of faith: and that he suffred this for the noust, & denyed to geue aide to the Christians which defended it: spending the treasures and mony of the church, (which should haue bene bestowed on that vse as the patrimonie of Christ) in persecuting of faithful christians and friends of the church, and therwith would enrich his friendes.

23. Item, he is openly reported to vse simonie, not only in bestowing of benefices, but in geuing of orders, & making dispensations. He hath set to sale al benefices of the church, and would bestow the church commonly on him yt would offer most: and hee made his seruauntes Prelates of the Church, not for wealth of the faith, nor to thrust downe infidels, but to oppresse the faithful, and to enriche his kinred by the church goods and of the patrimonie of him that was crucified: and presumed to make them Marquesses, Erls, and Barons, and was not afraide to builde them strong holdes, rooting out & oppressing many noble men & other.

24. Item, it is commonly reported, that he hath deuorced many mariages lawfully made, to the contempt, hurt, and slander of many: and he did promote his nephew to a cardinalship, being maried, vnlearned, and all together vnworthy to liue: and openly maried one that was diuorced & compelled him to make a vow of chastitie: and after that he is reported to haue had two bastards by her, and so goeth the common bruite of him.

25. Item, he is commonly reported, that he handled vngently his predecessor Celestinus of holy memory, leading a holy life (peraduenture knowing in conscience that hee could not forsake his Popedom,Pope Boniface a murderer of his predecessour & therfore Boniface himselfe had no lawfull entrance to the sea) and prisoned hym, & there quickly and priuely caused him to die. And of thys the common brute and report is through at the world, that he caused many and great learned mē liuing a regular life (which disputed of this, whether hee might renounce the Popedome or not) to be set in prison and there to die.

26. Itē, he is reported to haue railed at religious persons leading a regular life wythout a reasonable cause to the world, to the slaunder of many.

27. Item, he is rep [...]rted to haue said that he would within short time make all the Frenchmen eyther Martyrs or forsakers of their faith.

28. Item, he is commonly reported, that he seketh not the health of the soules, but the destruction of them.

These things being propoūded and red, the same William protested, saide, declared, appealed, and added these wordes, reading them in wryting.

[Page]I William of Plesiano knight, protest that I doe not propounde nor speake the foresaide things for any speciall hate of Boniface hymselfe (for I hate not him,The prote [...]ation of W. Plesiano. but his foresaid euill deedes) nor I seeke not hys iniurie nor slaunder, nor any mans els: But I speake it for the zeale of the faith, and for the deuotiō that I haue to the holy church of God, and yc holy Romish see, aswell for those things that I haue seene and heard of credible men of his doings, and by likely presumptions gathered of the foresaid things, and many diuers other things to be declared in his due place & time. And I sweare by the holy Gospel of God (which I touche with my hand) that I beleue him to be a ranke heretike,Pope Boni [...]ce proued i [...] heretick. & that I also beleeue that the foresayd things and such other may proue against him such things as shall be sufficient to proue him an heretike, according to the state of the holy fathers. I sweare also that I will pursue against him by the lawes, the foresayd things in the generall counsel that shal be assembled, in a place that shalbe safe & sure for me, to the honour of God, & increase of the Christian faith, sauing the right honor & state of the holy Apostolical see, in al things. Wherfore, earnestly and with reuerence I require you my Lord the king (to whome belongeth the defence of the holy mother the church, and the Catholike faith, for of that yee shal make accōpt in the last iudgement) and you my lordes the Prelates which be the pillers of the faith, and which ought to be iudges of the foresayde things together, wyth other reuerent fathers, the Catholike Prelates of the holy church, in the general coūcell to be assembled: that ye wold procure and take diligent paine that a generall coūcel may be gathered in a fit and safe place, and couenient time, afore which the foresayde things may be propounded, brought forth, & prooued against the sayde Boniface, as is premised. And I earnestly also require you my Lorde king, that yee would require the same prelates present & absent, in what countrey so euer they be, or to whom it belongeth: and that ye would effectually induce them manfully to labour, and to require other faithfully, that the foresaid counsaile by the foresaid matters might be gathered in such sort as is aforesaide. And because so long as this is deferred to prooue, I suspect Boniface himselfe, le [...]t he being angry and mooued for the foresayd things against me and my partakers, procurers and helpers, my friends and familiars, should goe about by some meanes, whereby to stay and stop my good purpose and theirs for going forward. Therefore, by these wrytings afore you my lord the king, and diuers prelates, and afore your common notaries here present: I prouoke and appeale to the said holy generall counsell Apostolicall and Catholike that shalbe, and to the holy Apostolical see, and to him and them to whome of right I may or ought: and I earnestly require, once, twice, and thrice, that testimoniall letters may be geuen me from you: supposing my selfe, my followers, fauourers, familiares, frends, my procurers, and all them that wil hereafter folow me, my goods and theirs to be vnder the protection & keeping of S. Peter and Paule, and the saide holy Councel to be assembled by the holy Romish see, & the catholike Apostolicall Pope that shall be: sticking neuerthelesse and willing to sticke to the appellation and appellations, processe and processes made heereupon, by the noble man M. William of Nagareta knight, in as much as they shalbe found & made lawfull, and yet not forsaking this present appellation.

When these thinges were thus red and done, the foresaid king aunswered and required the foresayde Prelates, prouoking and appealing and making request, prouocation and appellation, as is conteined in the paper vnderwrytten, both there and then with other Prelates: which things all are more fully conteined in these wrytings following, and were red to them that heard it, whose tenour is such.

The Kinges answere. The appeale of Philip the French king from the Pope.We Philip by the grace of God, hearing and vnderstanding the obiections propounded by our beloued faithfull knight, W. of Nagareta, against Boniface nowe hauing the regiment of the Romish Church: although we wold gladly couer with our owne cloke, the filthy partes of such a father: yet for the loue of the Catholicke faith and great deuotion that we beare to the holy Romish and vniuersall Church our mother, and all faithful men and spouse of Christ, following the steppes of our auncestors, which doubted not to shedde their owne bloud for the encrease and defence of the Churches liberty and the faith: and coueting to prouide for the puritie of faith and the state of the Church, as also to auoid the hurt of the generall slaunder, being not able to passe ouer any longer the premisses with wincking and dissembling, and my conscience driuing to the same, seeing this estimate & opinion of him in these matters, is not rashly of vs conceiued, but vehemently and plainly increased by many and continuall cryings of credible men, and great authoritie oft and oftentimes beaten vnto vs, fearing moreouer the destruction of the faith, both of vs and of al other subiects, and specially of kings and princes of the world, which ought to reproue negligence, which acknowledge that we haue receiued power geuen vs from the Lord, to the promoting and increasement of it, we agree to your requestes in this behalfe; and to the calling and assembling a councell for the glory of God (sauing the honour and reuerence that is due to the holy Romish church in all thinges) whereby the trueth may appeare in the premisses and all errour auoided: that the state of the vniuersall Church and all Christianitie and the matters of faith, and the holy land may be prouided for, & the slaūders & ieoperdies hāging ouer vs may be withstanded: we be ready & offer our selues gladly, as much as in vs is, to bestowe our labour and diligent paine therabouts. Earnestly requiring and beseeching in the mercifull bowels of Iesu Christ, you Archbishops and other Prelates here present, as children of the Church and pillers of faith, called of the Lorde to the promoting, encrease and preseruing thereof, to care for the same: that with all diligence ye wold geue heede, as becommeth you, and effectually you would labor by al wayes and fit meanes, to the calling and assembling of this councel, in which we intend to be personally present. And left the said Boniface, which hath boldly and wrongfully many times threatned to proceede against vs, stopping and hindring our purposes and intent: [...]ast any of his workes of darkenesse (if there be any) should come to light, directly or indirectly hindering the calling and gathering of this councel: or least any state being in the same realme that wil in dede procede against vs, or our state, churches, Prelates, Barons, & other faithfull vassals, our subiects, our lands, or our realme, and the state of the realme: by abusing any spirituall sworde, in excommunicating, suspending, or otherwais by any meanes for vs and our welwillers, and them that will followe vs: we prouoke & appeale in wryting to the foresayd general councell (which we instantly desire to be called) and to one law [...]ull chiefe Bishop that shall be, or to any other to whome we shoulde appeale: and yet not going from the appellation made by M. William of Nagareta, to whom we sticked then, and also yet sticke: requiring earnestly, a witnes of our appellation of you Prelates & Notaries, expressedly to renue such prouocation and appellation when and afore whome it shalbe thought meete to you.

Then the Archbishops within wrytten, byshops, Abbots, and Priors, aunswered the premisses (as it is founde in the actes) prouoked and appealed, agreed to, and protested, and made prouocation, and appellation, agreement, and protestation, as is contained more fully in a certaine paper there openly and plainely red, whose tenor followeth with these wordes.

We Archbishoppes of Nicosen,The protestation of Prelates. Remen, Senoren, Narbonen, Turonen, and bishops of Landuiren, Belnacen, Catolacen, Antisiodorem, Meldimen, Nurmen, Carnotem, Aurelianen, Ambiauen, Morinen, Silanen, Andeganen, Abricen, Constant, Ebroicen Lexonicen, Sagien, Caloromont, Lemonicen, Auicen, Masticoren. And we Abbots of Cluniac, promostraten of the greater monasterie of the court of S. Dionise in Fraunce, Camped S. Victors, S. Genoueue, S. Marten, Landmoen, Figiacem & Bellicem in Lemociuio, and Frier Hugh, visiter of the houses of the order of knights of S. Iohn in Ierusalem in Fraunce, and the father Priour of S. Martine in the fieldes, hearing these things which were sayd, propounded, and obiected yesterday, & to day, by you the Lords, Earles, and William aforesaide, against the Lorde Boniface the 8. and Pope, being mooued with suche sayings, purposes, assertations, and your othes, your request and other lawfull causes: and were compelled by need, considering that the matter of our faith which is Christes, is handled in the premisses. Wee that be called to part of this care, to the defence and maintenaunce of the faith of soules of the realme, although vnworthy, yet coueting to with stande the ieoperdies that hang ouer vs by reason of the premisses and other causes, thinking the calling & gathering of the sayd Councell profitable & necessary, that the innocencie of the Lord Boniface himself may clearely be discussed, as we desire (our cō sciences bearing witnesse) that it may be determined on him by the Councell, touching such things as are laide against him, and that may be done which they decree according to the Canons. We aunswere you our Lord king, and you our Lordes, Earles, and William, that (the honor & reuerence of the holy Romish church salued in all poyntes) wee agree to your due requestes in this behalfe for the calling of the Councell, and are ready to geue helpe and diligent labour to the calling and gathering of the said Coū cell, according to the decrees of the holy fathers, and to the lawfull orders of the Canons: not intending by any meanes, to make parties of this matter, nor to sticke to any that maketh parties. Yet least the sayde Boniface being mooued or prouoked by these things, as wee feare by likely coniectures and threatnings made, against vs for the foresayde things, that he will proceede against our parish Churches and our subiectes by some meanes, or cause to proceede against vs by some authoritie of his owne or others by excommunication, suspension, interditing, deposing, depriuing, [Page] or by some other meanes and colour sought to some impeachment or trouble of the sayd Councell;The bishops of Fraunce appeale from P. Boniface to a generall councell. and that we may sitte in the same Councell to iudge and do al other things, that belong to the office of Prelates: that our frends that sticke to vs & would sticke to vs in all thinges may remaine safe, for our selues, our parish Churches, our subiectes and them that sticke to vs, or would sticke to vs, in this behalfe: we prouoke and appeale in wryting to the foresayde Councell, that is to be gathered, and to him that shall be the true and lawfull highest Bishop, and to him or them to whome of right we shoulde appeale too, and earnestly require our appellations, committing vs, our parish churches, our subiectes, friendes, and them that sticke to vs, our state and theirs, our right goodes, to the godly defence of the foresaide councell, and of him that shall be the true and lawfull highest bishop: and we protest to renewe this appellation, where, when, and afore whome, it shalbe thought meete.

This was done at Paris at Lupara in the chamber of the sayd Lord our king. Indictione prima, the 9. yeare of hys popedome, the daies of thursday and friday aforesayd these noble men being present, the Lordes of Auia and Bolone, the Lordes Martins and other Earles named afore, Mathewe Dotera, Peter the Lorde chamberlane, Phillip the Lord of Wirtmos, and Henry of Bolone knight, and also M. Philip Archdeacon of Bengem, Nicholas archdeacon of Remem, William treasurer of Anioy, Philip Beaspere. Rainolde of Burbon and Iohn Montagre, and many mo both clearkes and other specially required and called to be witnesse to this.

After these things thus in the Parliament decreed and agreed, the Prelates of the cleargie consulting with themselues what was to be done in so doutfull a matter: and dreading the Popes displeasure, for this which was done already, to cleare thēselues in the matter contriued among themselues a letter to the Pope partly to certify him, what there was done, and partly also to abmonish him what he should do: the tenour of which their letter conteined these wordes following.

The forme of a Letter, which the Prelates of France, as well secular as religious sent to Boniface, that hee should cease his enterprise, wherein he proceeded against the King.

¶ To the most holy Father and their dearest beloued Lorde, the Lord Boniface the chiefe Bishop of the holy Romish churche and the vniuersall Churche: his humble and deuout Archbyshops, Abbots, Priors, Conuentuals, Deanes, Prouosts, Chapters, Couents and Colledges of the Cathedrall and collegiate churches, regular and secular of all the Realme of France, being gathered together, doe offer most deuoute kissinges of your blessed feete.

The letter of the French prelates to Pope Boniface.WE are compelled, not without sorrowe of heart and bitter teares to signifie vnto your holinesse, that the most famous Prince our most deare Lorde Phillip, by the grace of God, the noble king of Fraunce: when he heard and saw the Apostolicall letters sealed, which were sent to him of late, from your behalfe by the worshipfull man the Cardinall of Narbo your Notarie & messenger, and were presented by the same Cardinall to him, & certaine other of his barons Vpon the sight and perusing of which so bloudy letters being read and declared to them sitting by hym: both our Lorde the king and the barons themselues were highly moued with great maruelling and great trouble. In so much that the sayd our Lord the king by the aduice of his barons, commanded to be called afore him the other barons then absent, and vs also: that is to wete: al Archbishops, Bishops, Abbots, Priors, conuentuals, deanes, prouosts, chapters, conuents and Colledges, as well of Cathedrall or collegiate churches, regular and secular, & also all the vniuersities and communalties of the townes of hys Realme: that wee Prelates, Barons, Deanes, Prouostes, and two of the learnedst of euery Collegiate and Cathedrall Churche, shoulde appeare personally, and shoulde procure the rest likewise to appeare, by their Stewarde, Officers and sufficient proctours, wyth full and sufficient Commission at the appoynted place and terme. Further, when we and the other Ecclesiasticall persons aforesayd, and also the barons, stewards, officers, and proctours, and other of the comminalty of the townes that were thus called: and when according to the forme of the foresaide calling by the kings commaundement, we stoode afore the king this wednesday, the tenth of this present of Aprill, in S. Maries Church in Paris: Our Lord the king caused to be propounded openly and plainely to all men, that it was signified to him, from you among other things by the foresayd Cardinal & letters: that for his kingdome (which hee and his auncetours hetherto doe acknowledge they holde of God only (now ought in temporalties to be subiect to you and holde of you, and that ye were not content with these so maruellous and strange wordes, and not heard of from the beginning of the world of any dwellers within the same realme, but that ye went about to put them in practise. And that ye called to appeare afore you, the prelates of the sayd realme, and doctors of diuinitie, and such prosessours of both lawes, as were borne with in the saide realme, for the correcting and amending of such excesses, faultes, arrogancies, wrongs, and harmes, as ye pretend to be done to the ecclesiasticall Prelates and persones ecclesiasticall both regular and secular, abiding within the Realme & els where, by our lorde the king himselfe and his officers or bailiffes, by his peeres, Earles, Barons and other nobles, with the communaltie & people of the saide realme: To the intent by this meanes, the foresaid realme might be made strong, with pretious rewels and durable treasures, which are to be preferred before the bucklers or any armour of strong men, that is to say, by the wisedome of Prelates, and wise men, & others: through whose ripe faithful counsell, and circumspect foresight, the realme might be ruled and gouerned, the faith might be stablished, the ecclesiasticall Sacramēts might be ministred, iustice might be executed: which by them being robbed of their goodes and richesse and vtterly spoyled, is in a doubtfull case, and in ioepardie of miserable decay & for euer to be destroyed.

Among these and diuers other griefes which were done by you and the Romish church, to him, to his realme and the French church, both in reseruing and wilfull ordering of Archbishopprickes, Byshoprickes, and bestowing of great benefices of the Realme vpon straunge and vnknowen persons, yea and oft vpon suspect persons, neuer beeing at the churches or benefices aforesayde. By reason whereof the decay of Gods worship ensued, the godly wils of the founders and geuers are defrauded of their godly purpose: the accustomed almes geuing is withdrawen from the poore of the sayd Realme, the pouerishing of the Realme followeth, and churches runne in daunger to be defaced, while they remaine destitute of seruice: the Prophets being taken away, & the fruites of them that serue them, be appoynted to the commoditie of straungers. And while prelates haue not to geue, yea to reward men for their desertes: noble men (whose auncestors founded the Churches) and other learned men, cannot haue seruants: and that for these causes, deuotion began to be colde, there was none at these dayes that would stretch out a liberall hand towardes the Churches, and farthermore by the premisses an euill example was giuen. Also he complayned of newe taxes of pensions, newly laid on the Churches, of immeasurable bondages, exactions, & diuers extortions with other preiudiciall & hurtful nouelties, by which the generall state of the Church is chaunged, in geuyng suffraganes, as helpers to the higher prelates, whereby neyther the Byshops themselues nor the suffraganes can doe their dueties, but for them they might runne with giftes to the Apostolicall see. He complayned also of diuers causes and some articles long since, but true in the time that they were presented, that were done and be done continually: and also not purposing to suffer so great a disheriting of him aud his successours from the realme, and so manifest a griefe, they coulde not suffer any longer the euident losse of the honour of him and the realme, and sayde: that hee was certaine, that it was knowen to the whole worlde, and that hee did maintaine in this matter a iust cause as hee had learned by the agreeable sentence of doctours in Diuinitie and maisters of both Lawes, that were borne within his Realme and others, which among the Doctors and cunning men of the world were counted of the learned sort and more famous. Therefore he required vs, all and euery one, both Prelates and Barons, and other, earnestly as our Lord: he prayed and gently begged as a friend: to consult and take diligent paine, that he might ordeine wholsome things, both for the keeping of their olde libertie, the honour and state of the realme and of the inhabitants therof, for the easing of the griefes aforesaid, for redressing of the realme and the French Church, by our counsaile and his Barons to the praise of Gods name, the encrease of the Catholike faith, the honour of the vniuersall church, and promoting of Gods religion: specially seing such griefs were done by his officers & others of the Realme, to the Churches and churchmen, for the which hee purposed a remedy of wholesome correction, afore the comming of the foresaid Cardinall, & would nowe haue put it in execution effectually, but that hee might be thought to haue done that for feare, or at your commandement, which thing ye cannot ascribe to your self. Furthermore, he wold spend not onely his goodes but also his realme, yea his children if the case required: and therfore we should regard to be ready with counsell and helpe in season as we are bounde by the duety of fidelitie in these things: wherein it is manifest, that as all and euery mannes case is handled, generally and particularly their cause is promoted, and euery mannes owne interest is touched And then hee demaunded by and by to be answered plainely and finally in these things, of all and euery one.

Then the Barons sitting aside with the officers and Proctors aforesaid, at the length after they had taken counsell comming to our foresaid Lord the king, and praising greatly, and hartely thanking him for his laudable purpose and good will, answered wyth [Page] one voice: that for those things they were ready, not only to spēd their goods, but offered the same goods, riches, & also their persons to death, and not to flee any kinde of torment. And sayd further with one voice, that if our foresaid Lord the king woulde (as God forbid) suffer, or els willingly passe ouer those, they thēselues would in no case suffer it.

Then when answere was asked of vs afterward, although we desired longer respite of deliberatiō of the king himself our Lord, and of the greatest of the forsayd Barons, and that for this intent: that in the meane while the Popes letters might haue comen to our Lord the king, we answered that we would not offend against the libertie of the realme, or by some meanes to innouate thinges contrary to the kings honour in this behalfe.

We went about also to informe him with many godly words, with earnest persuasions, and with many kindes of helpe, and by sundry wayes, to bring him to keepe the speciall bande of vnitie, which is knowen to haue continued to these present dayes, betwixt the holy Romish church, and his predecessours. But when we were denied any longer delay, and it was plainely and openly tolde to all men, that if any man were of a contrary minde, from thenceforth he should be manifestly counted for an enemie of the king & the realme. We considering warely, & seeing plainely, that except our lord the king, and the Barons aforesaide were content with our aunswere, beside other dangers & great offences (wherof there could neither be number nor end) and that the deuotion both of the Romish and French church, and also the whole obedience of the laitie and all the people from thence foorth should be, taken away without recouerie, not without great feare & doubt, we thought good to aunswer thus.

That we would helpe our Lorde the king with due counsaile and conuenient helpe for the preseruing of his person, and of his earthly honour, and the liberty and lawes of the sayd realme, like as we were (certaine of vs) by the duetie of allegiaunce bound to him, which hold of him Dukedomes, Earledomes, Baronies, fees, and other noble partes of the saide Realme, by the fourme of the othe, as all other doe: yet wee made humble sute to the same our Lord the king, that seeing we were bound to obey the Popes holinesse and your holy feete, he would suffer vs to go according to the tenour of your foresaid calling.

Then on the Kings and Barons behalfe followeth aunswere, that in no case they would suffer vs to go out of the Realme: and that by no meanes they woulde beare to be handled so daungerously, yea rather to be altogether wasted.

Then we considering so great an anger, & trouble so ieopardous, & so great that none could be greater, both of the King, the Barons & other lay people of the realme: & now knowing plainely, that the olde enemie of peace, which goeth about from the beginning of his fall, with sowing of Darnel, to breake the vnitie of the Church, by troubling of peace: would breake charitie, and infect the sweetnesse of good workes, with the poyson of bitter enuie, and would ouerthrow mankinde vtterly, and woulde trouble with wickednesse the band of louely vnitie, & singular frendship, which hitherto haue had a happie encrease betwixt the Romish Church and our Lorde the King, and his predecessours, and the realme: to the praise of the highest God, the encrease of Christian faith, and the setting foorth the honour of the Church, of the king and the realme. But nowe (alas) a dore was open to the lamentable breaking and pitifull separating of great offences to rise on euery side, dangers are attempted against Churches and Churchmen, to spoyle their goods and richesse, with ieoperdie of life, seeing that the laitie nowe doe abhorre and vtterly flee the obedience of clearkes, vtterly banishing them from their counsails and doings, and haue taken courage to condemne the Ecclesiasticall censure and processe. All which ieoperdies with other sundry and diuers daungers (which neither toung is able to tell, nor wryting can declare) wee seeing at hand [...]: thought good in this poynt of greatest necessity to run with weping voyce, & lamentable sighes to the circumspect wisdome of your holinesse. Beseeching your fatherly mildenes, and humbly praying you: that some wholesome remedy may be prouided in the premisses. By which, the sounde profitable agreement and mutuall loue, which hath continued so long time betwixt the church, the king, and the realme, myght be maintained in that olde sweete concord: the state of the Frenche church might continue in godly and quiet peace: that ye woulde vouchsafe to foresee how to withstand the daungers and offences aforesaid: that we and our states may be prouided for, by the foresaid commaundement of your calling, by the studie of your Apostolicall wisdome, and fatherly loue. The almighty preserue your holinesse to his holy church a long time.

Anno. 1304. These things thus discoursed and done, then followed the yeare of our Lord 1304. In the which yeare about the natiuity of our lady,Pope Boniface besieged.came a garison of harnessed soldiours wel appointed, sent partly by ye French king, partly by the Cardinals of Columpua, whom the Pope before had deposed, vnto the gates of Anragū, where the Pope did hide himself, because he was borne in the towne. The captains of which armie was one Shaira, brother to the foresayde Cardinalles: And an other William de Longarero, high steward to ye French king. Who inuading the popes towne, and finding the gates open, gaue assault to the popes frontire: where the Pope with his nephew a Marques, and 3. other Cardinals were immured. The townes men seeing all their intent & strength to be bent against the Pope: caused the common bel to be rong, & so assembling themselues in a cōmon counsaile, ordeined Adulphus one of the chiefest rulers of the towne for their captaine, who (vnknowing to them) was a great aduersary to the Pope. This Adulphus bringing wt him Reginaldus de Supine a great lord in Campania, & the 2. sonnes of Iohn Chitan a noble mā, whose father the pope had then in prison: at length ioyned him wt the French company against the Pope, and so beset his palace on euery side. And first, setting vpō the palacies of the 3. Cardinals which were then chiefe about the pope, rifled & spoiled all their goods. The Cardinals by a backedoore hardly auoided their handes: but the Popes palace, through munition & strength of the Marques was something better defended. At length, the Pope perceiuing him selfe not able to make his partie good, desired truce wyth Schaira & his company, which was to him graūted, from one til nine. During which time of truce, the Pope priuily sendeth to the townesmen of Aruagium, desiring them to saue his life: which if they would doe, he promised so to enrich them, that they should all haue cause neuer to forget or repent their benefite bestowed. Pope Boniface brought to a straight. To this they made answer againe, excusing themselues, y• it lay not in their hability to do him any good, for that ye whole power of the towne was with the captaine. Three conditions put to the Pope. Then the Pope all destitute & desolate, sendeth vnto Schaira, beseeching him to draw out in articles, wherin he had wronged him, and he wold make hym amends to the vttermost. Shaira to this maketh a playne answer, signifying to him againe: that he should in no wise escape wt his life, except vppon these 3. conditions. First to restore againe the 2. Cardinals of Columpna his brethren whom he had before depriued, with al other of their stocke and kinred: secondly, that after their restitution, he should renounce his papacie, thirdly, his body to remaine in hys power & custody. These articles seemed to ye pope so hard, that in no case he woulde agree vnto them: wherefore the time of truce expired, the captaines & soldiors in all forceable meanes bending themselues against the bishop, Here may all kinges by the French kyng learne how to handle the pope Boniface chuseth rather to die then to giue ouer his popedome. first fired the gates of the pallace, wherby the army hauing a full entrance, fel to rifle & spoile the house. The Marques vpon hope to haue his life, & the life of his children, yealdeth him to the hands of Schaira & the other captaine: which when the Pope heard, he wept and made great lamentation. After this through windowes and doores, at length wt much a doe they brast into the pope, whome they intreated wyth words & threats accordingly. Vpō this he was put to his choise, whether hee woulde presently leaue his life, or geue ouer his Papacie. But that he denied stifly to doe, to die for it: saying to them in his vulgar tōgue. Eccle col, eccle cape. That is, lo here my necke, lo here my head: protesting, that he would neuer while he liued renounce hys Popedome. Then Schaira went about, and was redy to slay him, but by certaine that were about him he was staide: whereby it hapned that the pope receiued no harme, although diuers of his ministers and seruants were slaine. The souldiors which ranged in the meane time through all the corners of the Popes house, Ex R. Aaesb. The excessiue treasures of the Popes house noted. did lade themselues with such treasure of golde, siluer, plate, and ornaments: that the wordes of my autor (whom I follow) do thus expresse it. Quod omnes reges mundi non possent tantum de thesauro reddere infia vnum annum, quantum fuit de papali palatio asportatum, & de palatijs trium Cardinalium, & Marchionis. That is, that all the kings of the earth together were not able to disburse so much out of their treasury in a whole yeare: A pretie handling of the pope as then was taken & caried out of the popes pallace, and of the pallace of the three Cardinals, and the Marques. Thus Boniface bereued of all his goodes, remained in their custodie 3. daies. Duryng the which space, they had set him on a wilde and vnbroken colte, his fate turned to the horse taile, causing the horse to runne and course, while the Pope was almost breathlesse. Moreouer, The Pope deliuered o [...]t of prison. they kept him so wythout meate, that hee was thereby neare famished to death. After the 3. day: the Aruagians and people of the town mustering themselues together (to the number of x. M.) secretely brast into the house where the Pope was kept, and so slaying the kepers, deliuered the Pope by strong hand. Who then being brought into the middle of the towne, gaue thankes with weeping teares to the people for his life saued: promising moreouer, that for so much as hee was out of all hys goodes, hauyng neither bread nor drink to put in his mouth, gods blessing and his, to al them, that now would relieue him wyth any[Page]thing, What pouertie and affliction can do in plucking downe the pride of man. either to eate or drinke. And heere nowe to see what pouertie and affliction can worke in a man. The Pope before, in all his pompe & most ruffling wealth was neuer so proud, but nowe was as humble & lowly: that euery poore simple man (as mine author testifieth) might haue a bolde and free accesse to his person. To make the story shorte, the Pope in that great distresse of famine was not so greedy of their vitails, as they were gredy of his blessing. Whereupon, the women & people of the towne came so thicke, some wt bread, some with wine, some with water, some wt meat, some with one thing, some with an other: that the Popes chamber was too litle to receiue the offring, in so much that when there lacked cups to receiue the wine, they poured it downe on yt chamber flore, not regarding the losse of wine, to win the popes holy blessing. Thus Pope Boniface being refreshed by the towne of Aruagum, tooke his iourney from thence accompanied wt a great multitude of harnessed soldiors to Rome: where he shortly vpon the same, partly for feare which he was in, partly for famine, partly for sorrow of so inestimable treasure lost, died. After whom succeded Benedictus the 11. of whome these verses are written. Pope Benedictus. 11. A re nomen habe, benedic, benefac, benedicte. Aut rem peruerte maledic, malefac, maledicte. &c. And thus haue yee the whole storie of Pope Boniface the 8. authour of the Decretalles. Which story I thought the more diligently to set forth, that all the Latine Church might see, what an author he was, whose lawes and decretals so deuoutly they follow.

Now after the long debating of this matter betweene the French king and pope Boniface, let vs proceede in our English story. About this time, in the dayes of king Edward, the Church of Rome began daily more and more to rise vp and swell so high in pride and worldly dominion: that no king almost in hys owne countrey coulde doe any thing, but as pleased the Pope: who both had and ruled al, in all countreis, but chiefly here in England: as partly by his intollerable tallage and pillage before signified may appeare, partly by hys iniunctions and commandements sent downe, also by his donations and reseruations of benefices and church liuings: also in deposing and disposing suche as him listed,The kinges election in his owne realme frustrated. in place and office to beare rule. In so much, that when the king and the church of Cant. in theyr election had chosen one Robert Burnell bishop of Bathe, to be Archbishop of Canterburie: Pope Boniface of hys own singular presumptuous authority, ruling the matter after his pleasure,Iohn Peckham Archb. of Cant. frustrated their election, and thrust in an other named Iohn Pecham. For amōg all other, this hath alwayes bene one practise of the court of Rome: euer to haue the Archbyshop of their owne setting, or suche one as they might be sure of on their side,A point of practise in the court of Rome. to weigh against the K. and other, whatsoeuer nede should happen. To this Iohn Peckham, Pope Boniface directed downe a solemne Bul from Rome, as also vnto all other quarters of the vniuersal church. In the which Bul was conteined & decreed, directly against the rule of Scripture and Christian obedience:Ecclesiasticall persons exempted by the pope, for not paying tribute to the kyng. that no church, nor ecclesiastical person should henceforth yelde to his king or temporall Magistrate, either any geuing or lending, or promising of tribute or subsidie, or portion whatsoeuer, of the goodes and possessions to hym belonging: but shuld be clearely exempted and discharged from all such subiection of tallage or subuention to be exacted of them in the behoofe of the Prince and hys affaires. Which decree manifestly rebelleth against the commanded ordinaunce of God, and the Apostolical canon of S. Peter and all other examples of holy Scripture.The Pope proceedeth against the manifest word, in setting the Clergie free from the kinges tributes. For as there is no woorde in the Scripture that excludeth spirituall men more then temporall from obedience and subiectiō of princes: so if it chaunce the Prince in hys exacting to be too rigorous or cruell in oppression: that is no cause for the clergy to be exempted: but to beare the cōmon burden of obedience, and to pray to God to turne and moue the Princes minde, and so (with prayer & patience, not with pride and disobedience) to helpe & amend that which is amisse. Concerning the Bull of Boniface, if any there be that either do not credite the same, so to containe, or would for his minde see and read the same, the wordes therof here folow.

The copie of the Popes Bull, wherein the Cleargie is exempted from geuing tribute to Kings and Princes.

Ex Chron. Rob. Gisburnensis. BOnifacius, &c. Ad sempiternam rei memoriam. Clericis, laicos infestos oppidò tradidit antiquitas. Quod & presentium experimenta temporum manifestè declarāt, dum suis finibus non contenti nituntur in vetitum & ad illicita sua frena relaxant, nec prudentèr attendunt quomodo sit eis in clericos ecclesiastic sáue personas, & bona interdicta potestas. Quinimo ecclesiarum praelatis, ecclesijs ecclesiasticis (que) personis regularibus & secularibus imponuntur onera grauia, ipsos talliant, & eis collectas imponūt, & ab ipsius suorum (que) prouentuum, vel bonorum dimidiam, decimam, seu vicesimam, vel quamuis aliam portionem, quo tam exigunt & extorquent eosque moliuntur multiphariè subijcere seruituti, suae (que) subdedere ditioni. Et quod dolenrer referimus, nonnulli ecclesiarum praelati, ecclesiasticaeque personae trepidantes, vbi trepidandum non est, transitoriam pacem quaerentes: plus timentes maiestatem temporalem offendere, quàm aeternam, talium abusibus non tam temerariè, quàm improuide acquiescunt sedis apostolicae authoritate non obtenta. Nos igitur talibus actibus obuiare volentes, de fratrum nostrorum consilio Apostolica autorita [...] frustra obtendit [...] bi Apos [...] ca scriptura contem [...] Apostolica authoritate statuimus: quòd quicunque praelati, ecclesiasticaeue personae, vel seculares quorumcunque ordinum conditionis, seu status, collectas vel tallias, dimidiam, decimā, vicesimam, seu centesimam suorum & ecclesiarum suarum prouentuum vel bonorum laicis soluerint, vel promiserint, vel se soluturos exceslerint, aut quamuis aliam quantitatem, porcionem, aut quicquam ipsorum prouentuum vel bonorum aestimationem vel valorem ipsorum subuentionis, subsidij, vel doni nomine, seu quouis alio timore, vel modo, vel quaesito colore absque autoritate sedis eiusdem: Nec non imperatores, reges, seu principes, duces, leu comites, vel barones, potestates, capitaneas, officiales vel rectores quocunque nomine censeantur, ciuitatum, castrorum, seu quorumque locorum constitutorum vbilibet, & Quia [...] quisquss, barbarismus Apostolicu [...]. quis alius cuiuscunque praeeminētiae, cōditionis & status, qui talia imposuerint & exegerint, vel receperint, aut apud aedes sacras deposita ecclesiarū vel ecclesiasticarum personarum vbilibet Flores Attics e [...] ipso helicone desumpts. arestauerint saysierint seu occupare praesumpserint, vel arestari, saysiri, aut occupari mandauerint, aut [...], rhetorica. occupata, saysita, seu arestata receperint: nec nō omnes qui scienter in praedictis dederint consilium, auxilium, vel fauorem, publicè vel occultè, eo ipso sentētiam excommunicationis Taurscernu. Ware the bulles home incurrunt. Vniuersitates quoque quae in his culpabiles suerint ecclesiastico supponimus interdicto: praelatis, & personis ecclesiasticis supradictis in virtute obedientiae & sub poena depositionis districtè mandantes, vt talibus absque licentia expressa dictae sedis nullatenus acquiescant. A supradictis autem excommunicationis & interdicti sententijs nullus absolui valeat, praeterquam in mortis articulo absque sedis Apostolicae autoritate & licentia speciali. &c.

This Bull being directed (as is sayde) from Rome to the Archbishop of Canterbury,The Clergy denyeth to geue tribute to the king. and likewise thorough the whole vniuersall Church, vnder the Popes authority: It chaunced not long after, the king helde hys Parliament at S. Edmunds burie, where was graunted to him of all cities and boroughs an right, and of the commons a [...]welf of their goodes. Only the Clergie by vertue of this Bull, stoode stoute: denying to pay any thing to the king. Thys answer not wel pleasing the king, he willeth them to deliberate better with themselues vppon the matter: and after long aduisement so to geue him answer therof against the next Parliament, which should be holden the next Hillary terme at London.

In conclusion,The Clergy secluded frō the kinges protection. The Archb. of Cant. for his stubbernes had his goods confiscate to the kyng. the Parliament came: the Clergy persisteth still in deniall of their subsidie, alleging the popes bul for their warrant and discharge. Wherupon the king likewise secludeth them from vnder hys protection & sa [...]egard of his lawes. And as cōcerning the Archb. of Cant. aboue mentioned, because he was found more stubburne then the rest, and was the inciter to the other: hee seased vppon all his goodes, & caused an inuentorie of the same to be enrolled in the exchequer. Notwithstanding, diuers of the other bishops relented soone after to the king, and cōtributed the fift of their goodes vnto him, and were receiued agayne to fauour.

In the life of this kings father,The variance betweene K. Edward and his Barons & commons. it was declared before how the sayd king Henry the third, father to this king, after diuers warres and commotions had with his barons, had graūted certaine liberties and freedomes written and conteined in Magna charta, and in Charta de foresta. Concerning which matter, much busines happened in this kings daies also in the realme, betweene the king & his Barons and commons. The occasion was thys. A packe of wooll which before paide but a marke to the king, was nowe by thys king raised vp to xl.s. After this the King hauing a iourney to make vnto Flanders, sent to hys Barons and diuers other, to geue their attendaunce and seruice in the same, which they refused and denyed to doe. Notwithstanding (the king persisting in his purpose) with such a power as he had, prepareth toward his iourny. To whom being in his way at Winchelsey,Petitions of the Barons and commōs to the king. the foresaide Erles and Barons and commōs sent certen petitions conteined in wryting vnder the name of the Archbishops, Bishops, abbots and Priors, Erles and Barons, wyth the commonaltie of ye realme. In which wryting first lamenting and complaining of their afflicted state and misery, after humble maner they desired their Lord the king to redresse and amend certain greuances amōg them. And first declared in the name [Page] of the whole commons, that the premonition or writs directed to them for their attendaunce vpon his grace into Flaunders, was not sufficient: for that there was no certaine place in the sayd writs specified vnto them whether to come for making their prouision, and preparing mony & other things according to the same. And if the place had bene to thē signified, yet because none of their aūcesters euer serued the king ouer into Flaūders before, the cōmōs therfore thought themselues not bound to any seruice in yt country. And albeit they had bene so bound therunto, yet they were not able to doe it, being so heauyly oppressed wt so many tallages, taxes, tolles, customes, & prices of corne Ores, Tinne, Wood, Lether, Oxen, Ryne, Flesh Fish. &c. And besides all this, hauing no peny of wages geuē them to relieue their charges: Ouer and besides the lacke of the kinges wages not payd them, their owne pouerty like an heauy burden did so miserably lie vpon them, that some of them had no sustentatiō, some of them were not able to till their owne groūd. The alledged moreouer, that they were not now handled after the olde lawes and customes of the land, as their auncestors were wont. Many also foūd thē selues grieued in that they were not vsed according to the Articles conteined in Charta magna, Magna Charta. Charta de foresta. nor agayne that the Charta de foresta, was not obserued nor kept as was wont to be. Wherfore, most humbly they beseeched the king both for his owne honor and for the wealth of his people, that of these thinges they might finde redresse. For the custome moreouer of woll,Custome for Wolle. the whole commons bewayled to the king their griefe: in that for euery pack of woll was sined to the king xl. [...]. and for euery sack of tosed wool, 7. marks. The which wooll of England, as it doth rise vp to the value of halfe the realme: so the tollage of the same surmounteth to the fift part of the valuatiō of the whole land. And because therfore the commons wished the honor & preseruatiō of their king (as they were boūd to do) they thought it not good for his grace to sayle ouer to Flaūders, vnlesse he had better assuraunce of their fidelity, especially at thys time the Scots being so busy: Who if they began to rebell he being at home in his land, much more were they like to stirre, he being abroad out of the land. And that not onely for the Scottes: but also for that the like perill was to be doubted of other forraine nations and kingdomes, which as yet were in no firme peace with England. &c.

The kynges answere to the petitiōs of the Barōs & the commons.To these petitions, the king sayd that he could as yet make no resolute answere, for that his counsell, some was gone ouer alredy to Flaunders, some were yet at Londō. Notwithstanding, at his returne againe from Flaunders (which he trusted should be spedely) they should thē heare his answere and know more of his minde concerning the same. In the meane time this he required of them, to keep good rule at home while he was forth. What aunswere the king had minded to make them at his returne, it is vncertayne, which peraduenture had turned to a bloudye aunswere: but occasion serued otherwise, and turned all to agreement. For the Scottes with theyr captayne William Waleys aboue specified, in the time the king being absent, inuaded the Realme with such violence: that Prince Edward the kings sonne, who was left to rule in his fathers stead, was forced to assemble a Parliament, and to call for the Earle of Hereford, the Earle of Northfolke, high Marshall of England,Humfrey Bonne. Roger Bigot. Earle of Essex high Constable, with other Earles, Barons, Knightes, and Esquirs, to entreat peace and concord betweene his father and them. Who cōming vp to London with 1500. Well armed souldiers, and obteining the gates of the City with their own men, fell at length to agreement with the Prince, vpon composition to haue the Articles of magna Charta and of Charta de foresta, confirmed, and that by his meanes & mediation they might be assured of the kinges displeasure to be remoued from thē. The which forsayd articles of Magna Charta with ye other articles adioyned withall, here follow vnder written.

The articles conteined in Magna Charta.First, no tollage or subsidy by the king or his heires to be imposed or leuied hereafter within the realme of England, without the common assent of the Archbishops, Byshops, Abbots & other prelats, Earles, Barōs, Knights, Burgeses, and Commons of the realme.

Item, no taker or seruiture of the king or of his heirs henceforth within this realme, to take grain, wooll, lether or any goods of any man, without the will and consent of him which is the owner.

No taking to be hereafter, in name of tribute, for any packe of woll.

Item, to be graunted by the king and his heires after him, both to the clergy and laity of this foresayd Realme: to haue and to enioy their lawes, liberties & customes, [...] as ample maner as they were wēt at any time heretofore.

Item, if any decrees or statutes shal hereafter be made and set forth contrary to these foresaid articles: the same to stand voyd and of no effect for euer.

Besides these articles also in the same compositiō was conteined:Agreement concluded and sealed betwene the K. and his Barons. The moderate and good nature of K. Edward noted. that all grudge and displeasure betwene ye king and the Barons for not going to Flaunders ceasing: the Earles and Barōs might be assured to be receiued againe into the kings fauor.

These things thus agreed vpon, and by mediation of the Prince also confirmed and sealed with the kings seale his father: so was all the variance pacified, to the great comfort of the people, and no lesse strength of the Realme agaynst theyr enemies: And most chiefly to the commēdation of the gentle and wise nature of the king: Who as he was gentle in promising his reconcilement with his subiectes, so no lesse constant was he in keeping that which he had promised.

After the death of Iohn Peckham Archb. of Canterbury aboue mentioned,Rob. Winchelsey Archb. of Cant. who in the Parliament had resisted the king in the right of certayne liberties perteing to the crowne, touching patronages and such Church matters: succeeded Robert Winchelsei, wt whom also the king had like variance: and accused him to the Pope for breaking the peace, and tooke part with them that rebelled agaynst the king about vsages and liberties of the Realme. Wherefore,K. Edward was troubled with two Archb. of Cant. the king being cited vp to the court of Rome, was there suspended, by ye meanes of the said Archb. directed his letters agayne to the Pope taken out of ye parliament rolles where I finde diuers letters of the king to P. Clement agaynst the sayde Robert Archbishop of Canterbury the contentes wherof here followeth videlicet qualiter idem. And as this king was troubled in his time with both the Archbishoppes, Iohn Peckham, and also Rober Winchelsey, so it happened to all other kinges for the most part, from the time of Lancfrancus (that is from Pope Hildebrand) that euery king in his time had some busines or other with that see. As William Rufus, and Henry the first were troubled with Anselmus:The church of Rome, and Romish prelates set against kings and rulers. Hēry the second with Thomas Becket: King Richard and all England, wyth William Bishop of Elye the Popes Legate: King Iohn with Stephē Langthon: King Henry the third with Edmund Archbishop, called S. Edmūd. Polic. lib. 7. Likewise this king Edward the first, with Iohn Peckham & Robert Winchelsey aforesayd. And so other kinges after him, with some Prelate or other:Kings of England commonly troubled with Archb. of Cant. whereby ye haue to vnderstand, how & about what time the church of Rome, which before time was subiect to kings and Princes, began first to take head aboue, and agaynst kings and rulers, and so haue kept it euer since.

By this Iohn Peckam afore mentioned, was ordayned: that no spiritual minister should haue any mo benefices then one,Priestes to haue but one benefice which also was decreed by the constitutions of Octo and Octobonus, the popes Legats the same time in England.

About the beginning of this kinges reigne,Varlaun [...]e betweene the Archb. of Yorke and the clergie of Duresme. after the decease of of Walter Archbishop of Yorke: William Wicewanger succeeding in that sea, minding to go on visitatiō: came to Duresme to visit the Church and Chapter there. But the clergy and the people of the City, shoote the gates agaynst him, and kept him out, wherupon rose no smal disturbance. The Archb. let flie his curse of excommunicatiō and interdiction agaynst them. The Bishop of Duresme agayne with his clergy, despised all his cursinges, grounding themselues vpon the constitution of Innocentius ye fourth, De censibus & ex actionibus. And so they appealed to Rome, saying: that he ought not to be receiued there, before he had first begon to visit his owne Chapter & dioces, which he had not done. For to say the wordes of the constitutions: We ordayne and decree that euery Archbishop, that will visite his prouince, first must procure to visit hys owne Church, City, and Dioces. &c.

Among other thinges in this king to be noted,Inquisitiō made against yl rulers and false officers Traibastoun. that is not to be passed ouer: that where complaynt was made to him of his officers, as Iustices, Maiors, Shiriffes, Bailiffes, Excheters, and such other: who in their offices abusing themselues, extortioned and oppressed the kinges liege people, otherwise then was according to the right & conscience: the sayd king not suffering such misorder to be vnpunished, did appoint certain officers or inquisitors to the number of 12. which inquisitiō was called Traibastō, or Trailbastoun: by meane of which inquisition, diners false officers were accused, & such as were offenders were either remoued from their place, or forced to buye agayne their office at the kinges hand: to their no small losse, and great gayne to the king, and much profite to the common wealth.

In the Chronicle of Robert Amesbury it is recorded [Page] of the sayd king,Ex Chron. Tho. Walsinghams. that he being at Amesbury to see his mother (who was then in that monastery professed) there was a certayn man that fained himselfe blind a long time, brought to the presence of the sayd Alinore the kinges mother: saying,A false miracle well spied out of the kyng. how that he had his sight agayne restored at y• tombe of king Henry her late husband, in so much that she was easely perswaded in the miracle to be very true. But king Edward her sonne, knowing the man a lōg time to be a vile dissembler, and a wicked persō, vsed to lying and crafty deceiuing: disswaded his mother not to geue credite to the vile vagabon, declaring that he knew so well of the iustice of his father, that if he were aliue, he would twise rather pluck out both his eies: then once restore him one, Notwithstanding, the Queene the mother remayning stil in the former fond perswasion, would heare or beleue nothing to the contrary, but was so in anger with her sonne, that she bid him depart his chamber, and so he did. By the example whereof may easely be conceiued, how and after what sort these blinde myracles in those dayes and since haue come vp amōg the blinde & superstitious people. For had not the king here bene wiser thā the mother, no doubt but this would haue bene roong a miracle, & percase king Henry bene made a Saint.

Ex codem Chrō.But as this was fayned a miracle and false no doubt so in the same author we read of an other maner of miracle, sounding more neare the trueth, and so much the more likely,A true miracle. for that it serued to the conuersion vnto Christian fayth: to which vse properly, all true myracles do appertayne. The myracle was this. In the raigne of this king, and the latter yere of his raigne, Cassanus king of ye Tartarians (of whome commeth these whome now we call Turkes) which fighting agaynst the Souldan king of the Saracens,Victorie against the Saracens. in the plain of Damascus, slew of them 100000. of Saracens: and agayne at Babilon fighting with the sayd Souldain: slew him in the field, & 200000. of his Saracens, calling vpon the helpe of Christ, and therupon became Christiā. This Cassanus I say, had a brother a Pagane, who being in loue with the daughter of the king of Armenia a Christian woman, desired of her father to marry with her. Whereunto the king her father would not agree, vnles he promised to be a Christian. Notwithstanding, the other being strōger in power and threatning to get her by warre: the king at length was forced to agree. In conclusion, it happened that the childe being borne betwixt them was ouergrowen & all rough with hayre, like the skin of a Beare. Which childe being brought to the father, he commaunded it to be thrown in the fire & burned. But the mother desiring first to haue the childe baptised, caused all things therunto to be prepared. The infant being 3. times in water plunged, after the Sacrament of holy baptisme receiued: incontinent was altered and turned from all his hairy roughnes, and sene as fayre and smooth skinned, as any other. The which thing after the Father saw and beheld, was Christened himselfe and all hys house. &c.

Mertō colledge builded in Oxforde. I. Scot [...], duns.In the raigne of this king, Walter Merton Bishop of Rochester, builded Merton colledge in Oxford. In whose raigne also liued, Henricus de Gaudano, Arnoldus de villa noua, Dantes, and other mo. And Scotus called Duns. Who in his 4. booke of Sent Dist. 18. complayneth of the abuse of excommunication & of the Popes keies. Where as before, excommunication was not vsed, but vpon great and iust causes, & therefore was feared: now sayth he, it is brought forth for euery trifling matter, as for not paying y• Priestes wages. &c. & therefore sayth he, it groweth in contēpt. Under the same king about the beginning of hys raygn, was the yeare so hoat and so drye: that from the month of May vntill the month nere of Septēber fell no rayn, in so much that many dyed for heat, & the vulgar people in their reckning of yeares, did count the time from the sayd dry yeare long after.

Pope Clemēt. 5 The Popes court translated to Fraunce. A slaughter of nobles at the pompe of the popes coronation. A Carbūcle in the popes myter valued at 6000. Florence. Emperour no Emperour except he were cō firmed by the pope.After P. Benedictus aboue mentioned, succeded Pope Clement the 5. who translated the Popes court to Auinion in Fraunce, where it remayned the terme of 74. yeares after. At the coronation of this Clemēt, was present Philip king of Fraunce. Charles his sonne and Duke Iohn Duke of Britany, with a great number of other men of state and Nobility. At which coronation they being in the middle of the pompe or processiō, a great wall brake down and fell vpon thē: by the fall wherof, Duke Iohn with 12. other were slayne, king Philip hurt & wounded, the Pope stroken from his horse, & lost out from his mitre vpon his head a Carbuncle, esteemed to the value of 6000. florence Plat. de vit. Pont. By this Clemēt was ordeined, that ye Emperor, though he might be called king of the Romains before, yet he might not enioy the title & right of the Emperor, before he was by him confirmed. And that the Emperors seat being vacant,The Templaries put downe. The feast of Corpus Christi. the Pope should raigne as Emperor, till a new Emperor was chosē. By him the orders of the Tēplaries (who at that time were too abhominable) was put downe at the Counsell of Uienne, as hereafter (Christ willing) shal be declared. He also ordeined and cō firmed the feast of Corpus Christi, assigning indulgences to such as heard the seruice therof. And as pope Bonifacius afore heaped vp the book of Decretals.Septimus decretalium, called the Clemētines. Henricus [...]. Emperour poysoned in the host. called Sextus Decretalium, so this Clement compiled the 7. booke of the decretals, called of the same Clement the Clementines. In ye time of this Pope Hēricus the 6. of that name Emperor. was poysoned in receiuing the Sacrament by a false dissembling Monke called Bernard, that feined himselfe to be his familiar frend, which was thought to be done not without the consent of the Popes legate. The Emperour perceiuing himselfe poysoned, warned him to flee & escape away, for els the Germaines would sure haue slaine him, who although he escaped himselfe, yet diuers of his order after that with fire and sword were slayne.

As this Pope Clement the 5.Paleologe [...] Emp. of Cō stantinople excommunicated with all his adherents by pope Clemēt, for not suffering the Grecians to appeale to Rome. had well prouided now (as he haue heard) agaynst the Empire of Rome to bring it vnder his girdle: insomuch that without the Popes benediction, no Emperor might take the state vpon him. &c. Now he procedeth farther to intermeddle with ye Empire of Constantinople. Where he first exerciseth his tyranny & power of excommunicatiō, agaynst Andronicus Palcologus Emperor of Constantinople, an. 1327. declaring him as a schismaticke, and hereticke, because he neither would nor durst suffer the Greciās to make their appeale from ye Greeke Church to the Pope,Anno. 1327. neither would acknowledge him for his superior. &c. Whereby it may appeare that the Greek Church did not admitte the Popes superiority, as yet nor at any time before.Note the practise of the Romish prelates. Saue onely about the tyme of Pope Innocent the 3. an. 1202. at what time the Frenche men with their Captain Baldwinus Earle of Flaūders, ioyned together with the Uenecians: were set against the Grecians,Platina in vit. Innocent [...]. to place Alexius to the right of the Empire of Constantinople, vpō conditiō (as writeth Platina) to subdue the Greeke church, vnder the church of Rome. Which Alexius being restored, and shortly after slayne: the empire came to the Frenchmē, with whom it remained the space of 58. yeares, till the comming of Michael Paleologus in the dayes of Pope Gregory the 9.When and how lōg the Greeke church was subiect to Rome. Who restored the Empire frō the Frenchmen, vnto his pristine state again. During all which time of the French Emperors, the Greeke church was subiect to Rome, as by the decretals of Pope Gregory the 9. may appere. Then folowed after this, that the foresayd Michael Emperor of Constantinople beyng called vp to a councell at Lions by Pope Gregory the 10. about the controuersy of proceeding of the holy Ghost (as is aboue specified) and obedience to the Church of Rome: there,Ex Baptist. Egnat. Rom. prime. li. 7. because the sayd Michael the Emperor did submitte himselfe & the Grecians, to the subiection of Rome (as testifieth Baptist Egnat.) He thereby procured to himselfe such grudge and hatred among the Greeke Monkes and Priestes: that after his death they denyed him the due honor & place of buriall. The sonne of this Andronicus was Michael Paleologus aboue mentioned: who, as ye haue heard before, because he was constrayned by the Grecians not to admit any apellation to the Bishop of Rome: was accursed by the popes cēsures for an heretick. Wherby appereth, that the Grecians recouering their state agayn, refused all subiection at this time vnto the church of Rome,The Greeke church demeth subiection to the Church of Rome. which was the yeare of our Lord. 1327. &c. After this Clemēt the 5. folowed Pope Iohn the 22. with whom Ludouike the Emperour had much trouble. After whom next in course succeded Pope Benedict the 12. Which Benedict vpō a time being desired to make certayn new Cardinals to this answereth agayne: that he would gladly so do, if he also could make a new world. For this world (sayd he) is for these Cardinals that be made already. Ex scripto Engethusensis. And thus much of the Popes, now to returne alitle backe to the kinges story agayne.

In the yeare of our Lord 1307. Which was 34. of the reigne of this king, in the beginning of Hillary terme: the king kept a Parliament at Carliel,Ex Chron. Nic. Tri [...]l. where great cōplaints were brought in by the nobles and auncientes of the Realme, concerning the manifolde and intollerable oppressions of churches and Monasteries,The popes exactiōs cō plained of in the parliament. and exactions of mony by the Popes Legate William Testa (otherwise termed Mala Testa) lately brought into the realme of England. The comming of which William Testa was vpō this occasion, as followeth. Pope Clement, who as ye heard before, had translated his Court from Rome into Fraunce, where he had bene Archbishop before,Ex hist. qus incipis a [...] Henrico se [...]. because hee cōtēned to come & remaine at his owne sea: the Princes of Rome thought him therfore vnworthy to enioy Peters patrimony. [Page] And so by that meanes falling in barenes & pouertye, liued onely of such mony of Bishops, as came to him to be confirmed, and with such other shiftes and gifts. So that by this meanes, partly of Bishops & other religious men & persons, partly vnder the name of curtesy and beneuolence, partly vnder y• pretence of borowing: he had within the first yeare 9500.The Popes getting in one yeare. W. Testa the popes Legat sent into England. markes of siluer, all his other charges and expenses, which he largely that yere bestowed, clearely borne. Besides this, he sent moreouer the foresayd Legate William Testa into England with his Bulles: in the which he reserued the first fruites of the first yeare of all Churches being vacant, at any time, or by any man within the realme of England, Scotland, Wales, and Irelād, and also the fruites of Abbayes and Priories within the sayd [...]ealmes.First fruites first brought in by the Pope. &c. Whereupon, the king with his nobles seing the inconuenience and harme thereof ensuing to the whole realme: In the foresayd Parliamēt holden at Carliell withstood the sayd Legate, charging and commaunding him by the assent of the Earles & Barōs,King Edw. with stādeth the Pope & his Legate. that henceforth he should absteine from al such exactions. And as cō cerning his Lord the Pope, he would direct certayne hys messēgers vnto him, purposely for ye same matter appointed: by the which Ambassadours,First fruites of Abbeyes denyed to the Pope. the king wrote vnto the foresayd Pope declaring, & monishing the Pope, as right and reason was: that he should not exact the first fruits of Churches and Abbayes, by his predecessors & noble men of the land founded, for the honor & maintenance of Gods seruice, for almes & hospitalitye: which otherwise in so doing, should all be ouerthrown. And so by this meanes the Pope at that time changed his purpose as concerning Abbayes.First fruites for 2. yeares graunted to the kyng. But after that, the fruit of English churches was graunted to the king for 2. yeares: In which space he obteined the fruits of the foresayd Churches. &c.

During the which Parliament afore specified, as men were talking many things of the popes oppressiōs, which he began in the English Church, in the full of the Parliament: sodenly fell downe, as sent from heauen, among thē a certaine paper, with this superscription.

An Epistle of Cossiodorus to the Church of England, concerning the abuses of the Romish Church.

TO the noble church of England seruing in clay and bricke as the Iewes did in times past vnder the tyrannye of the Egiptians:Ex vetusto Chronico Albanensi. Peter the sonne of Cassadore a Catholicke souldiour and deuout champion of Christ, sendeth greeting and wishing to cast of the yoke of bondage, and to receiue the reward of libertie.

To whom shall I compare thee, or to whom shall I liken thee O daughter Ierusalem: to whome shall I match thee, O daughter of Syon? Great is thy perturbatíon, like vnto the sea. Thou sittest alone without comfort all the day long, thou art confounded & consumed with heauinesse. Thou art geuen vp into the handes of him from whence thou canst not rise without helpe of one to lift thee vp: for the Scribes and Pharisies sitting vpon the chayre of Moyses, the enemies of the Romaines are as thy heades and rulers: enlarging their garded philecteries, and seeking to be enriched with the marow of thy bones, laying heauye burdens, and not able to be borne, vpon thy shoulders and of thy ministers, and they set thee vnder tribute (which of old time hast bene free) beyond all honesty or measure. But maruell not thereat, for thy mother, which is the Lady of people, like a widow hauing maried and coupled her selfe to her subiect, hath appoynted him to be thy father, that is to say, the Byshoppe of Rome, who sheweth no poynt of any fatherly loue towardes thee. He magnifieth and extendeth to the vttermost his authority ouer thee: And by experience he declareth himselfe to be the husband of thy mother. He remembreth oft with himselfe the Propheticall saying of the Prophet, and well digested the same in the inwarde part of his brest. Take to thee a great booke, and write therein quickely with the penne of a man, take the spoyle, robbe quickely: But is this it, which the Apostle sayth, that he was appoynted for, where he writeth thus? Euery Byshop taken from among men, is appointed for men in those thinges that belong to the Lord: not to spoyle, not to lay on them yearely taxes, not to kill men, but to offer gifts and sacrifices for sinnes: and to sorrow with them, that be ignoraunt and doe erre. And so we read of Peter the Fisher (whose successour he boasteth himselfe to be) that after the resurrection of Christ he returned with other Apostles, to the office of fishing: who when he could take nothing of the left side of the shippe, at the bidding of Christ, turned to the right side, and drew to the land a nette full of fishes. Wherefore the profitable ministerye of the Church is to be exercised on the right side, by the which the Deuill is ouercome, and plenty of soules be lucrified and wonne to Christ. But certaynely, the Labourer on the left side of the shippe, is farre otherwise: for in it the fayth stumbleth, heauinesse beareth rule, when that thing that is desired by seeking, is not found. For who is so foolish to thinkee that he canne both at one tyme serue God and man, and to satisfy his owne will, or to stick to the reuelations of flesh and bloud, and to offer worthy giftes to Christ? And doubtles, that shepheard that watcheth not for the edifying of the flocke, prepareth an other way to the roaring Lyon, and seeking whom he may deuour. And now beholde, I say; O daughter, the needes of him that is called thy father, such as haue not bene heard of before: he driueth away the good shepheardes from the sheepefolde, and placeth in theyr stead Byshoppes, to rule, but not to profite (his Nephewes, Cosins, and Parentes) some that know no letters, and other some dumme and deafe, which vnderstand not the playne voyce of the sheepe, nor curing their woundes that be hurt of the Wolues: but lyke hirelinges plucking of the flieses a pase, and reaping that which other men haue sowen, whose handes-moreouer be alwaies ready in their baskets and powches, but their backes are turned from their burdens. By which things it is manifest, that the Priesthood is cleane chaunged at these dayes, the seruice of God decayd, almes diminished and brought to nought, the whole deuotion of kinges, princes, & christians is banished. May not this be thought wonderfull in the eyes of all men, that where as Christ commaunded tribute to bee payde too kinges for him and for Peter, he now goeth about dominiō of his stile, to subdue to him, both Realmes and princes of realmes (against his will, whose Vicar he sayth he is, and who refused the Realmes and iudgementes of the world) which this Bishop contrary wise chalengeth, clayming all that which he in his stile writeth to be his. Alacke, O daughter, what doth he yetmore agaynst thee marke, he draweth from thee what soeuer pleaseth him, and yet he thinketh not himself cōtent, to haue the tenth part onely of thy goodes from thee: except he haue also the first fruites of the benefices of the Ministers, wherby he may get a new patrimony aswell for himselfe as for his kinred, contrary to the godly willes of the first founders. Ouer & beside all this, he inferreth other excrable taxes and stipendes for his Legates and messengers, whom he sendeth into England, whiche not onely take away the feeding and clothing of thee and thine, but also teare in pieces like dogges your flesh and skinnes. May not this prince be cōpared to king Nabuchodonoser, which destroyed the temple of the Lord, and robbed away the siluer and golden vesselles thereof? The very same doth this man also he robbed the ministers of God his house, and left destitute of due helpe. In like maner doth he: Truely they be better that are killed with the sword, thē they which be pined with hunger: for they are dead straight, but these are wasted with the barenesse of the earth. O daughter, al they that passe by the way, let thē haue pity & cō cōpassiō on thee, for there is no sorrow like thy sorrow. For now thy face is blacker then coales through much sorrow and weeping, and thou art no more knowne in the streetes: thy foresayd ruler hath placed thee in darckenesse, and hath geuen the worm wood and gall to drinke. O Lord heare the sorrow and sighinges of thy people beholde Lord, and descend, for the hart of this foresayd man is more indurate then the hart of Pharao. For he wyll not suffer the people to depart, except in the fortitude onelye of thy hand. For he scourgeth them not onely miserably vpon the earth, but also after their death he intēdeth to incroch the goods of all Christians vnder the name and title to dye intestate or making no will. Therefore let the chiualry of England well remember, how the Frenchmen in times past, directing their greedy eyes on the Realme of England, laboured with all theyr power how to bring the same vnder their subiectiō But it is to be feared least the new deuises and practise of this new enemy, supply that which hetherto hath bene lacking in them. For in diminishing of the treasure of the Realme, and spoyling of the Churches goods: the Realme shall be brought into such inhability, that it shall not be able to helpe it selfe agaynst the enemy. Therefore O daughter and you the ministers thereof, suffer not your selues to be lead any more into such miserable bondage. Better it is for the wealth of thee and thine, that the Christian king and the powers of the Realme which haue indued thee with great benefites, and you also which are indued with their benefites, doe labour with all your power how to resist the deuises, conspiracies, arrogancy, presumption, and pride of the foresayd person: who not for any zeale of God, but for the enriching of hys Parentes and for hys owne kinred (exalting himselfe like an Eagle) by these and suche other exactions goeth about after a newe kinde of extortion to scrape vppe and deuoure all the money and treasure of England. Now least the dissembled simplicity of the Realme in this behalfe doe bring vtter subuersion, and afterwarde be compelled to seeke remedy when it is to late: I beseech the Lord God of hoastes to turne away the vale from the hart of that man, and to geue him a contrite and an humble minde, in such sort as he may acknowledge the wayes of the true God, whereby he may bee brought out of darckenesse, and bee enforced to relinquishe his olde sinister attemptes: and that the vineyard which the Lordes hand hath plāted, may be replenished continually with the preachers of the word. Let the wordes of the Lord prophesied by the mouth of Ieremy, stirre vp your mindes to withstand & resist the [Page] subtle practises of this man, by the which wordes the Lord speaketh: O thou Pastor which hast scattered my people, and hast cast them out of their habitations, behold I will come and visite vpon thee, and vpon the malice of thy studies: neither shall there be any of thy seed which shall sit vpon the seat of Dauid, neither whiche shall haue power any more in Iuda. So that thy [...]east shall become barren, and vtterly subuerted like Sodome and Gomer.

And if he being terrified by these wordes do not leaue of frō this which he beginneth, and doth not make restitution of those thinges which he hath receiued, then let all and singular persons sing for him being indurat, to him that seeth all things, the Psalme 108. Deus laudem. &c. For truely as fauour, grace and beneuolence, remitteth and neglecteth many thinges: so agayne the gentle benignitie of man being too much oppressed and grieued, seeking to be deliuered and freed from the same, striueth and searcheth to haue the trueth knowne, and casteth off that yoake by all meanes possible that geueth him.

&c. Haec Cassiodorus.

¶ What effect this letter wrought in them, to whom it was directed, A parliament in Fraunce assembled, wherein is discussed, the iurisdiction ecclesiastical, how farre it extendeth. is not in story expressed. This by the sequell may be coniectured, that no reason or perswasion coulde preuayle, but that the Pope retained here still his exactions, whatsoeuer was sayd or written to the contrary notwithstanding.

And thus much being written hetherto of these actes and doings here in England, now to slipp a little into the matters happening the same time in Fraunce, Anno. 1329. vnder the raign of the foresayd king Philip aboue mentioned: forsomuch as about this time, an. 1329. was commensed a parliament, by the sayd king of Fraunce, agaynst the Pope, touching the iurisdiction both tēporall pertaining to princes, and ecclesiasticall belonging to the church: I thought it not vnprofitable for the reader, to heare & learne the full discourse and tractation hereof, according as we haue caused it to be excerpt faythfully out of the true copye and recordes of Peter Bertrand Bishop of Eduenen, and chiefe doer & prolocutor in the sayd parliament vpon the Popes side, agaynst the king and state temporall.

For so much as the high Prelate of Rome, otherwise called Antichrist, being thē in his chief ruffe, extolling him selfe aboue all princes and potestates of the world, as in other countryes, so also in Fraūce extended his vsurped iurisdictiō aboue the princely authority of the king, claiming to himselfe full gouernement of both the states, as well secular as also ecclesiasticall The king therfore not suffering the excessiue proceedinges of Pope Clement the 5. aboue specified, directeth his letters mandatory to the Prelates and Barons of the realme of Fraūce, to connēt & assemble themselues together at Paris, about the beginning of December, the yeare aboue prefixed. The tenor of which letters of the king directed to the Prelates, followeth in this forme and maner.

¶ The Sommons of a Parliament by Philip the French king.

The letter of Philip king of Fraunce, to the byshops & prelates. PHilip by the grace of God king of Fraunce, to our welbeloued Bishop of Eduens, greeting and salutation. Reuerend Father in God, right trusty and welbeloued, we greete you well.

The more sight and knowledge you haue in diuinitye and the holye Scriptures of God, with the practise and experience of other good qualityes and vertues: you know the better a great deale, how that the Clergy and layty of this our Realme (as members of one body) ought to cleaue and sticke together: and how by theyr helping hand, vnity and peace should bee maynetayned of all, and the contrary eschued and auoyded, euery state contēting it selfe, & not incroching one vpon another. And because we are aduertised, how that our Barons and officers (as well in time past as of late) haue diuersly in diuers poyntes iniuried you, as semblably you and yours in many causes haue wrongfullye damaged them: by occasion wherof, the knot of vnitie and concord which ought to haue florished among you, is quite loosed and vndone. To the end therefore by Gods grace some good reformation and redresse may be had herein: We most studious of vnity and concord requere you, and by these our letters commaūd you, to appeare personally before vs at Paris the 15. day of Decē ber next ensuing the dare hereof: and there before vs to make relation of such wrong as ye haue receiued at the laities hāds. And wee likewise straightly charge and commaund you our Barons, Bailiffes and officers not to fayle, but to make your personall appearaunces before vs, the day and place aboue written, & there to exhibite before vs a bill, of such complayntes wherewith you burden our Prelats and Clergy with their officials: that we with our counsell consulting thereupon, with due regard may see redresse therin: wherby perpetuall loue and charity may euer hereafter raigne and remayne among them for euer:

Geuen at Paris the first day of September an. 1329.

At the day in the letters aboue specified,The Parliament conuented. the Prelates and Clergy assembled themselues before the King at hys palace in Paris, that is to witte. The L. Baturicen, the L. of Auxitan, the L. Turonen, the L. Rothom, and the L. Senon, all Archbishops: The L. Beluaren, the L. Cathalan, the L. Laudun, the L. of Paris, the L. Nousonon, the L. Carnoten, the L. Constan, the L. Andegauen, the L. Pictauen, the L. Melden, the L. of Cameracen, the L. of S. Feri, the L. Brioce, the L. of Cabition, & the L. of Eduen, all Byshops. Where after due reuerence done vnto the Kinges grace, there sitting in his owne person, wyth his Barons and counsell about him:Lord Peter speakes in the Parliament. The thea [...]e of his oration. a certayne noble and wise person Lord Peter de Cugnerijs, (being one of the kinges counsell) rose vp and openly in the Parliament house spake in the kinges behalfe on this wise, taking for hys Theame. Reddite quae sunt Caesaris, Caesari, & quae sunt Dei, Deo: which is to say: geue and render vnto Cesar, whiche is his, and vnto God which is Gods: which he uery artificially prosecuted and applyed,The oration deuided in two partes. Obedience to the kyng. deuiding it into 2. partes. First that obedience and reuerence is due vnto the king, Secondly that there ought to be a difference betweene the iurisdiction of the clergy and laity, so that spirituall matters should be defined and ordered by the Prelats and spirituall men: and temporall causes ruled and determined by the king,Difference betweene the iurisdiction of the state temporall and ecclesiasticall. his Barons, and temporall men. Which all he proued by many reasōs both of fact and law, as more fully appeareth beneath in the answere of the Byshop of Eduen: finally he concluded, that the Clergy ought onely to deale and haue to doe with spirituall matters: in defence whereof, the kings highnes would stand their good Lord and maintayner. His Oration being ended, he repeated certayn wordes in the French toung which imported that the kinges will and pleasure was in some poyntes to renew the temporall state and iurisdiction: & therewith exhibited a certaine bill in French, whereof also he gaue a copy to the Prelates, contayning certaine pointes and articles vnder writtē, the contentes wherof he affirmed not to appertaine to the order & iurisdiction of the spiritualty, but onely to the temporalty: complayning that the Clergy had wrōgfully proceeded in y• same. But notwithstanding the premisses, & for all this his complaint, he sayd that y• Prelates should haue time to consult and deliberate thereupō with the king. The copy of which articles, with answers ensuing vpon the same, and the grieuaunces of the kingdome of Fraunce, wrought by the clergy, and exhibited to the king, hereafter foloweth.

1. First the cognition of causes reall, whether they touch possession or their propriety or not,Articles in the Parliament propounded, contayning the iust complaints of the laitie against the clergie. Causes real. by commō law apperteineth to y• iurisdicion temporall. But the Prelates wyth their officials to y• end to infringe the tēporall iurisdiction, take vpon them the determination of such causes reall, especially concerning possession and all other interdictes.

2. Item, when a temporall man is sued by any Clerke or spirituall man, for the possession of his land, obtayning an adiornament of the secular power, in the cause of nouite or otherwise: The prelates officials stopping hereby the tē porall iurisdiction, at the instaunce of the Clerke calleth by proces before them, both the secular iudge and the party: inhibiting them to proceed any farther in the cause, vnder payne of excommunication and forfeiture of a certayne summe.

3. Item, although the secular iudge haue the cognition of all lay mens matters (except in spirituall causes) yet wil y• Bishops Officials at the instaunce of any partye, call such before them. And if the tēporall mē do except against their iurisdiction, alleadging the incompitency of the iudge, or els if they require the cause to be remitted to them (vnder whom they are) as the right iudges,Prelates intermedle in temporall mens matters. yet doth the Officials refuse this to do, yea and by excommunication compell the parties to proceed before them.

4. Item, the Byshoppes Officials at the instaunce of the clerks, alledging that they are iniuried in matters of inheritance by a lay man, call by proces the laity. And if it be alledged that those causes stand vpō reality, being so indeed, & for that consideration the cause to be remitted to the tē porall law: This notwithstanding the Officials prohibit them vnder payne of excommunication or some great forfeit, not to proceed but before them.

5. Item, the Bishops Officials take vpon them to heare the plea of such contractes as either be conceiued in writings or made by word of mouth in the temporall law, sē ding out their monition of excommunication against thē that stand bound concerning the same contractes.

6. Item, the Byshoppes and Prelates decree prouinciall [Page] coūcels and Sinodall Statuts, enacting & ordering therin many thinges to the high & great preiudice of the temporall iurisdiction, wherin they ought to haue no cognitiō at all neither to intermeddle themselues therwith.

7. Item, the foresayd Officials take vpon thē, before Notaries to sweare persons for performance of contractes & bargaynes (made by them in places vnder the iurisdiction temporal) concerning the sale of inheritance or otherwise: incroching thereby vpon their iurisdiction, when verelye they haue nothing to do with any contracts and obligations, but with such as are made and agreed vpon within the compasse of their owne seat and iurisdiction.

Ex Officio.8. Item, the sayd Officials of ther meere office, call before them the laity, to aunswere to such matters of correctiō as shalbe layd to theyr charge; the cognition where of as they say doth appertayn vnto them. And when the sayd persōs do appeare before them, & deny the crime obiected against them: the Officials deteyne them and put them in prison, although in such cases,Imprisonment pertaineth not to the Clergie. they are to be released: and that imprisonment appertaineth onely to the temporall power, & not to them.

9. Item, in the cases aforesayd, although by making of their purgations and other the proces therein, they be foūd cleare of that which is layd to theyr charge and are acquitted: these yet the said officials will in no wise discharge and dismisse thē before they haue to the vttermost payd for the writings and proces in that behalfe, a good piece of mony: when by law it ought to be done gratis and for nothing.

10. Item, it must not be forgotten to talke of the sentēce of excōmunication, which is decreed by vertue of one only citation, so often times as a man sayleth in his appearance.

11. Item, mentiō is to be made of those kinde of obligatiōs De nisi. whereby a man is excommunicated by and by, if he make not payment at the day prefixed, although he be not able so to do.

12. Item, whosoeuer by vertue of excommunicatiō in the Bishops court is excommunicate, and he [...] excōmunicate do not satisfy the summe due about the excommunication: by & by the summ is doubled: And the secular power charged by the bishops or their officials, that they vnder paine of excōmmunication compell the excōmunicate by attaching their goods to pay the sayd summe, and not to misse a iote: which monitiō if the layry refuseth to put in executiō, they themselues are then excommunicate & in no wise to be absolued before they disburse that mony the which the principall excommunicate person should haue payd.

13. Item, if the Balifes, Hedborowes, or other the kings officers and iudges of the temporaltye, receiuing the foresayd monitions do put the same in execution, & finde those that be excōmunicate to be beggerlye and nothing worth: the sayd officers are bound at their owne proper costs and charges, to resort to the Bishops sea or consistory, where soeuer it is, & there to take a corporall oath, that ye partyes excōmunicate are nothing worth. This if they fayle, those officers are sure to be excommunicate and therby inforced to disburse the due of the first excommunicate persons.

Action reall personall.14. Itē, if two lay men be in sute together before a temporall iudge about an action either reall or personall, & one of thē after contestation of law and great proces therin, do appeale vnto an ecclesiasticall iudge: he will presume then to deteine before him the plea of such cases & actions, both reall & personal,No mā may appeale frō a spirituall iudge to the temporall law by the Popes diuinitie. causing by vertue of his monitions & authority, the temporall iudge to cease & leaue of from medling therein: which if the secular iudge obeyeth not, he is pronounced excommunicate & compelled to make satisfaction: by occasions wherof, the tēporal iurisdiction is much annoyed and cleane loseth the prerogatiue thereof: because by law no man may appeale from a spirituall iudge to the temporall law.

15. Item, if a lay man inhabiter of any the kings townes, procureth his debter, being also a lay man, to be arested by vertue of secular iustice in that place: & he which is so arrested appealeth, & causeth also his creditor to be arrested, the officials will take vpō them to heare this matter: And if any thing be attēpted concerning the appeale, they misse not to demaūd cost and satisfaction both of the iustice, and also of him to whom the arrest was made. And if any of ye Princes retinne compelleth them to resist this iniury, they are straight wayes pronounced excommunicate.

Deanes of the Clergie.16. Item, if the sayd Bishops haue a number of Officials vnder them, whom they terme Deanes of ye clergy, which vsually causeth all sorts of people through the kinges dominions onely by word of mouth to come afore thē, & that sometime without commissiō: when that in euery Dioces there ought onely to be but one seat or Consistory, wher [...] matters should be heard and decided. And hereby it hapneth diuers times, that many are wrongfully & without cause cited, & to the end: that they may pay mony enough, to rid themselues thereof: which is to the no small preiudice of the Kinges Maiestyes subiectes and the temporall iurisdiction.

17. Item, the sayd rulers of the clerks, sealeth vp the houses of their clergy, which are situate in the kinges townes and other of his noble mens villagyes, to the preindice of the kinges maiestyes iurisdiction, & other of his nobility: for that in such kinde of places the Bishops haue no suche kinde of iurisdiction.

18. Item, the sayd Prelates or their officials, doe presume to seale vp the moueable goods of maryed Clerkes, and of marchaunts,Maryed clear. where in such cases, the order thereof apperteineth to the temporall law.

19. Item, they compel the laity to put in surety to answere clerkes before them in the spirituall court, yea and chiefly the kinges owne seruitures.

20. Item, they presume to heare and haue the cognition of actions: which are reall or at leastwise mixt, that is both reall and personall.

21. Item, the sayd prelates go about to haue cognition of such temporall mens matters as dwel in hospitals, almes houses, & the kings peculiars, and in villagies of his subiectes, although the plea thereof apperteineth to the King himselfe, and his subiects: forbidding vnder payne of excō munication & great forfeits, no man so hardy to commēce any sute agaynst any of them, but before thēselues in pain of a great summe of mony.

22. Item, to the end the Clergye and Ecclesiasticall rule should be multiplied, they conferre a number of Tonsures to children vnder age, some of them being sonnes of bondmen, other some bastardes borne, yea and to many more maried folkes insufficient, vnable and vnlearned.

23. Item, they do cause by the gouernors of their clerkes, widow women to be inforced & defiled, and will haue the discussing therof: as in like maner, they will determine the matters of Pupilles, applying their goods whē they died, as they do the goodes of them which dye intestate to theyr owne vse, the cognition wherof belongeth to the king him selfe: because those kinde of persons with their goods are ward to the kind and vnder his tuition.

24. Item, they procure through the sayd Deanes of the clergy of malice,Gynnes to g [...] money. temporall men of the kings dominiōs or other where (without all order of law) to be apprehended: obiecting agaynst them that they haue strayed from some article of christian fayth, & therewith shut them vp: when that theyr imprisonment appertaineth to the king, while they be conuicted therof.

25. Item, they exercise their iurisdiction in all places, hauing no regard, neither to the kings peculiar townes nor yet to his subiects: but runneth in euery hole, whē by law they ought to haue no iurisdiction, without their owne limits and precinct.

26. Item, when these Prelates or their officials by vertue of their monitions do charge the kinges officers & his iustices to execute any thing: if they doe not performe that, which is prescribed vnto them, the forfet (which the monition conteyneth) is taken: yea and excommunication denounced. And this is a new inuention sprong vp of late amongst them, much to the preiudice of the King and his subiectes.

27. Item, when the Bishops or their o [...]rals do prosecute a matter of office before themselues against any temporall man, and haue no proofe therof: They compell many of the laity to be deposed therin what they know, hauing no respect whether they be the kinges burgesses, or no, or what they be, and yet will they not allow any charges & expēses for their paynes taken in that behalfe. But if they appeare not at theyr day, they are sure to be excommunicate.

28. Item, if malefactours be apprehended by any of the kinges iustices, and indicted of thest, and he (whose goods they were which were stollen) commeth before the kyngs Sheriffes and proueth thē to be his, and therfore the matter to be ordered by thē: if afterward the Bishops or theyr officiall affirme the sayd selon or malefactor to be a Clerke, they will by vertue of their decrees or monitions compell the Kinges Sheriffes to restore and bring in the stollen goodes and if they doe it not, they are pronounced excommunicated.

29. Item, if it happē the kings Shiriffe or Baylife to take an offender for his defence, and he affirmeth himselfe to be a clerke: although he neuer tooke any kinde of tonsures or orders, wearing no habite apertaining thereunto. Yet the Bishops or their Officials will cause the detayners of thē by their censures to deliuer vnto them the sayd malefactor as their clerke.

30. Item, if it happen the kinges Shiriffe or other his iustices [Page] to take a theefe or murderer which beareth a clerkes mark and tonsure, and therfore deliuereth him to the clergy to be ordered: It shall not be long before he be acquited by them, although he afterward recognise his fact: yea & notwithstanding his felowes and parteners of that offēce being mere temporall, receiued iustice for the same, and appeacheth him therof. And so the like malefactors to be incouraged therby to commit after the like.

31. Item, if any complayneth and sayth that he is spoyled, by and by the Officials will decree a monitiō agaynst the spoyler: by vertue whereof. some one of the Deanes of the clergy shall monish him, to restore the thinges comprised in the monition & also minister to him an oath whether he hath not spoyled the plaintife of such thinges, as he sayth he was spoyled of. But if he refuse to take an oath before him, then the Deane will straightwayes seale vp ye monition, & excommunicate him: and by no meanes shalbe absolued before he restore and satisfy the contents in the monition, wherof the playntif sayd first he was spoyled of.

32. Item, if any for his offence be cast into prison by the secular power, although at the time of his taking he were tēporall habite, and was in no orders, but all the dayes of his life liued like a temporall man: yet if he shall auouch & vow himselfe to be a clerke, to the intent to haue more expedition at the clergyes hands, and to escape vnpunished: The clergy wil incontinent, geue to the laity in commaū dement to restore vnto them the malefactor, or els suspēsion to be denoūced throughout the whole township where the said malefactor shalbe so imprisoned. And for auoiding the ieopardy which might arise of the sayd seasement: the secular iudge of necessity is compelled to deliuer them the offēder, to the great preiudice of the kings temporall iurisdiction, to whom the cognition thereof might appertaine, in case of resort and prerogatiue.

33. Item, when any offender is deliuered by the temporal Magistrates to the clergy, as their clerke: his frendes wil make sute to the Bishops Officials for him, and compoūd with them: by reason wherof, they demisse them vnpunished and so doe worse and worse,Resortum. although theyr fact was neuer so notorious.

34. Itē, so soone as any maryed clerke being a marchant, or of whatsoeuer other science he be of, for any his offence by him committed, is called before he secular iudge: The sayd clerk obtayneth of the Officials a monition, bringing with them some priest, who doth inhibit the secular iudge vnder payne of 100. or 200. Markes, yea and of excommunication to, not to proceede farther, nor to meddle in such causes, and not to molest such parties neither in body, nor in goods. But if the iudges obey not, they shall be suspended frō hearing of Masse in that place, although the matter concerneth the fact of marchaundise.

35. Item, the sayd Officials graunt citations without nū ber agaynst the laity in cases of warranties personally to ascite before thē persons vnknown. But if they be known it is contained in the citation that in no wise, and that vnder a great payn, he cause his aduersary to be called before a secular iudge, during the returne of the citation.

36. Item, when one is excommunicated in any place: the Officials graunt out personall citations agaynst them, which do perticipate and are conuersant with the excommunicate: causing a whole country by the space of 8. miles about to be cited together. And further the frendes and acquaintaunce of the party so excommunicate (sometime by 40. somtime 60. yea and sometime by 100. at once) are compelled to make theyr purgation before them: that they doe not participate nor keepe company with their frendes the excommunicates. Wherby ensueth that many honest olde and auncient men for auoyding of troubles and expenses do pay some 12. d. some 2. s. By occasion wherof many vines are vnlooked to, much ground vntilled: yea and many good men constrayned to lay the key vnder the doore, and runne away.

37. Item, the sayd Officials doe burden many persons of good name and fame, to be vsurers: whereby they are constrained to agree with them, for auoiding the infamy, that thereby might ensue.

38. Item, the foresayd Officials call by Citation afore thē, the honest wedded (aswell man as woman) charging thē, that they haue committed adultery to the perpetuall infamy of theyr husbands and wiues. And for nothing els but by extortion to wring mony from them.

39. Item, mention must be made of the multitude & number of Proctors, which eate and deuoure vp all the world with their citations: catching vp clientes, and keeping abroad in the countryes, courts and Assises, who for mony returne not the citations, which by extortion they receiue of them which are cited.

40. Item, there be many other griefes and enormityes, which the Chapiters, Abbotes, Priors, Prouostes and other ecclesiasticall persons in the Realme of Fraunce, practise agaynst the people. As whē they cause to be cited before them, many of the kinges burgesies, & other in diuers places being priuiledged: that is to say, Baiocēses, Manmectans in Britaine, Lugdons, Masticous, with other more. But specially the Prouos▪ of hospitals, vse more cō monly this trick, then any other do: wherby the people is much endamaged, and wilbe euery day more and more, if remedy be not had therein.

41. Item, ecclesiasticall magistrates labor to haue cognition of causes of iniury, in whatsoeuer cause it be: whether the iniury be committed by word or fact. Likewise, they take vpon them to heare the causes of maried clerkes, and of their wiues although they both vse marchaundise. And if at any time such couples be taken by the secular Magistrates, the Officiall causeth a suspension to be denounced in that Parish, by force of the councell Siluanecten.

42. Item, they chalenge to haue cognition concerning widowes goods, both moueable and vnmoueable. And if it happeneth at any time that a Marchaunt widow, in any the kings peculiars by way of rest, procureth any temporall man to be conuented before the secular iudge: and the matter so farre trauised, that he should haue bene condemned by the sentence of the secular iudge, & then come to the eare of the ecclesiasticall magistrates, how & before whom the widow did conuēt him: The sayd temporal iudge shal be constrayned, to withdraw the same. And by their monitions and censures to correct the same and this oftē times happeneth.

43. Item, many of the tenaunts & inhabitours of the Bishops landes, calleth one an other to the court of ye Officials by a kinde of appellation: By vertue wherof, the Officials take vpon them, to proceede in the same and to haue cognition thereof: to the preiudice of the temporall iurisdiction of our soueraigne Lord the king.

44. Item, if any man be apprehended by secular iustice in shedding of bloud: by thē if he be Lay, he is to be ordered: If he be a Clerke he is to be restored to the Ecclesiasticall iudge.The clergie preiudiciall to common iustice. But whether he be a temporall man or clerke that is so takē, and appealeth to the Officials court: They will be so bold to haue cognition therof, requiring herewith amends of the secular court, which enterprised the foresayd apprehension. If this be suffered, the malefactor shal neuer be punished: For by and by they will appeale, and immediatly after the appellation flye and auoyde away.

45. Item,Ex Officio. when they cause many of Office, to be cited before them, they will admit them to haue no Proctors: To whom when they come at the day of appearance, they obiect the crime of vsury. And except they answer as the promotors wil thēselues, they are trodē vnder feet (although they be mere lay) and shall not be dismissed, before they fine euen as the Officials list themselues although they be no vsurers.Vsury craftely obiected by the clergie against laye men. But if any be vsurers, they take of them satisfaction and bribes: and so be permitted to vse their vsury, no lesse then before. So that, they may haue their olde fees and bribes.

46. Item, they procure theyr officers to apprehend clerks in whatsoeuer soile they be foūd: albeit by iustice, they may appeal therefro. But if by any they be let of their will, here in they do forthwith by sentence of excommunicatiō, cause them to desist therfore.

47. Item, as often times as any temporall Magistrate, doth apprehēd any person, which afterward being required of the clergy,The prelates make the church a denne of theeues. is quietly deliuered vnto them: yet for all that, the Officials causeth those Magistrats to be denoū ced excommunicate by law.

48. Item, the Prelates geue order of Tonsures aswell to men of 30. yeares as vpward, as also to maried men, whē they come vnto them: for feare of imprisonment & punishment due vnto them for their criminal offences, before cō mitted: And this is often times put in practise.

49. Item, if it happen any of the kings seruants or any other to be excommunicate, & would fayne be absolued, being glad to pay reasonably for the same: The Clergy will not receiue but such satisfaction, as shall please thē wherby many of them remayne still excommunicate.

50. Item, when two persons haue bene at strife and law together for the possessiō of land, and the matter contentious be put into the handes of the king by some seruant or officer of the king, for the taking vp of the matter: then do the Prelates admonish the one part, not to trouble the other which is in possession. Otherwise if he do, they do excommunicate him.

51. Item, the foresayd Prelates, Deanes. Chaplens, and other the rout of the Clergy, putteth the kinges officers to [Page] so much trauaile and expenses in trying out the kinges vsurped iurisdictiō, as they terme it: that often times many of them spend and consume in the trauaell of the right and title thereof, all that they haue and more to.

52. Item, if any secular iusticer in a true and iust cause, at the request of the party, putteth in his helping hand cōcerning the inheritaunce of Clerkes: the Ecclesiasticall Iudges and their Ministers, sendeth out monitiōs in writing agaynst the sayd Iusticer: yea vnder payne of excōmunication & forfeiture, to take away his hand and leaue of: Enioyning him further to suffer the other party quietly to enioy the sayd things. Otherwise they denounce him excommunicate, & shall not be absolued before he haue well paid for it, euen as pleaseth maister Officiall, to the high preiudice of the authority of our soueraigne Lord the king.

53. Item, the Ecclesiasticall magistrates, so soone as they heare any rich or fat Cob to dye, or thinke that he will not liue long: send out forthwith letters vnder seale to theyr chaplain,Note the practise of officials to get money. commaūding him in any wise not to presume to bury him, although he made his Testament, and receiued the rites of the Church. And when afterward, the frendes and kinsfolkes of the dead resort vnto them to know the cause of their inhibition: they declare vnto thē that he was an vsurer, and that he kept not the commaundementes of holy Church: And so long keep they the corpes of the dead vnburyed, while the frendes of him buy it out with good store of mony, heaping & hording by these meanes aboū dance of riches.

54. Item, if there be any violent shedding of bloud in any churchyard, wherby the interdict taketh place: the Clergy causeth a certain impositiō to be leuied of the parishioners there, for the salary towards ye restoring therof. Although some of the parishioners be of an exempt iurisdictiō: yea & although he which shed the bloud be able to pay the whole taxe which they leuyed and more to.

55. Item, certaine Chaplaines affirme to haue certayn Apostolicall priuileges, by vertue wherof they may appoint what Iudges they will (yea and oftentimes of their own house) & so be iudges in their owne cause, which is playne against the law. wherby often times it happeneth, that after great proces & expenses had & made in any great cause of inquest (more often about reality then otherwise) when they haue notice by the Proctors and Aduocates that they shall haue the foyle therin: they reuoke forthwith those named Iudges, and so the kings subiectes are damaged, and can haue no iustice nor redresse at their handes.

56. Itē, if any temporall man call a Clerke before a secular iudge in a case of inheritance: the ecclesiastical iudge procureth a stopp to be made therein, attributing to themselues the cognitiō therof: and so by adiourning & remouing, the lay man is constrayned to make satisfaction.

57. Item, the clergy chalengeth the cognition of such causes as maried Clerkes being marchauntes and artificers do commence: when by law it doth appertaine to the temralty, especially about the trade of Marchaundise.

58. Item, they oftentimes make interdictions in many of the kings townes and holdes, and cause the diuine seruice to cease: agaynst the priuiledges graunted by many of the high Bishops of Rome to our soueraigne Lord and maister the King.

59. Item, to and for the maintaynance & keeping of theyr temporalties, they appoynt Baylifs & other officers: who if they do offēd, may not condignly be punished according to law and iustice.

60. Item, the Ecclesiasticall Iudges haue promoters belonging vnto them: who whē any man is excommunicated (be it right, or be it wrong) they cause to be made, that no man shall work or do anything for him that is excommunicate: whereby the landes and vines are often times vnlooked to and vntilled, to the no small preiudice of the king and his common people.

61. Item, the foresayd Promoters cause Citation to be made out, by vertue wherof they call in one citatiō, 20.30.

40. persons to appeare, for participating with such Interdicted persons: taking of some 10. of other some, 20. s. as much as they be able to make: wherby, the commō people are much oppressed.

62. Item, the Ecclesiasticall Iudges cause all the Aduocates of their courtes to be sworne, that none shall retayne them of their Counsell agaynst any of them, without their licence, whereby oftentimes, the poore man quite leeseth his right, and the Kinges cause is delayed: Because, hys Solliciters cannot freely retayne counsell, without speciall licence.

63. Item, they will make Inuentories of theyr gooddes which dye intestate, or without making of will: And will haue the possession of thēir goods, as wel moueable as vnmoueable in theyr owne hands to distribute to the hetres, or to whom they list.

64. Item, the execution also of Testamentes they take to their own hands, taking inuentories of dead mens goods, and keeping and disposing them to the heires after their pleasure. And haue officials properly deputed for the execution therof.

65. Item, they will not geue credite (sometimes) to testamentes made before witnesse, vnlesse they be first by theyr owne Officials approued.

After he had thus spoken, the prelats required to haue time to answere therunto. wherupon was appoynted for the same the Friday next ensuing. On the which day, the Bishop Eduen,B. Eduen and Archb. of Se [...] elect Prolocutor for prelates. & Archbishop or Senon elect in the name of the whole clergy answered for them all before the king, holding his Parliament as that day at Uicenas, and thus he there proposided. For somuch as the Lord Peter Cugner of late propounding against the Church of Fraunce, took to his Theame that is written in the 22. of Mathew: Render vnto Cesar, that which is Cesars, and vnto God, that which is Gods: by which words he sayd, two points were to be noted: First, the reuerence and subiection of the Prelates,Repetition of the L. Peters oration aboue touched. page 358. that they ought to haue to the king their soueraigne: Secondly, the deuision of the temporall iurisdictiō from the spirituall. The which first part he proued out of the first Epistle of Peter in the second Chapter, where it is written. Submit your selues vnto euery creature, for the Lordes sake, whether it be vnto the king, as vnto the superior: or vnto gouernours, as vnto them that are sent of him: for the punishment of euill doers, and for the praise of them that doe well. The second poynt he proued by the wordes of our Sauiour Christ in the 22. Chap. of Luke where the Apostle sayth:Luke. 22. Lord behold, here are 2. swords: And he said vnto them it is enough, signifying by the two swordes the two iurisdictions. And in likewise out of the 17. of Math. where Christ would pay tribute for him and Peter.Math. 17. Geuing hereby an example, how that Ecclesiasticall persons were bound to pay and yeld to the temporall power the tēporalities, which also is proued in ye 11. quest. prim. cap Si tributum, & cap magnum.

And further,Two gifts giue. Priesthood, Empyre. because this is proued by mans law, where it is sayd, 2. great gifts are bestowed, Priesthood and Empire: The priesthood to rule ouer matters diuine: the Empire to beare domination ouer humaine matters. wherby he cōcluded, that when these iurisdictions are distincted of God: The one being geuen and limited to the church, and the other to the temporalty: That in no wise the Church ought to intermeddle, or to haue any thing to do with the temporall iurisdiction. For it is written in the 22. of the Prouerb.Prouerb. 22. You ought not to passe the old limits & bounds, which the forefathers haue set. And well by the way be bringeth in this word, olde & auncient: Because customes brought in to the contrary, be of no force, but rather are coūted abuses & corruptions. Neither can prescriptiō take place, for that ius fisci is inprescriptible: neither cā the king abrogate frō himselfe such law, nor renoūce his right: prouing the same by many chapters contained in the 10.Dif. 10. Dift. Wherefore seeing the king at what time he was crowned, sware not onely not to alienate or infringe ye lawes of his realme, but also to call in such lawes as were alienated & vsurped either by the Church or by any other: ye king was bound by his oath to reuoke the same abuses:

In especiall he did exhibite many articles in writing wherin (as he sayd) the Church did vsurpe vpon the iurisdictiō temporall. To answere these premisses which conciling of the places (vnder protestatiō whatsoeuer I say or shall say) it is not to ground or make any finall iudgemēt or determinatiō herein: but onely to informe ye consciēce of our soueraigne Lord the king and his assistaunts here assembled, alledging the first Epistle of Peter the 2. chapter,1. Peter 2. where he sayth: Feare God & honour the king. By which wordes, the holy Apostle S. Peter teacheth vs 2. things. First that loue, feare, & obedience, is due vnto God for the mightinesse and puissaunce of his Maiesty: saying, Feare God. Secondly, how speciall honor & reuerence is due to the King, for the excellency of his dignity: saying, Honor the King. But note you by the way, how the Apostle placeth his woordes: First he sayth, that feare is due vnto God: because principally and in chiefe we ought to feare GOD: For if the King or any other should commaund things contrary to God, we ought to haue no regard ther of: but to contemne the King & feare God For it is written in the 5. of the Actes of the Apostles.Actes. 5. 2. Mach 7. we ought rather to obey God then men: and also in the 7. chap. of Machabes the 2. booke: where it is sayd: I will not obey the commaundements of the king but the law.

The reason whereof, S. Augustine geueth both in the [Page] glose vpon the Romaines, & also in the 11. quaest. 1. He that resisteth the superiour power,11. quast. 1. resisteth the will and ordinaunce of God. But put case thou art commaunded to do that which thou maist not do, or to do not that which thou oughtest to do. Doubtlesse, thou must neglect the lesser power, and feare the higher, learning the degrees of worldly thinges.

As for example be it so, that a Proctour commaundeth thee any thing, which (if the same be agaynst the Proconsull:) thou oughtest not to follow it. Yea and further, put case the Proconsull commaundeth one thing, the Emperour an other, and God willeth the third: Thou must not care for thē, but obey God, for God is the greater power: For they may threaten thee with prison, but GOD may threaten thee with hell fire: they may slay and kill thy body, but God may send thee body and soule to perpetuall hell fire. And therfore worthely it is put first, Feare God. And here the place in the last of Ecclesiasticus is to be adioyned: where it is written: Feare God and keep his commaundements.

Feare of God stādeth in three pointes.And me thinketh that man is boūd to feare God chiefly in three sorts. That is to say: First in the bountifull bestowing of his giftes and benefites. Secondly, in the euident promoting of his seruauntes. And lastly, in the full rendring and restoring vnto man that is his.

First, I say in the bountifull. &c. and for this cause the Emperour Iustinian writeth: although there is nothing to be accompted good which doth exceede and is to great, yet for a prince to be stow accordingly vpō the church, it is very good. For why, the king and Emperour is bound to bestow so much the more substaunce, how much the more God hath geuen to him: & to bestow the same both franckly, and especially to famous Churches, wherein the best & greatest measure is of the Lordes giftes, that is a great gift. And to this end Gregory enacteth a law, cap. i. extra. de donationibus, that nobility ought in maner to prescribe this law to himselfe: to thinke himselfe bound to geue, whē he geueth freely: & vnlesse he increase in geuing still, to think that he hath geuen nothing.

Wherfore, Abell, as appeareth in the 4. chapter of Genesis, who offered of the best to the Lord, was blessed of God. And therefore other Kinges, the more they offred to God, the more they were both spiritually and temporally blessed of him: As we read of Iosua, Dauid, Salomon & other in the booke of the Kings: and therefore it is so written in the 18. of Numbers.Num. 18. And ye shall separate vnto the Lordes treasury, thinges that be chiefest and most principall. As likewise Dauid sayth in the first of Paralipomenon last chapter.1. Paral. cap. vlt. I haue geuen all this with a glad hart, euen with a good will, and now haue I had ioy to see thy people which here are present, offer with a free will vnto thee. And no maruell, for Dauid sayth in that place: For of thy hand we haue receiued all, and to thee we geue. And therefore it seemeth to me, that because the Kynges of Fraunce and Barons of the same,What benefite commeth by geuing to the church. more then anye other hath geuen to GOD and his Church: therefore they were happy and blessed aboue all other kinges, and the more they did geue to God, the more they receiued at hys handes.

Examples wherof, we haue of Clodoue, Charles, and S. Lewes:Luke. 6. the more one geueth to God, the more he receiueth of him: For he in the 6. of Luke hath promised, geue and it shal be geuen vnto you. wherfore, a gift that a Prince bestoweth vpon the Church is rendered agayne with triple encrease,Time of warre. and that no lesse in time of warr then in time of peace. I say in warre time: because victory proceedeth of no other but onely of God, for it is writtē in the 1. Machabecs the 3. Chapter.1. Mach. 3. The victorye of the battayle standeth not in the multitude of the boast, but the strength commeth from heauen.Exod. 17. And likewise, in the 17. Chapter of Exodus it is declared, that when Moyses held vp hys handes Israell had the victory:2. Mach. but when he let down his handes Amalec had the victory. To this end also serueth the last chapter Machabes. 2. where Iudas being at the poynt to haue the victory, thought he saw Amon and Ieremy (which had bene high Priestes and very vertuous men) holding vp their handes toward heauē,Time of peace. and praying for theyr people and all the whole Citye. &c. Likewise in peace time now, the long dayes of the king and of hys sonnes: their peace, prosperity, & obedience (by the prayer of the Church) is mayntayned & supported in the realme.Prouerb. 16. For as long as Salomon was bent and geuē in building the house of God so long he had peace: who thus in the 16. chap. of the Prouerbes teacheth vs. when a mans wayes pleaseth the Lord,1. Esdras. 6. he maketh his very enemies to be hys frendes: And also in 1. Esdras 6. chapter, where it is read, how the Priestes were commaunded to offer sweet fauors to the God of heauen, and pray for the kinges life and hys children. And well therefore may it be called a gift both fauorable & irreuocable, wherby victory is geuen, life graū ted, and peace with security conserued. To serue therefore God, & liberally to geue toward the worshipping of him: is the chiefest signe and token of diuine feare & loue.Eccle. 2. Eccl. cap. 2. O ye that feare the Lord beleue him, & your reward shall not be empty.

Secondly,The 2. part of fearing God. Hebr. 12. cōcerning the feare of God, I do you to vnderstand, that among the precepts of the Lord, the first and chiefest commaundement of the second table is, To honor thy father. which precept is very well expoūded to y• Hebrues in the 12. chapter. where it is not onely ment of the fathers of our bodies,Honouring of spiritu [...] fathers. but also of the father of spirites. For as spirituall thinges farre exceedeth temporall matters: so much more a great deale y• spirituall sonne is bound to reuerence the spiritual father, & to be in subiection vnto him that he may liue. And that the Priestes and Prelates be the spirituall fathers, it is proued in the fourth book of the kinges the 6. chapter.4. Keg. 6. where the king of Israell called Elizeus father, saying: my father, shall I finite them? Vnto this effect serueth the 10. of Luke,Luke. 10. where our sauiour sayd to the Apostles (whose successors the Bishops are) he that heareth you heareth me, & he that despiseth you, despiseth me. Also in the first to the Thessaloniās 4. chapter.1. Thess. 4. He that despiseth you, despiseth not men, but God. wherfore, Iustinian the Emperour in an other place sayth: we haue great care to the Church of God, that therein may be true doctrine and integrity of Priestes life. which hauing we trust that for our great giftes we shall receiue such rewardes at Gods hands, both as be durable, and shall remain: yea and also that hetherto hath not happened. Blessed S, Hierome in his Register writing to a certayne Emperor, which is also to be scene in the decrees. decr. 11. q. 1. sayth: Let not the Emperour disdayne priestes,11. q. cap. [...]. Sacerd [...] bus. but haue speciall regard on them for his sake whose seruauntes they be: and so let him rule ouer them, that due and condigne reuerence be geuen vnto them. For they in deuine Scriptures are sometime termed Gods,Exod. 22. Malach. 2. sometimes named Angels Exodus. 22. Then shall both their causes come before ye Gods. Also Malachy the second, the Priests lippes should be sure of knowledge, that men may seeke the law at his mouth: For he is a Messenger of the Lord of hostes And therefore is it no maruell, if we should vouchsafe to honour them,Honour to be giuen to priestes. when God himselfe in his speech attributing to them honour, termeth them Gods and Aungels. And here is to be noted, how Constantine the Emperor, when certayne of his subiectes presented vnto him libels accusatory agaynst the Bishoppes, receiued them at theyr handes. But calling before him those Bishoppes whiche were accused therein, cast in theyr sight those libelles into the fire, saying: depart you hēce and discusse these matters within yourselues: For it is not conuenient and meet that we iudge Gods, because it is written: God stood in the sinagoge of Gods, and in the middest of them he did iudge Gods: in which chap. it is declared, how that the Pagans who worshipped goldē & wooden Gods, attributed great honor to the Priests. what maruell is it then, if the godly & great and christian Emperors do honor & reuerence the priests of the true God? And doubtlesse, it is their duety so to doe. And it is reason which the Lord Peter the last day said,Two powers temporall and spirituall, and what difference betwene them both. in this point. That there are two powers, priesthood and dominion, the one spirituall, the other tēporall which no lesse differeth one from the other, then the sunne from yt moone, the heauē from the earth, and gold from lead. And therfore if honor is due to be geuē to ye lesser power, by thē that be vnderneth him: he ye is chiefe of the higher power, of right good duety is to be honoured, and reuerenced of all vnder him as expressely is declared Cap. Solit, Dema. & ob. De mai. & obed. cap. Solit. In which chap. answere is fully made to the allegatiō of ye L. Peter (alledged by him to make for his purpose) that is to say: Beye subiect to all creatures for Gods sake. &c. There he speaketh of the subiectiō which standeth vpon y• merit of vertue,Double subiection vpon merite of vertue, and vpon duetie of necessitie. The authoritie of a byshop and a king compared. & not vpon the duty of necessity. For els if he should speak of ye subiection which is by duty of necessity, thē must it needs follow, that euery bishop ought to be subiect to euery beggerly rascall in the city of Paris. For yt text is, be ye subiect to all humain creatures: but a rascal is a human creature: ergo, bishops must be subiect to a rascal. Of ye dignity of a B. Ambrose talketh in his pastorall: The honor saith he, & the maiesty of a B. is without all cōparison: If you compare it to the royalty of a king, it is euē as you would cōpare mettall or lead to ye beauty of gold. For ye is to be seen, yt kings & princes stooping vnder the knees of priests,The pride of the prelacye. & kissing their right hand: thinke thēselues to be defended by their prayer. And because ye kings of Fraunce haue more then other, honored & reuerēced ye Prelats: they [Page] haue aboue al other florished & prospered.Si [...]upekings Eccle. 4. It is said in Eccle. 4. he that honoreth his father, shall reioice in his sons. And it followeth there, he that honoureth his father, shall liue a long life. This is therefore the signe of the feare of God. And as it is written in Eccl. 4. He that feareth God, honoreth his parentes.Eccle. 4.

Thirdly I say, that a man ought to feare God, in the full reuerencing & restoring vnto man that is his: For he that doth not geue to another y• is his,The third part of fearing God. Eccle. 18. A thing made myne diuers wayes but goeth about to vsurpe, doubtles he feareth not God. Contrary, he that restoreth all agayne, he is sayd to loue & feare God. Ecclesiast. 18. He that feareth God will doe good thinges. And in the Psalme, I haue bene afeard of thy iudgementes, and haue done iudgemēt and iustice. For as the Lawyers say which is true: A thing may be made mine diuers wayes, as by succession, commutatiō, prescriptiō, or any other acquisition, either by law or custome. And so of the rest. And where as the Lord Peter the last day, by distinction of iurisdictiō temporall & spirituall, endeuored to proue that he which had spirituall iurisdiction, ought not to haue tēporall: Otherwise there were no distinctiō therof, but rather a confusion of iurisdictions. I will therefore proue the cō trary, that these iurisdictiōs are cōpatible both in one person, especially in an ecclesiasticall man. And this I wyll proue by the law of God,6. Proofes. 1. Diuine lawe.2. by the law of nature.3. by canon lawe.4. by ciuill lawe.5. by custom.6. by priuiledge. Formes being dislike & not contrary, may be compatible in one subiect. by the law of nature, canō law, ciuill law, by custome, and priuiledge. But first I aledge, that accidentall formes some of them are so distincted, that they are not clean contrary, but disalike: as whitenes and sweetnes. Other formes there be which are so distincted, ye they are cleane contrary one to the other, & are not cōpatible in one subiect. For one contrary expels another, and emporteth the negatiue of ye other. wherfore those things be contrary, which one from another are most of all distāt and disagreing, and in one susceptible may come one after the other, but not together, as the Philosopher teacheth in the Predicamentes. But those formes which are so distincted, that they be not contrary but disalike: are compatible in one subiect, as quantity and quality, which being distincted in respect of their Genus generalissimum, yet may be in one person. And fortitude and temperance being vnder one kind of moral vertue, are foūd to be in one mā, as Logick and Grammer, which are also species & kinds in one genus, viz. of intellectus. Therefore it is no good argument: These formes be distincted, ergo, they be not compatible in one subiect. And therfore that the iurisdictions temporal & spiritual are so distincted, that they are not cōtrary but cō patible it is euident hereby, because things contrary be so that the one cannot be ordeined to concurre with ye other, but rather confoundeth & destroyeth the other: but in this case iurisdiction temporall is ordeined for the spirituall: & contrary, the spirituall for the temporall. Or rather, ye one so depēdeth of the other, as the clearenes of the moon doth of the brightnes of the Sunne: Also the one iurisdiction so helpeth & tomforteth the other, that there is no contrartety in them. And therfore it is no good cōsequēce, because they are distincted. Ergo, they are not compatible in one persō: This also is to be proued de facto. For the earth is ye Lordes, and the plenty of the whole vniuersall world, and all that dwell therin. It is proued in likewise by this reason. For if the iurisdictions were not compatible: it should follow, that no ecclesiastical person should haue any iot of tē porall iurisdiction, neither land, tower, castle, Lordship, or any thing els, which is most absurd: & so by this meanes it should follow, ye no ecclesiasticall persō should be in subiection vnto the king, which were to ye great derogation of the kings maiesties crown and dignity. It must needs be therfore that these iurisdictions be cōpatible, notwithstanding the distinction of them one from an other. And thus for answere to all these reasons, by the which Lord Peter proued the distinction of these iurisdictions.

These things premised this I proceed further to proue that a person Ecclesiasticall,Proofes out of the olde Testament. which hath iurisdiction spirituall, may also haue temporall iurisdictiō: and that the iurisdiction temporall may be in an Ecclesiasticall person, I will proue it by the Scriptures: and first out of the old testament, to the euidēt probation wherof, it is to be vnderstand: That God, after the creation of the world & mā, euē vnto Noes time, would gouerne the world himself as K. by the ministery of angels.Melchisedech was both kyng and Priest, Ergo the P. may haue both iurisdictions. By reason wherof, he gaue and pronounced sentence himselfe agaynst Cain. Gen. 4. Noe also, which offered burnt offeringes vnto the Lord & built an altar, as teacheth the 8. of Gene. (which thing appertayned onely vnto the priestes) had the gouernement and rule of all thinges, as well spirituall as temporall, which were in the Arke of Noe. Melchisedech in likewise, the which was the priest of the most high God, and also king of Salem,Gene. 14. as appeareth in the 14. of Gene. & had both the iurisdictions in his owne handes. For Magister Historiarsi, in the sayd 14. of Gene. declareth, that all the first begot of Noe, euen to Aarons tyme were priests: which at meales and offringes blessed the people, & which onely had the Ius primogeniturae, wherby the regimēt of others was due vnto them. Moses in like maner (of whom it is sayd in the Psalme, Moses &c Aaron in sácerdotibus eius) cōsecrated Aaron and his childrē to be priests, which Aaron did iudge ye whole people in temporal matters, yea & in that causes of inheritaunce and mere reall, as appeareth in the 27. chap. of Num. and many other places. To whiche purpose serueth the 17. chap. of Deut. where it is sayd,Deut. 17. if a matter be to hard for thee in iudgemēt betwixt bloud and bloud, betwixt plea and plea, betwixt plague & plague: then shalt thou rise and goe vp to that place, that the Lord thy God hath chosen. And shalt come to the priests, the Leuits and to the Iudge thē being, and shalt aske who shall shew vnto vs the truth of the iudgemēt: and follow their sentence. And if any mā presumptuously shall refuse to obey ye priestes commaundementes and decree of the iudge, the same shal die. Behold how manifestly it doth appeare, how not onely ye iudgemēt appertayneth to a priest, betwene plage and plage, concerning the circumstances and irregularity of the law: but also betwixt bloud and bloud, in matters criminall: yea and betwixt plea and plea in ciuill matters: which thing doth appeare to be in many iudges out of ye book of Iudges.Samuell was iudge in temporall matters. Ergo, the Pope may haue both iurisdictions. For Samuel, which was both a prophet & priest, was appoynted iudge of long time ouer ye people in matters temporal: And whē ye people desired a king, the Lord was highly offended with them, and sayd vnto Samuel: they haue not refused thee but me, that I should not be king ouer them. Furthermore, as long as kings amō gest the people of God, vsed the aduise & coūsell of priests and bishops: it was well with them and their kingdome: But when they forsook and left the counsell of Byshoppes and priests, then was their kingdome diuided, and finally they brought into captiuity. In which captiuity, ye people were altogether gouerned and ruled by the priests & prophets, as by Esdras and Neemias: And last of all by the meanes of the Machabees, the kingdome and gouernmēt was deuoluted and brought into the priestes hands, who were the kinges and captaynes ouer the people: & had the gouernement as well of spirituall matters as of tēporall, as is read in the first booke of Machab. 2. cha.1. Mach. [...]. Of Mathatia and his sonnes videlicet of Iuda, Machaby, Ionatha, Simon, and Iohn the sonne of Simon: which in al spirituall and temporall matters, were gouernors ouer ye people of God.Ierem. 1. Moreouer the 1. chap. of Ier. declareth which was one of the priests, after this maner. I haue set thee ouer the people and kingdomes, that thou may [...] roote out, break, destroy, and make waste, and that thou mayst build vp and plant. Iere. capite primo. Besides this, in time of iudge Eliach: a priest in lyke maner had the iudgement of temporal matters. And so much concerning the poofe hereof, out of the olde Testament.

Secondly, I proue my former proposition by authorities taken out of the new Testament.Proofes taken out of the new Testament. For Christ had not onely by diuine nature both ye powe [...], wherby he created all things of nothing, and by consequence was God of al, but also by his humanity had both powers. For he was ye priest,Apoc. 19. Christ by his humaine nature had both powers. secundum ordinem Melchisedech (as it is sayd in the Psalmes, and also is alleged to the Hebr.) which had both in his vesture and thigh written, king of kings, and Lord of Lords. By this vestiment or thigh was mēt his humanity, which was ioyned to his diuinity, as the garment is to him that weareth it. He sayd of himselfe in ye last of Mathew: Geuen is vnto me all power both in heauen and earth. As also to ye Hebrues the first chap. whom he made A and constitute, heyre of al vniuersall things. And likewise in the 2. chap. to the Hebr. He hath made him not much inferior to the Angels:Psal. 8. Hebr. 2. he hath crowned him with glory and honor, and hath set him aboue the workes of his handes: Thou hast put all thinges in subiection vnder hys feete, sheep and oxen, and all the whole cattell of the field. Whē therefore it is sayd, he made all thinges subiect to him: He excludeth nothing as the Apostle there sayth. whereby it is apparant, that as concerning his humain nature, in the which he was made lesse then the Angels, all things were subiect to him.Phil. 2. Also this appereth in the 2. chap. to the philippians, he humbleth himselfe, wherefore God exalteth him. &c. And it foloweth, that in the name of Iesus should euery knee bow, both of thinges in heauen and of things in earth, and of things vnder the earth. Beholde here that by nature by which he did humble himselfe, he was exalted: because euery knee should bow downe to him.Act. 10. Thys in like maner hath S. Peter in the 10. chapter of the Actes where he sayth, he was constituted of God the iudge ouer [Page] the quicke and the dead: And he speaketh of that nature which God raysed vp the third day, as the whole Scripture B proueth. And likewise S. Peter had this power geuen him whō Christ constituted and made his Uicar, who also C condēned by sentence iudicially Ananias and Saphira for lying and stealing. Act cap. [...]. Paule also condemned a fornicator conuicted,Acts. 5. 1. Cor. 5. And that Christ would the correction D and iudgement of [...]he matters to appertayne to his Church,Math. 8. a text in the [...] of Mathew expressely declareth where it is sayd. If thy brother trespasse agaynst thee, goe and tell him his fault betweene him and thee: if he heare thee, thou hast wonne thy brother. But if he heareth not, thē take with thee one or two, that in the mouth of two or three witnesses all thinges may be established: if he heare not then, tell vnto the congregation: if he heare not the cō gregation, take him as an heathen man and a Publican. Uerily, I say vnto you [...] whatsoeuer you binde on earth, the same shall be bounde in heauen, and whatsoeuer you lose on earth, the same shall be losed in heauen. Beholde how expressely it is commaunded, that when soeuer in any matter one offēdeth the other, he being first charitably admonished, the matter must be published and referred to the E order of the Church and congregation. But if the offender do not obey and heare the admonition, he is to be taken as an heathen & a Publican: Which is as much to say, like one that is excommunicate by the Church & congregation, so that he may haue no communion or participation with it. And that this was the intention of Christ, this seemeth much to proue it, where in geuing the reason hereof he immediately addeth. Uerely I say vnto you. Whatsoeuer. &c. (where note this terme distributiue) whatsoeuer so as the Apostle argueth to the Hebrewes the 2. chapter, that if he ordained al things to be subiect vnto him, he excludeth nothinge vnsubiected.Omnia terminus distributiuus. Wherefore thus I may argue: If all things that the church and congregation doth lose be losed and euery thing that the Church bindeth is bound. There is nothing that the church may not lose & bynd: Or by Logicke F thus, I may reason: There is nothing bounde by the Church, that is not bound in heauen, whiche argument is good by a certayn rule of Logicke which sayeth: that contraries if the negatiō be put after, are equiualant. For euery thing & nothing, what soeuer thing, and no maner of thin be cōtrary one to the other. And so nothing not, is as much to say, as all thinges. Secondly, I doe proue it out of an other text of S. Luke cap. 22.Luke. 22. Which place alledged to make for his purpose, I will strike him with his owne weapon. For where he sayd, that by the two swordes the two powers tēporall & spirituall were to be vnderstood, it was so in deede but to whose handes would he (I pray you) haue these two swords cōmitted? Truely to the handes of Peter & other the Apostles. &c. But the holy Father the Pope succeeded Peter, and the other Apostles, the Bishops disciples, curates, persons as in the glose appeareth, Luk 10. wherby thus I argue, that by the 2. swords the 2. powers are ment. But Christ willed those two swordes to be put G into the churches handes, ergo he would likewise the two powers. But you may reply and say, that Christ did reprehend Peter because he strake with a temporall sword and cut of an care, saying vnto him put vp thy sword. &c. whithe H reason is of no force. For Christ did not will Peter to cast away quite frō him the sword, but to put it into ye skabard & to keepe it, geuing to vnderstand therby, that such power although it be in the churches hands: yet the execution therof (as much as appertaineth to bloud shedding in the new law) he would haue to appertayne to the secular iudge: notwithstanding yet perhaps, according to the discretion and will of the Clergy.

1. Cor. 6.Thirdly, I proue this by the intent of S. Paule in the 1. Cor. 6. where he sayth: that they which haue secular busines, and contēd one agaynst another, ought to be iudged I by the sayntes. And that they should iudge therin, therfore he made this argument: know you not that ye saynts shall iudge the world? and if the world be iudged by you, are ye not good enough to iudge smal trifles? As though ye wold say, do ye not know how that ye shall iudge the Angels? How much more then may you iudge things secular. And it followeth: If you haue iudgement of secular & worldly matters, take them which are dispised in the Church and congregations, & make them iudges: neither doth it make any thing against, because the Apostle in the same place inferreth. Adverecundiā vestram dico. I say it to your shame. For that is to be referred to those, where he saith, appoynt those which are dispised. Wherfore the Apostle speaketh ironiously in this matter as meaning thus: Sooner & the rather you ought to runne to the iudgemēt of the dispised which be in the church, thē to the iudgemēt of those which be out of the Church.

Ergo, the rather to resort to the iudgement of the wise, who remayne in the Church and congregation. Wherfore the Apostle by and by added whē he sayd, I speak to your shame: What not one wise mā amōgest you that can iudge betwene brother and brother? Meaning thereby that there was some. By these therfore and many other like reasons it appereth (which for breuity I omit) that both the powers may be in an ecclesiasticall mans hand: And that an ecclesiasticall man is Capax both of the temporall and spirituall iurisdiction. Nor is it any matter if it be obiected, that Peter and other Apostles & Christ himselfe, vsed litle thys temporall power. For in them was not the like reason as now is in vs, as is proued in the 22. q. 1. ca. and in many other K places of the law.22. q. 1. cap. futuram. The Apostles at the first beginning took no receipt of landes & possessions, but the price onely therof, which now the church with very good reason doth receiue. And that to the great merite both of the geuer and offerer, as it appeareth of Constantine and others: In the which foresayd 1. cap. the reason of diuersity is well proued For that the Apostles did foresee, that the Church should be among Gentiles, and not onely to be in Iuda. &c. And further at the beginning Christ and his Apostles were wholy bent and geuen, to our health, saluation & crudition: L litle sticking or standing vpō the exercise of euery churches iurisdiction, hauing regard to that which is written in the 6. chapter to the Corinthians. All thinges are lawfull vnto men, but all things are not expedient. And likewise in the 8. chapter of Ecclesiastes it is read, that euerye thing hath his time. But now (through the grace of God) the whole people of the realme of Fraunce haue submitted themselues to the christian fayth, worthely therefore the Church is occupyed about ministring of Iustice and punishing of vice:Esay. 13. For peace shalbe the work of Iustice, Esay the 33. chap. And in these iudgements this onely is to be considered, that the life of man be reformed. &c. Thus you M see,Probation by ciuil lawe and reason. 1. Peter. 2. how this our conclusion somewhat is confirmed by ye Scriptures. Now will I proue it by naturall law & reason, & first after this maner. He seemeth most fittest to play a good iudges part, which followeth nerest God: For properly God is the ruler and directer of al iudgements, who sayth Prouerb. capite octauo. By me the law maker shall decree iustice and iust thinges: But Ecclesiasticall persons, follow next to God, and be neerest him. For that they be elected of God into a peculiar people: Whereof it is sayd 1. Peter. 2. you are a chosen generation, a royall priesthood, a holy nation, and a peculiar people, that you should shew the vertues of him that called you &c. Ergo it is most fittest that persons Ecclesiasticall, and churchmen, should iudge of such matters. Moreouer none doubteth, but that the correction and punishment of sinne, belongeth to ecclesiasticall persons: wherfore, whē such things be not committed without sinne & offence of the one party, it is euident that the Church may haue cognition thereof. Also who so hath power to iudge of the end, hath also power to iudge of thinges ordeined to the end: for the consideration of the thinges ordeined to the end riseth of the end. When therefore the body is ordeined for the life and soule, and tēporall thinges for spirituall, as to the end: The Church which doth iudge of spirituall things, may in like maner lawfully iudge of tēporall things. All which is sufficiently confirmed. In extra. c. Iudicijs. Where it is sayd that the Accessarye followeth the nature of the principall, which appeareth sufficiently by example. For so much therfore as these two iurisdictions be compared to two lightes, that is to say, to the Sunne, and to the Moone: and all the whole clearenes and brightnesse of the Moon both in forme and vertue, dependeth of the Sunne, & in the Sunne. And yt the brightnes of the Sunne is not of the Moone or in the Moone, it is playne: that spirituall iurisdiction which is compared to the Sunne, hath it both in forme & vertue, the iurisdiction temporall: and not contrary. Many other like reasōs might be brought in. But for that the time waxeth short, I will omit them.

Thirdly, I proue by the ciuill law, Auth. Diffe. Iud. ¶Si tamen ix. col. where it is sayd: If a secular iudge be suspected, let the Bishop of the Citty be ioyned vnto him. But if he be negligent, then let the whole iudgement be referred to the bishop. In like sort Theodosius the Emperor enacted such a law, that whosoeuer suter being plaintife in any kinde of matter, whether at the beginning thereof, or after contestation of law, or when the matter came to confirmatiō, or to sentēce: If the plaintife had once chosen the court & iurisdiction the holy sec: there without all doubt, though the defendant resisted and dissented, the matter before ye bishops & other ecclesiastical Iudges should be determined and ended. Which law afteward Carolus the great, who was king of Fraūce, confirmed in these words: ‘We will & [Page]commaund that all our subiectes, as well Romaines and Frenchmen, as others vnder our dominion whatsoeuer, be by law and custome henceforth bound and charged to keepe this for a perpetuall and prescript law: That whosoeuer began or commenced a sute. &c. as is aboue mentioned. &c.’ 11. q. i. Quicunque. &c. 2. But that you may obiect and say that this law is abrogated, as the glose seemeth there to touche. But all will not serue: For although this law is not redacted into the body of the law, yet for al that it is not abrogated. But surely it is a priuiledge honorably graunted to the whole vniuersall church which ye Emperor cannot take away no more then any other liberty of the Church. By the canō law also this priuiledge is confirmed.Probation by the Canon lawe. extra. de iud. c. timor Nouil. and moreouer seemeth to be confirmed by the ciuill law, C. de sacros. Si eccl. priuilegium: although it be not expressely, N but generally named. And so it is cleare by the ciuill law, that such iurisdictiū doth pertain to Ecclesiastical persōs. By canon law in like maner in places infinit. Dist. 22. cap. Omnes Patriarchae. 2. quest. 5. ca. Si quis praesbyter. 11. quae 1. cap relatum. 25. distinct. cap. ecce. Extra de iudicijs. Nouit. De competenti foro. cap. licet. With many other places infinite: yea & further the canon law so farre proceedeth that whosoeuer goeth about by custom to interrupt or hinder any hauing such iurisdiction, encurreth sentence (ipso facto) of excommunicatiō, as is proued cap. quoniam intelleximus de immunitate eccl. li. sext. Custome. Which is most playne by the notorious O custome, time out of mind, in the dayes of the good & christian Princes, where to violate such custome, it is playne sacriledge. 11. quest. 1. tit. 1. &c. 2. For by law, custome winneth and gaineth iurisdiction, especially to him that is Capax thereof: yea and further, custome (time out of mind) is amongst all persons in place of written & confirmed law. Now seing the church of Fraūce, hath in common vsed wt the temporalty to iudge & decree both of actions personall and reall touching the Church: it is playne, that such custome winneth iurisdiction to it. Ergo. &c. But the Lord Peter auouched, that ye custome could not preuayle in this case, because here lacked true dealing. Besids, the said law is called inprescriptible: for that it is Ius fisci: But this maketh nothing agaynst vs. For the Church of Fraunce rather chalengeth this law by custome, then by prescription. Which custom semeth rather to be brought in of ye free will and election of the people, frequēting more the ecclesiasticall Consistories, then the secular courts. Besides this, custome in that it hath bene oftentimes decided in iudgemēt contradictory, (many of the Barons dissenting, & not cō sēting therunto) is much therby confirmed.Iudicium contradictorium. This custome I say of the church, hath bene fast established by the cōsent and assent of the Prelats, and then confirmed by the kings of Fraūce your predecessors, and so peaceably obserued of the Church.

Three things pertayning to prescription. 1. Titulus.2. bonafides.3. Temporīs continuatio.And yet may the church chalenge this by prescription: For that there are but 3. things which are required in prescription: that is to say, title, true dealing, and continuance of time. And it is without doubt that the Churches both purely hath and in time past had a good title, as appereth by thy priuiledge graūted of Theodosius the Emperor, & confirmed by Charles: Who gaue in commaundement, to keepe ye same inuiolably, which title it hath both by diuine natural, and humaine law, as before is mentioned. Wherfore it must needes haue true dealing, when so many great and cleare titles are knowne to condescend therunto. Also concurreth such continuance of time,Ius fisci. that euen against Ius fisci, it is prescriptible. For it hath not onely continued by the space of 100. yeares, but also more then 600. yeares last past.The church not subiect to the kyng. Neither is this alwayes true, that this law is imprescriptible, especially of the church: the which in as much as it appertayneth to the spiritualty, is not subiect to ye king, but is much more noble, and farre excelleth: Euen no lesse then the Sunne doth the Moone, golde, lead, and heauen, the earth. And this is certaine, and no lesse reason, that the higher & equall may duely prescribe law against him, that is either equall or lower in degree. As one king may do to another. Wherfore, it appeareth, that the church may prescribe this, although it were Ius fisci, as in deed it is not.

Finally, this is proued by priuiledge graūted by Carolus the great king of Fraunce, as before, & by Ludouicke the second, and by Philipp your vncle, and Ludouike and Philip your kinsemē,Obiection. which priuiledges we haue here redy to shew. But perhappes you will say, that these things cannot agree: that the Church hath this iurisdiction, both by law, custome, & priuiledge, which all cannot well hang together. For if the church haue it by one of these, it should folow that the church lacketh it by another.Answere. But this may I answere two maner of wayes. First, that the priuiledge may be double, one as a bringer in of a new law, & thus it cannot be reconciled: The other as a confirmatiu [...] and declaratiue of the old law: and this way it may well be agreed, which distinctiō may also take place in custome. Wherfore it may thus be answered: that although this incudiction is due vnto the Church by lawe, it appertaineth also vnto ye same by priuilege and custome: but yet not by suche kind of custome and priuiledge, which induceth new law: but which declareth and confirmeth the olde law. And [...]any will reply, demanding wherfore the church of Fraunce shuld more chalēge this,The French [...] more blessed then other in 3 thinges. 1. Faith to God.2 Honour to the Church.3. Iustice to the people. then any other churches in other realmes, which haue no such prerogatiue, I can soone answer them. If the kings of Fraunce (whome God wyth singular grace, honour, and priuilege, farre aboue al other Princes, hath blessed and endued them for 3. speciall causes, to wit, for their great faith & deuotion vnto God, for their honor & reuerence to the Church, and for theyr good iustice shewed vnto ye people) hath graunted to the church special liberties, or haue permitted those which before wer graunted, peaceably to be kept and obserued. Why then they should haue them, it is no meruaile. Yea and further, theyr deuotion vnto the Church hath bene suche, that the nearer the Churches were vnto them, the more liberties they enioyed: and yet had these princes neuerthelesse therfore, but rather the more: whych is euident and redoundeth to the great honor and nobilitie both of the king, and his realme.

I haue oftentimes heard of other,5. thinges doth nobilate the realme of Fraunce. howe that 4. or 5. things doth especially habilitate and adorne this realme.

First, their sincere and inuiolable faith: for it was at no time red, that the kings of Fraunce (since the receiuing of the faith) did euer swarue from the same.

Secondly,The bloud of Fraunce came out of Priamus king of Troy. the nobility of bloud which descended from Priamus the king of the Troianes, and successiuely, from Carolus and other royall kings.

Thirdly, the vnitie and peace of concord, which especially aboue all other raigned and florished in the Realme of Fraunce.

Fourthly, the solemnity and pompe of the prelates and Clergie.

Fiftly, the good disposed readinesse of the Barons and subiects to obey.

If therfore, the prelates of this realme sh [...]ld not haue this law and priuiledge, but shuld be depriued therof: then should the king & his realme lose one of hys noble estates, wherby they are highly magnified (I meane the brauerie, solemnitie, & royaltie of the prelates) For then, they should not onely be neither pōpeous nor royal, but more beggerly & miserable then any other, the most part of their liuing consisting herein. I do cōclude therfore, to be proued both by deuine law, natural law, canon law, ciuil law, custome and priuiledge: that the right of determining such tēporall matters of the Churche, may of right appertaine to the Church of Fraunce, and so [...] returne the Lorde Peters theame against himselfe. Besides this, will I propounde that which is most plaine and manifest: that what so euer thynges be offered vp to the Church, and are conuerted to the dominion and property of the same, be Gods & appertaineth to him: For so much as they are saide, to be dedicacated & sanctified by hym, as sufficiently throughout ye Leuites may appeare: as is declared in the 21. cap. 1. Regum, concerning the bread offered to God,1. Reg. 2.1. where it is sayde: I haue no common bread vnder my handes to eate, but holy bread. Wherfore, it was not lawfull for the Laity to eat of the same bread, but in time of great neccesity: which is also proued in Daniel 5. chapter, where it is read. Because king Balthazar and his Lordes with his Queen,Daniel. 5. [...]ronke in the golden and siluer vessels, which his father Nabuchodonoser had taken out of the temple of Ierusalem: In ye same very hour, there appeared fingers as it had bene of a mans hand, writing right ouer the candle sticke vpō the playne wall in the kinges pallace: And the King saw the palme of the hand that wrote, and that which was writtē was Mane, Thetel, Phares. the interpretation wherof is this, as there it appeareth: Mane, God hath numbred this kingdome and brought it to a [...]end: Thetel, thou art weyed in a ballaunce and art found to light: Phares, thy kingdome is delt in partes, and geuen to the Medes and Perses. The very selfe same night was Balthazar the king of the Ca [...] des slayne, and Darius succeeded in the kingdome of the Medes: the Monarchy of the Assirians being then tr [...] slated vnto the Medes. Whereby it appeareth, that these things which are offered vp to the church, belong to God, & so dedicated to him, that no lay man may vse thē [...] which if they do, they must looke to receiue vengeaunce at Gods hand, as Balthazar did. These things now [...]uded, I will argue out the L. Peters theame (which was) Geue vnto the Emperor, that is the Emperors, and vnto God, that is Gods. But this iurisdiction, which (as I proued before) [Page] is diuersly conuerted to the dominiō and property of the French Church, is now Gods: and therfore, to be reserued to and by him. Wherfore, whensoeuer any goeth about to take away the same: the good & godly ought to answere as Ambrose did to the Gothē souldiors sent to him by the Emperor, which was to this effect. If the Emperor (quoth he) had requested that which had bene mine,Ambrose in case denieth to obey the Emperour. I woulde not haue denyed him, albeit that whatsoeuer I haue, all is the poores: But because he demaundeth those things which belong to God (wherin he hath no right or interest) I had rather he should imprison me, yea & cut off my head, then to cōdescend to his request therin: alluding to the history of Nabaoth, which is to be sene in ye 21. chap. 3. Reg.3. Reg. 21. How Nabaoth the holy man, possessor of his vineyard, was requested by the king to geue vp his vineyard: who made answere, I will not geue vnto thee the inheritance of my fathers: at which answere the king was maruelously offended:Nabaoth denyeth to the kyng his Vineyard. wherefore (quoth Ambrose) if Nabaoth would not deliuer his vineyard, shall we deliuer to you ye Church of Christ? No, God forbid that I should deliuer you Christes heritage. Nabaoth did not deliuer the vineyard, nor surely will I deliuer Christes Church. And further he addeth a good saying: I can neither diminish, nor adde any thing to the Church of God, for that I tooke not vpon me the charge of keeping of it: besides this, it is my duety and office to consult with the high Emperor of saluation, in this matter what is to be done: And doubtlesse, I may not deliuer any thing to him, nor yet he receiue any thing of me, as is proued, 24. quaestione vltimo capite cō uenior. qui. Wherfore, by these and the like reasons it appereth, that not onely iurisdiction spiritual (as the Lord Peter falsly hath suggested) doth belong to God: but also, all other kinde of iurisdiction whatsoeuer touching the churche: whether it be by law, custome, or priuilege: in so much that neither may we surrēder the same to any, nor yet may the king at our handes take the same. Further the Lord Peter affirmed, that Christ for example sake did pay tribute, which is vntrue as appeareth in Gene. 48. chap. For the land of Priestes were free from paying of all kinde of toll and tribute.Gene. 48. And if the Lord Peter well considered the 17. of Math.Math. 17. he should haue found there, how that Christ did not onely pay tribute for example sake: but rather proued, how he was not bound to pay any at all. To conclude therfore, the children be free: but ye pay, to auoyd slaunder and offence: wherefore the text sayth. Least we shoulde offend them goe to the sea.Offence how it ought to be auoyded. &c. But paraduenture it may be answered, that by the example of Christ (to auoyd offence) ought to pay. But this is vntrue, because there is double offence of the weakelings & of the Pharises: for as concerning the offence of the weakelinges, which commeth of ignorance & not of malice, some things are to be omitted for a time, while they be better instructed: as the Apostle saith to the Romains in the xiiij. chap.Rom. 14. But for the offence of the Pharises, which commit and offend of a pretensed malice: there is nothing to be omitted,Math. 16. as Christ sayth in Math, 16 Where to his disciples saying: Doe you not know how that the Pharises hearing this word are offended? answered. Beholde, suffer them, they are blinde, and leaders of the blind: For that in the time of Christ, the offēce thē was of litle ones. But now is the offence of ye Pharises: Wherfore, then it was not to be payd for auoyding of offēce: but now not so.The 3. note of the feare of God. Now therfore it is apparant that the third toke n of the feare of God consisteth in the whole true restoring of goods: And of him, which hath such feare, whereby he restored to God his own, it is spokē of in Eccle. 15. cha. The seed of the man that feareth God shall be brought to honor:Eccle. 15. but the seed which transgresseth the commaūdemēt of the Lord shall be shamed. And thus it fully appeareth, how louing feare and obedience is due vnto God, for the excellency of his maiesty: because the words be: feare God.

Honour of the kyng.Secondly I do say, that especiall honor and reuerence is due vnto the king, for his dignity sake: which followeth in the theame. Now it is sayd honor the king: I will alledge the 10 of Eccle.Eccle. 10. where it is specified: In the middes of the brethren, the ruler is holden in honor among them. Wherfore it semeth to me, that there are 2. kind of honors: one which proceedeth from the lips,Two kinde of honour. Math. 17. Double honour with lippes and with heart. & that is named flattery, wherof it is spoken in Math. the 17. chap. This people doth honor me with their lips, but their hartes are far from me. There is on other kinde of honor which is reall, and commeth frō the hart. And this is the very true honor in deed, wherwith the king ought to be honored. But me thinketh that he doth really, and de facto in very deede honor the king: which wisheth and counselleth him, to keepe and do those things, wherby his dominion is beloued, his royalty not diminished, his honor and fame preserued, & his conscience not burdened: And he that perswadeth him contrary to these, I thinke doth not honour the king. To proceede therefore further. I say first, that he doth de facto honor the king, who perswadeth him those things, wherby he may be beloued of his subiectes. For a Prince ought to study rather to be beloued, then feared. And what more greater treasure can a Prince wish:A prince [...] ther to be beloued [...] feared. Seneca de clementia ad Ger [...]. A sentence. then to haue the harts of his subiectes? According to the saying of Seneca. The loue of the Citizens, is a fortresse inuincible, and a bulwarke not sautable. What thing is more to be wished for? what better then to liue and raigne, euery man willing and reioycing thereof? And in my opiniō, there is nothing which causeth more a Prince to be beloued, then if he keep and mayntayne his auncient liberties, and bring in no alterations▪ Wherefore it is sayd in the 22. chapter of Prou.Prouerb. 22 Thou shalt not remoue the land markes, which thy fore elders haue set. This place the Lord Peter alledged to make for himselfe: which I wyll proue to make agaynst him, and that by his reason, ye ought not to transgresse the olde limittes and boundes which the fathers haue set: For nouity and alteration doth ingender discord.In alteration what is to be cōsidered And for this cause in making of new alterations there ought to be both euident vtilitye, and vrgent necessitye. If therefore the Prince will abrogate and take away the liberties graunted by his forefathers and predecessours: he shall not be of his Realme beloued, as it appeareth by Roboam in the 11 chap. of the 3. Reg.3. Reg. 11. All which likewise is to be seene in the Chronicles, how that by these meanes many kingdomes and dominiōs were translated from nation to nation, and from their owne natiue regiment to the rule of straūge people. And now for this time certayne it is, that your graunde predecessors Charles the great, S. Ludowick, Philip the fayre, Ludowick and Philip his sonnes, with many others, haue sealed and confirmed this liberty of the Church. Wherfore for a man to councell & perswade your highnesse to spoile the Church of any thing: it is euen the next way to spoyle and vndoe your self, and to bereue you of that, by which your dominion is beloued. And for this cause I thought good to put your grace in remembraunce of the 20. of Math.Math. 20. where it is written: Remember the workes of your forefathers [...], which they haue done in their generations, and you shal receiue great glory and renowne for euer. Note here your highnesse by the way, how that king Philip graundfather to S. Lewis: fostered and kept in his Realme S. Thomas Archbishop of Canterbury: who for that he stoutly defended the libertyes of his Church, was banished out of England. How much more therefore are you bound to defend and mayntayne your owne Prelates, in their liberties ratified and confirmed by your graces predecessors, according to the saying of Gregory in 25. quaest. cap Si. 25. Quaest [...] cap. Si. If I should destroy and put downe those thinges which my predecessours haue built and ordeined: I should not be called a builder and maker, but iustly acompted a [...]roy good and puller downe as the voyce as the Lord sayth: Euery kingdome deuided within it selfe shall be confoūded: All knowledge and learning deuided one agaynst the other, shall be destroyed. In an other place he sayth: It is ouer sharpe, and agaynst all good maner and ciuility (vpon what reason and excuse so euer) to breake and subuert those thinges which are well ordayned: or by his example, to teach other at theyr pleasures to dissolue olde constitutions.Marke here a fable. Marke here a story about a Castle which was geuen to Saynt Romige, to the Churches vse: by Clodoui the Kyng, which afterwarde King Pipine desired to haue by exchaunge and recouery.A dreaming fable. To whome the sayd Saynte Remige appeared in hys dreame, and highly blamed him therefore, saying: a better man then thou gaue it me, and yet wilt thou take it away from me? And with that he smote him, who the next day was founde all blacke. Since whiche tyme, no Kyng of Fraunce durst euer lye in that Castle. Uerely therefore, he doth not honour the Kyng, which geueth him counsell to passe the olde limittes that his olde Fathers did set. Yea rather the Kinges Maiesty ought to say vnto them,Iohn. 8. whiche is written in Saynt Iohn 8. chapter I do honour and glorify my Father, that is, in keepyng the libertyes of the Church, as they did which graunted them: but you haue dishonoured me,Eccle. 4. in counselling me that, which seemeth best to please your selues, as it is written in Ecclesiast. 4. The worship of a mans father is his owne worship, and where the father is without honor, it is the dishonor of the fo [...]ne.

Secondarily I say, that he truely doth honor the king, who counselleth him: whereby his power and dignity is not diminished. For as it is great honour to the Kynges highnesse to encrease and augment his power: so is it as much dishonour for him to diminish any iote thereof. And therefore, the Emperours were wont to call themselues [Page] victorious, of augmenting and encreasing theyr common wealth. And to say that you and your predecessours could not graunt these things to the Churche, it were to too absurde, and to the too muche derogation of your Maiesties most honourable estate. And therfore you (most soueraign Lorde) who holde and possesse so ample right and title in the realme of Fraunce, both by election and inheritaunce: not to graunt and leaue thys to your posteritie, it were to the great debasing of your Maiesties honour, crowne and dignitie. Yea if it were (as God forbid) it wold folow, that your predecessours liued continually in sinne: yea and further, it were as much to say (which were too vile) that blessed S. Lewes, by whome all Fraunce is beautified, could not be iustly canonized.

For as the Lord speaker declared, if he tooke his othe at his coronation both to alienate nothing, and also to call in that which was before alienated, which is inseparable frō the Crowne: it should followe that he was forsworne, and consequently committed deadly sinne, and so coulde neuer be canonized, which is to to absurde to be talked of. And if reply be made, that hee might haue repented: It is soone to be answeared: That his sinne is read of, but of hys repentaunce it is not founde, as is sayde of Salomon. But put case it be true that the Lord Peter sayd, then it must needes folow, that your grace could bestow nothing, neither coū trey, towne, nor tower. And yet there be few, whych willingly would not receiue them, notwythstanding their allegiaunce and homage, which they pretend to your hyghnes: Kepe therefore & confirme (most renowned Prince) yt which was graunted by your noble progenitors: otherwise, your royall honor shall decrease, that it may be verified in you which is read of, in the 11. to the Rom. I wil honor my ministerie.Rom. 11.

Thirdly I doe affirme, that he rightfully honoreth the king,Who honoreth the K. which perswadeth him that, whereby his honor and renowne is preserued. For in matters of weyght, and of great importaunce, next after conscience we must haue regarde to name and fame,Prouer. 22. as it is wrytten the 22. of Prou. It is better to haue a good name, then riches. A good name farre passeth all things,Conscience and good name. and is aboue siluer & gold. And S. Augustine sayeth two things are necessary for thee, conscience & name: Conscience for God, and name for thy neighbour. And therefore it is wrytten in the 4. chapt. of Eccles. Labour to get a good name,Eccle. 4. for that will continue surer by thee then a M. great treasures of golde. A good life hath a number of dayes. Which renowne & name, the Lord (who annoynted your grace with the oyle of gladnes) hath in so litle time more aboundantly blessed you wythall, then any other Prince, wherfore you ought to be more vigilant and carefull, howe to kepe and enioy the same still: For it is no lesse vertue, to seeke and gette, then to keepe that whych is gotten: whereby not onely while you lyue, but also when you are dead, your gloryous renowne may liue for euer: yea and farther, that by you nothing be done, wherby any blotte or foyle shoulde creepe into that your so great renowne: alluding that to your grace, which is sayde in the tenth of the Prouerbes. &c. The memoriall of the iust shall haue good report. &c. Beware therefore most noble Prince, and take heede that in your daies and time, the liberties of the church be not taken away (which God forbid) or diminished in any iote: For if your glorious name shoulde be blotted therwt, there be thousands, which would chronicle the same to perpetuall memory. Wherefore most Christian Prince, if such (as trusted after their death for no other life, but only for fame & renowne) liued a life most godly & vertuous: how much more ought we Christians, which looke after another life, by our wel doings here, to win vs a perpetuall name & memory after our death. And you besides, if you shuld dishonor your name, and fame: what a matter were it, considering how the kings of Fraunce, were euer counted the most christian princes, and most bountiful towards the church, geuing examples to other princes, how to enrich their churches & liberties thereof. And now especially, if your grace, ye church in some places being in great persecution (which God forbid) should shew light to other to pul and take away that whych was geuen by your forefathers to the church. What might the world say? For then by the like reason, might the Emperor depriue the Church of all, which was giuē to it by Constantine the Emperor. Also other kings would do the like in their Realme. God forbid that your highnes shuld geue such example. And for my parte, I woulde rather wish my selfe to be deade, then geue you such counsel, that in so pernitious and naughty a matter, you shoulde be example to other: Especially, when the kings of France your predecessors, were defenders alwaies against such y• went about to take away the liberties from the church: which is the office of a king, Ieronymus sayth vpon Ieremy,24. q. 5 cap. Regnum. which is foūd also in the 24. quaest. 5. cap. Regnum & C. Princeps. After this maner let the princes of the world know and vnderstand, how they are boūd to make an accōpt to God, for the Church which they take vpon them to keepe. Note you also, & read some examples out of stories & commentaries, what regarde the kings of France had in obseruing those things, and see you by the [...]r example, to follow and do the like: And then shall it be verified in your grace, which is wrytten in the 37. chapter of Eccle.Eccle. 37. Eccle. 3. A wise man shall obtaine honour amongst his people: As also in the 3. of the same. He that honoreth his mother, is like one that gathereth treasure together.

Fourthly I say,The 4. honoring of the kyng. that he in deede doth honor the King, which perswadeth hym to do that whereby his conscience is not hurt. For aboue all things, a Christen man ought to beware howe to doe that thing, which should be a grudge vnto his conscience, because the life is more then is meate. Mat. the 6. chap.Mat. 6. And assuredly I beleeue, that your grace wold not commit that thing willingly, wherwt your conscience shuld be burdened, for all the worlds good: and that iustly. For the more miraculously God hath called your highnes to the state of a King, and hath indued you wt hys grace: So much the more you ought to haue and take hede that you offende him not. For it is to be doubted, whether in doing the cōtrary, he will not be the more greuously displeased with you,1. Reg. 15. as hee was with Saule. 1. Reg. chap. 15. Consider therefore most soueraigne Lorde, y• at what time you were crowned, you sware only these things folowing & no other. First, that you would defend and maintaine the canonicall law,The oth of the French kinges. priuilege, and iustice, graunted to the Byshops and the church: and as much as in you did lie, to enlarge and amplify the same. Also that by your arbitre [...]t, all christian people at all times should keepe the true peace of God & his church. Also that you should forbid to all nations, al kind of sacrileges, spoylings, and iniquities. Also that in all kinde of iudgements, you should will and command equity and mercy. Also that throughout your whole territory and iurisdiction, you shuld sincerely withal your indeuour, study to exterminate & cut off from the Church, the noted heretikes: which all, and no other your Maiestie sware to fulfill, at the time of your Coronation: vnder the leaue & correction of the Lorde Peter, which affirmed you were sworne to none other thing besides. Now therefore, seing it is a canonical priuilege of the church, & in the heart of the whole Cano. 6. qu. 1. Quicunque litem habens, incorporate: when also by custome which is canonicall, it came in [...] that the Church and spiritualtie, may haue cognition in a number of cases, against which diuers articles haue bene here layde in: If this amongst the laitie should not be obserued in the Church, your graces conscience therby might somewhat be burdened. In like maner if you be bound wt all your whole might and power to procure, that al whole Christendome should keepe the true peace of God and his church: much more haue you to procure the same amongst your owne Barons & people, who euermore were all one with the Church. And alwayes where any church was in honor and estimation, there were belonging to it 20. sho [...]t Barons & knightes: whose office, as it was to defend the Church, so was it the part of the Church to pray for them & to offer sacrifice for them vnto God. And to this end, that blessed S. Lewes so much laboured in his time: who whē the greatest Barons of his realme had confederate to suppresse these liberties of the Church, & had consulted to geue him (to that ende) the hundreth part of their goods, would neuer condescend therunto, but alwais dissuaded thē therfro: and finally by his authoritie, sealed and cōfirmed these liberties of the Church. Consider here your maiestie, how that pope Innocētius at that time proceded against those Barons. &c. I dare be bold to say, yt if there should be now dissention betwene the Prelates and Barons: it wold not be long before the comminalty would vsurpe to rule and beare domination. As by experience it hath bene seene in many places, & likewise by practise, we of late myght haue sene: at what time the people stomaking the spiritualtie in the parties of Campania and Burgundie, at last rose and made in euery towne a king: and therwtall caused the officers which brought citations & absolutions from the pope and other, to be well banged: and not long after, made insurrection against the Lords temporal, and serued them wt the like sauce: vntill that by ye kings power they were suppressed, & many of them hanged. And this doubtles was in the daies of Lewis last king of yt name.A [...]g. by the possessions of the church many brethren and kinsmen of the nobles be maintayned. Truely the noble men ought not to be griued wt that that the Church is possessed wtal. For that there be few of them, who haue not their brothers and kinsfolkes, which liueth and are maintained by the goods and reuenues of the Church. Amongst whome if they should deuide their inheritance, perhappes [Page] they would bring a litle to nothing at all.Ergo, such possessions are not to be grudged at. To beleeue in the Church, is not in our faith. Let the Barons also consider how yt there is but few which beleeue not in y• church. For the church is one, as in the 6. of Canticū: My Doue & derling is one. Wherfore without great perill of trasgression can they not perswade and counsell such liberties of the church to be abrogated and taken away.

That therfore your Maiesties conscience may remain pure and immaculate: pleseth it your highnes by your anthority, to seale & confirme this good auncient & canonicall priuiledge. and contrary attempts (if any be made by way of proclamation or otherwise) to reuoke and call them in. And further, to keepe your mother the church of Fraūce in her auncient franck choyse, liberty, and customes. And thē by you in al thinges God shalbe glorified and honored, to whom be honor and glory for euer and euer. Amen. Who then will honor you as is sayd.1. Reg. 21. 1. Reg. 21. whosoeuer shall honour me. I will crowne him with that glory, in which consisteth the true honor, and is graūted to none vnworthy. Wherunto also none is admitted but worthy, as blessed S. Austen saith: which honor, graunt he vnto you & vs who is blessed world without end. Amen. And because a bill of many articles was exhibited,To the bill of articles exhibited. wherof part did infringe the whole ecclesiastical iurisdictiō: to ye defēce therof, we wil according to ye 4. cha. of Ecclesiasticus stand euē to the death, where it is sayd: for ye truth striue thou vnto the death, and God shall fight for thee agaynst thine enemies. Some other of thē contayne onely abuse, which we beleue none such to be. But if there be we will see redresse therin. Therfore for the honor of God, for the vnburdening of our consciences, for the kings maiesties reuerence, & for y• peoples profit and peace: All we here assembled, haue concluded to see remedy, that the aforesayd abuses, if any such be, shal be left, to the quietnes of the people, and prayse of almighty God. To whom be honor and glory world without end. Amen.

* Another sitting in the Parliament.

An other dayes sitting in the parliament.The next Friday following, being the 29. of December: the prelates assembled themselues agayne together at the kings palace in Paris, Where, the reuerend father the L. Peter Bertrand, by Gods permissiō bishop of Eduen spake openly there before the king, sitting with his Counsellors and Barons about him: taking to his theame the which is written in the 18. of Genesis, O Lord be not angry, that I speake yet more.Bishop of Eduen againe speaketh. &c. The which he applyed to this end: that for the maiesty of the king, the prudency of his counsell, and insufficiency of himselfe (considering the waightinesse of the cause) he trembled and was afrayde to speake: yet neuertheles, trusting vpon his accustomed clemency, tooke to him audacity, & presumed that which was appoynted to him by the prelates. Beginning with the 89 psalme: Lord thou art our refuge. &c. Which he prosecuted in extolling the king his persō, and his miraculous atteining to the crowne of Fraunce: preaching further, how he ought to be the champion & defender of the faith: all which he proued in few words by many reasōs and authorityes. Afterward, he touched those propositiōs which were propounded by the foresaid Lord Peter of Cugner, and for no other onely cause as he protested, but to informe the cōscience of his soueraign Lord and king, & to aduise his grace concerning the same: Not going about to make any finall iudgement, determination, or answer, wherby either sentence, Order, Statute, right to any man, or other processe, might thereof ensue or be groūded. And namely he first beginning with the Theame of the Lord Peter: first affirmed (render vnto the Emperour, which is the Emperors, and vnto God which is hys: Marke 12.) By whych woordes was signified the obedience and subiectiō to the king,Math. 12. Marke 12. with the differēce of the spiritualty from the temporalty, wherof the first mēber is proued by the 1. Pet. 2. Where is sayde: be yee subiect to euery humaine creature, &c. Also by the Cap. solite, extra de maio. & ob. And by the c. nouit extra. de iudicijs cap. de sacerdotibꝰ 10. q. 1. with the notes about ye same. Moreouer, as touching the distinction of both iurisdictions: whereof the Lord Peter prooued the temporall iurisdiction to pertaine to seculare men, the spiritual to the clergie, by the wordes of our Sauiour Christ. Luke. 22. where hee sayde: Beholde two swordes. Also for that Christ did pay tribute: Teaching thereby, how that the temporalties were to be reserued to the temporall men. Math. 17. 11. q. ca. Si tribut. ca. Magnum.

In like maner by ye law of Iustinian: where it is written, that 2. great giftes were ordained & graunted of God: a Byshoprike, and a kingdom: The first to beare rule ouer Gods matters, the other ouer worldly thinges. &c. And sayde moreouer, that these 2. be the cases which in no wyse could be altered or changed. Prou. 20. de Tiō. mo. lib. 1. & vlt. And affirmed also that o [...] suche Princely right, the Kynge coulde not abrogate and depriue hymselfe. For that it was unprescriptible, appertaining to the crowne and his regal seat, (considering howe he tooke his othe at time of hys coronation) not onely not to break or alienate ye lawes of his realme, but also to restore and reuoke such as were broken and alienated. To which these his reasons it was answered, that the iurisdiction and determination of ciuill causes (whereabout the controuersie now standeth) belongeth to the Church, both by Gods law and mans law. By Gods lawe it prooued was, euen from Adams time to Christes comming: per Innoc. ca. licet extra de foro, compe. And from Christes comming, to Peters time and hys successors. 22. di c [...]omnes patriarchae. Math. cap. 16. But how the Churche in the Realmes of Catholike Princes, attained vnto thys right and interest which at this presence it doth enioy, the law proueth. 2. q. ca. 5. Si quis. Praesbyter. 11. q. 1. Relatum 25. dist. Ecce. Whych also is confirmed by the Emperors in the body of the lawe. ff. 3. ¶ Si causam. col. 9 23. q. vlt c. his & a quibus. The Canon furthermore teacheth, how that S. Peter commaunded all the Princes of the earth and others, to obey and giue place to the Byshops. c omnes, extra de maior. & ob. 16. dist. duo sunt: Wherefore it was concluded, that in no wise this right is to be separated and taken away from the Church. And albeit in the realmes of tyrannous Princes, this state of the Church is violated and not kept: yet in this blessed realme of Fraunce, it hath bene alwayes euen to these dayes duely obserued: c. nouit. extra. de iudicijs. This iurisdiction, the lawes of Theodosius the Emperor and Carolus the great, hathe also confirmed. extra. de iudicijs. c. nonne. all. 11. q. 1. quaecunque. &c. fe iurisdictio. c. expresse: Where it is mentioned, that the same Carolus Kynge of Fraunce (and Emperor) especially constituted ye said lawe. And likewise to speake of custome, it hath bene known, frō time out of mind, ye same to haue belonged to the church of Fraunce: He therefore which shal go about to violate this lawe,11. q. 1. cap. 1. & 2. committeth sacrilege. 11. q. 1. ca. 1. & 2. And let not the kings maiestie maruell, if that in this most noble Realme of Fraunce thys prerogatiue be due vnto the Churche: As when hereby, his power and nobilitie is beutified. Anth. vt iud. sine quoquo suffra. fi. in principio Col 2. Besides this: our soueraigne Lorde and King, at what time hee was crowned, was sworne by the Euangelists to keepe and obserue thys Canonicall priuiledge of the Churche. Further, the Barons who in a manner are all sworne to the Churche, swore fidelity to the same: by which oth of fidelity, they are bound to keepe these liberties and rights of the Churche. When therfore euery oth which tendeth not to the perdition of the soule, is to be kept: a fortiori that oth which is taken in the fauor of the church, is much more to be obserued. c. 22. q. 4. cap. Si vero. Si vero extra. de iure iurando. 22. quaest. 4. c vlt. Besides thys, blessed Ludouicke, Phillip of Arragon, Phillip the faire, Ludouicke, Carolus the great, & Phillip: confirmed these priuiledges, customes, and liberties of the Church, which all were sworne at their coronations as before. &c. These things considered, who can aduise the kings maiesty with out damning of his owne soule, contrary to these liberties graunted and so confirmed to the Church? To whom belōgeth great reward, whosoeuer bestoweth any thing vpon the Churche: Antho. de non alie. at permut. re. ecc. §. si minis col. 3. neyther maketh it against vs where it is sayde, that there are two swordes. &c. Neyther yet the distinction betwene the Byshoppricke and kingdome.Math. 26. Because it is true that there are two swordes, the power wherof is left to the churches hand, although ye execution of the material sword is committed to the temporal and secular men. Matth. 26. where Christ saith to Peter: conuert and put vp thy sword into the place. But as touching the distinction betwixt the Byshopricke and kingdom, in deede it is true: asmuch as appertaineth to the end & to the execution of bloud,Why Christ payd tribute. but not concerning the beginning & subiect: for that in one subiect, both the powers are, may be, and ought to be, as is before prooued. To that poynt where it is said that Christ payed tribute: it is answered, that not therfore he payd it, because he ought or was bounde thereunto: because it is certainly true, that ye sonnes of ye king (as hee was ought not to pay) but this he did to auoide offence: yea also the Clergy is not boūd hereunto Esdrae 1. & vlt. Wherfore, such things do not inferre a consequence. Neither yet maketh that against vs where it is sayd: that the king our soueraigne Lord & maister can not abdicate from himselfe this right, especially for that he was sworne thereunto at ye time of his coronation, &c. for it is aunswered, that he may wel abdicate the same. And howe doth he abdicate the same from hymselfe, which be geueth and bestoweth to God & the Church? The land is the Lords. And doubtles, to geue is nothing els, but to [Page] tender to God and the church their owne: for then by that reason, the gift giuē to the church by Cōstantine is naught and nothing woorth, which is false, and this is proued xvi. dist. ca. Const. Wherby it appeareth, that an Emperour and king may alienate things of the empire.16. Dist. cap. Constanti [...]. ff. de legatis i. l. apud Iulianum §. vlt. nor yet heereby the Empire or kingdome is damaged: for that the thing returneth to the pristinat state ff. 35. Dist. cap. ab exordio. de pactis l. vnus § pactus. 35. dist. ab exordio. Furthermore, by this reason propounded: all the kings of France which euer were (and especially blessed Ludouike) shuld be spotted: for if that were true (as God forbid) then al they were persured and died in mortal sinne, which is to too absurde. Last of all, it hurteth not where it is sayd: that such things are inprescriptible: It is true in deede, they cannot of subiects, or otherwise then of the Church be prescribed: but in this cause we talke not of subiects. Also, seeing they may be alieuated, they may be prescribed, especially (the kinges thus consenting who confirmed the same so long a time) which excludeth all right both fiscal and ecclesiastical. The prelates therefore al with one consent, agreeth & affirmeth to the same as a verity to be maintained and defended. Beseeching the kings maiestie their Lorde, both for hys soule health, and peace of the Church, to maintaine the same, and keeping the liberties of the Church. Desiring hym to consider what commoditie daily he receiueth by the Churche, and that hys Churche neuer failed him yet, when hee had neede of the laitie, shewing the daungers and examples of them who did to the contrary. Further, hee beseeched hys highnesse to way howe entierly hys Lord the Pope doeth and hath loued his person and realme: Affirming, that neuer any placed in the seat of Peter, loued better his realme, then he doth. Alledging the text of Eccl. 6. where it is sayd: Stande in the multitude of the Priests,Eccle. 6. and beleeue them with thy heart.

After this in the sayd Session: The foresayde Byshop of Eduen prolocutour inferred many things beside,Speciall answeres to the articles premised by B. Eduen. & answered particularly to the articles aboue specified, and exhibited by the Lord Peter in wryting to the king and parliament. Which, because they touch more the subtiltie of the law and stiles of the courtes, then are necessary to this our history, and because we would not burdē the volume with all, conteining no great profite in them: we haue heere of purpose for breuities sake omitted them, passing to the next sitting, which was the next friday next after following the same, as ensueth.

The next Friday after thys, the Prelates assembled at Uicenas before the Kyng, to heare theyr answere: where, the foresaid Lorde Peter of Lugner) being prolocutour for the king) spake on this wise,An other dayes sitting in the Parliament. taking for hys theame. I am peace vnto you, do not feare. &c. which he prosecuted, monished that they shoulde not be troubled in any thyng that there had bene spoken. For that the intent and minde of the soueraigne Lorde their king was, to keepe the rites of the Church and Prelates, which they had by law, and by good and reasonable custome: Where, betweene the first and second conclusion, he went about to prooue: that the cognition of ciuill causes ought not to appertaine to the Church. For that such things were temporal and ought to pertaine to the temporaltie, [...]. Dist. cap. sum ad vetum. Shauing of Priestes crownes wherefore. 11. quest. 2. as spirituall things to the spiritualtie. And besides his other reasons hee alleaged the 86 dist. declaring for a truth, yt for this intent first the clarks crowns were shauen: in signe that they shuld be free frō all worldlinesse, and forsake all temporall things. Alledging to that end the 12. q. 2. Furthermore he declared, that the Byshops had cognition in certaine cases expressed by lawe. Wherefore, these said cases ministred a certaine rule against them, alledging for the proofe thereof De reg. iuris. ff. de lega. 1. L. ticie text oris. Also he affirmed that by reason of sinne, the decretall Nouit. coulde not make for them. For the same dyd speake of the king of Fraunce his state, which hath no superiour: but in other persons it was (he sayde) otherwyse. And these things thus being prooued, then sayd he, and cō cluded: That neuerthelesse, their Lord and King was ready to heare the information of them, which would instruct him of any custome: and those customes which were good and reasonable he would obserue. Which answere, because it did not seeme to please and suffice the Prelates, incontineutly the Byshop Eduen answered for them all in manner folowing. First, commēding the good and general answere, he spake in this wise: The Prince of the people (said he) shalbe praised, for the prudence of his talke, cōmending therewyth as touching the former good generall answer of the King, his purpose and talke propounded. But as concerning the wordes of the Lorde Peter, whych engendred and brought darknes and obscuritie, and might geue occasion to other temporall Lordes, to breake and infringe the rites and customes of the Church. Wherefore hys answere seemed not ful and plaine to the prelates. Speaking moreouer to the sayd Peter, he alluded to the words of the Uirgine speaking in the Scripture thus to her sonne: Sonne why did you so to vs: And so prosecuted yt same, both marueling with himselfe, and yet couertly complaining of hys answere. Afterwarde answering to these things which the Lord Peter affirmed, and first to the Chapter. Ad verum he sayde, that it was before answered: touching the deuision of the two iurisdictions, that they may be in one subiect as before is proued. Neither doth it let which the Lord Peter sayd, these two iurisdictiōs could not be in one subiect, because that things whych be in themselues diuers, & be vnder one Genus, as a man & an asse cannot be in one subiect. But if they were vnder diuers kindes, as whitenesse and sweetenesse in milke, they might be well in one subiect. It was answered that thys rule was not true: because iustice and temperaunce are two diuers vertues, and vnder one kinde, and yet be in one subiect. Besides these differing species, a man & an asse be not compatible in one subiect. Also to that which was spoken concerning the shauing of the crowne, it was answered yt the crowne did betoken rule & excellency: and the shauing did signify: that they ought not to heape vp store of tēporal things, so to apply their hartes thereunto. But that the temporall things ought to be subiect to them, and not they to the temporaltie, as is prooued in the saide chapter duo sunt genera. Also as concerning the thyng, whych was talked or de regula: he answereth, that this maketh for the church, as before was prooued. Yea, also, the custome doeth make the rule for the Church. Also lawes in all kind offense doth alwaies except the custome. And therefore, his saying makes nothyng against it. And nowe to that place which the Lord Peter spake about the Decretall Nouit. That the case was onely in the kinges person, yet for all that it is expresly sayd in the same text of euery Christen man. And although theyr lawe doth speake onely of the Pope, yet the same is applied to all Bishops in their Dioces.The B. findeth fault with the kings answere. Wherfore the sayd bishop concluded and beseched the king that it would please his grace to geue vnto them a more plainer and comfortable aunswere: and that they might not depart from hys presence all pensiue & sad, whereby occasion might be geuen to the laitie to impugne the rites and liberties of the Church. And that they doubted nothing heereof in the good nature & conscience of their soueraigne Lord and King: In the end it was aunswered to them in the behalfe of the king, that hys minde & intent was not to unpugne the customes of the church.

The Sonday following the bishops assembled themselues againe before the king at Uicenas, where the Lorde Bishop of Eduen repealed their last supposition, with the last aunswere made vnto them in the behalfe by the King, when the Byshop of Byturien,The gentle answere of the king to Bishope. had geuen them to vnderstand how the king willed them not to feare. For that they should suffer no hinderance or damage in his time, yea and wold defend them to their rights and customes because it should not be said that he would geue ensample to other to impugne the Church, assuring them that euen the Kinges grace hym willed so to declare vnto them. The sayde Lord Byshop of Senon in the name of the whole prelates gaue humble thankes to the King therefore, and the sayde B. of Senon beseeched yt such proclamations which were made to the preindice of the Ecclesiasticall iurisdiction myght be repealed, & called in. Heereunto the king himselfe answered wyth his owne mouth that they were not published at his commandement, neither did he know of them, nor ratifie them. Thirdly, the Bishop proposed that those abuses which the temporaltie complained of, should be so ordered & reformed: that euery man should be wel contented therwt. Last of all, he beseeched the kings highnesse, yt he would of his gracious goodnesse geue them a more comfortable & fuller answere.The finall answere of the kyng to the Prelates. Then answered the lord Peter in the name of the king: That if the prelates and bishops would see reformatiō of those things which were to be amēded (wheraboutes he would take respect betweene this and Christmas next folowing) his grace would innouate nothing in the meane season. And if in the foresaide space they woulde not correct & reforme that which was amisse, hys maiestie wold appoynt such order and remedy that shuld be acceptable both to God and hys subiectes. After thys, the Prelates had leaue of the king to depart and went home.

¶ A briefe recapitulation of the Byshops answere, wyth certaine notes answering to his Popish reasons vnto the Reader.

THe aunswere of Byshoppe Eduen in the name of the other Prelates,Notes vpon the bishops answer [...] Pag. 36 [...]. col. 2. to the Oration and Articles before obiected by the Lorde Peter consisteth in two partes. Fyrst, in declaring [Page] the seate due to God. Secondly, the honour due to the king. Wherof the first is,Feare of God consisting in three thinges. 1. In geuing.2. In honoring.3. In restoring. Honour to the kyng, double. In word flattering, in deede effectuall. Honour effectuall standeth in foure pointes. 1. in maintayning the kings loue.2. in maintayning his dignitie.3. in maintayning his good name.4. in maintayning his conscience. Pag. 361. col. 2. the feare of God (he sayeth) consisteth in three things. 1. In geuing to God. 2. In honoring his ministers. 3. In restoring that, which hath bene taken away. &c. The 2. which is, the honouring of the king, he sayeth, consisteth in a double sort, that is. In wordes onely, wherein is flattery: And in deede: which againe he deuideth in 4. members: First, when a man cousaileth a king to that, whereby his dominion is loued. 2. When the king is counsailed to that whereby his honour and excellencie is not diminihed. 3. Thirdly, when the king is counsailed to that, whereby his fame and renowne is maintained. 4. Fourthly, when a king is counsailed to that, wherby his conscience is not wounded. &c. And this is the order of his whole tractation. Nowe remayneth with like breuity to recite the reasons and argumentes in order, whereby he proueth the premisses, with the subdiuision of euery member and part thereof. Wherein the studious reader, may note both the subtile proceedings of these popish prelates, and also the feeble and impotent ground whereupon they build. Whose building (as by this discourse and many other may appeare) wholy & finally tendeth to this, to maintaine their liberties, pompe, and estimation aboue all other secular princes and persons.

First, as concerning feare to be geuen to God, which hee deuideth in 3. partes, in geuing, in honouring and restoring: for the first, hee proueth that princes ought to geue largely and wythout measure to the Church by these arguments.

By the testimonie of Iustinian: although nothing is good whych is too much,Pag. 361. col. 2. yet. &c. pag. 361. col. 2. I aunswere that in the time of Iustinian, goodes then geuen to the Churche, were the goodes of the poore. Wherein was vsed faithfull distribution, voluntarie geuing, and necessary charitie. But nowe in our Popish Churches, reuenues and landes geuen, neither are distributed to the poore: and yet are men compelled against their will to geue still. And againe, so little necessitie is nowe to geue to such, that the most wealthes of Realmes almost is in their handes and houses: in so much that they flowing in such wealth, are nowe waxed so proude, that kinges can scarse beare any rule for them, as was prooued before, pag. 3 30. col. 2. that the Popes reuenues heere in England, mounted to more then three times double the stint of the kings crowne. Wherefore by the counsaile of Iustinian, it was so then, and then myght stand, quòd Religio peperit diuitias: But nowe as the time is altered, so that counsaile holdeth not, postquam nunc filia deuor auit matrē. Religio peperit diuitias, nunc filia deuorauit matrem. 4. incommodities that come in geuing to the church. That is, after that the daughter hath deuoured the mother. Finally concerning mens geuing to the Church in these our popish daies, foure faultes I note.

First, that they geue superfluously more then sufficient is to necessitie of life.

Secondly, that they geue to such as abuse it wickedly.

Thirdly, that in geuing to them that neede not, noble men in meane time defraude their poore neighbors, which nede in dede, and yet doe not complaine.

Fourthly, because of thys title of geuing, men haue vsed, and yet doe vse to put great hope of saluation therein, contrary to the Testament of God in Christes death, whereof examples are before.

Pag. 361. col. 2.Pag. 361. col. 2. Abel offered of the best to the Lorde, and was blessed of God. Ergo, euery great man, that woulde be blessed of God, must offer of the best he hath vnto the Church. Aunswere. This argument as it is farre fet: so it is soone answered, wherein 3. notes are to be obserued.

3. Things to be noted, in offering to God and to the church.First, that he which offereth vnto the church of God, doth not therein offer vnto God immediatly as Abel did.

Secondly, neither is this to be graunted, that hee which offereth to all Churchmen, offereth by and by to the Church of God. For many times the Churchmen are one: and the Church of God is an other. Laurence the Martyr shewing forth the church of god, brought out the poore of the Parishe, and not of the priestes of the Church. Pag. 72. col. 1.

The thirde note is this: that if noble persons should offer vnto God (by the example of Abel) that which is the best and fattest of the flocke: then should they offer vnto the Lord, of their flocke onely, and not of their landes. Yea, and to note the very truth, they are taught thereby to offer to God, neither cattel nor landes, but that which is the very best, that is, their owne bodies for a liuely sacrifice to God.Rom. 12. Hee that offerd vp to God a proude heart, and killed it with the axe of humilitie, geueth vnto him the best and fattest bullocke he hath in all his flocke. With like reason I aunswere also the place of Numeri. 18. and of Paral. cap. vlt. that to offer vp,Pag. 361. col. 1. or to seperate vnto the Lordes treasurie, is not nowe to geue to Priestes and Chaplaines of the Churche, whyche peraduenture haue more then they doe well occupie: but to giue liberally to the communion of Sainctes, which are needy, and are the true treasurie of the Church in deede, as Laurence the true treasurer sayd, supra, pag. 72,

Pag. 362. col. 1.Pag. 362 col. 1. By Gods commaundement we are bound of duetie to honour our temporall fathers. Ergo, by the same duety we are bounde much rather to honour our spirituall fathers, that is Priestes and Prelates. Aunswere. A father in common speche is diuersly taken, as by age, by nature, by office. And to al these we of duety, are bound to yeeld honour, reuerence, obedience submission, all be it not all after one sort, nor in like degree. For as we are bound to honour our father and mothers: so aged men & elders haue also their honour and name of fathers So Magistrates and spirituall teachers in their kinde, haue their honour and reuerence. And S. Paule sayeth,1. Tim. 5. 2. Things [...] be noted [...] geuing honour, wh [...] in consi [...] honour geuing to Priestes. that such are worthy of double honour, qui benè praesunt, & qui laborant in sermone. But in thys two thyngs are to be noted, wherein this honour consisteth, and howe farre it extendeth. These spirituall fathers of the Churche, thinke they be not honoured inough, vnlesse Kings and Emperors geue and surrender vnto them all the temporall rule & gouernement, to doe what they list, and none to controll them. And vnlesse noble men and subiects indue them wyth temporall landes and possessions, so much as they woulde haue. And this they call honour, which they define onely by geuing temporally: where in deede it rather consisteth in geuing spiritually, as to haue a reuerent opinion of their ministration, to yeld a prompt obedience to their doctrine, to reuerence them as the ministers of God, and not to despise,1. Tim. 5. Titus. 2. defame, or molest their persones, whereof S. Paule also about the same place speaketh, wryting to Timothe. Let no man despise thy youth. &c. Also to Titus 2. Let no man despise thee. &c. And this is to honour our spirituall fathers.

Secondly,Qui benè praesunt. to consider howe farre this honour extendeth: as no man doeth denie, but these pastours are worthy their double honour, which rule wel: so if they administer not their office wel, they are vnder the ouersighte of the king,How far honour giuen to priestes extendeth. bearing the Temporall sworde, worthy of double punishment. And yet to consider thys double honour in them that rule well, howe farre it doth extend: if it be compared to the honour due to our parentes, case of necessitie will soone decide it. For be it, that our parentes, on the one side, and pastour of the other, stande in extreeme neede of the sonnes supportation, wherein he can helpe but the one: nature, I suppose, will and ought sooner runne, and the word of Christ will sooner driue vs to our father,Marke. 7. then to the Priests Corban. Marc. 7. So that this distinction here may haue place: that as the one standeth vpon merite of vertue, so the other standeth vpon mere duety of necessitie.

Pag. 362. col. 1.Pag. 362. col. 1. These iurisdictions temporall and spiritual are compatible in one persone. Aunswere. I graunt pro ratione subiects. That is, in the subiect it selfe there is no cause to the contrary, but these vocations may be exercised both of one persone, as they haue beene of the Pope, one after the other (and so may contrary formes also) and yet the Popes persone hath bene able to sustaine them both. But now here is to be considered, not what the nature of the subiecte is able to beare by Logicke, but what order is taken heerein by the will of God, whose order is thys: That they, which with Peter, are called to the feeding of the flock, shoulde leaue their fishing nettes, and fishe for men: and that they which labour in the warfare of the Lord, should not intangle thē selues with the busines of this life, wherby they may be more free to please him,Tit. 2. whose souldiours they are. Tit. 2, &c.

Pag. 362. col. 1. The iurisdictions temporall and spirituall, are so distincted that they are not contrary.Pag. 362. col. 1. 2. formes not contrary maybe compatible in one subiect. &c. Aunswer. And what let is there then, but our Queene nowe, and other kings heereafter may haue the gouernement of both states, as well Ecclesiasticall as temporall? Seeing both the formes being compatible, may concurre both in one subiect: why not as well in the persone of the King, within the Realme, as in the person of the Pope without the Realme?

Pag. 363 col. 1. God after the creation of the world,Pag. 363. col. 1. &c. vnto Noes time: &c. Aunswere. If God vnto Noes time gouerning the worlde as king, gaue sentence himselfe against Caine (as yee say) howe then did he that by the ministerie of aungels? If he did it by the aungels his ministers:Rom. 13. Whether is more like then that to make for the Pope, or rather for kings and princes, whom the Scripture thrise in one chapter, calleth the ministers of God to execute punishment to him, that doth euill. Rom. 13.

Pag. 363. Noe also which offered. &c. Aunswere. If offering of burnt sacrifices to God doe make a priest,Pag. 363. col. 1. Noe was a priest, and had both iurisdiction in the Arke. then was Caine also, Abell, Abraham, Isaac, and all Patriarches priests. If hee had both temporall and spirituall iurisdiction vppon them, which were in his Arke: I maruell why hee did not curse [...]hen the disobedyent crowe that returned not to him againe.

Pag. 363. col. 1, Melchisedech likewise. &c. Answere. Melchisedech properly did beare a figure of Christ, both king and priest, and of none other.

Pag. 363. col. 2. A. I haue geuen to me.Pag. 363. col. 1. A. &c. Aunswere. That Christ hath all power geuen him, no man doubteth: but yet the same Christ sayth, that his kingdome is not of this world. Neither would he be made a king in this worlde. &c. Non eripit mortalia, qui regna dat caelestia, hym.

Pag. 363. col. 1. B. Whom Christ made his vicar. &c. Answere. Here in one line bee two lies.Pag. 363. col. B. For neither had Peter the very same power in heauen and earth as Christ had, neyther was hee the vicar of Christ.

Pag. 363. col. 1. C.Page. 363. col. 1. C. As the offence of Ananias and Saphira [Page] was not temporall but spirituall: so did Peter kill them not iudicially, that is, as a temporall iudge, but spiritually, that is, by the power of the spirite, which spirite wrought by him, not as by a iudge, but as a minister. And although this acte of Peter was extraordinarie for a singular example: yet notwithstanding let any prelate with the like power of spirit, so do, & none wil blame him.

Pag. 363. col. 1. D.Pag 363 col. 1. D. And so likewise the condemnation of Paule against the Corinthian, was onely spirituall and not temporall.

Pag. 363. 1. E. must be referred to the order. &c. Aunswere. Christ woulde these causes to be referred to the hearing of the Churche,E. for spirituall admonition, but not for temporall iurisdiction of the prelates.

Pag 363. col. 1. F. All things that the true Church doth truely binde are bound. I graunt: but first let the Pope proue his Church to be the true Church, and himselfe to be the vniuersal head therof, and then let him claime the keies.

Ibid. The two swords do as much signifie the two regiments: as doe the two fishes wherewith Christ did feede foure thousande persones.Pag. 363. col. 1.

Ibid. Christ bad Peter put vp his sword and not to cast it away. Ergo, the Church may haue the temporall sworde. Answere. God geue you good morowe, I haue brought you a capon.

Pag. 364. col. 1. I. Know ye not the Saintes. &c. Aunswere. S. Paule heere willing the Corinthians to pleade their matters not before the heathen, but before the Saints: meaneth the faithfull of the congregation, not onely prelates.

Pag. 364. col. 1.K. In them was not the like reason. &c. Aunswere. I graunt, for Christ and true Christians is one thing: Antechrist and hys Church is an other thing.

Ibid. As ye say, the Apostles had no laisure to take lands and possessions, for preaching: but nowe, for Lordly loytering you haue laisure inough.

Pag. 364. col. 1.Pag. 364. col. 1. M. They are most fittest to beare temporal rule, which followe neerest to God. Prelates of the cleargie followe nearest to God. Ergo, Prelates of the Clergie are more meetest to beare temporall rule.

Resp. If God heere be taken for that God, which is called the belly. I graunt they seeme to followe nearer. But if it be taken for the true God, not I, but their owne fruites, life, and doctrine, and Esay also would denie their minor, and say, that this people draweth neare to me with their lips, but their heart is farre from me.

Pag. 364. col. 1.Pag. 364. col. 1. You are a chosen generation, a royal Priesthode. &c. Aunswere. This place of Peter was written not onely to persones Ecclesiasticall, but to the whole congregation of the Saintes disparsed, as the wordes following may declare. Qui eratis quondam non populus. &c.

And thus much concerning French matters, which because they be Ecclesiasticall, and beare wyth them some vtilitie to the diligēt reader (such as list to search, note and obserue the actes of men, and course of religion) I thought therfore here to place and adioyne next after, the other contention before proceding betwene Philip the French king and Pope Boniface. Albeit as touching the perfect keeping of yeres and time, I am not ignorant that thys foresaid Parliament thus summoned and commenced against the French prelates falling in the yeare of our Lorde. 1329. was to be referred rather to y• raigne of king Edward the i [...]. Of whom now remaineth (by the grace of Christ) in order of historie to prosecute, declaring first the instructions and informations of his father geuen to him in the time of his departing. Anno. 1307. The sicknes and death of K Edward, The yeare of our Lorde 1307. and the last yeare of the king, the foresayde king Edwarde in his iourney marching towarde Scotland: in the North fel sicke of the flixe, which increased so feruētly vpon hym, that he dispaired of life. Wherfore, calling before him his Earles and Barons, caused them to be sworne, yt they should crowne his sonne Edward in such conuenient time after his death as they might, & kepe the land to his vse, til he were crowned. That done, Godly lessōs and precepts geuen to the yong prince. he called before him his sonne Edwarde, informing and lessoning him wyth wholesome preceptes, & charged him also with diuers poynts vpon his blessing: first that he should be cou [...]teous, gentle, vpright in iudgement, faire spoken to all men, constant in deede and word, familiar with the good: and especially to the miserable to be merciful. After this, he gaue him also in charge, not to be to hastie in taking his crowne, before he had reuenged his fathers iniuries stoutly against the Scots: but that he shuld remaine in those parties to take wt him hys fathers bones, The kyng cōmaundeth his bones to be caryed in the field against the Scottes. being well boiled from the flesh, and so inclosed in some fit vessel, shoulde carie them with him til he conquered all the Scots: saying, that so long as he had his fathers bones wt him, none should ouercome him. Moreouer, he willed and required him, to loue his brother Thomas, and Edmund: also to cherish & tender his mother Margaret the Quene. Ouer & besides, he straitly charged him vpon his blessing (as he would auoide his curse) that he should in no case cal to him againe, The fatherly care of kyng Edward in excluding wicked cōpany frō his sonne. or sende for Peter Gaueston: whych Peter Gaueston the king before had banished the realme, for his naughty and wicked familiarity with hys sonne Edward, and for his seducing of him with sinister counsaile. For the which cause, he banished both Peter Gaueston vtterly out of the realme, and also put the sayd Edwarde hys sonne in prison. And therefore so straitly charged hys sonne, in no wise to sende for this Gaueston, or to haue him in any case about him. A rashe vow of kyng Edward. The kyngs heart to be car [...]ed to the holy land. And finally, because he had cōceined in himselfe a vow to haue returned hys owne person to the holy land (which for his manifold warres wyth the Scots, he could not performe) therefore he had prepared 32000. poundes of siluer, for the sending of certaine souldiours with hys hart vnto the holy lād. Which thing he required of hys sonne to see accomplished. So that the foresayde money, vnder hys curse & malediction, be not employed to other vses. But these iniunctions and preceptes, the disobedient sonne did nothing obserue or keepe after ye decease of his father. Who forsaking and leauing of the warre with the Scots, wyth all speede hasted him to his coronation. Also, contrary to the minde of his nobles, & against the precept of hys father he sent for the foresayde Peter Gaueston, & prodigally bestowed vpon him al that treasure which his father had bequested to the holy land. He was moreouer a proud despiser of his peeres & nobles. And therefore raigned infortunately, as by the sequele of the story heere folowing, by the grace of Christ shalbe declared. Thus king Edwarde first of that name, leauing behinde him 3. sonnes, Thomas and Edmund by his third wife, and Edward by his first wife, whome he had sufficiently thus with precepts instructed, departed this mortall life. An. 1307. after hee had raigned neare 39. yeres. Of whom this Epitaph was wrytten.

Dum viguit rex,

The Epitaph of kyng Edward

& valuit tua magna potestas:

Fraus latuit, pax magna fuit, regnauit honestas.

In ye time and raigne of thys king, many other things happened, which here I omit to speake of: as the long discorde and strife betweene the Prior of Cant. and the Prior of Douer, which continued aboue 4. yeres together: with much wrangling & vnquietnes betweene them. Likewyse an other lyke cōtention growing betwene Iohn Romain Archb. of York, and the Archb. of Cant. vpon the occasion, that when Iohn Archb. of York after his consecration returned from the Pope, and comming to Douer, contrary to the inhibition of Cant. passed through ye middle of Kent, with his crosse borne vp: although the story reporteth, that he had the kings consent therunto. An. 1286.

Item, betwene Thomas Bishop of Hereford, & Iohn Pecham Archb. of Cant. fell an other wrangling matter, in the time of thys king. Which Byshop of Hereforde appealing from the Archb. to the Pope, went vp to Rome, and in his iourney died. Who with lesse cost might haue taryed at home. 1282.

King Edward the second.

EDwarde the second of that name,King Edward the second. and sonne of Edward the first, borne as is aforesaid at Carnaruan in Wales, after the departure of his father, entred the gouernment of the lande. An. 1307. But was crowned not before the yeare next folowing.Anno. 1308. An. 1308. by reason of the absence of Rob. Winchelsey, who was banished by king Edward the first. Wherupon the king thys present yere wryteth to the pope for the restitution of the sayd Archb. for that by an auncient law of the realme, the coronation of the king coulde not otherwise proceede without the Archb. of Cant. Which Edward as he was personable in body and outwarde shape, so in conditions and euill disposition much deformed. As vnstedfast of woorde, and light to disclose secretes of great counsaile: Also refusing the companie of hys Lords & men of honoure: hee much haunted among villaines and vile personnages: Geuen moreouer, to ouermuche drinking, and such vices as thereuppon be woont to ensue. And as of his owne nature he was to the sayd vices disposed, so was hee much worse by the counsaile and familiarity of certaine euill disposed persones,King Edward led by wicked counsaile. as first of Peter or Pierse Gaueston before touched. Then after hym of the two Spensers and other, whose wanton counsaile hee followyng, gaue hymselfe to the appetite and pleasure of his body: nothing ordering hys common weale by sadnesse, discretion and iustice: which thyng caused first great variance betweene hym and his nobles, so that shortly hee became to them odible, and in ende was depriued of his kingdome. In the first yeare, hee tooke to wife Isabel daughter of Phillippe [Page] king of Fraunce: wyth whome (the yeare after) hee was crowned at Westminster, by the bishop of Winchester: for that, Robert Winchelsey Archbishop of Canterbury, was yet in exile not returned home. Notwithstanding, the Barons and Lords made first their request to the king to put Peter Gaueston from hym, or els they would not consent to his coronation.Peter Gaueston or Gauerston a wicked doer about the kyng. Whereupon he was enforced to graunt them at the next parliament, to haue their requests accomplished, and so was crowned. In ye meane season, the foresayd Peter or Pierse bearing himselfe of the kings fauour bolde: continued triumphing and setting at light all other states and nobles of the Realme, so that hee ruled both the King and the Realme, and all things went as he woulde. Neither had the king any delight els, or kept company wt any, but with him: with him onely he brake all his minde, & conferred all his counsailes. This as it seemed straunge vnto the Lordes and Earles, so it inflamed their indignation so much against this Peter, that through the exciting of the Nobles, the Byshops of the land did proceede in excommunication against the said Gauerston, vnlesse he departed the land. Upon the occasion whereof, the King the same first yeare of his raigne, being greeued wyth the Byshoppes, wryteth to the Pope, complaining that they had proceeded to excommunication of the sayde Peter, vnlesse he departed the realme within a time certaine. The which letter of the king, what answere againe the king had from the pope, I finde not set down in storie. Ouer and besides, it befell in the said first yeare of the king, that the Byshoppricke of Yorke being vacant, the king gaue the office of the treasour to one of his owne clearkes: wherof the pope hauing intelligence wryteth to the King, commaunding him to call backe the same gift, and wt all citeth vp to Rome the sayd clearke, there to answere the matter to a nephewe of one of his Cardinals, vpon whom he had bestowed the sayd dignitie whereunto the king maketh answere. Quod citationes huiusmodi & illorum executio &c.. i. That if such citations and the execution of the same should procede to the impeachement of our kingly iurisdiction, and to the preiudice of our lawful inheritance and the honor of our crowne (especially of the deciding of suche matters which principally concerne our estate, should be prosequuted in any other place then within thys our Realme by any manner of wayes. &c.) Certes, although we our selues would winke thereat, or through sufferaunce permit matters so to passe our hands: yet the states and nobles of our kingdom, who vpon allegeance are obliged and sworne to the protection and defence of the dignitie of the crowne of England, will in no wise suffer our right and the lawes of the lande so to be violated.

Besides this, the foresaid pope wrote to the king, complaining that by certaine councellours of king Edwarde his father lying sicke, vtterly ignoraunt thereof, a certaine restraint was geuen out, charging his nuncios and Legates (whō he had sent for the gathering of the first fruites of the benefices vacant wythin the realme) not hereafter to entermeddle therewith. &c. whereunto the king maketh answere. ‘Gidelicet. Pater Sanctis. Datum fuit vobis intelligi. &c.’

In English thus.

‘Most holy Father, it hath ben geuen you to vnderstand otherwise then the truth of the matter is: for most true it is in dede that the foresaide inhibition was ratified by good acte of Parliament holden at Karlin, vpon certain causes concerning the execution of such collections (the said our father not onely being not ignorant, but also witting, willing, and of his owne meere knowledge agreeing to the same) in the presence not only of his owne Erles, Barons, and states, and commons of the Realme, but also your legates and liegers being called thereunto.’

‘Item, vpon other letters brought from the Pope to the king, for the enstalling of one Peter de Subaudia his kinseman into the Bishoppricke of Worcester being then vacant, and withall requiring that if the sayd Peter would not accept thereof, the election shoulde be referred to the Priour and Couent of the same place.’ The king therewith grieued, maketh answere by his letters to the Pope and sundry his Cardinals. ‘Quod cum electiones de futuris prelatis in ecclesiis Cathedral. &c. That for so much as elections of prelates to be placed in cathedral churches within his kingdome, are not to be attempted without his licence first had and obtained. &c.’ Therefore he coulde not abide that any such straunge and vnaccustomed reseruations should or could take place in his Realme without manifest preiudice of his kingly estate, requiring further that hee woulde not cause any suche nouelties to be brought in into hys kingdome, contrary to that which hys auncestors before him haue accustom ed to doe.

Anno. 1310.Thus the time proceeded, & at length the Parliament appoynted came. An. 1310. which was the fourth of thys kings raigne. The articles were drawne by the nobles to be exhibited to the king, which articles were the same conteined In magna charta, and de foresta aboue specified: wyth such other articles as his father had charged him with before: to wit, that he should remoue frō him and his Court, all aliens and peruerse counsellours. And that all the matters of the common wealth should be debated by common counsaile of the Lordes both temporall and spirituall: and that he should stirre no warre out of England in any other foreine realme, without the common assent of the same. &c. The king perceiuing their intent to be, as it was in deede, to sonder Peter Gaueston from his cōpany: and seeing no other remedy: but nedes must yeld and graūt his consent, agreed that the said Gaueston shuld be banished into Ireland. And so the Parliament breaking vp, the Lordes returned to their owne, well appeased: although of the other articles they could not speede, yet that they had driuen Peter Gaueston out of the Realme, at this time, it did suffice them.

Thys Peter Gaueston was a certaine Gentlemans sonne of Wasconie:Peter Gaueston. whom being young, king Edward the first (for the good seruice, his father had done hym in hys warres) receiued to his Court, and placed hym with hys sonne Edwarde nowe raigning. Who, in processe of time growing vp with him, incēsed and prouoked him to much outrage and wantōnesse. By whose occasion first he began in his fathers dayes, to breake the parke of Walter bishop of Chester, then Chancelour of England, and after executor to the king. For ye which so doing, the king (as is partly touched before) imprisoned his sonne, and condemned this Peter to perpetuall banishment. Notwithstanding the young king, after the death of his father (as yee haue heard) sent for this Gaueston againe. And with all, so persecuted this foresayd Bishop, that he clapt him in ye tower, and seised vpon al his goods. Moreouer, caused most strait inquisition to be made vppon him for guiding his office, wherein if the least crime might haue ben found, it would haue cost him his life. And thus much of Peter Gaueston, and of his origine. Now to the matter.

The king thus separated from his old compere (that is from the companie of Peter Gaueston,The vnordinate affection of the kyng to Peter Gaueston. nowe exiled into Ireland) continued in great mourning and pensiuenesse, seeking by all meanes possible, howe to call him home againe, and conferring with such as were about hym vpon the same. Who did insinuate to the king, that for somuch as the Earle of Glocester was a man well loued and fauored in all the realme, if a marriage might be wrought betwixt his sister and Peter Gaueston: It might be a meane both for him to obtaine more frendship, and for the king to haue his desire. To make short, Peter Gaueston in all hast was sent for, & the marriage through the kings procuring, proceeded betwene the Earles sister, and the foresayde Peter, albeit sore against the Earles mind.The pride of Peter Gaueston. Gaueston thus restored and dignified, was so surprised in pride and exaltation, more then euer before: that he disdained & derided al other, whose rule & power more & more encreased. In somuch, yt he hauing the guiding of all the kings iewels & treasure, cōueied out of ye kings iewell house at Westminster a table & a paire of tressels of gold, vnto certain marchants beyōd the sea, with other iewels [...]o to his behoofe: to the great impouerishing both of the king & Quene, and of the land. And ouer all that, brought the king (by meane of his wanton conditions) to manifold vices,Peter Gaueston spoileth the kynges treasure. as aduoutrie, and suche other like. Wherfore, the Lords seing the mischief that daily increased by occasion of this vnhappie man: tooke theyr coūsell together at Lyncolne, and there concluded to voide him again out of England, so yt shortly after he was exiled againe,The queene complaineth to the frēch kyng her Father of Peter Gaueston. and went into Flaunders: for in Fraunce or hys owne country he durst not appeare, for feare of Philip the French king, to whō the Queene of England hys daughter had sent ouer great complaintes, of the sayd Gaueston: who had so impouerished her & the whole Court, that she had not wherewith to maintaine her state. Uppon whych complaint, the French king through al his dominiōs layd strait watch to apprehend the sayd Gaueston: but he not vnwarned thereof,Gaueston againe excluded out of the land. secretly coasted into Flaunders, from whēce it was not long, but he was fet againe by the king, as in further processe followeth: so much was the kinges hart infatuated by this wicked person.

About this yeare, or the next before came in first the crowched Friers.The crowched Friers. The knights of S. Iohn, called the knightes of the Rodes. And also began first the knightes of the order of S. Iohn Baptist, otherwise called the knights of Rhodes: for that they, by manly knighthood put out the Turkes from the Isle of Rhodes.

In the history of king Edward this kinges father before precedent, mention was made of Pope Clemēt the 5. who succeeded after Benedict: also of putting down of the templaries, which in this yeare hapned by the meanes of [Page] the French king:Templaries burned at Paris, to the number of [...]. The order of the Templarie put downe. The horrible sect of the Templaries. who as he caused to be burned in the City of Paris this yeare, 54. Tēplaries, with the great maister of the same order: so by his procurement the foresayd Pope Clement called a Councell at Uienna, where the whole order and sect of Templaries being cōdemned, was shortly after by the consent of all Christen kinges deposed all in one day. After whome, the Frenche king thought to make his sonne king of Ierusalem, and to conuert to hym all the landes of the sayd Templaries: But Clement the Pope would thereto not agree transferring all their lands to the order of hospitulers, for the great summe of money geuen for the same. The cause why these impious Templaries were put downe was so abhominable and filthy that for the reuerence of chaste eares it were better not told if it be true that some write.

An other matter worthy to be noted of like abhomination I thought here to inserte touching a certayne Noonery in Fraunce called Prouines, within the which at the clensing and casting of a fishpond were found many bones of young children and the bodyes also of some infantes as yet whole vnconsumed: vpon occasion whereof diuers of the Nunnes of the sayd Nunnery to the nūber of 27. were had to Paris, and there imprisoned, what became of them afterward I finde not in mine author. Arpontacus Burdegalensis.

In the the same Counsell also was decreed by the sayd Clement, yt all religious orders exempted, shold be subiect vnder the common lawes as other were.Cistercian Monkes for money redeme their exemptions of the pope. But Cistercian Monkes with mony and great giftes, redeemed their priuileges and exemption of the pope, and so had them graū ted Tho. Wals. These Cistercians sped better herein, then did ye Minorites of Franciscās in theyr suite. Of the whiche Franciscans, when certayne of them had offered vnto the sayd Pope Clement 40. thousand florences of gold, beside other siluer,The Fryers minorites deceiued of Pope Clement. Ex Chron. Th [...]. Wals. One thiefe be guileth mother. that the Pope woulde dispence with them to haue landes and possessions agaynst their rule: the Pope asked them where was that money? They aunswered, in the marchant mens hands. So the space of three dayes being geuen thē to bring forth these marchants: the P. absolued the marchaunts of their bond made to the Fryers, and commaunded all that money to be imployed and reuerted to hys vse. Declaring to the Fryers, that he would not infringe or violate the rule of S. Frauncis lately canonised: neither ought he to do it for any money. And thus the beggerly riche Fryers lost both their money and theyr indulgence. Ex eodem autore. Pope Clemēt excommunicateth the Venetians for making a duke.

Concerning this pope Clement the 5. Sabellicus writeth that he excommunicated the Uenecians, for ayding and preferring of Azoda, vnto the estate of Ferrary: and wrote his letters throughout all Europe, condemning them as enemies of the Church, and geuing their goods as a lawfull pray vnto all men, which caused them to sustaine great harme. But Frauncis Dandulus a Noble man of Uenice being Embassadour from the Uenecians to the sayd Clement, for the obtayning of their absolution and safegard of their Citty and country,The pryde and tyranny of Pope Clement. 5. Fraūcis Dádulus humbleth him selfe for his countrey. Out of Sabellie and is alleaged in the booke named the Image of tyranny. The pietie of Dandulus to his countrey. Pietie thākfully rewarded. Rob. Winchelsey returned home from banishment. Anno. 1311. The counting of the yeare was in the old time from Michaelmas to the same day againe. and for the pacifying of the popes fury toward them, was fayne so to humble himselfe before this proud tyrannicall Prelate, that hee suffered a chaine of yron to be tyed about hys neck, and so he lye down flat before his table, and so to catch the bones & fragmentes that fell from his table, as it had bene a dog, till the Popes fury was toward them asswaged: So that after that, he in reproche (because he so humbled himselfe for the behalfe and helping of his country) was of some called a dog. But the Citty of Uenice shewed themselues not vnkinde agayn to Dandulus for hys gentle good will declared to his country. For as he had abased himselfe before the vile and ignominious condition of a dog for his Countries sake: so they extolled him with as muche glory agayne being returned home, decking and adourning him after the best aray, with the chiefe princely ornamentes of the Citty, to make him amendes for his former reproch receaued. Sabel Ennead. 9. li. 7

Concerning the Constitutions of this pope Clement, and of his decretals and Clementines: and how Henricus the Emperour in his dayes was poysoned in receauing of the Sacrament, ye haue heard before. About this tyme Robert Winchelsey Archbishop of Canterbury (whō thys kinges father had banished before) was released and returned home from Rome.

Those thinges thus declared, let vs proceede (by the Lordes grace) to the next yeare, which is of the Lord. 1311. & the fifth yeare after this kings raygne. In ye which yeare compting the yeare from Michelmasse, to the same feast agayne, as then the vsage of the Realme was: Peter Gaueston, who had wandred the countryes about, & could finde no safe resting place (notwithstanding he was vtterly banished, vpon forfeiting life and goodes out of the realm, yet trusting vpon the kinges fauour, and the good will of the Earle of Gloucester, whose sister he had maried) secretly returning into England with a certain company of straū gers: presented himselfe to the kinges sight. At the beholding of whom, the king for ioy ran to him, and imbracinge him,Ex Chron. The. Wals. did not onely retayne him: but also for hys sake vndid all such actes as had bene in the Parliament before, enacted. The Queene and the whole Court seeing this doting of the king, made an heauy Christenmas. After this return of Gaueston was noysed among the commons, ye Pieres and Nobles of the Realme were not a little styrred, casting with themselues, what way were best to take. If he were suffered stil they saw not onely themselues reiected, but also that the Queene coulde not enioy the loue of the King, neither could there be any quietnes in the Realme. Again, to stir vp warre in the land, it were not the best: to vexe or disquiet the king, also they were afrayd. But for asmuch as they could not abide, all the nobilitie so to be thrust out and vilepended for the loue of one straunger, & also the realme so to be spoyled and impouerished by the same: This way they took, that Thomas Earle of Lancaster, shoulde be elected among them the chieftayn and chiefe doer in that busines: to whom all other Earles and Barons, and prelats also did concordly condescend & consent,The Archb. of Cant excommunicateth the Bish. of Couentry for holdyng with Peter Gaueston. except onely walter Byshop of Couentry, whome Robert the Archbishop therfore afterward did excommunicate. which Thomas of Lancaster by the publike assent of the rest, sent to the King (lying then at Yorke) humble petions, in the name aswell of the whole Nobilitie, as of the commons: Desiring his grace to geue the foresayd Gaueston vnto them, or els according to the ordinance of the Realme, that the land might be auoyded of him. But the tyrannious king, who set more by the amour of one straunger then by his whole realme beside: neither would harken to theyr counsayle, nor geue place to theyr supplications: But in al hasty fury, remoued from Yorke to Newcastle, where he remayned almost till midsommer.

In the meane season, the Barons had gathered an host of sufficient and able souldiours, comming toward Newcastell: not intending any molestation against the king, but onely the execution of the lawes vpon wicked Gaueston. The king not hauing wherwith to resist theyr power: remoueth in all speedy manner to Thinmouth, where the Queene lay. And hearing there that Newcastle was taken: taketh shipping and sayleth from thence (notwithstā ding the Queene there being great with childe, with weeping teares and all instaunce, desireth him to tary with her as safely he might) but he nothing relenting to her, tooke Peter his compiere with him, and coasted ouer to the Castle of Scarbrough,Peter Gaueston taken of the nobles. where he leauing Peter Gaueston to ye safe keeping of hys men, himselfe iournieth toward ye coast beside warwike. The Lordes hearing where Peter was, bendeth thether al theyr power: so that at length Gaueston seing no remedy but he must needes come into their hands yeldeth and submitteth himself:The kyng entreateth for Gaueston. requiring none other condition, but onely that he might talke but a few words with the king in his presence. Thus Gaueston being apprehended, the king hearing therof, sendeth vnto the Lordes, requiring his life to be spared: and that he might be brought to his speech, and so promised, that in so doing he would satisfie their mindes and requestes, whatsoeuer. About this, aduisement was taken: but then the Earle of Penbroke hearing the kinges promise, perswaded the Barons to graunt vnto his petition: promising himself, vpon loosing all his landes to take theyr charge vpon him to be brought vnto the kinges speach, and so to be recommitted to thē agayne. Which when he had obtained, he taketh Peter Gaueston with him, to bring him where the king lay. And so comming to Dedington, not farre from Warwike, leaueth him in the keeping of his souldiours,Guy of Warwike. while he that night went to hys wife, being from thence not farre of.

The same night it chaunced, Guido the Earle of Warwike to come to the same place where Gaueston was left: who taking him out of the handes of hys keepers, caryeth him to the Castle of Warwike,Peter Gaueston againe apprehended by Gwy of Warwike. where incontinent they woulde haue put him to death: but doubting and fearing the kings displeasure, a little they stayed. At what time one of the company (a man of sage and wise counsayle as myne author writeth) standing vp among them with his graue Oration declareth the nature of the man, the wickednes of his own condition, the realme by him so greatly endamaged, the nobles despised and reiected, the pride and ambition of the man intollerable, the ruine of things like to ensue by him, and the great charges and expences they had beene at in so long pu [...]ing and getting of him. And now being gotten and in theyr handes, he exhorteth them so to vse and take the occasion now present: that hereafter [Page] being out of their handes, they afterward might seeke, and should not finde it.

Peter Gaueston beheaded.Briefly, in such sort he perswaded ye hearers, that forthwith he was brought out, and by common agreement beheaded in a place called Blakelow, whiche place in other storyes I finde to be called Gaueshed,The corpes of Peter Gaueston buryed in the kinges Manor of Langley. but that name (as I thinke was deriued vpon this occasion, afterwarde. And thus he, that before had called the Earle of Warwicke the blacke dog of Ardeine, was thus by the sayd dog worowed as ye haue heard. &c. His carkas, the Dominicke Fryers of Oxford had in their Monastery interred the space of two yeares: but after that, the king caused the sayd carkas to be taken vpp and buryed within hys owne Mannour of Langley.

After this, great disturbance began to rise betwene the king and the Lords: who hauing their power lying about Dunstable, sent stout messenge vnto the king at London, to haue their former actes confirmed. Gilbert Earle of Gloucester the kinges nephew (who neyther did holde agaynst the king nor yet agaynst the Nobles) with the Byshops and Prelates of the Realme: went betweene both parties with great dilligēce, to make vnitie. At which time also came 2. Cardinals from Rome, with letters sent vnto them from the Pope. The Nobles aunswered to the message of the Cardinals, lying then at Saint Albans: that as touching themselues they shoulde be at all times welcome to them: But as touching their letters (forasmuche as they were men vulettered,The Nobles of England cared not for the popes letters. and onely brought vp in warre and feates of armes) therefore they cared not for seing the same. Then message was sent againe, that they would graunt at least but to speake with the popes legates, which purposely came for the intent to set quyet and vnitie in the Realme. They aunswered agayne,The Popes Legates not admitted of the Nobles of England. that they had bishops both godly and learned, by whose counsayle they would be led only and not by any straungers, who knewe not the true cause of ther commotion. And therefore they sayd precisely, that they would no foreiners or alians to be doers in theyr busines, and affayres pertaining the realme. Yet notwithkā ding, through the mediation of the Archbishop, and of the Erle of Gloucester: the matter at length was so takē vp, yt the Barons should restore to the king, or his attourny of S. Albans, all the treasure, horses, and iewels of the foresayd Gaueston taken at Newcastle, and so there requestes should be graunted. And so was the matter at time composed.

Shortly vpon the same, Isabell the Queene was deliuered of a fayre child at Windsore, whō Lewes the French kings sonne (the Queenes brother, with other Frenchmē there present) would to be called by the name of the French king: but the English Lordes were contrary, willing him to be called by the name of Edward hys father. At the birth of whiche Edward, great reioysing was through all the land, and especially the king his father so much ioyed therat: that he begon dayly more and more to forget the sorowe and remembrance of Gauestons death, and was after that more agreable to the will of his Nobles.

Thus peace and concord betwene them began to be in a good toward ones: which more and more might haue ben confirmed in wearing out of time, had not Sathan the author and sower of discord,Anno. 1312. The kyng ruled by foreine counsayle. styrred vp hys instruments (certain Frenchmen, Titinyllars, and makebates about the kyng) which ceased not in carping and deprauing the Nobles, to inflame the kinges hatred & grudge agaynst them. By the exciting of whom, the old quarrels being renued a fresh, the king in his Parliament called vpon the same: began to charge the foresayd Barons and Nobles with sedion and rebellion, & for slaying Peter Gaueston. Neither were the nobles lesse stout agayne in defending theyr cause declaring that they in so doing had deserued rather thanke and fauour with the king then any displeasure, in vanquishing such a publique enemy of the Realme, who not onely had spoyled and wasted the kinges substaunce, but also raysed much disturbance in the realme. And for asmuch as they had begon with the matter to theyr so great labours & expenses: they wold proceed further, they sayd, not ceasing til they saw an end therof. To be short, great threates there were on both parts, and a fowle matter like to haue followed. But agayne through the dilligent mediation of the Queene,Makebates about the kyng. Mediation for making peace. the Prelates, and the foresayd Earle of Gloucester: the matter was taken vp and brought to reconcilemēt vpon these conditions, that the Lords and Barons openly in Westminster hall shold humble themselues before the king,The king reconciled againe with his nobles. and aske pardon there of their doinges, and euerye man there to receaue a letter of the kings pardon, for their indemnitie, and assuraunce. And so passed ouer that yeare, within the whiche yeare died Robert Winchelsey Archbishop of Canterbury. In whose roome, Thomas Cobham was elected by the king and church of Canterbury to succeede: but the Pope, cassating that election, placed Walter Reynald Bishop of Worceter.

In the meane tyme, the Scots hearing this ciuill discord in the Realme, began to be busie, and to rebell of new through the meanes of Robert Brius: who beyng chased out of Scotlād,Anno. 1313. What di [...] cord doth in a common weale. The Scot [...] rebel against the realme of England. by king Edward the first, as is aboue premised, into Norway, was now returned again into Scotlād: where he demeaned him in such sort to yt Lords there: that in short processe he was agayne made kyng of the Realme: And warred so strongly vppon them that tooke the kinges part: that he wanne from them many Castels and strong holds, and inuaded the borders of Englād. The K. hearing this, assembleth a great power, and by water entreth the Realm of Scotland. Agaynst whō he encountred Robert de Bruys with hys Scots at Estriuallin, where was fought a strong battayle: in the end wherof, the Englishmē were discomfited, & so egerly pursued by the Scots, that many of the Noble men were slay ne, as the Earle of Gloucester, Syr Robert Clifford, Syr Edmund Maule with other Lords to the number of 4.2.English men ouercome by the Scottse. & knights and Barons 227. besides men of name, which were taken prisoners: of common souldiours 10. thousād, or after the Scotish story 50. thousand slayne. After which time, sir Robert Bruis reigned as king of Scotland.

About which time and in which yeare,Pope Clement neuer late in the sea of Rome dyed Pope Clement, who keeping in the realme of Fraunce, neuer came to the sea of Rome: after whose death the Papacie stoode voyde two yeares.

The Scots after this exalted with pride and fiercenes inuaded the realme of Englād so [...]ore killing & destroying man,Ann. 1314. and woman, and child: that they came wyning & wasting the Northpartes as farre as to Yorke. Besides thys, such dearth of victuals, and penury of all things so oppressed the whole land,Miserable death and famine in England. suche moraine of sheepe and Oxen: as men were fayne to eat horseflesh, dogges, cattes, myse, and what els they coulde get. Moreouer, suche a price of corne followed withall, yt the king hardly had bread, for ye sustentation of his own houshold. Moreouer some there were yt stall children and did eate them, and many for lacke of virtuall dyed. And yet all this amended not the king of hys euill liuing.

The cause and origene of this great dearth was,A description of an horrible famine in the realm of England. partly the warres and dissention betwene them and the Scottes: wherby a great part of ye land was wasted. But the chiefest cause was, the vntemperate season of the yeare, which contrary to the common course, was so moyst wt aboundaunce of rayne: that the graine layd in the earth could haue no ripyng by heate of the sunne, nor grow to any nourishment. Wherby, they that had to eat, could not be satisfied with saturitie, but eftsoones were as hungry agayne. They that had nothing,Ex Chron. Tho. Wals. in vita Edward [...]. 2. weve driuen to steale and rob: the riche were constrayned to auoyde and diminish theyr housholdes: the poore for famine died. And not so much the want of vitayle which could not be gotten, as ye vnwholesomnes of ye same when it was taken, so consumed the people: that the quicke were not suficient to bury the dead. For the corruption of the meates, by reasō of vnseasonablenes of the groūd, was so infectious: that many dyed of the f [...]ixe, many of hote feuers, diuers of the pestilence. And not onely the bodyes of men thereby were infected, but also the bea [...]es by the putrifaction of the hearbs and grasse fel in as great a morain: so farforth, as the eating of flesh was suspect & thought cō tagious. A quarter of corne and salt, from the moneth of Iune to September grew from 30. s. vnto 40. s. The flesh of horses was then precious to the poore. Many were driuen to steale fat dogges and to eate them: some were sayde in secret corners to eate their owne children. Some would steale other mens children to kill them and eate them priuily. The prisoners and theeues that were in bandes, such as newly were brought in vnto them, for hunger fell vpon them, and tearing them in pecces did eate them halfe aliue Briefly, this extreme pemiry had extincted and consumed (as it was thought) the greatest part of the people of the land: ha d not the king by the statute of the Londiners geuē forth commaundement through all his land, that no corne shoulde at that tyme be turned to the making of drinke. Such a Lord is God, thus able to do where he is disposed to strike. And yet we miserable creatures, in our wealth and aboundaunce will not surcease dayly to prouoke hys terrible maiesty.

But let vs returne to the order agayne of our story.The Scottes driuen out of Ireland. After the Scottes had thus plagued miserably (as ye haue heard) the Realme of England: they inuaded also Ireland where they kept and cōtinued warre the space of 4. yeares. But in fine, the Irishmen (by ayd sent to them from England) quitte themselues so well: that they banquished the [Page] Scottes, and slew Edward Bruys, and many of the Nobles of Scotland with many other, and droue the residue out of the country.

Anno. 1317.The king about the 12. yeare of his raigne, assembled a new host and went into Scotland, where he layd siege to Barwike. But in the meane time, the Scottes by an other way, inuaded the marches of Yorkeshyre, robbing and harieng the countrey, that they slew much people. Wherfore, the Archbishop of of Yorke, and other Abbottes, Pryors, Clerkes, with husbandmen: assembled a great company, and gaue them battell at a place called Mytton,The white battaile of the spiri [...]al men in York [...]ire. where the Englishmen were discomfited and many of them slayne: but the Archbishop, and the Abbot of Selby, and diuers other there escaped. But because there were so many spirituall men there slayne, it was called therefore the whyte battayle. By reason whereof, the king hearing of this, and partly because wynter did approche, was constrayned to breake vp his siege, and so returned not without great daunger.

The two Spensers.At this tyme the two Spensers (Syr Hugh Spenser the father, and Hugh Spenser the sonne) were of great power in England, and by the fauour of the King practised such cruelty, and bare themselues so haughtely and proud: that no Lord of this land might gainsay them in any thing that they thought good, wherby they were in great hatred and indignation both with the nobles, and the commons, no lesse then Peter Gaueston was before.

Soone vppon this, came two Legates from Rome, sent by pope Iohn the 22.Two legates seat from Rome. The Popes pillage. The Popes legates spoiled of all their yl gotten treasure. The Popes curse cōtemned of the Scottes. The Clergie of Englande denyeth to contribute to the popes legates. vnder the pretence to set agreement betwene England and Scotlād: who for theyr charges and expences, required of euery spiritual person iiij.d. in euery marke. But all theyr labour nothing auailed: For the Legates as they were in the North parts (about Derlinghton) with theyr whole family and trayne: were robbed and dispoyled of theyr horses, treasure apparell, and what elles they had, and with an euill fauoured handling, retired backe agayne to Duresine, where they said a while wayting for an answere from the Scots. But when neyther the popes Legacy nor his curse would take any place with the Scottes: they returned agayn to London, where they first excommunicated and cursed as blacke a s soote, al those arrogant and presumptuous robbars of Northumberland. Secondly, for supplying of the losses receaued, they exacted of the Clergy to be geuen and paid vnto them viij.d. in euery marke. But the Clergye thereunto woulde not agree, seeing it was theyr owne couetouines (as they say) that made them venture farther then they needed. Only they were contēted to relieue them after iiij.d. in a mark as they promised before, further they woulde not graunt. whereof the king being aduertized, and taking part wyth his clergy, directeth his letters to the said Legates in form as followeth Rex Magistro Rigando. &c.

REX Magistro rigando de Asterio (canonico Aurelian. Salutem &c. In Englishe thus.

A prohibition against strange taxes & impositions.The king to maister Rigand of Asserio (Canon of Aurelia greeting. We haue taken notice of the clamours and lamentable petitions of the subiectes of our Realme, perceauing by the same that you practise many and sondry inconueniences very straunge: neuer heretofore accustomed nor heard of in this our realme, aswell agaynst the Clergy and ecclesiasticall persons as agaynst the layrie euen to the vtter oppression and empouerishing of many our liege people which if should be wincked at (as God forbid) may in processe of time be occasion of greater perills to ensue whereat we are (not without cause) moued, and not a litle grieued. We forbid you therefore that from henceforth you practise not, ne presume in anye case to attempt any thinge within this our Realme either agaynst our Clergy or laytie, that may any maner of way tend to the preiudice of our Royall person or of our Crowne and dignitie Regall, witness the king at wyndsoure the vi. day of February in the xi. yeare of his raigne. Per Concilium.

Likewise in the same yeare the sayd king writeth to the same effect to the Archbishop of Caunterbury as followeth Rex venerabili in Christo Patri. W. eadem gra. Archiepiscopo Cant. In English thus.

The king to the reuerend father in God. W. by the same grace Archbishop of Canterbury 1. primate of Englande greeting. We are credibly enformed by many our subiectes that certayne straunge imposicions neuer heard of before within any our dominions vpō lands & tenemēts, goods and cattels concerning testaments and cases of matrimony are brought into our Realme to be executed vppon our subiectes by you or some others which if should proceede to execution, would manifestly tend to the disherisō of our Crowne, impeachment of our Crowne and dignitie Regall and the intollerable damage of the subiectes of our realme (and to the dew preseruation of the whiche you are bound by solemne othe of alleageance) we therefore commaund and straitly charge you, that you proceede not in any case to the execution of anye suche letters either in your owne person nor by anye other, nor yet presume by colour of the same to attempte any thinge that may be preiudiciall or hurtfull to our Crowne or dignitie Regall. And if you or any other in your name haue done or attempted anye thing by colour of the same, that ye call back and reuoke the same foorthwith without delaye. Witnesse the King at Shene the xvii. of February the xi. yeare of hys raigne.

Peripsum Regem.

The like letters in effect were directed to the Archbyshop of Yorke, and to euery other Byshop through England. By force of whiche letters the greedy Legates beyng restrayned of theyr rauening purpose taking what they could get, and setting a peace (such as it was) betwene the king and the Earle of Lancaster were fayne to pack. Besides the restraynt aboue mentioned for strange imposicions there followeth moreouer the same yeare the kings prohibitiō for the gathering of Peter Pence directed to the foresayd Legate the Tenor whereof followeth.

A prohibition of Peter Pence.

Rex magistro Rigando &c. In English thus. The king to mayster Rigand of Asserio Canon of Aurelia greeting.A prohibition for paying the Popes Peter pence. We are geuen to vnderstād that you doe demand and purpose to leuye the Peter Peny within our Realme otherwise then the sayd Peter Peny hath bene heretofore accustomed to be leuyed in the time of any our progenitours exercising herein grieuous censures ecclesiasticall to the great annoyaunce and damnifying of the subiectes of our Realme for present remedy whereof our louing subiectes haue made theyr humble supplication vnto vs. And for asmuch as the sayd Peter Peny hath bene hetherto accustomed to be gathered and leuyed vppon landes and Tenementes within our Realme after a dewe maner and forme We not willing that any such vnaccustomed Imposicions shall in any wise be made vpon the landes and Tenemēts of any our subiects within our dominions: Prohibite you vpon grieuous payne strai ghtly charging that in no wise you presume to exacte gather or leuy the sayd Peter Peny in any other forme or maner then hath bene heretofore accustomed to be gathered and leuied in the tyme of our progenitours or since the beginning of our raigne: vntill further order be taken in our high Courte of Parliament by the aduise of the Nobles and Pieres of our realm, such as may well be taken without preiudice of our Crowne and damage of subiectes. Witnesse the king at Westminster the first day of march.

Per ipsum Regem & Consilium.

To the same effect letters were directed to the Archbishops, Deanes, Archdeacons and the rest of the clergy. Touching the first originall of which Peter pence though mention be made before in the life of king Offa and others: yet to make a briefe recapitulation of the same according to the Rolles as they come, to our handes thus it followeth. De Denarijs beati petri sic scriptum. &c. That is to say: It is thus found recorded in auncient Chronicles touching the Peter pence of S, Peter,Reade before so the liues of king Offa, and kyng Adelwulfe. an. 187. Offa king of Mercia trauelled vp to Rome in the time of the Pope Adrian the first to obtaine the Canonizing of S. Albone. And hauing performed his vow, visiting the Colledge of English Students which then florished in Rome, did geue to the maintenance of the scholers of England Studentes in Rome, one peny out of euery Tenemēt within this Realme that had land belonging to the same, amounting to the yearely value of 30 pence. And for this his munificence he obteined of Pope Adrian that no person within his dominiōs publicke repenting him for not perfourming enioyned penance should therefore be banished.

Anno Domini. 857. Adewulfus Rex Westsaxonium tempore Leonis Papae quarti Rome, singulis annis 300. Mancusas portari precepit, taliter diuidendas ibidem Viz. 100. Mancusas in honoré scilicet petri specialiter ad emendum oleum, quo impletétur omnia Luminaria ecclesiae Apostolicae in vespera paschae & in galli cantu: & 100. mancusas in honorem scilicet Pauli eisdem de causis. 100. preterea mancusas precepit exhiberi Vniuersali Pape ad suas Eleemosinas ampliandas. Et sciendum quod secundum antiquorum Anglorum interpretationem differunt mancusa, & mancaiquia mancusa idem erat apud eos quod marca argentes: Manca vero erat moneta aria quadra, & valebat communiter 30. denarios argenteos.

[Page]Of which Peter Pence is founde a transcript of the originall Rescript Apostolicall, the Tenor whereof is this. ‘Gregorius Episcopus seruus seruorum Dei venerabilibus fratribus Cantuar, & Ebor. Archiepiscopis & eorum suffraganeis & dilectis filijs Abbatibus, prioribus, Archidiaconis eorum (que) officialibus per regnum Angliae constitutis, ad quos literae istae peruenerint salutem & Apostolicam Benedictionem. Qualiter denarij beati petri, qui debentur Camere nostrae colligantur in Anglia, & in quibus Episcopatibus & dioces debeantur, ne super hoc dubitari cōtingat, & presentibus fecimus annotari, sicut in Registro sedis Apostlicae continetur, De Cantuar. diocess. 7. l. 1 [...].5. sterlingorum. De London diocess. 16. l. 10. s de Rossens. diocess. v.l. 12. s De Norwicens. diocess. 21. l. 10.5. De Elienum v. l. De Lincol. 42. l. De Cistrens. 8. l. De Winton. 17. l. 6. s. 8. d. De Exon. 9. l. 5. s. De Wigorne 10. l. 5. s. De Hereforde 6. l. De Bathon. diocess. 12. l. 5. s. De Saref bur. 17. l. De Couentre. 10. l. 5. s. De Eboram. 11. l. 10. s. Datum apud Vrbem Veterem. 10. Kal. Maij. Pontificatus nostri. Anno secundo.’

Summa. 30. marce & dimidi.

Concerning which Peter Pence it is touched in y• lawes of king Edward the Saint chap. 10. when where of whō vnder what payne this Peter Pence must be gathered being but the kinges meere almes as is aforesayd. And thus much touching Peter Pēce. Now for other letters writtē by the k. to ye Pope, the same yeare for other matters as craning the popes helpe in compounding the variaunce betwixt the 2. Archibishaps of Cant. and York for bearing the crosse from the one prouince to the other, thus it followeth that the king greeuously complayneth quod tantae dissentiones. 1. that suche hurly burly and vproare arose thereof that they coulde not meete together in one place through the great multitude of armed men assistants on both partes in the very bearing of the crosse to the great disturbance of the people.

Now after this longe digression to tourne to our English matters agayne mention was made before of the variaunce betweene the king and the Earle of Lancaster and of a peace concluded betwene them. But this peace did not long endure: which the king by his owne default did break sending to the Scots a priuy messenger) which was taken in the way) to haue the foresaid Earle of Lancaster by their meanes, made away, &c.

The pryde of the Spensers.In the mean time, the Lords and nobles of England detesting the outragious pride of ye Spēsers, wherby they wrought dayly both great dishonor to the king and hindraūce to the cōmon weale: in such wise conspired against them, that gathering their power together, they made are quest to the king, that he should remoue the Spensers frō his person. For the which, there was a Parliament called at London, & the Barons came together with a great cō pany. At which Parliament both the Spensers were banished the land for terme of their liues: and they took shipping at Douer and so voided the land. But it was not lōg after, but the king (contrary to that ordinance made in the Parliament) sent for the Spensers agayne, and set them in high authority, & ruled all thinges after their sensuall appetites, nothing regarding iustice nor the cominō wealth. Wherfore, ye Barons entēding agayn to reforme this mischief, assembled their powers: but the king (making so hasty speed, and gathering his people so soone) was stronger then they, & pursued thē so in diuers places: that the Barons not fully ioined together (some flying, & some departing to the king, some slayne by the way) in the end were chased so egerly: that in short space, the foresayd Thomas Earle of Lancaster was taken & put to death in the rest of the nobility, to the number of 22. of the greatest men, and chicfest Captaines of this realme. Of whom onely, Thomas Earle of Lancaster for the nobility of his bloud,Anno. 1321. That Thomas Earle of Lancaster came of Edmund, younger sonne of K. Henry. 3.22. of the greatest nobilitie of the realme, put to death by the kyng. was beheaded: All the other Lords and Barons, were hanged drawn & quartered. &c. which bloudy vnmercifulnes of ye king toward his naturall subiects, not only to him procured great dishonor within the realme, but also turned afterward to his much more greater harm & hinderance, in his forreine warres agaynst the Scots: And finally wrought his vtter confusion and ouerthrow of his seat royall, as in the sequell of his end appeared, and worthely.

After the ruine of these noble personages: the king as though he had gottē a great cōquest (who then in deed began first to be ouercomen and conquere himself, when he so oppressed and cut of the strength and sinews of his chiualrye) began to triumph not a litle with his Spensers: And to coūt himselfe sure as though he were in heauen,Anno. 1322. The cruell reioysing of the kyng. to exercise more sharpe seuerity vpon his subiectes, trusting and committing all to the counsell onely of the foresayd Spensers: in so much, that both the Queene and the residue of y• other nobles could litle be regarded. Who as they grew euer in more contempt with the king: so they encreased in more hatred agaynst the Spensers: but strength & hability lacked, to worke ther will.

The next yeare, the king being at York, after he had made Sir Hugh Spencer Erle, and Syr Iohn Baldocke a man of euill same to be Chauncellour of England:Anno. 1323. he thē areared a mighty host agaynst the Scottes. But for lack of skilfull guiding,The king distressed again in Scot. land. expert Captaynes, and for want specially of due prouision of vitayles necessary for such an army: the great multitude, to the number reckoned of an hundreth thousand (wandring through Scotland, from whence the Scots, had conuayed all theyr goods and cattell into moutaynes, and marches) were so pynched and sterued with famyne, that a great part of the army, there presently perished: and they that returned home, as soone as they tasted of in eates, escaped not. The king neither hauing resistance of his enemies, and seing such a destruction of his subiects: was forced without anye acte done to retyre. But in his retiring, Sir Iames Duglas and the Scottes hauing knowledge therof, pursued him in such wise: that they clue many Englishe men, and had well neare taken the kyng himselfe. After whiche distresse, the king thus beaten and wearyed with the Scottes, woulde fayne haue ioyned in [...]ruce with the Scottes: but because they stoode excommunicate by the pope he standing in feare therof desireth licēce to entreate with them of peace, the sayd excommunication notwithstanding whiche licence beyng obtayned, a treaty was appoynted by commissioners on both parts at Newcastle at the feast of Sainct Nicholas next ensuing and so truce was taken for 12. yeares whereupon this is to be noted by the way (gentle reader) not vnworthy of obseruation that wheras in former tymes and especially of the late king Edward the first, so long as the Scottes were vnder the popes blessing, and we in displeasure with his holines for dealing with them, so long we preuayled mightely agaynst them, euen to ye vtter subuersion in manour of their whole estate. But nowe so soone as the Pope tooke our part, & the Scots were vnder his curse and excommunication. Then gat they greater victories against vs then any time either before or sithence, in somuch as being before not able to defend them selues agaynst vs, they nowe pursued vs into the bowels of our owne country.

The king purposing to erect a house of Fryers Augustines within the towne of Boston in Lincolneshyre first prayed the popes licence in that behalfe.

Polidorius Virgilius among other histories of our English nation which he intermedleth withall,Polydoru Virgilius, an Itallan wryter of our English stories. prosecuting also the actes and life of this present King, and comming to write of the Queenes goyng ouer into Fraunce: inferreth much varietie and diuersitie of autours and story writers, concerning the cause thereof. Otherwise, be geueth hymself no true certainty of that matter, neyther yet toucheth he y• which was the cause in deede. By reason partly, that he being an Italian and a foreiner, coulde not vnderstand our English toung. And partly agayne being but one mā neyther coulde he alone come to the sight of all our Latine autours. One I am sure came not to his perusing, an old ancient Latine history fayre written in patchment (but without name) belonging to the library of William Cary Citizen of London. In which story, the truth of this matter [...] out all ambiguitie is there fully and with all circumstaunces expressed, as here briefly is excerpted.

The king of England had bene diuers & sundry tymes cited vpp to the Courte of Fraunce,Anno. 1324. to doe homage to the French king, for the Dukedome of Aquitane & other lands which the king then helde of Fraunce. Whiche homage because the king of England refused to tender: the French K. began to enter at such possessions as the king then did hold in Fraunce, Whereupon, great contention and confirtes there were on both sides. At length in this yeare now present, a Parliament was called at London. Where (after much altercation) at last it was determined: that certayne should be sent ouer, to witte the Bishops of Winchester, and Norwich, and the Earle of Richmond, to make agreement betwixt the two kinges. For the better help and fortification of which agreement, it was thought good afterward: that Queene Isabell,The queene put to her pension. sister to Charles then ye Frēch king shold be sent ouer. Where is to be noted first that the Queenes landes, possessions and castles a little before vpon the breach betweene the Frenche king and the Kyng of Englande, were seised into the kinges handes, and the Queene put to her pension.The queene sent to F. Ser Prince E [...]. &c. Thus the Queene beyng sent ouer with a few, to attend vpon her, onely Syr Iohn Cromwell Baron, and 4. knightes, tooke theyr passage into Fraunce: by whose mediation, it was there concluded that the king of England (if he would not himselfe come to do his homage) he should geue to his sonne Edward, the [Page] Dukedome of Aquitanie, and the Earledome of Pontine and so he to come to make his homage to the king, and to podesle the same.Prince Edward made duke of Aqutaine, and Earle of Pō [...]at. This being in Fraunce concluded, was sent ouer by message to the king of England, with ye kings letters patentes adioyned for the sate conduct of him or of his sonne. Upon this, deliberation was taken in the counsalle of England. But the two Spensers fearing to take the Seas eyther with the king, or els without the king to remayne behinde for scare of the nobles: so appoynted, that Prince Edward the kings sonne was sent, whiche happened after to theyr vtter desolation, as it followed. For all thinges being quieted & ordered according to ye agreement in Fraunce, K. Edward of England soone after Michaelmas, sendeth for his wife and his sonne agayne out of Fraunce.The queene & the prince resuse to returne into England. But the sending home most part of her family, reinseth her self [...] to returne. For what cause it is not fully certayne, whether for indignation that her possessions and landes were seised to the King, as is afore premised: or whether for feare and hatred of the Spensers, as is likely: or els for loue and familiaritie of Syr Roger Mortimer. For here is to be noted, that the sayd Syr Roger Mortimer, with diuers other of the Barōs part, which had broken prison in England, were fled before into Fraunce, and now resorted vnto the Queene.The queene & the prince proclaymed [...] tours in England. The king seeing this, geueth forth in proclamation, and limitteth a certayne day to y• Queene and his sonne to return: or els to be proclaymed traytours to the King and to the Realme. Notwithstanding, the Queene persisting in her purpose, denyeth to returne, vnlesse the other Nobles which were fled, might be permitted safely also to returne with her. Whereupon, the king immediately caused them both to be proclaimed traytours; and all them that tooke their partes.

Here then began great hatred betwene king & king, betweene the king & the Queene, much preparation of warre great spoyling on the sea, much sending betweene the pope & thē, but that would not serue. Then the K. (by the counsayle of the Spensers) sendeth priuily to procure the death of the Queene and of his sonne:The King co [...]spired priuely the death of the Queene and of his sonne. which should be wrought by the execution of the Earle of Richmond, ye Queenes familiar. But as the Lord would, that imaginatiō was preuented and vtterly frustrate. Albeit, the Queene yet notwithstanding, whether misdoubting and fearing what corruptiō of [...]ony might do in the court of Fraunce: or whether the French king being threatned by the king of England, and by the Pope, durst not deteine her: she remoued from thence, & was receaued with Edward her sonne ioyously and honourably, in the Court or country of the Erle of Denawde, Where by meanes of such as were about her a mariage was concluded betweene the sayd Edward her sonne being of the age of 14. yeare,Anno. 1325. and Phillip the foresayd Earles daughter. When this was noysed in Eng. diuers men of honor & name came ouer to the Queene.Prince Edward betrothed to the Erle of Heynawdes daughter. And soone after the Erle of Daynawde prepared a crew of 5. hundred men of armes to set ouer the young Prince in his mother into England. Of this, the same sprang shortly through the realm. Wherfore, the K. in all defensable wayes made proiusiō to haue the hauens and portes of his land surely kept, for to resiste the landing of his enemies. On the contrary side, the Queene with no lesse preparation prouideth all things to her expedition necessary. Who when she saw her tyme, speeding herselfe to the Sea coast with Prince Edward her sonne, Lord Edmund Earle of Kent the Kings brother, Syr Roger Mortimer, the Lord Hygmore and other exiles of Englād, accompanied also with the foresaid Hainawders,The queene returneth to England. of whō Syr Iohn Henawd the Earles brother was Captayne of Englishmen & straungers hauing with her, the nuūber of 2757. souldiours she took shipping in those partes, & had the winde so fauorable, that they landed in England at a porte called Orwel beside Harwich in Suffolke,The landing of the queen in the Dominion of the Earle Marshal the moneth of September. To whom after her landing resorted Earle Marshall, the Earle of Leicester, with other Barōs Knightes, and Byshops also: namely of Lincolne, Hereforde,Anno. 1326. Duresine, and Ely: The Archbishop of Caunterbury though he came not himselfe, yet sent his ayde and money. Thus the Queene well furnished with plenty both of men and vitaile, setteth forward towarde London: so that the further she came the more her number dayly encreased, and the kinges power contrary, decreased, insomuch that as mine author affirmeth,The k. destitute of help and soldiors. not one almost in all the Realme could be hyzed with any wages to fight on the kinges behalfe agaynst the Queene. Neither did the Queenes army hurt any man or childe, eyther in goodes or any other thing, by the way.

The answer of the Londiner to the kyng.At the arriuing of the Queene, the King was then in London, whiche first would not beleue it to be true. Afterward (seeing and perceauing how it was) he asketh helpe of the Londiners. Who after mature abuisement; rendred this aunswere to the king agayne: that as touching the King, the Queene, and their sonne (the lawfull heyre of the kingdome) they were ready withall duety and seruice to honour and obey. As for straungers and traitors to the realm, they would receaue none such within theyr Citie gates. Furthermore to goe out of the City to fight, that they sayd they would not,The liberties of the citie of London in going out to warre. vnles it were so, that according to y• liberties of their city, they might returne home againe before sonne set. The king hearing this aunswere (whiche liked him not well) fortifieth the Tower of London wyth men & vitaile: commieting the custody thereof to Iohn Ealtham his yonger sonne, and to the wife of Hugh Spenser his niece. And leauing Walter Stapleton Bysh. of Excter behinde him to haue the rule of the citty of London: he himselfe hearing dayly the great recourse of the people that drew to ye Queene: For more safegard to himselfe, fled wt a small cōpany Westward toward Wales.The kings proclamation. But before his departing frō London, he caused a proclamation to be made: wherin, all & singuler persons were charged vpon forteite of life & goods: euery man wt all his power to rile & muade the rebelles & destroy them all, onely the life of the Queene his sonne, and his brother reserned. Also that no man, vpō payne pretaxate, should helpe, rescue, or relieue the sayd rebels, with goodes, vitailes, or any otherwise. Item, it was also proclaymed,The Queens proclamation. that whosoeuer would bring to the King the head and body either dead or aliue of Sir Roger Mortimer: should haue out of the kinges cofers, W. pound.

In contrariwise, the Queene setteth forth an other proclamation, wherein it was forbidden, to take spoyle violently the value of any mans goodes agaynst the wil of the owner, vnder payne of loosing his finger, if it were 3. d. Of his hand, if it were 6. d. Of his head, if it were 12. d. Moreouer who soeuer woulde bring to the Queene the head of Hugh Spencer the yonger chopt off from his body: should receaue for so doing of the Queene 2. thounsand poundes. This done, the Queene sendeth her letters to the Citty of London for ayde and succont to subdue the oppressor of the Realme, to the which letters first no answere was made. Agayn, she wrote the second letter, which was then tacked vpon the crosse in Cheape, which was then called the new crosse. The copy and tenour of which letter was this.

The copie of a letter that the Queene sent vnto the Mayor and Citizens of London.

ISabell by the grace of God, The Queenes letter. Queene of England, Lady of Ireland, and Countesse of Pountif. And we Edward the first sonne of the King of England, Duke of Guyan, Earle of Chester, of Pontif, and of Mounstrell, to the Mayor and all the comminaltie of London sendeth greeting.

For asmuch as we haue before this time sent to you by our letters, and howe we come into this lande in good aray and good maner, for the profite of holy Church and of our right deare Lord and king, and all the Realme with all our might and strength, to keepe and mayntayne the Realme as all good people ought for to do. Vpon that we pray you and desire you that ye woulde be helping to vs for the health and profite of the Realme, and we haue had none aunswere of you, nor knowe not your will in that parte. Wherefore we send to you agayne and pray you, & charge you, that ye beat you so against vs, that ye haue nor make no cause vs to greue, but that ye be to vs helping in all the wayes that you may. And were ye well in certaine that we and also those that commeth with vs into this realme, nothing for to done, but that shall be pleasing to God, and common profite to al the Realme. Not els, but for to destroy the Spensers, enemyes to the Realme as ye well know. Wherefore we pray and charge you, in the fayth that ye owe to our Lord the king to the Crowne and to vs, and vpon all that ye may forfeite, that if Hugh Spenser both the father and the sonne our enemies come within your power, that ye do thē hastely to be take, & fastly kept, til we haue ordeined for them our will. And as ye desire profite and honour of vs, and of the Realme. Vnderstanding well if it be so that ye doe our desire and prayer, we shall the more be beholden to you. And also we shall doe you profite and worship if that ye send vs hastely worde agayne of our will. The Bishop of Exeter beheaded of the common at the staderd in Che [...]p [...]. The [...] builded in Oxford 2. Colledges, Exeter Colleage, and Hart hall, whose name was Gu [...]lter Staplet [...].

Geuen at Baldocke the sixt day of October.

These foresayd letters being published and perused, the Bishop of Exceter, to whom (as ye heard) was committed the rule of the City: sent to the Maior for theyr keyes of the gates, vsing so sharpe wordes in the kinges name: y• variaunce began to kindle betwene him and the Cittizens, so farre forth that the commons in theyr rage tooke the foresayd Byshop and beheaded him and two of his housholde at yt Stādard in Cheape. Then the king went to Bristow, and ordayned sir Hugh Spēser the father there to keep the [Page] Castle and the towne: and the king with Hugh Spencer the sonne, and Syr Robert Baldocke Chauncellour, & the Earle of Arundell went into Wales.Hugh Spenser the father, takē and hanged in chayne. And the Queene so pursued them, that first they tooke the towne yelded vp to her: Then they tooke syr Hugh Spenser the father, whom being drawn, and torne, they at last hanged vp at Bristow in chaynes of yron. As the king was thus flying, y• queene caused to be proclaymed through her army, that the Kyng should come and appeare, and so to receaue his kingdome agayne if he woulde be conformable to his liege subiectes. Who when he did not appeare, Prince Edward his sonne was proclaymed high keeper of the Realme.

The king taken in Wales. Hugh Spenser the sonne taken and executed.In the meane tyme Henry Earle of Lancaster, & brother to the good Earle Thomas which before was beheaded, also Lord William Souch, and M. Upphowell were sent by the Queene into Wales to pursue the king: & there tooke him, and sent him to the Castell of Kenelworth: And tooke Hugh Spenser the sonne, and Sir Robert Baldock Chauncellour, and sir Iohn Earle of Arundell, & brought them all to the towne of Hereford, And anone after, Hugh Spenser the sonne was drawn and hanged on a gallowes fiftye foote highe, and after beheaded, and quartered, whose quarters were sent into 4. quarters of the Realme. Syr Iohn of Arundel was beheaded, sir Robert Baldock was put in Newgate at London, where shortly after he pyned away and dyed among the theeues. This done, a Parliament was assembled at London, from whence message was sent to the Kyng, that if he would resigne vp his Crowne, hys sonne shoulde haue it after him: If not, an other shold take it to whom the lot would geue it. Wherevpon, the king being constrayned to yelde vp his Crowne to hys sonne was kept in prison and after had to Barkley:A bill exhibited in the parliament house against king Edward the secōd. where he is sayd to take great repentance. After this message beyng sent, and the king halfe condescending thereunto (the Parliament notwithstanding prosecuting and goyng forward) there was a bill exhibited and put vp contayning certayne articles agaynst the sayd Kyng, then in prison in the Castle of Barkley, touching his misbehauiour and imprudent gouerning of the realme: whiche bill, openly before all the Lordes and commons by the speaker of the Parliament house was read.King Edward deposed by consent of the parliament house, and his sonne Edw. chosen kyng. After long consultation thereof amongest themselues touching those articles, and also for the better and more circumspect gouernment of the Realme from that tyme forth: it was consulted and agreed vppon by the Lordes spirituall and temporall, and commons there assembled: that they sayd Edward was a man not meete to be their Kyng, nor from that tyme forth anye more to beare the Crowne royall or title of a Kyng. But that Edward hys eldest sonne, who there in the same court of high Parliament was present, as he was rightfull heyre and inheritor therunto: so should he be crowned king therof in hys fathers steade, with these conditions thereunto annexed: That he should take wise, sage, and true Counsellers vnto him. That the Realme might be better and more circumspectly gouerned: then before in the tyme of Edward his father it was: That the old King his Father should be honourably prouided for and kept, so long as he liued, according as vnto his estate it appertayned. &c. These and other things thus finished and ended, the Parliament breaketh vp, and all thinges necessary to the coronation of a Prince appertayning were in speedy wise prepared, whereof more hereafter (Christ willing) shalbe specified.

In the meane tyme as touching the king whiche was yet in prison, it is thought by some writers: that the next yeare following by the meanes of syr Roger Mortimer, he was miserably slayne, with a spit (as is sayd) being thrust vp into his body, and was buryed at Gloucester, after he had raigned xix. yeares.

Michael house in Cambridge founded, Henry Stauntō founder of Michael house in Cambridge. Nicolicus de Lyrd. Guilielmus Ocham.In the time and raigne of this King, the Colledge of Cambridge called Michaell house was founded and builded by Syr Henry Stantō Knight, to the vse and increase of learning: a thing in a common wealth very profitable And necessary to be had, the want and need wherof, many sondry times, is sooner felt in this realme of ours, and other Realmes abroad, then is the discommoditie therof, of most men commonly vnderstoode.

About the same time also, was Nicholaus de Lyra, which wrote the ordinary glose of the Bible. Also Gulielmus Oceham, a worthy diuine, and of a right sincere iudgement, as the times then would either geue or suffer.

In the tractation of this kings history, before was declared what grudge did kindle in the harts of the Barons agaynst the king, for reuoking such actes and customes, as had bene before in the Parliament established, both for Peter Gauestō,Tyranny odious to the people. & for yt two Spensers. Also what seuere punishment the king did execute vppon them for the same, in suche cruell and rigorous sorte, that as he spared none of them, whom he could there finde: so he neuer ceased all hys life after to enquire out and to be reuenged of all suche, as had bene in any part or consenting to that matter.A spiritual Bul., called and are [...]ted before a leculat iudge. For the which his extreme and implacable tyranny, he was in such hatred of all the people: that as he sayd, he could not fynde one of all the commons to take his part, when need required. Among all other which were for that matter troubled was one Adam Byshop of Hereford: who being unpeached of treason with other moe,Ex Tho. Walsing. was at length arested in the Parliament, to appeare and answere to that should be to him obiected. Many thinges there were layde agaynst him, for taking part with them that rose agaynst the Kyng with matters moe and haynous rebukes &c. Whereunto, the Byshop a great while aunswered nothing.

At length,The [...]orm [...] of wordes, when any Bish doeth chalenge the priuiledge of the church against a secular iudge. the Byshop clayming the liberties and priuiledges of the Church, answered to the king in thys form. The due reuerence of your Princely maiesty euer saued, ‘Ego Sanctae Ecclesiae Dei minister humilis, membrum eius, & Episcopus consecratus licèt indignus ad tam ardua nequeo respódere nee debeo, abs (que) D. Cant. Archiepiscopi post summum pontificem mei directi iudicis, cuius etiam sum suffraganeus, autoritate, & aliorum parium meorum Episcoporum consensu.’ That is I an humble minister and member of the holy Churche of God, and Byshop consecrate (albeit vnworthy) cannot, neither ought to answere to these so hye matters without the authoritie of the Archbishop of Caunterbury my direct iudge, next vnder the high Bishop of Rome, whose suff [...]agane also I am, and the consent likewise of the other my fellow Bishops. After which wordes by him pronounced, the Archbishop and other Byshops with him were ready to make humble intercession for hym to the king,The Bishop rescued by the Clergie. and did. But when the king would not be wonne nor turned with any supplication: the sayd Byshops together to the Archbishop and the Clergy, comming with their crosses: tooke him away, challenging him for the Churche, without any more answere making: charging moreouer, vnder the censures of the Churche and excommunication, none to presume to lay any further handes vpon him.The K. proceedeth in iudgement against the B. the priuilegies of the church notwithstanding to the contrary. The king moued with thys boldnes and stoutnes of the clergy: cōmandeth notwithstanding to proceede in iudgement, and the iury of 12. men to go vppon the enquiry of his cause: who finding and pronouncing the Bishop to be gilty, the kyng caused immediately al his goods & possessiōs to be cōfiscate vnto himselfe: moreouer, made hys plate and all his housholde prouision to be throwne out of his house into the streete, but yet he remained so stil vnder the protection and defence of the Archbishop. &c.Simon Mepham archb. of Cant.

This Archb. was Walter Winchelsey, after whom succeeded Simon Mepham in the same see of Caunterbury. an. 1327. Ex Thom. Walsingham.

After pope Clement the 5.Pope Iohn 22. a Mon [...] Ciderc [...]an. A new solid heresie. Heresy with the Pope to say that Christ & the Apostles had no proper po [...]e [...]sions here. by whose decease the Romish see stood vacant (as ye heard) two yeares and 3. moneths next was elected Pope Iohn 22. a Cistercian monke, who fare in that papacy 18. yeares. He was stout and inflexible, geuen so much to the heaping of riches: that he proclaymed them heretickes, whiche taught that Christ and hys Apostles had no possessions of theyr owne in thys world.

At this time was Emperour Ludonicus Bauarus, a worthy man: who with this Pope and other that folowed hym, had no lesse contention, then had Fredericus before mentioned in the time of king Henry the thyrd. Insomuch that this contention and variaunce continued the space of 24. yeares. The cause and first origene of this tragical conflicte, rose vpon the constitution of Clemēt the 5. predecessor to this pope, by whom it was ordayned as is afore mē tioned, that Emperours by the Germayne Princes elected, might be called kinges of the Romaynes, but might not inioy the title or right of the Empyre to bee nominated Emperour,Strife betweene the pope & the Emperour. without theyr confirmation geuen by the Pope. Wherefore, this foresayd Emperour because he vsed the emperiall dignitie in Italy, before he was authorised by the pope: the sayd Pope therefore excommunicated the Emperour. And notwithstanding, the Emperoure oftentimes did profer himself to make intreaty of peace and cō corde, yet the Pope inflexible woulde not bend. The writinges of both partes yet be extant, wherein the sayd Byshop doth make his auaunt: that he had full power to treat and depose kinges and Emperours at his pleasure. In the same time were diuers learned men, which seeing the matter: did greatly disalow the Bishop of Romes doynges, among whome was Guillerne Ocham, whose tractations were afterward condemned by the Pope, for writing agaynst the temporall iurisdiction of theyr see. And an other named Marselius Patauius, which wrote the booke intituled Defensor pacis, geuen vp to the handes of the sayd Emperour, wherein the controuersie of the Popes vnlawful iuiurisdiction [Page] in things temporall is largely disputed & the vsurped authoritie of that see set forth to the vttermost. It is found in some wryters, that a great cause of this variaunce first began, for that one of the Emperours secretaries, vnknowing to the Emperour: in certayne of hys letters, had likened the Papal see to the beast rising out of the sea in the Apocalips.T [...]e Empe [...]r crowned against the will of the pope. Pope Bene [...]tus 12. a Monke of Benedictes order. Ludouicus the Emperour depriuel and deposed by Pope Benedict. 12. A councel at Frankford. The Emperours prote [...]ation to the councell of Germany. At length, when the Emperour after much sute made to the pope at Auinion, could not obtayne his coronation: comming to Rome, was there receaued wt great honour, where he with his wife were both crowned by the full consent of all the Lordes and Cardinals there, and moreouer, an other pope there set vp, called Nicholas the fift. After which thinges done, the Pope not long after departed at Auinion in France, after whom succeeded then Benedictus 12. a monke of Benedicts order, and rayned 7. yeares. Who by the counsayle of Phillip the French kyng confirmed and prosecuted the censures and cursinges that Iohn his predecessour had published agaynst Lewes the Emperour: Moreouer depriued him of his Emperiall Crowne, and also of hys Dukedome of Bauaria. The Emperour vpon this commeth to Germany, and assembling the Princes electors, Dukes, Bishops, Nobles, and the learned in a councel at Francford: there declared before them out of the auncient lawes and customes of the Empire, how it standeth onely in the Princes Electours, and in none other to elect the k. or the Emperors of the Romaines (for in both these names was no difference) so that the same Electors in chusing the king of the Romaynes, did also elect and chuse the Emperour, whiche Emperour so by them constitute had lawfull right, without any information of the Apostolicall see, to exercise the administration of the Empyre. And if he were lawfully elect, ought to be annoynted of the Romayne Byshop: which if hee doe refuse, then might hee be annoynted and declared Emperour and Augustus by any other Catholicke Bishoppe thereunto appoynted (as by the olde maner and custome hath bene) especially seeing these iniunctions, are but certaine solēnities added and inuented by the bishops, onely for a token of vnitie betweene the church & Empire, to gouerne and defend the fayth together. Wherefore in that the Emperour sweareth to the bish.Ex Hiero [...]. Mario. Elex Crā [...] [...]. of Rome: in that is to be vnderstand no homage or fealtie made to the Bishop, but onely is a Sacrament & a promise geuē to defend the faith. The which oth or sacrament so geuen, giueth no maioritie to the Pope in any temporal rule, but only byndeth ye Emperour to be priest and ready to defend the fayth & churche of Christ, when need shall require obedience. Wherefore, where as the Pope leaneth onely to the electors authoritie to make the k. of Romaynes, and taketh vpon himselfe alone to make the Emperor that as it is newly brought in & deuised a late by pope Clemēt the 5. so is it contrary both to all auncient order, and also derogatorie to the libertie & maiesty of the sacrate Empire. Agayne, neither is that also lesse absurd and contrary to all right and reason: yt the pope in time of the imperiall seat being vacant, taketh vpon him to haue the whole & full doinges of the Empyre, as lawful Emperour for the time. Which prerogatiue and function, by auncient orders of our forcelders, shuld properly & onely appertayne to the Palatine of Rhene, the Constitution Clementine of the foresayd Pope Clement to the contrary notwithstanding. Then in the end for his own excuse, he in the presence of them al reciteth the publike confession of his fayth, to answere & purge himself of those obiections layde to him by the pope. This did the meeke Emperour Ludouicke in that Councell: yet all this not withstanding, the sayd Emperour remayned still excommunicate, till tyme variaunce fel betweene this pope Benedict and Philip the French king. Wherfore to make his party good, at least to haue some friendes to flee to: he began to pretend fauour & absolution, rather for necessitie, then for anye good will to the Emperour. But not long after, this Pope died: of who this Epitaph was made.

E [...] Chron. de [...] mundi [...]lalibus, in [...]i [...]ul [...]s: R [...] dimentum [...]itiorum. Pope Clement. 6. The trouble of Ludouick [...]he Emp.

Hic situs est Nero laicis mors, vipera clero,

Deuius a vero, cupa repleta mero.

After whome followed Pope Clement the sixt, a man most furious and cruell. Who renning agayne the former excommunications of hys former predecessors, caused hys letters to be set vp on Church dores, wherein he threatned & denounced most terrible thunderboltes agaynst the sayd Lewes the Emperour, vnlesse within three day [...]s he shold satisfie to God and the Church, and renounce the Imperiall possession of the crown. The Emperour vpon this, cō meth to Francford, and there ready to stand in al things to the ordinaunce of the pope: sendeth his Oratours to the court of Rome, to ent [...]eat the pope of his fauour and good will towardes him. To the whiche messengers the Pope answered againe, that he would neuer pardon the Emperor, before he gaue ouer and confessed his errors & here [...]ies and resigning vp his Empire to his handes, woinde submit himselfe, his children, and all his goods to the will and pleasure of the bishop, promising that he shuld not receiue agayn any part of the same, but vppon his good grace; as his will should be to restore them.

The heresie here mentioned, which was to this Emperour obiected by the pope was this:Heresie of the Popes making obiected against the Emperour. because (as is aboue touched) he vsed and executed the Imperiall dignitie after his election, before he was of the pope confirmed. Ouer & besides the Pope sendeth to the Emperour by the sayd Oratours, a certayne forme of a bill contayned in writing wt certaine conditions, which he commaunded to be geuen to the handes of the Emperor. Here if the Emperour Lewis had had as much minde to set vpon the Pope with dint of sword, as he lacked neyther occasion nor power so to doe: what bloud might here haue bene spilled? But the good Emperour sparing the effusion of bloud, receiueth gently the bill: and not onely with his seale doth confirme it, but also sweareth to obserue all ye conditions therof.The proude heart of the Pope. Which the pope hearing of, doth greatly maruel. But yet al this wold nothing help to mollitie the modest heart of this Pharao.

The Princes and electors seeing the bill of the articles and conditions, whereof some sounded to malicious defacing and destructiō of the Empire, abhorring the wickednes thereof: desired the Emperour to stande to the defence of the Imperial Dominion, as he had begoni promising that their assistance & ayde, to the vttermost thereunto should not lack. Upon that other Orators were sent to P. Clement from the Princes, desiring hym to abstaine from such maner of articles conceaued agaynst the state and maiesty of the Empyre. The pope surmising all this to spring from Lewes the Emperour,Lewes the Emperour accused by the Pope for an hereticke. A good & faithfull Archbish. of Mentz. to the vtter subuersion of him and all his posteritie: on Maundy thursday blustereth out most black curses agaynst hym, also renueth al the former processes of his predecessor agaynst hym, as agaynst both an hereticke & a schismaticke, commaunding moreouer the Princes electors to proceede in chusing a new Emperour. The Archbishop of Mentz seeing the innocency of the emperour, would not consent to the violating of his maiesty, wherefore was depriued by the Pope of all his dignities. Wherefore was depriued by the Pope of all his dignitie,Bribers corrupted with mony. The other bishops electors, as the Archb. of Cholē, which tooke 8. thousande markes, with the Duke of Saronye whiche tooke 2. thousand markes, beyng corrupted with mony by Iohn king of Boheme: elected Charles the sonn of the sayd Iohn, whome Pope Clement eftsoones in hys consistory did approue. Who seeth not here what matter was ministred by the P, of warre and bloudshed betwene these 2. Emperours,The pope sowet of discord and bloudshed. if the patience of Ludouicke had not bene more prudent to quench the fire, then the pope was to kindle it▪ Charles then the new Emperour elect, sped hym to Aquisgraue, according to the custome, there to be crowned. But by the Citizens there, and the Empresse (Ludouicus wyse keeping there about) was repelled. All this happened in the time and raigne of Edward the 3. King of England,The pope again stirreth vp war. with whō the sayd Charles, with the French k. and king of Boheme, set on by the P. encountred in warre where the king of England, had agaynst them a noble victory, and [...]ue a great number of the Frenchmen and Almaynes,Charles the new Emperor put to flight by the Englishmen. and put Charles the new Emperor to flight. In the meane tyme, among the Princes and Citties of Germany what sorrow and what complayntes were agaynst pope Clement and those electors, it cānot be expressed. For as they were altogether at Spires congregated in a general assembly, so there was none among them al: y• allowed the election of Charles, or that cared for the popes processe, promising all to adhere & continue faithful subiects to Ludouicke theyr lawful Emperour.Ludouike the right Emperour resigneth vp hys Empyre. But Ludouicke remembring his oth made before to the popes bill, voluntary and willingly gaue ouer his Emperiall dignitie, and went to Burgrauia, where shortly after, through the procured practise of pope Clement (as Hieronimus Marius doth write) poyson was geuen him to drinke.Ludouike the Emperour impoysoned. After the whiche beyng dronke, when he would haue vomitted out, and could not: took hys horse & went to hun [...] the beare, whereby through the chasing & heat of his body to expell ye venim. And there the good & gentle Emperour wickedly persecuted & murdered of the P. fel downe dead, whom I may wel recount among the innocent and blessed martyrs of Christ. For if ye cause being righteous doth make a Martyr, what Papist can iustly disprooue hys cause or fayth?1 Iudouicus Emperor & martyr. if persecution ioyned thereunto causeth martyrdome, what martyre coulde be more persecuted thē he? Who hauing 3. popes, like 3. baddogs vpō him, at length was denoured by the same. The princes then hearing of his death, assembled thēselues to a [Page] new election: who refusing Charles aforesayd, elected an other for Emperor,Gunterus de Monte Nigro made Emp. named Gunterus de Monte Nigro. Who shortly after falling sicke at Franckford through his phisitions seruaunt was likewise poysoned, whome the foresayd Charles had hyred with money to worke that feate. Gunterus tasting of the poysō, although he did partly cast it vp agayn, yet so much remained within him, as made him vnable afterward to serue that place. Wherfore for cō cordes sake being counsailed thereto by the Germaynes,Gunterus the right Emperour poysoned. gaue ouer his Empire to Charles. For els, great bloudshed was like to ensue. This Charles thus ambiciously aspiring to the Emperiall seat contrary to the mindes of the states, and pieres of the Empire, as he did wickedly & vnlawfully come by it: so was he by hys ambitious guiding, the first and principall meane of the vtter ruine of that monarchie. For that he to haue his sonne set vp Emperour after him, conuented and graunted to the Princes electours of Germany, all the publicke taxes & tributes of the Empire. Which couenaunt being once made betwene the Emperour & them, they afterward held so fast, that they caused the Emperour to sweare neuer to reuoke or cal back again the same. By reason whereof, the tribute of the countryes of Germany,The ruine of the Germaine Empire, and the first cause thereof. which then belonged onely to the Emperor, for the sustentation of hys warres: euer since to this day is dispersed diuersly into the handes of the Princes, and free citties within the sayd monarchie. So that both the Empyre beyng disfornished and left desolate, & the Emperors weakened therby: hauing neyther bene able sufficiētly since to defend themselues, nor yet to resist the Turke, or other forren enemies. Whereof a great part, as ye haue heard, may be imputed vnto the popes. &c. Hieronimus Marius.

The yeare of Iubilei reduced to the L. yeare.This Pope Clement first reduced the yeare of Iubeley to euery 50. yeare, which before was kept but on ye hundreth yeare. And so he being absent at Auinion (whiche he then purchased withhys money to the sea of Rome) caused it to be celebrated at Rome, an. 1350. In the whiche yeare were numbred of peregrines goyng in, and comming out euery day at Rome,Pilgrimes in the yeare of Iubilei at Rome. to the estimation of fiue thousād. Praemonstrat. The bull of pope Clement geuen out for this present yeare of Iubiley, proceedeth in these wordes as followeth. What person or persons soeuer for deuotiō sake: shal take their perigrination vnto the holy Citty,The abhominable & blasphemous bull of pope Clement. the same day when he setteth forth out of hys house, he may chuse vnto him what cōfessor or cōfessors eyther in ye way, or where els he listeth: vnto ye which cōfessors, we graunt, by our authority plenary power to absolue all cases papal, as fully as if we were in our proper person there present. Item, we graunt that whosoeuer being truely confessed, shall chaunce by the way to die, hee shall be quite and absolued of all his sinnes. Moreouer, we commaund the Angels of Paradise, The pope commaundeth the Angels. to take his soule out of his body being absolued, and to cary it into the glory of Paradise. &c. And in an other Bull, wee will (sayeth he) that no paine of hell shal touche him, graunting moreouer to all and singular person & persons signed with the holy crosse, O blasphemy of the Pope. power and aucthoritie to deliuer and release iij. or iiij. soules, whome they list themselues, out of the paines of purgatorie. &c.

This Clement (as mine author affirmeth) tooke vpon him so prodigally in his Popedome,Ex bulla Clementis. Ex Chrō. Wals. in vit. Edu. 3. that hee gaue to hys Cardinals of Rome, Byshoprickes and benefices, whych then were vacant in England: and begā to geue them new titles for the same liuinges hee gaue them in Englande. Wherewith the king (as good cause he had) was offended, and vndid all the prouisions of ye pope within his realme: Commanding vnder pain of prisonment and life,The king resist [...]th the pope. no man to be so hardy, as to induce & bring in any such prouisions of the pope, any more within his lād. And vnder the same punishment charged the two Cardinals to void yt realme.The tenthes of Church goods giuen to the kyng. An. 1343. In the same yeare all the tenthes as well of the templaries as of other spirituall men, were geuen & paide to the king through the whole realme. An. 1343. And thus much cōcerning good Ludouicke Emperour and martyr, & Pope Clement y• 6. his enemy. Wherin, because we haue a little exceeded the course of yeares, wherat we left, let vs returne some what back agayn,Anno. 1326. and take such things in order as belong to the church of the England and Scotland, setting forth the reigne of king Edward the 3. and the doinges of the Church, which in hys time haue happened, as the grace of Christ our Lord▪ will assiste and able vs therunto.

Oriall colledge and S. Mary hal in Oxford builded by K. Ed 2. A story of the commotion betweene the towne and Abbey of Bury.This foresayd king Edward the second, in his time builded 2. houses in Oxford for good letters: to wit, Oriall colledge and S. Mary Halle.

Here I omit also by the way the furious outrage and conflict which happened in the time of this king, a litle before his death, an. 1326. betweene the townesmen and the Abbey of Bury, wherein the townesmen gathering themselues together in a great multitude (for what cause or old grudge betweene them, the Register doth not declare) inuaded and sackt the monastery. And after they had imprisoned ye monkes, they risted the goodes and treasure of the whole house, spoyling and carying away theyr plate, mony, copes, vestimentes, sen [...]ers, crosses, chalises, basens, iewels, cups, masers, bookes, wt other ornaments and implementes of the house,Ex lati [...] quodam [...]sgis [...]r [...]. to the value vnestimable. In the which conflict certayn also on both sides were slayn. Such was the madnes then of that people, that when they had gathered vnto them a great concourse of seruaunts & light persons of that country to the number of 20. thousand, to whom they promised liberty & freedome: by vertue of such writs whiche they had out of that house, first they got into their hands all theyr euidences, copies & instruments, that they could finde: then they tooke of the lead, that done, setting fire to the Abbey gates they brent vp neare the whole house. After that they proceeded further to the farmes and granges belonging to the sayd Abbey, wherof they wasted spoiled and brent to the nūber of 22. manour places in one weeke: transporting away the corne, horses, cartell, and other moueables belonging to the same, the price wherof is registred to come to 922. li. 5, s. 11. d. besides the valuation of other riches and treasure within the Abbey, which cannot be esteemed.

The Abbot all this space was at London in the parliament, by whose procurement at length such rescue was sent down, that 24. of the chiefe of the towne (submitting thēselues) were committed to warde: 30. cartes full of the townesmē were caryed to Norwiche, of whome 19. were there hanged, diuers were put to conuict prison. The whole tounship was condemned in seuen score thousand pound, to be payd for damages of the house. Iohn Berton Aldermē, W. Herlng w•i 32. priests, 13. women & 138. other of ye sayd town were outlawd. Of whō diuers, after grudging at ye Abbot for breaking promise with thē at London, did confederate themselues together,The Abnet robbed. & priuily in the night cōming to the mannour of Cheninton, where ye Abbot did lye: brast open the gates, who then entring in, first bounde all his familie: & after they had robbed al his plate, iewels and mony, they tooke the Abbot and shaued him, & secretly wt them conueyed him away to London: where they remouing him from street to streete vnknowne,The Abbot stolne away to Brabante. from thence had him ouer Thames into Kent, at length ouer y• sea they serried ouer to Dist in Brabante: where they a sufficient tyme kept him in much penury, misery and thraldome, till at length the matter being searched, they were all excommunicate, first by the archb. of Cant. then by the pope. And at last being known where he was by his friends, was deliuered and rescued out of the theeues handes, and finally brought home with procession,The Abbot restored againe. and restored to his house agayn. And thus was that abbey with the Abbot of ye same (for what demerites I know not) thus vexed and afflicted about this tyme, as more largely I haue seene in theyr latine register. But thus much briefly, touching the rest I omit here, about the latter end of this Edward the 2. ceaseth the history of Nic. Triuet, and of Flor. Hist passing ouer to the raigne of the next king.

King Edward the 3.

COncerning the acts & story of K. Edward the 2. his deposing, & cruell death, wrought by the false and counterfet letter of sir Roger Mortimer, sent in the kings name to y• keepers (for ye which he was after charged, drawne, & quartered.) I haue written sufficiently before, and more peraduenture thē the profession of this Ecclesiasticall history wil well admit. Notwithstanding for certayne respects & causes, I thought somewhat to extend my lunittes herein the more, wherby both kings & such as clune to be about them may take the better example by the same, the one to haue ye loue of hys subiects, the other to learne to flee ambition, & not to beare themselues to brag of theyr fortune and state, how hye so euer it be. Considering with thēselues nothing to be in this worldo so firme and sure, that may promise it selfe any certayne continuance, & is not in perpetuall danger of mutatiō vnles it be fastened by God his protection.

After the suppression of this king,King Edward the 3. Anno. 1327. as is aboue expressed Edward his soone was crowned king of England, beyng about the yeare of 15. & raygned the space of 50. yeares, who was a prince of much and great temperance. In feares of armes very expert, and no lesse fortunate and lucky in all hys warres, as hys father was infortunate before him. In liberallitie also and clemēcy worthely cōmended, briefly in all princely vertues, famous and excellēt. Concerning the memorable acts of which prince, doue both in warres and [Page] peace, as how he subdued y• Scots, had great victoryes by the sea, how he conquered Fraunce. an. 1332. wan Calice, an. 1348. and tras [...]ated the staple thither, tooke the French king prisoner, & how the French armes first by him was brought in, & conioyned with the English armes, also how the order o [...] the Garter first by the sayd k. was inuented and ordayued, an. 1356. also an. 1357. How the king in hys parliament at Notingham, decreed, that al such in Flaunders or other where, that had skill in making cloth, should peaceably inhabite the land and be welcome. For 3. yeares before y•, it was enacted, that no wool shold be transported ouer the sea. Which was to bridle the pride of yt Fleminges who then loued better the sackes of wooll, then the nation of Englishmē. All these with other noble acts of this worthy Prince, although in other chronicles be fully intreated of: yet according to that order I haue begun (saying somewhat of ech kinges raigne, although not pertinent to our ecclesiastical history) I haue here inserted the same, making hast to other matters, shortly & compendiously abridging them out of diuers & sundry authors together compacted, mentioned in this wise.

The coronation and solemnity of K. Edward the third and all ye pompe therof was no sooner ended: but Robert of Bruse K. of Scotland, vnderstanding the state and gouernment of ye realme to be (as it was in deed) in ye queene, the yong king, the Erle of Kent, and sir Roger Mortimer And that the Lords and Barons, as he was enformed, did scarsely wel agree amongst themselues (although he grew now in age,The defiance of the kyng of Scots. and was troubled with the falling disease) Yet thought he this a meet tyme for hys purpose, to make inuasion. Hooping for as good successe & like victory now, as but lately before he had at y• castle of Eustriuelin. Wherupō about the feast of Easter, he sent his Embassadours wyth Heralds and letters of defiance to the yong king Edward the 3. the Queene, & counsaile: declaring that his purpose was wt fire and sword to enter and inuade the Realme of England. &c. The K. Queene, and counsaile hearing this bold defiance, commaunded in all speedy preparation musters to be made throughout all the realme: appoynting to euery band captaines conuenient, & at the citty of York by a day assigned them, commaunding euery man to be with all their necessary furniture ready and throughly prouided They directed their letters also with all speede to sir Iohn of Heynault, requiring him with suche souldiors and men at armes as he might conueniently prouide in Flaunders, Heynalt, and Grabant, to meete the king and Queene vpon the Ascention day next ensuing at their Citty of Yorke.

The K. and Queene at Yorke, with an army of [...]000. men, readie to meete the K. of Scottes entring the realme.The king & Queene made speedy preparation for thys expeditiō: The noble men prouided thēselves of all things necessary therunto: the English captaynes and souldiors (theyr bands throughly furnished) were redy at theyr appoynted time and place: Sir Iohn of Heynalt, Lord Bedmount mustring his men as fast, was ready to take shipping: where at Wysant (in English Bothoms there lying for him redy) he wēt aboard, and wt a mery winde landed at Douer, trauailing frō thence by small iournies dayly, tyll he came wtin 3. dayes after the feast of Pentecost to the City of Yorke: where the king and Queene wt a great power of 6000. men (within and about the City of Yorke) expected his comming: Before whome, in curteous wise he presented himselfe, and mustred his troupe, wherin he had to the number of 500. good men at armes wel appointed & moū ted. His comming and furniture was well liked both of ye king & Queene, & was by the Harbinger, appointed to be lodged with his housholde retinue in the Abbey of whyte mōkes. To be briefe, such grudge and variance fel betwene some of the kings souldiors and his, within the suburbs of the towne being together lodged: That from the little to ye more, whiles the king & Queene with diuers other of the nobles, (straungers & others) were at dinner: the said fray so greatly increased, that the whole army as many as wer in the town then lodged, stood to their defence: so that there was slain of the english archers in short space by the strangers to the nūber of 300. men.The great fraye in Yorke. Wherupō grew (after ye fray was wt much difficultie both of the king & Queene ended) such hartburning betwene the parties: as that the number of 6000. conspired together agaynst thē: thinking to haue burnt them in theyr lodginges, had they not bene by the great grace of God & discrete hādling, otherwise preuented & let. Wherupō the Heynolders were fayne to take & keep the field, vsing as diligēt watch and ward, as though they had bene among theyr hostile enemies.Carlile and new Castle then the keyes of England. Northward [...]ept with Garisons. After this, the king set forward his army toward Durham, & encamped hymselfe neare about the same: who also sent the Lord Ufford & the Lorde Mounbry to Carlell with a sufficient company to keepe that entrance: and also the Lord marshal of England to keepe the towne of Newcastle with a sufficient cō pany to defend the same, and the country adioyning. For well knew the king, that by one of these two entries, the Scottes must passe into England, standing both of them vpon the riuer of Tyne, 24. miles distant.

But the Scots priuily with their army passed the riuer betwixt the two townes into Englād,The Scots priuely passe ouer the riuer of Tine, burning and spoyling the countrey all about. few vnderstanding thereof, till that the great fyers which the Scots had kindled and made in England bewrayed them: who came burning and destroing the country al about as far as Stānop park. This thing being declared to the king, he commaundeth hys host with all speede to march towards thē, which so long trauailed yt they came in sight ech of other. The K. also commaunded the passages of y• riuer to be so straitly & narrowly garded, that by no meanes y• Scots could retire and haue escaped back againe into Scotland, without battaile geuen them of the K. But the Scots vnderstanding the great power of the king was of, kept alwayes the aduantage of the hils retiring in the nightes frō one to an other: that wtout great oddes & aduauntage in the one side & hazard to the other, the king could not set vpon them.

Thus in the day time the Scots keeping the aduauntage of the hilles,The kings armie and the Scottes are so neare that eche seeth other. and in the night times retiring to the aduauntage of such other like came neare agaynst that riuer where they first passed ouer, where they made a shew to offer battaile to the K. vpon the morow. Wherupon the king being busied in putting his mē and battailes in a readines to fight the next morning, being almost forweried in pursuing the Scots frō place to place: the Scots in the meane season gat ouer the riuer and escaped the daunger of the K. Which thing as it could not be done: without great treasō of some neare about the king: so sir Roger Mortimer was grieuously suspected thereof, and after was layd vnto hys charge.The Scots thorough treason escape out of Englande vnfought withall. But to be short, by this meanes the Scots escaped the riuer, after whome it should haue preuayled the King very little to haue made pursute as the wily Scots knew full well. For the ioy wherof, ye L. William Douglas one of the Scots Generals, wt 200. horses gaue a larum in the kings camp: & came so neare, yt he cut certayne of the lynes of the kings tent in sunder wt his sword, and retired to hys company without great losse of any of his mē.The prouision left in the Scots campe. Then on the morow the king perceauing the Scots to be gone, came to the place where ouer night they lodged, where was found 500. great Oxen and Kyne ready killed: fiue hundred Caudrens made of beastes skinnes ful of flesh, ouer the fire seething: a thousands speetes full of fleshe ready to be rosted, and more then 10000. shoes of raw leather (the heare still vpon the same) whiche the Scottes had left behinde them: and fiue poore English prisoners tyed to trees & theyr legs broken. All which seeing the king, returned wt hys armye (and left anye further pursuing the Scottes) to Durham: where he dismissed his army, and came agayne to London sending with Syr Iohn of Heynalt two hundred men at armes for theyr better safegard against the english archers (with whom at Yorke as you heard they frayed) till they had taken shipping, and so returned home.

The king then being at London,The king returneth to London. confirmed the liberties of the Citizens, and ordayned that the Maior shoulde sit in all places as chiefe Iustice within the liberties of the same. And that what Alderman soeuer had beene Mayor before, should be a Iustice of peace within his own ward.

Then the king, the Queene, and the counsell sent ouer to the Erle of Heynault certayn Embassadours, touching the solemnisation of the mariage betwene the king and the Lady Philip his daughter: who in such sort sped their message, yt she was soone after conueied ouer to England very honourably, and at Douer ariued. And from thence came to London (some Chronicles affirme to Yorke) where vpon the day of the conuersion of S. Paule,The mariage of K. Edward solemnised. the yeare aboue specified, the mariage and coronation of the Queene was wt much triumph during the space of 3. weekes solemnised.

After which coronation and mariage, the king let sommon his Parliament to be kept at Northampton:A parliament at Northampton. wherat by the meanes of sir Roger Mortimer and the old queene, a peace was purchased for the Scottes (who had for that purpose sent theyr Embassadours) for foure yeares to endure. Also the king (then beyng within age) granted to release the Scottes of al theyr homage and fealty which vnto the realme of England by theyr charter ensealed they were bound:The Ragman role deliuered vp to the Scot [...]. as also theyr indenture which was called the Ragman Role, wherin was specified the foresayd homage and fealtie to the king and crown of England, by the sayd king of Scots, nobles and prelates to be made: hauing all their seales annexed to the same.The black crosse of Scotland. The B [...]r [...], geue vp their titles in Scotlād Also there was then deliuered vnto them, the black crosse of Scotland, whiche king Edward before for a rich Iewell and relique had conquered & brought from Scone Abbey: with all suche rites and titles as anye the Barons els, had enioyed in the said Realme of [Page] Scotland: with many other things more: to the great preiudice both of the Realm & discontentation of al the nobles and Barons for y• most part more then the old queene, syr Roger Mortimer, and the Bysh. of Ely. Who in such force ruled the rost, yt al the rest of the nobles & barons, cast with thēselues how best they might redresse & remedy the great inconueniences, yt vnto the realme by meanes of thē grew and happened. Wherupon the king & Queene and sir Roger Mortimer,A parliament at Salisbury. caused an other Parliament to be called at Salisbury, where the said syr Roger Mortimer was made Earle of March agaynst all the barons wils, to preuent & disapoynt the foresayd purpose of them, but the Erle Henry of Lancaster with others, woulde not be at the same: wherefore it was sayd vnto theyr charges,E [...]rle Henry of Lancaster refuseth to come to the parliam [...]nt. that they went about to conspire the kinges death.

And further, for that the king was as well vnder the gouernment of the Erle of Kent his vncle, as the Queene hys mother, and the Earle of March: & for that, they could not doe in all thinges as they lifted for the sayd Earle the k [...]nges vncle, who loued the king and the Realme: Enuie began to rise betweene the Earle Mortim [...]r and him, and by Isabell the Queenes practise, he founde, the meanes to perswade the king: that the Earle of Kent (to enioy the Crowne as next heyre vnto the king) went about to poyson him.The Earle of Kent put to death giltles. Wherupon the king geuing light credite, caused his said vncle to be apprehended: & wtout answere making to his accusation & accusers, to be beheaded at Winchester, the third of October and 3. yeare of hys raigne. But ye iust iudgement of God not permitting suche odious crimes in him to be vnpunished nor vndetected, so in fiue fell forthe: that Isabell the old Queene the kings mother, was found and vnderstood to be with childe by the sayd Mortimer. Complaynt hereof was made to the K. as also the killing of king Edward hys father,The Queene with childe by sir Roger Mortimer. Sir Roger Mortimer Earle of March. arrained, condemned and put to execution. The queene put in prison and so kept a long time The birth of prince Edward. and of the conspiracy of hym against the Earle of Kent the kinges vncle before put to death: Whereupon diuers other articles layd agaynst hym and manifestly read in the court, he was araigned and indighted, and by verdit found gilty: hauing his iudgement as in cases of high treason, and suffered death accordingly at London, where vpon London bridge next vnto Spensers, his head obtayned a place. The Queene hys mother also (by good aduise of hys counsell) was restrayned of her libertie, and within a certaine castell not permitted once to come abroad: Unto whō the king her sonne, once or twise a yeare would resort and visite.

This yeare, Prince Edward was borne at Woodstock who in processe of tyme and yeares grew, to be a most valiaunt prince, and was before he dyed, accompted throughout the world the follower of chiualry.

After this, the king prepared an other army into Scotland in the yeare prefixed.The expedition of king Edward into Scotland. But first he sūmoned king Dauid of Scotland, who had (in the last truce 4. yeares to cō tinue as you heard, his father then liuing) maryed the Lady Iane, sister to the king: termed Iane make peace, to doe his homage to the king but that he refused. Wherupon, not forgetting there withall the scoffing tymes, whiche dayly from that tyme of truce the Scots had in theyr mouthes: he did somuch that with an army well furnished, he entred Scotland by the riuer of Twede, for the Scottes had then the possession of yt town of Barwick:The Scottish times. the Scottish Gigges & runes were these. Long beards hartles, Paynted hoodes witles, Gay coates graceles, Makes England thristles, To be short,K. Edward was [...]h and destroyeth the realme of Scotlande. the king wasted the land, burnt, destroyed, & took townes and castels with small resistance or none: and the space of 6. monthes together did in that land what hym listed without any battaile offered to him. For the kyng of Scots was but a child & not aboue they age of 15. yeares and wanted good captaines that should haue defended the realme: in so muche yt they were all fayne sauing those that kept in holdes for theyr defence to take the forrest of Godworth, & there kept to themselues so long as the king remained in Scotland:Barwicke besieged and yeelded vp to the king. Who at length when he had sufficiētly wasted, and spoyled, & brent the same, returned toward Barwicke, about the which he bent his siege, vowing not to remoue the same, till he had gotten the towne.

The Scots that kept the same, after a certayne tyme and many assaultes made, were contented vpon certayne conditions to haue deliuered vp the towne: But that the king refused, vnles that all conditions set apart, they woulde wt bag and bagage depart. Whereupon they condescended to the king, that if by a certayne tyme they were not by the king of Scottes rescued, they would render vp the towne and with bag and bagage depart: & and so the time expired frustrate of all hope & rescue,The K. entreth the towne of Barwicke & appointeth the captaine therof. at the day appointed they did. The king then entred the towne and taried there the space of 12. dayes: who after he had appointed sir Edward Baillew Captayn ouer the towne and leauing also behind him other knightes, Squires, and Souldiors as well to keep the same as other holdes the king had conquered in Scotland and fronters therof: He returned with his people towardes London, permitting euery man to depart and go what way them liked.

Then sir Robert de Artoys,Sir Rob [...]. de A [...]tois a [...] ble ma [...] Fra [...] inciteth the [...] to prolec [...] his title in Fraunce. The king delibe [...] with his councell [...] cerning the title of Fraunce. a Noble man of Fraunce, and which descended of the bloud royall, being in Englād with the king: ceased not oftentimes to aduertise the kyng and put him in memory of his good & right title to the inheritaunce of the crowne of Fraunce. This sir Robert, for a certayne displeasure that Phillip the French king tooke agaynst hym for a certayn plea which by hym was moued before the king: was fayne for the safegard of hys life to flee the Realme of Fraunce, and so came to the kinges Court. King Edward was not vnwilling at all to heare thereof, but took delight oftentimes to reason and debate that matter with him concerning his right, title, and inheritance to the crowne of France. But yet notwtstanding, he thought it not good to make any attempt therunto without aduised and circūspect counsaile, for that it contayned matter of no small, but most difficult importaunce: neyther yet he tooke it to deserue the fame eyther of wisedome or prowes to let so good a title dye, or so fit oportunitie to passe. Wherefore he calling together certayne of his counsayle, vsed their deliberate aduises touching the seriousnes of this matter. In fine, it was by them thought good, y• the king should send certayne Embassadours ouer to the Earle of Reynault,Embassadors are [...] to the [...] of Heyna [...] concerning the title. whose daughter he had maryed, as wel to heare hys aduise and counsell herein: as also of what friendes and ayde, by him & his meanes in this so great an expeditiō to be begon in the Empire, to him might be procured. The king hereunto cōdescendeth, & appointeth for this Embassage y• byshop of Lincolne with 2. other Barenets, and 2. Doctors: who in such speedy wise made theyr voyage, that in shorte space they returned agayne to the king with this answere That not onely the Earle hys counsaile & aduise,The Embassadours [...]eturne with answere Ed the Erle [...] pleaseth the kyng. should be herein prest to the king of England theyr maister, but also the whole coūtry of Heynault. And further for that to such an expedition as appertained he sayd, the prouince of Reynault was but a small matter to make accōpt of: he woulde procure for the king greater ayde & friendship in the Empire, as the Duke of Brabant his cousin Germaine, and a puissant Prince, the Duke of Guerles, the Archbishop of Colayne, the Marques of Iuliers. &c. which are all good men of warre, and able to make 10. thousand fighting men sayth he.K. Philip of France heareth of the kings purpose, and stayeth his viage of the Croisie. Which aunswere well liked the king, and made him ioyous therof. But this counsaile of the king as secret as it was, came to Phillip the French kinges cares: wherupon, he stayd the voiage of the Crosie whiche then he had in hand, sending forth countermaundes to stay the same, til he knew farther the purpose of the king of England.

The king hereupon himselfe taketh shipping accompanyed as to a king appertained, and when he had consulted with all the foresayd Lords of the Empire in this matter and vnderstood theyr fidelitie: he made hys repayre to the Emperour at whose handes he was well intertayned & honorable receaued, whō the Emp. appointed to be his Lie [...]etenant generall,K. Edward assigned lie [...]tenant Generall of the Empyre. hauing thereby more authoritie both to will & commaund such as for this his expedition he trusted vnto, and had made conuention with. This hearing Phillip, prepared his army and rigged hys nauy, that so soone as the K should enter into the dominiō of Fraunce, they also might enter into Englād, requiting like for like.

The king of England, after the feast of S. Iohn Baptist, according to his purpose, prepared all thinges ready to such an expeditiō,The first viage of k [...] Edward i [...] Fraunce. cōducting his army & gathering a greater strength in the Empire, as before to him was promised vsing the Emperours authoritie therein, as his lieftenant general, howbeit at the charge altogether of the K. of England. The French king as soone as king Edward, had landed his army at Mackline in Flaunders, and hearing of the defiance, which the king and other Noble men of the Empire had sent vnto him: Sent certaine ships lying ready therunto, and wayting for such oportunitie vppon the cost of England, did so much that vpon a Sonday, whilest the townes men were at the Church little looking for any such matter, entred the hauen of Southampton, tooke the towne and spoyled the same,Southampton bu [...] of the French men. defloured maydens, enforced wiues, brent, kild, tooke captiues, and caryed away riche Ipoyles and great booties to theyr ships, and so agayn departed into Fraunce. Further, as the king of Englād had allied himselfe with the noble men of the Empire, and had the friendly fauour of the Emperour also therunto: so the French king made the like league and aliance with Dauid the king of Scots, whom the king had so hardly delt with all in Scotland (as partly before you had) and kept the most part of Scotland vnder hys subiection: Binding the [Page] sayd Dauid is well by writing, as oth & pledge, that without his consent he should make no peace nor conclude any truce with the king of England, who agayne assured hym of ayd, and rescue, and helpe, and to recouer his kingdome & dominiō to his vse!The Scottes styr [...]ed vp against England by the French K. and forth with sent certain garisons & bands into Scotland to keepe play with the Englishmen and there to fortifie diuers places till further oportunitie serued. Hee also fortified with men, money, vitayle, and munitiō, the town of Cambrey: which he suspected would be besieged, lying so neare vpō yt Empire as in deed it came to passe. For, King Edward departing from Macheline, set forward his host towardes Heynault, and by the way assēbled such power, as in the Empirie he looked for, marching forward still till that they came to Cambrey & it besieged with 40000. men: while that with an other company, the Fleminges, Brabanters, and Holenders, went to S. Quentin. But in effect, neyther there, nor at Cambrey nor els where: any thing notorious was achieued, but the summer being well spent and little preuailing in the siege of Cambrey, being of situation strong & wel defenced therwall wt men & munition: brake vp the siege, & marched further into the hart of Fraunce towardes Mutterell. Which thing the French king hauing vnderstanding of, prepared himselfe to geue battaile to the king of England, who with an other great army came to Uirōfosse, where daies were appoynted to meet in battaile: but in the end, nothing was done nor attempted betweene the princes.The Pope cause of the kings remo [...]ing out of Fraunce. And the king of Englād (without any battaile either geuing or taking) returned with his army from thence to Gaunt. Concerning the cause of the sodaine remouing of the K. out of Fraunce, seemeth most specially to rise of the pope: which at the same time sent downe his Legates, for the order of a peace to be taken betweene the kings. At Gaunt was gathered by the kings appointment all the nobles as well of England, as of the Empire in counsaile together what was best to be done. Where playn answere was made to the king of England, that vnlesse he would take vpon him the claime and title of Fraunce, as his lawfull inheritaunce and as King thereof prosecute his warres:Anno. 1340. It might not be lawfull for them any further, to ayde the king of England, or to fight with him agaynst the French king: for that the Pope had bound them in two millions of Florences of gold, and vnder payne of excommunication, yt they should not fight against the lawfull king of Fraunce.The king of England taketh the title of Fraunce. Whereupon, the king thought good therfore presently to make open challenge to the Realme and Crowne of Fraunce: and further, to quarter & intermingle the armes of Fraunce, with the armes of England in one Scootchen. Wherupon eftsoones K. Edward made answere vnto the Pope agayne, directing vnto him his letters wherein he declareth at large his right & title vnto the Crowne of Fraunce, purging thereby hymselfe and hys cause vnto the Byshop. The copy and tenour of which letter, because it is to long to expresse, it is to be found in the story of Thom. Walsingham remaining in the Library of I. Stephenson Citizen of Londō, who so hath lift or leisure to peruse the same. Besides this letter to the pope he directed an other to the Pieres and Prelates of France, (he remayning yet at Gaunt) in tenure as followeth.

* The letter of king Edward to the Nobles and commons of Fraunce.

EDward by the grace of God king of Fraunce and of England, Lord of Ireland. K. Edward to the nobles and cōmons of Fraunce. Vnto all Prelates and the Ecclesiasticall persons, to the Pieres, Dukes, Earles, Barons, and to the commons of Fraunce, greeting:

The high Lord and king aboue, to whome although his will be in his owne power, yet woulde that power should be subiect vnto law: commaunding euery thing to be geuē vnto him which is his, declaring thereby that iustice and iudgement ought to be the preparation of the kinges seate. Wherefore seing the kingdome of Fraunce through the prouidence of God by the death of Charles last king of Fraunce of famous memory, brother Germaine to our Lady mother, is fallen vnto vs by playn and manifest law: And for somuch that Lord Phillip de Valoys, being the sonne of the Vncle of the foresayd king, The title of France how it came to K. Edward. and so being farre from the crowne by a farther degree of consanguinitie: through force and vsurpation hath intruded himselfe in the foresayd kingdome (whilest we were yet in our Minoritie) & so contrary both to God and to iustice doth detayne and occupye the same: And least we shoulde seeme to neglect our owne right and the gifte geuen vs of God, or not to submit our will to Gods diuine ordinance: We haue thought good to acknowledge the title of France, and by supportation of the almighty king haue taken vppon vs the defence and regiment of the sayd kingdome: Firmely purposing with our selues (as euery good man ought to doe) graciously to minister iustice to euery one, according to the rites and laudable custome of the foresayd kingdome. Also to renue the good lawes and customes whiche haue bene in the time of Ludouicke our progenitour, adding to moreouer, that which shall seeme expedient according to the condition and qualiitie of the time. As by any chaunge of coyne or any other inordinate exactions, we intend not to seeke our profites by your detrimentes: when as (the almighty bee praised therefore) we abounde and haue inough. And as concerning the affayres of the Realme, our purpose is not to proceede rashely or by our owne will, but by the discreete aduise and Counsell of the Pieres, Prelates, Nobles, and other our faythfull subiects of the kingdome so farre forth as shall make for the honour of God, the defence and aduauncement of the Church (which in all fulnes of deuotion we doe reuerence) and to the profite both publicke and priuate of all the subiectes thereof, with full execution of iustice by the grace of God to be executed vpon al and singular persons, being earnestly careful for the honour, profite, and tranquillitie of you all. For as the Lorde knoweth, nothing shall be more gratefull to vs, then that by our carefull solicitude peace may be engendered, specially betwixt vs and vniuersally among all Christen men:Note the grosenes of this tyme when the bl [...]ud of Christ was thought but only dedicated to the holy land. so that by our concorde the force and strength of all Christen Princes may be ioyned together for the recouery of the holy land: whiche our Sauiour and redemer hath dedicated with hys owne proper bloud, whereunto we wil indeuour our selues through the grace of the holy ghost. And for asmuch as we haue offered to the foresayd Lorde Phillip diuers friendly and reasonable conditions of peace, whereunto he would neyther condescend, neyther agree to any conformation: yea rather moueth against vs vniust warre, to the vtter subuersion of our state: we are enforced of necessitie to the vttermost of our power (for the defence both of vs, and recouery of our right) to defend our selues by force of battaile: not seeking any slaughter of good and humble subiectes, but desiring theyr safegarde and profite. For the whiche cause, all and singular such subiectes of the kingdome of Fraunce, which shall submit themselues to vs as the true king of Fraunce, within the feast of Easter next ensuing: professing vnto vs theyr fealtie, and doing to vs as to the Kyng of Fraunce, by duety appertayneth, so as our beloued subiectes of Flaunders haue done alredy, or be ready to offer themselues so to do: all such we willingly admit and receaue to our peace & grace vnder our protection to be defended, them to mayntayne as is conuenient, from all molestation and disquietnes whatsoeuer, in person or goodes hereafter to be inforced eyther by vs or by our officers, vpon what soeuer occasion of rebellion afore passed. And for as much as the premisses, cannot easely be intimated to all and singular persons: we haue prouided the same to be fixed vpon Church doores and other publicke places, whereby the manifest notice thereof may come to all men, to the comfort of you that be to vs deuout, and to the true information of them, whiche through sinister surmises of our enemies otherwise informed of vs.

Dated at Gaunt the 8. day of February the yeare of our kingdome of Fraunce the first, of England the 14.

This done, for that the winter then drew on, neyther was there any hope as the time serued, of farther doyng good: the kyng thought best for a season to returne againe to Englande with his company, geuing ouer the warres vntill the next spring and so did, taking shipping and so ariued at Douer.Southampton burnt & spoyled by the French men. When he came to London, it was declared vnto him, of the great spoyle the Frenchmen had made at Southampton: who answered agayne that within one yeare, he doubted not the same to be well payd for & recompenced. And according to the same purpose of hys, he lingered no time but calling a Parliament at Westminster: with much grudge & euill will of his subiects, was for the mayntenance of hys warres graunted to him a great subsidie, which was the 5. euery mans goodes, and also the customes of his woolles 2. yeares before hand, and the 9. these of euery mans corne. At the spring the K. agayn prepared his army, & rigged hys nauy purposing to land in Flaūders.Counsaile of the Archb. geuen to the king. But the Archb. of Canterb. then Lord Chauncellour hauing vnderstanding of the Frenche power vpon ye Sea lying for the k. gaue him aduertisement there of willing him more stronglier to go or els not to venture. But the king not crediting the Archbish. and being angry with him therefore, sayd that he would go forward: whereupon the bishop resigned the Chauncellorship, & remoued himselfe from his Counsayle: then the k. consulting hereupon farther with the Lord Morley, his Admirall, and others (hearing also the same of them) furnished himselfe with stronger power,Battel vpon the sea betweene kyng Edward and Frenchmen. and committed him to his ship: and did so much, that a few dayes before midsommer, he was vpō the Sea with a great fleete. Before the town of Sluse, ye french king to stop hys passage, had layd ready a great nauy well neare to yt number of 20. score sayle: and had made the Christopher of England (which before the French men took at Southamptō) theyr Admirall: betwixt which two nauies was a lōg and terrible fight. But in the end, the victory by Gods grace fell to the king of England, in which fight he [Page] himselfe was personally. So that of the number of thirtye thousand Frenchmē,The Frenchmen beaten vpon the sea. few or none were left & escaped aliue, and two hundreth sayle of shippes taken: in one of the which, were found 400. dead bodyes.

After this great slaughter of the Frenchmen (of whom many for feare of the sword lept into the sea) when no man durst bring tidinges thereof to the Frenche king: They which were next about the king,The wordes of the foole to the French kyng. did subborne his foole, to insinuate the vnderstanding thereof by subtiltie of couert words, which was thus. As the foresayd foole being in the kinges presence, and was talking of many things: among other talke, he sodenly brast out (being prompt by others) into a vehement rayling of the Englishmen, calling them cowards & dastards, with many such approbrious words: tending to that effect. The king not knowing whereunto the words of the foole did appertayne: asked the foole, why he called the Englishmen such weakelings and cowards, &c. why, sayth the foole? Because the fearefull and cowardly Englishmen had not the hartes to leape into the sea so lustely, as our Normands, & Gentlemen of Fraunce had. Whereby the French kyng began to vnderstand the victory of his part to be lost, and the Englishmē to be victorers.

This victory atchieued, ye fame therof spreading abroad in England, first was not beleued till letters thereof came from the king to Prince Edward his sonne, being then at Waltham, directed to the bishops & prelates of the realme, the effect of which letters here followeth vnder written.

The letters of K. Edward to the Byshops of England. THe bountifull benignitie of Gods great clemency powred vpon vs of late, for your true certification, and reioycing, we thought good to intimate vnto you. It is not vnknowne (we suppose) to you, and to other our faythfull subiectes, which also haue bene partakers with vs of the same, with what stormes of boysterous warres of late we haue bene tossed and shaken, as in the great Ocean. But although the rising surgies of the sea be merueilous, yet more merueilous is the Lord aboue: who turning the tempest into calme, in so great daungers, so mercifully hath respected vs. For where as we of late did ordaine our passage vpon vrgent causes, into Flaunders the Lord Phillip de Valoys our bitter enemye vnderstanding thereof, layd agaynst vs a mighty nauy of ships, entending thereby eyther to take vs, or at least to stop our voyage. Which voyage if it had bene stayd, it had bene the cutting of, of all the great enterprises by vs intended and taken in hande, & moreouer we our selues brought to a great confusion. But the God of mercies seing vs so distressed in such perils and dangers hath gratiously aud beyond mans expectation sent to vs great succour & strength of fighting souldiours, and a prosperous wynde after our owne desires. By the meanes and helpe whereof, we set out of the hauen into the seas, where we estsoones perceaued our enemies well appointed and prepared with a mayne multitude to set vpon vs, vpon midsommer day last past. Agaynst whome notwithstansting, Christ our Lord and Sauiour hath rendered to vs the victory, through a strong and vehement conflict. In the which conflict, a mighty number of our enemies were destroyed, and well neare all theyr whole Nauy was taken: with some losse also of our part, but nothing like in comparison to theirs. By reason whereof, we doubt not but our passage by the seas hereafter shalbe more quiet and safe for our subiectes, and also many other commodities shall ensue therof, as we haue good cause to hope well of the same. For which cause we deuoutly considering the heauenly grace so mercifully wrought vpon vs, do render most humble thankes & praise to Christ our Lord and sauior. Beseeching him, thar as he hath ben and alwayes is ready to preuent our necessities in time of oportunitie, so he will continue hys helping hand euer towardes vs, & so to direct vs here temporally, that we may raigne and ioy with him in heauen eternally And in like sort we require your charitie that you also with vs rising vp to the prayse of God alone, who hath begon so fauourably to worke with vs to our goodnesse, in your prayers and deuine seruice do instantly recommend vs vnto the Lord, traueiling here in these foreigne countries and studying to recouer not onely our right here in Fraunce: but also to aduaunce the whole Catholicke Churche of Christ and to rule our people in iustice. And that also ye call vpon the Clergy and people, euery one through his diocesse to do the same, inuocating the name of our Sauiour, that of hys mercy he will geue to vs his hū ble seruaunt a docible hart, so to iudge and rule hereupon rightly doing that which he hath commaunded: that at length we may attaine to that which he hath promised. &c. Which letter was written to the Byshops and prelates. an. 1340.

After this foresayd victory vpon the sea, & newes therof with due thanks to our Sauiour sent into England: the Kyng striking into Flaunders, came to Gaunt in Brabaute where hee had left the Queene, who ioyfully receaued him, being a little before purified or churched as we terme it of her fourth sonne, whose name was Iohn and commonly called Iohn of Gaunt, and was Erle of Richmonde, and Duke of Lancaster.A c [...]nc [...]l at Villenorth. At Uillenorth the king assembled his councell, whereat the noble men of Fraunce Brabant and Hennalt conioyning together in most firme league the one to helpe and defend the other, with the king of England,Flaunders, Brabant and Hennalt take part with kyng Edward. agaynst the French king, purposing and determining from thence to march toward Turncy & it to besiege. But the French king vnderstanding theyr counsell, fortified and victualed the same before theyr comming thither. Furthermore the sayd Frenche king the same tyme to stop the sige of king Edward, sent wt king Dauid of Scotland a great power, to that intent to make inuasiō in England, thereby the sooner to cause the king to remoue hys siege. In the meane time while king Edwarde wrote his letters to Philip de Ualous, making vnto him certain requestes, as in the same his letters here folowing is to be seen: who for ye he wrote not vnto him as K. of France but by ye name of Philip de Ualous, refused to answer him touching the same as by their letters here placed may be seene.

* The letter of the king of England, to Phillip de Valous the French king, goyng to the siege of Turney.

PHillip de Valous,

The letter of king Edward to the Frēch kyng.

of long time we haue gently requested you by our Embassadours (by all the reasonable meanes we might) to that intent you should haue rendered vnto vs our lawful right and inheritaunce to the crowne of Fraunce which from vs a long time you haue by great wrong and force deteined. And for that we well perceaue you meane to perseuere in the same your purpose and iniurous detinue, without making any reasonable aunswere to our demaund. We let you vnderstand, that we are entred into the country of Flaunders, as the soueraigne Lord of the same and so passe through the country: and further signifie vnto you, how that by the helpe of our Sauiour Iesus Christ and our righteous cause therein, and with the power of the sayd country, our people, and allyes: we purpose to recouer the right which we haue to that inheritaunce you deteine from vs by your iniurious force and therefore approche we towardes you to make a shorte end of this our rightfull challenge if you also will doe the like. And for that so great an host assēbled which we bring with vs on our part (supposing you also on the other part to doe the like) cannot lōg remayne together without great destruction both to our people and country, which thing euery good Christian ought to eschue: especially Princes and others which haue the gouernment of the same, auoyding by as short an end as may be, the mortality of christen men, according as the quarrell is apparaunt betweene you and me. For the which causes here touched, let the challenge (if you thinke meete) betweene our own persons and bodyes discussed, that the great Nobillitie and prowesse of each other, may of euery one be seene. And if you refuse this way, then let there (to finish this challenge) be an hundreth of the best souldiours you can chuse out of your part, matched with so many of our liege subiects to try the same. And if of these two wayes you refuse both the one & the other, then that you will assigne vnto vs a certain day before the town of Turnay, to fight with vs power agaynst power, which may be within ten dayes next insuing after the date of these our letters, offering the sayd conditions vnto you aboue specified (as we would all the world to know and vnderstand) not vppon anye orgoile, presumption or pride we take therein, but for the causes before alledged, and to the end that (the will of our sauiour Iesus Christ betwixt vs two herein declared and shewed) rest and peace might grow amongst Christen men. The power and force of gods enemies abated: and in fine, the limites of Christianitie enlarged and enfranchised. And therefore hereupon consider with your selfe what way you will take concerning our foresayd offers, and by the bearers of these our letters send vnto vs herein quicke and speedy aunswere.

Geuen vnder our great seale at Chyn in the playne of Leece the xxvii, day of this present month of July.

* The aunswere of the Lord Phillip de Valois vnto the letter aforesayd.

PHillip by the grace of God king of Fraunce, to Edward king of England. The answere of the Frēch K to K. Edward.

We haue seene the letters whiche you haue sent vnto our Court to Phillip de Valois, wherein are contayned certayne requestes which you make to the sayd Phillip de Valois. But for that the sayd letters come not as directed vnto vs, neyther yet the sayd requestes seeme to be made vnto vs (which thing clearely by the tenour of the sayd letters appeareth) we therefore write vnto you no aunswere touching the same. Notwithstanding, this suffiseth that we vnderstand by the said letters of yours, as also otherwaies, that you are entred into our Realm of Fraunce, to the great damage both vnto vs, our realme and people (more proceeding of wil, then reason) & not regarding that which a liege man ought to do vnto his Lord. For you are entred into our homage by you lieged vnto vs, acknowleging your self as reasō is a liege mā vnto the[Page]king of France: and haue promised vnto vs such obeisance as men are wont to do vnto their liege Lordes (as more plainly by your letters patēts appeareth, ensealed with your great seale, the which we haue with vs) for the which thing we will you to vnderstande: that our purpose is (when it shal seme good vnto vs) to driue you out of our realme, to the honor both of vs and our kingdome, and to the profité and commodity of our people. And this thing to do we haue firme and assured hope in Iesus Christ, from whome we haue all our power and strength. For, by your vnreasonable demaund more wilful then reasonable, hath bene hindred and staide the holy voyage to those partes of beyonde the seas, where a great number of Christen men haue bene slaine: the deuine seruice diminished, and the seruice of the churche lesse reuerenced. And as touching that where you say, ye intende to haue the obeysance of the Flemmings, we thinke and beleeue that the good people and commons of that country will behaue themselues in such sort toward our Cosin the Countes of Flaunders their Ladie, as it be not their reproche, and to vs their soueraigne Lorde, they will respect their honour and loialty. And that thing wherein they haue done otherwise then well hitherto, hath beene by the euill counsaile of such people, as neither regarde the weale publike, nor honour of their countrey, but their owne onely gaine and commoditie.

Geuen in the fielde neere adioyning to the Priorie of S. Andrew vnder our priuie Seale, in absence of our great Seale, the 30. day of Iuly. An. 1340.

The Scottes [...]de Engl [...].Mention was made a little before of Dauid King of Scots whome the French king had supported and stirred vp against the king and realme of England: which Dauid (with the aide of the Scots and Frenchmen) did so muche preuaile, yt they recouered almost againe al Scotlād which before he had lost, and was cōstrained to liue in the forrest of Gedworth many yeres before. Then inuaded they Enland, & came with their armie, wasting and burning the countrey before them, till they came as farre as Durham. & then returned againe into Scotland, where they recouered all their holdes againe, sauing the towne of Barwike. Edenborough they tooke by a stratageme or subtile deuise practised by Douglas & certaine other: who apparaising themselues in poore mens habites, as vitailers with corne and prouender & other things, demanded the porter early in the morning what neede they had thereof, who nothing mistrusting opened the outward gate, where they shoulde tary til ye Captaine rose: and perceiuing the Porter to haue the kaies of the inward gate,Henborough reco [...]ered from the Englishmen by the Scottes. threw downe their sackes in the outward gate, that it might not be shut againe, & slewe the Porter, taking from him the kaies of the towne. Then they blew their horne as a warning to the bandes, which priuily they had laid not farre off: who in hastie wise comming, & finding the gates ready opened entred vpon the sodaine and killed as many as them resisted, and so obtained againe the citie of Edenborough.

The Scots thus being busie in England, the Frenche king in the meane season gathered together a puissaunt power purposing to remoue the siege frō Turnay: and among other, sent for the king of Scots, who came to hym wt great force, besides diuers other noble men of France: in so much that the French king had a great army, & thought himselfe able inough to raise the siege, and thither bent his host. But the French K. for al this his foresaid huge power & force, durst not yet so neare approch the king, as either to geue him battaile, or els remoue his siege: but kept him self wt his army aloofe, in a sure place for his better defence. And notwithstanding the king of England wasted, burnt spoiled, and destroyed the coūtry 20. miles in maner compasse about Turnay,Tourney besieged. and tooke diuers and sundry stronge townes and holds at Ortois, Urles, Greney, Archis, Odint, S. Amand, and the towne of Lis [...]e, where he slewe aboue 300. men of armes, and about S. Omers, he slue and kild of noble men, the Lorde of Duskune, of Mauris [...]elou, of Rely, of Chastillion, of Melly, of Fenis, of Hamelar, of Mounfaucon, and other Barons to the number of 14. and also slue and killed aboue 130. Knightes, being all men of great possessions and prowesse, and tooke other small cities and townes to the number of 300. Yet for all thys, Phillip de Ualois the french king durst neither rescue his towns, nor relieue his owne men: but of hys great armie hee lost (which is to be marueiled at, being in the midst of his own countrey) by famine & other inconueniences, & for want of water more then 20000. men without any battaile by hym geuen. Whereupon at the treatie of the sayde Phillip by hys embassadours to the king sent, and by the mediation of the Lady Iane, sister to the sayd Philip, & mother to the Earle of Henault, whose daughter king Edwarde as you heard had married: A truce containing the number of 15. articles for one yeare was concluded, the king of Englande being very vnwilling and loth therunto. Yet notwythstanding, partly by the instance of the foresayd Lady, but specially for yt the king was greatly disappoynted, through the negligence of his officers in England, which sent hym not ouer such mony as he neded, for the continuance of hys warres and paiment of his soldiors wages (yc articles being somewhat reasonable) he agreeth to the truce therof, the cōditions of which truce there concluded, heere followe vnder wrytten.

1. First,

Articles of truce.

that during the sayde truce, no tales or mistrust of either part shall be a detriment or cause of breache of the same.

2. Item, that during the sayd respite or truce, eyther of the Princes, their helpers, coadiutors, and allies whatsoeuer: shall remaine and be in the quiete possession of all such possessions, holdes, territories and landes, as at thys pre [...]ent day, they kepe and enioy within the realme and dominion of Fraunce, in what maner so euer they haue atchieued the same, during the sayd truce.

3. Item, that the sayd princes their aiders, coadiutors, and allies whatsoeuer: shall passe safely from one country to an other, and all marchants with theyr marchandise, as well by sea as by land as accustomably they haue ben wont: except such banished men as haue ben banished out of yt sayd realmes, or any of them for other causes, then the warres betwene the sayd princes.

4. Item, that the said two princes shal not procure either by themselues or any other, any practice or other molestation to be made the one to the other, by yc byshop of Rome or any other belonging to the holy church whatsoeuer: eyther for the warres begon, or any other cause, nor for the seruice of any of their allies, coadiutors, and aiders, or any of them. And that our holy father the Pope nor any other, shal disturbe or molest either of the sayd two kings during the sayd time.

5. Item, that immediatly after the truce be proclaimed in both the hostes, that they may stand bound of either side, to kepe and obserue al and euery such article as shalbe therein contained.

6. Item, that wythin 20, dayes next and immediately ensuing, eache of the Princes shall cause to be proclaimed in Gascoyne and Guyen, and other their lands these articles of truce, to the intent they may be the better obserued, kept, and knowne.

7. Item, if by any the sayd princes, their allies, people or coadiutours, any siege be layd in Gascoyne, or the Dutchy of Guyen, or any other Isles of the sea Gierncley or Gersey, or any other: that the same sieges be raised, so soone as they shall heare of thys truce.

8. Item, that suche as are theeues and fugitiues out of the Countrey of Flaunders, shall not returne during the truce: and if they do, that then such as apprehēd them, shal see iustice done vpon them, and forfaite all the goodes they haue in Flaunders.

9. Item, it is accorded, that the debtes due to Arras, Tresponois, or other titles of Fraunce, shal neither be demaunded, nor executed during the sayd truce.

10. Item, that all suche prysoners as haue bene taken during these warres, shalbe released out of prison & sent home vpon theyr faith and othe to returne, if they be not raunsomed during the sayd truce. And if any shal refuse so to doe, that then the Lord vnder whom he is, shall constraine him to returne againe to prison.

11. Item, that all the bandes whatsoeuer they be, whyche be made before thys sayde truce in the time of warre (whether they be of goods spirituall or temporall) be released wt out restitucion, during the sayd truce.

12. Also, that these conditions of truce immediately may take effect betwene the Englishmen & Scots, their Lords, aiders and allies: and the same to endure vntill the Natiuitie of S. Iohn Baptist. And that certain persons be appointed by a certaine day to be at the marches of England and Scotland to confirme the same truce, vnder such cōditions as haue bene accustomed in those partes. And if the said Scottes refuse so to doe, that then they to haue no aide out of Fraunce, during the sayd truce.

13. Item, that this sayd truce be proclaimed in England, and in Scotlād, wythin the 26. dayes after the date therof.

14. Item, it is accorded that within this truce be contayned Espamels, Chatellon, Geneuos, the Byshop and the towne of Cambrey, and castels of the same, &c.

In witnes wherof, we Iohn by the grace of God king of Bohemia, and Earle of Luxemburgh, Adulphe Byshop of Liege, Raoule Duke of Loreine, Ayemes Earle of Sauoy, & Iohn Earle of Darminacke on the one party: And B. Duke of Brabante, C. Duke of Gelre, D. Marques of Iuliers, sir Iohn of Henault, and sir Beawmount on the other party, betwixt the high & puissant princes of France and England: Have scaled thys instrument of truce and [Page] peace, and deliuered the same accordingly in the church of Espleteline, on monday the 25. day of September, the yere of grace. 1340.

K. Edward returneth from Tourney.This truce thus finished, king Edwarde brake vp hys campe, remoouing his siege from Tourney, & came againe to Gaunt. Frō whence (very early in the morning) he wt a small company tooke shipping, and by long seas came to the tower of Lōdon, very few or none hauing vnderstanding thereof. And being greatly displeased with diuers of his counsel and high officers (for that through their default he was constrained against his will, not hauing money to maintaine hys warres,The kyng deceiued by his officers. to condescende vnto the foresayde truce) he commanded to be apprehended and brought vnto him to the tower, the Lorde Iohn Stonhore chiefe iustice of England, and syr Iohn Poulteney with diuers others. and the next morning, he sent for the Lorde K. Byshop of Chichester and the Lord Wake, the Lorde Treasurer & diuers other such that were in authority and office, and commanded them al to be kept as prisoners in the said tower,No bishop must be imprisoned by the Popes lawe. onely the sayd byshop excepted: whom for feare of the constitution of Pope Clement, whych commaunded that no Byshop should be by the king imprisoned, he set at libertie & suffered him to goe his way, & in his place substituted sir Roger Bourcher knight, Lord Chauncelour of England.

The historie intreating of this matter, reporteth thus that the king had this time vnder him euil substitutes, and couetous officers:Couetous officers. who attēding more to their owne gain, then to the publike honour and commoditie of the realme, left the king destitute and naked of money. Wyth whyche crime,Iohn Stratford Archb. of Cant. also Iohn Stratford Archbishop then of Caunterbury, was vehemētly noted and suspected, whether of hys true deserning, or by the setting on of other hereafter shall more appeare. In so much that the king ardently incensed against him, charged him with great falshode vsed against his person, as by these his letters wrytten and directed to the Deane and Chapter of Paules against the sayd Archbishop manifestly appeareth, the tenor of which letter here followeth vnder written.

Edward by the grace of God king of England and Fraunce, and Lord of Ireland. To his welbeloued in Christ the Deane and Chapter of the Church of S. Paul in London, greeting in the Lord.

The kyngs letter to the Dean and chapter of Paules.IT is manifest by ancient hystories, but more plainely appeareth by those which daily are practised amongest vs: that many men abusing (through pride) the fauour of Princes, and honour bestowed vpon them, haue maliciously gone about to depraue the laudable endeuour of kings. And nowe that the woordes which we speake may be more manifest vnto our subiects: we suppose that neither you nor they haue forgotten, that we being established in our kingly throne in yonger yeres, and coueting euen then to guide this our regal charge taken vpon vs with wholesome coū sailes, haue called vnto vs Iohn the Bishop of Winchester, nowe Archb. of Cant. whom we supposed for his fidelity and discretion to excede others: whose counsaile in matters appertaining vnto the health of our soule, as in matters also respecting the augmenting and conseruation of our kingdome both spiritually & temporally, we vsed: he was receiued of vs into all familiaritie. Wee found in him also such humanity, that he was saluted by the name of father, and of all next vnto the king had in honour. Now afterwards, when by right of succession the kingdome of France shuld haue descended vnto vs, and was by violent iniurie by the Lorde Philip of Valois holden from vs: the said Archb. by his importune instancie, perswaded vs to enter league of amity with the princes of Almanie, against the sayde Phillip, and to commit our selfe and ours vnto the hazard of warres, promising and affirming that he woulde bring to passe, that the reuenues of our landes and other helpes by him deuised, shoulde suffice aboundantly for the maintenance of our said warres. Adding moreouer, that our only care should be for the furniture of strong and able souldiours, such as were fit for the purpose, and expert in warfare: for the rest, he himselfe would effectually procure, for money conuenient to suffice our necessitie, and the charges thereof. Whereuppon (entending great exployts) we conueyed our army beyond the seas, and with marueilous great charges (as behoued) we set forwarde: we became also bound in great summes of mony, making sure accompt of the aide aforesaid promised vnto vs. But alasse, vnhappy is that man that reposeth confidence in mans deceitfull staffe of brittle reede: wherunto (as sayth the Prophet) if a man leane, it breaketh and pearceth the hand. Thus being defrauded of our long looked for subsidie, for very necessities sake, we were constrained to take vpon vs importable charges of debts by grieuous vsurie. And so, our expedition being staied, we were compelled to retyre into England, desisting from our enterprises so valiantly begun. Now, when we were returned into England, we laide before our Archbishop our manifold calamities and misfortunes before rehersed, and thereuppon called a Parliament: wherein the Prelates, noble men and other the faithfull subiectes of our dominions, graunted vnto vs a new subsidie of corne, lambe, wool. &c. besides the tenth graunted by the Cleargie: which subsidie (if it had bene faithfully collected and obtained in due time) had greatly auailed for the expedition of our sayd warres, the paiment of our debts, and confusion of our enemies. Our saide Archbishop promised diligently to do his endeuour, as well in collecting the same, as also in procuring other necessaries to serue to our purpose. Wherupon, trusting vnto these faire promises, hauing all thinges in a readynesse both men and furnished ships, we made saile towards Flaunders, and by the way vpon the dangerous seas buckeled with our enemies (sworne to the destruction of our English nation) of whome we triumphed and were victors, not by our merites (their multitude farre exceeding ours) but by the mercifull clemencie of him that ruleth both winde and sea. Which being done, we passed frō thence with a mighty power for the recouery of our right, & pitched our rentes neare vnto the puissant citie of Tornaye: whe [...]e being deteined for a time in the siege therof, wearied with continuall toyle, our charges still encreasing, awaiting with silence our promysed ayde: day by day, wee hooped from oure Archbyshoppe to receiue succoure in these our so great necessities. At length being frustrate of all conceyued hope, wee signified vnto our sayde Archbyshop, and other his adherents, by diuers messengers and sundry letters, our great necessitie and perils which we were in for lacke of the sayd subsidie, graunted vnto vs. We added also the vtilitie and honour, which we sawe might be atchieued if we had receiued money in time. All this notwithstanding, we receiued from them no succour at all, for that, preferring their priuate businesse and proper commodities, they cloked their slouth, or rather (as I may call it) their fraude and malice with vaine excuses: and painted glosing wordes, like vnto the deceitful, which (as saith Esay) vse to deride with these words: Manda remāda. &c.

By meanes whereof (alasse for sorrowe) it came to passe, that whiles good hope of subduing our ennemies gratiously smiled vppon vs, we were constrained (penurie preuailing against vs) to take truce to our shame, the hinderance of our expedition, and no smal reioysing of our euil willers: and so we returned into Flaunders all voide of mony, oppressed with infinite debts, neither had we in our treasuries wherewith to discharge our necessities, nor yet to pay our soldiours wages: in so much, that we were compelled to enter into the deuouring gulfe of vsurie, and to sustaine on our shoulders great burdens of debts, heape vppon heape. This being done, our faithfull frends, companions in warres, and partakers of our tribulations came vnto vs, with whome we consulted diligently by what meanes wee might best deliuer our selues from this dangerous storme of euill fortune.Archbish. of Cant fal [...]e to the king. They all agreed, affirming certainely, that the protracting of our warres, and cause of our manifolde necessity happened vnto vs through the fault and negligence (or rather the malice) of the sayd Archb. (vpon whose discretion the disposition of the whole kingdome seemed to depend) and other officers whom we had adioyned in counsail with him touching the affaires of our kingdome: vehemently swearing and murmuring amongst themselues (for that we had left so long vncorrected the insolencie of the byshops and other officers) that if remedy in these cases were not had with spede: they wold withdrawe themselues from our allegeance, and the couenaunt which they had sworne vnto: to the vtter subuersion of our kingdome, our perpetuall ignominie, and the euerlasting shame of our English nation (which God our most mercifull father forbid, shoulde come to passe in our daies, in whom is fixed immoueably the anchor of our hope.)Euil officers displaced by the kyng. Whereuppon entending the due correction of our officers, we remoued from offices (as semed good to our wisdome) diuers persons, whom we suspected in causes euidēt of euil administration of iustice, of subuersion, and oppressiō of our subiects, of corruption, of bribes, and other hainous offences. Others also of inferiour degree offending in the premisses, we caused to be deteined in safe custody, least by their liberty, iustice might be troden vnder foote, and the inquisition of the trueth concerning the premisses not to come to light. Forasmuche therefore as the knowledge of the trueth in these cases might of none more certainly be knowen, then from the secrete brest of our sayd Archbishop, for that nothing pertaining to our information ought to lie hid from him, vnto whome of so long a time had bene committed the administration of our whole common weale, and summe of our businesse: Wee sent vnto him our faithfull subiect Nicholas de Cantilupe with special commandement from vs (all delayes set a part) that he should forthwith make his personall appearance before vs at our City of London. But he (as one alwaies timerous as wel in prosperity as in aduersity, and fearing where no feare was) vntruely alleageth that some of our assistents had threatned hym, and laid wait for his life, if at any time he departed frō the Church of Cant. which (God wee take to witnesse and a pure conscience) wee neuer meant nor any of our assistents.

Wee suppose he touched thereby our Cousin,Archbish. of Cant. [...] to all the clergie. although to all other aswell of the cleargy as comminalty through his malicious misdemeanors he was become odious.

[Page]Wherfore, intending the safegarde of our subiects by letters or otherwise called before vs, we appoynted our trustie and welbeloued Rasse Stafforde our Harbynger, to offer vnto hym safeconducte: and moreouer to present vnto him our letters patentes vnder our seale, willing and commanding him therby againe personally to come before vs, that we might be enformed what of so long a time hee had done touching the affaires of the kyngdome. Wherunto,The Archb. of Cant. de [...] to [...] to the [...] contemning our commanndement & gentle request, he answereth, that neither he wold in person appeare, neither yet in any matter conferre wyth vs, except it were in a full Parliament which for diuers reasonable causes coulde not then be called. Thus may you see this archb. (whom our royal benignity had amplified wyth large honours, admitted into all familiarity, receiued into the bonde of vnnimitie and frendship, vpon whome as on a father our whole hope did consist: who, so long as wee accomplished his will in all things, pretended towardes, vs a face of counterfet loue cloaked wyth dissembling beneuolence, euen as though he had bene a louing father) howe cruelly against reason he hath now forsaken vs, requiting benefits with ingratitude, oppressing his benefactour wyth the arrogancie of feare:The Archb. [...] with [...] & ingratitude. and finally (according to the vulgare prouerbe) rewarded vs as a horse in a satchell, a Snake in a mannes bosome, and fire cherished next the skinne rewardeth their receiuers. When we were first exalted vnto the throne of our kingdome, descended vnto vs by right of inheritaunce (Gods diuine prouidence so working) we thought and alwayes thinke it a detestable thyng to abuse so high authoritie, but rather desire to gouerne wyth clemencie, leuitie, and moderation of iustice, that peace of all men desired might firmely take place.

The Archb. [...] of the [...]yng.Neuerthelesse, our sayde Archbyshop hath gone about to defame our innocencie, and the fidelitie and diligence our faithfull counsailers prosecutours of true iustice: openly declaring in hys letters patent, and publishing abroade in diuers places, that hee was oppressed by the kings power contrary, to iustice, the Clergy and comminaltie confounded, and the church ouer charged wyth diuers grieuous taxes & exactions. He subtilly vsurped the name of a good pastour, when in deede he was nothing lesse, but rather (as it should seeme by his owne cōfession, and the common opinion had of him) a very hireling. He cloked his craftie subtilnesse with the zeale of defending the Churche, although he hymselfe in very deede was the onely cause, by his euill counsaile and craftie deuises, of the tribulations of the same. Hee also fained that not long agoe, certaine wrytings were brought vnto him to be sealed, containing in effect the defence and excusation of all such in generall that were violaters of the liberties of the Churche: hoping thereby to defame the opinion had of vs and our faythfull counsailours, to stirre vp sedition amongst the people, and finally to withdrawe from vs the hearts of our nobilitie. Hee gaue commaundement by hys letters, that these things shoulde be proclaimed in all places of great resorte by diuers speciall articles contrary to his former order in his prouinciall Councel. Wherefore, respecting the integritie of our fame, entending to preuent the malice of the sayde Archbishoppe, and also to decline from vs the snares prepared for vs and ours: wee haue thought good at thys present (ouer & besides those which before are rehersed) amongst so many which wee omitte, to declare vnto you some of hys peruerse and wicked actes. When in our minoritie wee were constituted ouer our dominions, hee caused vs through hys vnaduised counsaile and rash perswasion (therby to winne excesiue fauour) to geue away so many wastfull giftes, and so many vnlawfull alienations that nowe by meanes thereof our treasury is cleane consumed, the reuenewes of our Exchequer without all order dimished, and he corrupted with bribes innumerable. Oftentimes also without cause why, when neither necessitie nor vtilitie so required, onely through his perswasion wee forgaue diuers men great summes of money due vnto vs, yea and the rents and reuenewes which ought to haue bene conserued for our necessitie and profite we applied to the vse of his frendes largely bestowing vppon such as euill deserued it. Moreouer (accepting aswell persones as money) contrary to our minde, and hys othe of fidelitie made vnto vs: he admitted vnto publique offices throughout our dominions, persones vnworthy, neglecting those that had well deserued. Many other things he rashly tooke in hand, to the detrimēt of our state,The Archb. [...]useth his office. the hurt of our dignitie royall, and no smal dammage of our subiectes, by abusing his authoritie & office committed vnto him. But if he persist in his proude obstinacie and stout rebellion, wee shall heereafter in conuenient time and place, cause it to be more openly knowen: willing and commaunding you to publish and cause to be published, all and singular the premisses openly and distinctly in places where you shall thinke it expedient, and to set foorth (as shal seeme best to your godly wisedomes) our good entent for the suppressing of incommodities, and furthering of the commodities of our subiectes, that we may worthely commende your circumspect care herein.

Teste meipso apud Westm. 10: die Februa. Anno regni nostri Angliae. 15. Regni verò Franciae secundo.

By these foresayde obiections & accusations of the king premised, and layd against the Archbishop of Canterbury: what is to be thought of the doinges of the sayd Archbishop, I leaue it to thy iudgeuient gentle reader (as I sayd before) to be coniected: For so much as our histories somewhat bearing with the sayd Archbishop, seeme either to be vncertayne of the truth of the matter, or els couertly to dissemble some part of that they knew. And especially of Pol [...] dor Virgil. I meruaile, who hauing so good occasion to touch the matter, doth so sleightly passe it ouer without any word of mention. In whiche matter if probable coniecture (beside history) might here be heard, it is not vnlike [...] but that some olde practice of prelates hath herein bene put in vre, through some crafty conspiracy betweene the Pope and the Archbishop. And the rather to be gathered, for that as the pope was enemy vnto the king in this his chalenge to the crowne of Fraunce: So the Archbishop against his Prince (as for the most part alwayes they haue bene) was a trend, as no man neede to doubt therof, [...]vnto the Pope. Which thing also more probable may be supposed, because of the comming downe of the it. Cardinals the same time, from the pope to the king of England, about the matter of farther truce: wherof (Christ willing) more hereafter shall follow. Albeit, the Archbishop (this yet notwithstanding) subtely and featly excuseth himselfe to the king of the foresayd obiections, and cunningly handleth the matter in words by his letter directed to the king, as followeth.

The letter of the Archbyshop of Caunterburie to the king.

REdoubted Syr,

The letter of the Archbishop to the kyng.

may it please your maiestie to vnderstand: that the most chiefest and speciall thing that: keepeth kings and Princes in the fauoure of God, and best preserueth them in theyr estate: is sage, wise, and deliberate counsaile. And therefore sayeth the wise man, concerning counsell in this wise: Good men haue thereby their safetie. And it is wrytten in the booke of kinges, howe Salomon which was the wisest Prince that euer was, tooke vnto him the most auncient and sage men of his Realme to be his counsailours: By whose aduisement and discretion, hee alwayes. Kept the lande of Israell in quiet and in peace, and besides that had: all other kinges and princes that bordered vppon him at his will and commaundement. After whose death raigned Roboh [...]m hys, sonne, who neglecting the good coūsel of his father, and good aduise of his sage & discrete counsailours:Good counsellers necessary about a kyng. harkened to such counsel as lighter and younger men perswaded him vnto, that sought rather howe to please and flatter him, then the quiet state of hys Realme: whereby he lost all the whole lande of Israel, the 12. part only excepted. In like maner haue many kings of Israel and other kingdomes beside, by rash and euill counsell come to great ruine and mischiefe. And Sir (sauing your princely patience) you may call to remembraunce your owne time: for by the wicked and sinister counsell to our la [...]e soueraigne Lorde your father geuen (whome God forgeue) which he tooke and folowed: both against the lawe of his lande, and graund Charter of the peeres and other his people of the lande: some he put to shamefull death, from other some he tooke their goods, and such as fled, he put vnto their raunsome, and what ennemies he purchased thereby, your grace well vnderstandeth. And after this Sir, you knowe (enen in your owne time) howe by following and beleuing ouer light counsel: you yourselfe lost the hartes of many of your subiectes, from the which God deliuer you, if it be his will. And after that time again vntill nowe, by the good aduisement of your Prelates, Peeres, and sage counsailours of your land, your graces businesse and affaires haue bene so demained and ordered: that you haue had the hearts againe of all your subiectes, as well spirituall as temporall, as muche or rather more, then any of your graces predecessours, kings of England haue had. So that, by meanes of the sayde good counsell, the good will and aide of your people, and special grace of God; you haue had the victorie of all your ennemies, as well in Scotlande as in Fraunce, and all other places besides: That vnto this day (Gods name bee blessed therefore) your grace hathe bene estemed as one of the most noblest Princes in all Christendome. And nowe your grace (by the euill and peruerse counsaile of some suche wythin the Realme, whiche are not so wise as they might be, and such also as consider and respect rather their owne priuate commoditie, then your graces honour and safetie of your Realme) beginneth to apprehende diuers Clerkes, Pieres, and other people of the land, and to directe processe against them, not beseeming: but contrary to the Lawe of the land, which to keepe and maintaine you are bounde by the othe you tooke at youre coronation: and contrary to the graunde charter, whereof all the realme are witnesses, & all the prelates of the same: and cōtrary to the sentence confirmed by the Bul of our holy father to the pope▪ which we haue to shew. All which things, as they are to the great pearill and daunger of your soule: so are they also to the vtter debasing of your regall state and honour. And Sir, although such as be your graces gouernours and counsailers (beyng a callynge [Page] aboue their agree) doe geue your grace to vnderstande that their enterprises and yours doe please and content your subiectes and commons: yet your grace shall knowe for certaine, and prooue it your owne selfe to be farre otherwise, then that they beare you in hand. And that vnlesse God do remedy the same if you prosecute your purpose begon in this order: you will leese the hearts of all your subiects, as also your good and rightfull enterprise, and shal see such discord about the same: that you shall not be able to performe that you haue begon, but rather enforce your ennemies to seeke your destruction, to loose your noble and renowmed fame, and in the ende your kingdom it selfe, which God forbid. Wherefore soueraigne Lorde and King, I beseeche you: that for the safegard of your honour and Realme, and enterprise begon, that you will take vnto you the most discrete and wisest men, wythin your Realme, and woorke by their aduise and counsell, as before thys time you haue bene accustomed without the aide and counsell of whome you can neither maintaine your enterprise, nor gouerne your realme.Excommunication in his owne priuate cause abused. And for that, some such as are about your grace falsly deuise against vs, treason and such like troubles (and therefore are of vs excommunicate, and as persons excommunicate doe so esteme of them) as your spirituall pastour, we also desire you so to esteeme and thinke of them, which also, make like report of other that haue bene with your grace beyonde the seas, that they haue naughtely & falsely serued you, wherby you haue lost the towne of Tourney, & much honor els, which you might haue wonne & gotten there. May it please your grace to call before you, the Prelates and Pieres of your Realme in some conuenient place, where wee and other moe, may safely come and resorte, and there also to make search and enquirie, in whose hands after the beginning of your warres, the money and what thing els so euer, which was graunted vnto you in aide of the same your warres, vntill thys present day, doeth remaine and is not laide out againe, as also by whose default you were so enforced to leaue the sayde siege of Tourney: and those which shalbe founde in any poynt faultie and guiltie therin against you as a good Iusticer, your grace wil cause to be punished according to the lawe: and in so much as appertaineth vnto vs therein, we aske iudgement of our Peeres (the state alwayes of holy Church, of vs, & of our order reserued inuiolate) according as we haue wrytten vnto you heerein. And for Gods sake Syr, beleeue not either of vs or any other your true subiectes els, more then that you shall vnderstand the veritie of: for if men should be punished without making answere to that, which is obiected against them, there should be then no difference in iudgement betwixt the good doer and the bad.

And Syr, may it please you well to consider, of the great enterprise you haue in hande, the great good will which you haue neede of for this cause, and of your great ennemies the Scots, and the great ieoperdie of your realme besides. For, if your Prelates, your nobles, & al the wisemen of your realme, were of one minde and will (without any discorde or diuision amongst them) to dispose and set in order those things, which are needeful in so great affaires and businesse: they shoulde haue all inough to beate their heads about, for the maintenance of your great enterprise begon, the honour of you, and sauegarde of your Realme. And Syr, may it please your grace, not to be displeased that so rudely and grosely we declare vnto you the veritie: for why, the great loue & affection which we beare vnto you, & alwayes haue done the same: the preseruation of your honour and sauegard of your realme, as also for that we are (although vnworthy) the primat of the whole realme of England: which thing appertaining vnto vs by our office, & being your spirituall father, doth incite vs the rather both to say and cōmaund that, which may turne to the benefite of your soule, and profite of your realme and kingly estate. Thus the holy spirite saue you both body and soule, and giue your grace both to heare and beleeue good counsaile, and further giue you victorie ouer all your enemies.

Written at Cant. the 1. day of Ianuary.

By your graces chaplen the Archbishop of the same.

The returne of the kings army from Tourney And thus node the case betweene the king & the Archbishop of Caunterbury, who comming thus (as is said) in secret wise into Englande, from the siege of Tourney, hys army in the meane while, by ships was conueyed to little Britaine. Of whome a great number, through vnseasonable and inconuenient meats and drinks, was there consumed. To whom also no lesse danger happened by the seas comming out of Britain into England, by tempest, thunder and lightening stirred vp, as is thought by the Necromaucers of the French king.

Anno. 1341. About whych season, approchyng to the yeare of oure Lorde 1341. were sent from the Pope two other Cardinals to entreat wyth Kyng Edwarde for thre yeres truce to be concluded more wyth the Frenche Kyng, Truce taken for three yeares betweene K. Edward and the French king. beside the former truce taken before for one yere, and all by the popes meanes. For heere is to be vnderstanded, that as it was not for the Popes purpose to haue the Kyng of England to raigne ouer so many coūtreis, so his priuy supportation lacked not by all meanes possible, both by Archbyshops & Cardinals, and also by the Emperor to maintain the state of the French king, and to stablish him in his possession. Ex Tho. Walsing. ex chron. Albanens.

In the said histories where these things be mentioned it is also noted, that the same yeare such plentye there was here in the realme of victuals, that a quarter of wheat was solde for ii.s. a fat oxe for a noble, and as some say a sheepe for iiii. d. And thus farre endureth the hystorie of Ranulphus Cestrensis called Polychronicon.

The next yere following,Anno. 1342.which was 1342, Ludouicus Bauarus the Emperor, who before had shewed great curtesie to king Edward as in his first viage ouer, in so much that he made him his Uicar or Uicegerent general, and offered hym also aide against the French king: Now ( [...]yther turned by inconstancie, or seduced by the pope) wryteth to him contrary letters, wherein hee reuoketh agayne the Uicegerentship graunted to hym, and seeketh all meanes in the fauour of the French king, against king Edwarde: as by his letters heere vnder written may better appeare.

The letter of the Emperour vnto the king of England.

LVdouicus by the grace of God Emperor of the Romaines alwaies Augustus, &c. To Edward king of England his beloued brother, greeting and vnfained loue.

Although great and vrgent busines of our owne do oppresse vs, & about the same our waighty affaires are daily incombred, yet with the discord & variaunce betwene your kingly dignity and the renowmed Phillip the king of Fraunce our cosine, for your sake wee are not a little troubled. And the rather the great charges which may heereafter growe both to you and to your kingdome, thereby considered bothe of men and money vnlesse the same be taken vp: doth more earnestly prouoke vs to geue our selfe to the carefull studie of your affaires. Wherefore wee geue you to vnderstande that the foresayde Philip (at our request) hath geuen vnto vs by his letters, authoritie and power to intreat and conclude a peace betwene you, touching the variance begon: which peace (al the state diligently cō sidered both of your selfe, your kingdome and subiects) wee take and beleeue to be right expedient for you: moouing there withall your charity, and earnestly desiring you that to this also you will geue your consent: wherby we may bring you both to concord and vnitie, and establish betweene you a firme peace to endure, whereunto with willing minde we would apply our selfe and bestow our painfull labour in prosecuting of the same. And heerein if you will condescend and agree vnto our counsaile, as we trust you wil. It may please you by your letters to geue vnto vs the like autoritie as is aboue sayd, to entreat peace or ordering of a truce for one yeare or two at least to continue. Neither let it moue you that betwene vs and the sayde Phillip of Fraunce a truce is taken. For seeing that you without our consent tooke truce with hym: wee by the aduice of our Princes which know the bonds, dedes, and couenants betwixt vs, who also thought no lesse but that sauing your honour we might do the same, haue also made a league with the said Phillip king of Fraunce, and for certaine causes doe reuoke and call backe the Liefetenantship which we assigned vnto you by our letters: Neuerthelesse geuing you for a certaine to vnderstande, that in our saide treaties and peace concluded, wee haue so brotherly considered you, that if you wil agree & condescend vnto our counsel: your cause (by our meane and help) shalbe brought to good passe and effect. About which things farther to conferre with your brotherhode herein, we haue sent a deuout & religious man Eliarhardus, reader and brother of the Heremites of S. Augustine, and Chaplaine of our Courte: whome about the premisses we desire with speedy expedition to be sent to vs again.

Dated at Franckforde the 14 day of Iune in the 24. yeare of oure raigne, and 14. of our Empire.

The answere of the King of England, to the Emperour.

TO the high and mighty Prince Lorde Ludouicke, by the grace of God Emperor of the Romanes, alwaies Augustus, Edward by the same grace king of Fraunce, and England, and Lord of Ireland: salutation and prosperous successe.

We haue reuerently receined your highnes letters, amongst other thinges containing, that the noble Phillip de Valois (to the intent a peace and concorde betweene vs and him might be concluded) hath geuen vnto you by his letters ful power and authoritie thereunto at your highnesse request: And that if the same might content vs to doe in like sort, your highnesse woulde trauaile to bring the concorde to passe: And that it would not moue vs any whit at all, that your highnesse and the sayde Phillip are in league together: For in so much as wee without your astent and consent (you say) tooke truce with the sayd Phillip, you haue also done the like with him (which thing you might well do sauing your honoure, by the counsaile of all your Nobles and Princes) and for certaine causes reuoke againe the Lieftenauntship which [Page] you committed vnto vs. Doubtlesse, the zeale and good will you haue to make this concorde and agreement, we much commend: letting you to vnderstand, that we alwayes haue bene desirous & still are, to haue a reasonable peace with the sayde Phillip: which peace, as much as to vs (our honour saued) appertained, we haue in iustice and by law prosecuted: and in very deede, it should be to vs acceptable, and as wee woulde wish, if by such a Mediatour as your Celsitude is, it might be brought to passe. But forasmuch as we: vnderstande the same our right and title to the kingdome of France, to be manifest and cleare inough: we purpose not to commit the same by any of our letters to doutfull arbitrement. But while wee well consider and reuolue with our selues, howe your highnesse vpon circumspect consideration (manifestly beholding our iust and rightful doing, and the straight dealing and obstinate purpose and iniurie of the sayd Philip) with vs and in our behalfe against the said Philip, your graces highnes made a special league: adopting vs of your great and bountifull loue towardes our person, to be one of your sonnes: Wherefore thus againe to alter and breake the same, wee cannot sufficiently maruell. Seeing your inuincible highnes being instituted of God to the laude and commendation of good men, and reuenge of euill and wicked doers, hath made a league against vs with the saide Philip de Valoys our notorious and iniurious enemy. And as touching that which you say, without your assignement and consent wee tooke a truce or dayes of respite with the said Phillip which we ought not to haue done: If your grace well consider the circumstance of the matter, we haue done but as we might therein. For when we laide oure siege to Tourney, it was requisite we followed their aduise whose aide and societie therein we had. Besides, the soden and imminent necessity which we there stood in, & the distance of the place betwixt your highnesse and vs furthermore was suche, as by that no meanes wee might attaine the same, nor vse your assent therein. Yea & further, if your grace wel remember your self, your graunt vnto vs was such: that whensoeuer oportunitie thereunto should serue, we might entreate of any peace, and graunt what time wee thought mete thereunto, without your consent therin: So that to conclude any finall peace with the saide Philip de Valois, without either your consent or otherwise making your highnesse priuie thereunto, it might not be lawfull for vs: Which thing wythout your said counsaile, consent and aduise, we neuer minded or purposed to do. But haue in all our doings done that which vs beseemed, so farre as by any meanes our power would stretch: hoping likewise, that your brotherly beneuolence for a time would haue more louingly supported vs. It is thought also by some, that the reuoking backe againe, or restraint of your foresayd Liefetenantship, was prematurate or done all out of time: when as according to your promise made to vs herein by your letters imperiall, you ought not so to haue done before the Realme and kingdome of Fraunce (or at the least the greatest part thereof) were of vs obtained and quietly in peaceable wise enioyed. These premised therefore we desire you, according to our nobilitie duely to consider, and heereafter to doe that which shall be thought both meete and conuenient: because that (God willing) we mea [...]e to recōpence and gratifie both you & yours, according to the measure of your beneuolence bestowed vpon vs. The almighty graunt vnto your Celfitude so much felicitie as your hart desireth.

Dated at London the 18. day of Iuly in the 2. yeare of the raign of our kingdom of Fraunce, and of England 15.

Pope Clement. 6. In this meane time died Pope Benedict the 12. mentioned a little before: after whome succeeded in that roume Pope Clement the 6. Of whome it is reported in storyes, that he was very liberall and bountiful to hys Cardinals of Rome, in riching and heaping them with goods & possessions, not of his owne, Ex Chron. Albanens. but with the Ecclesiasticall dignities and preferments of the Churches of England. For so recordeth the author, that he bestowed vpon his Cardinals the liuyngs and promotions, suche as were or should be vacant in churches of England, and wēt about to set vp new titles for his Cardinals,The kyng disanulleth the Popes prouision.here within this realm. But the kyng beyng offēded therwith made voyd and frustrate all those foresayd prouisions of the pope, chargyng moreouer and commaunding no person whatsoeuer, to busy himself with any such prouisions, vnder paine of prisonment & l [...]syng his lyfe. Which law was made the next yere folowing which was an. 1344.

It followed then, that the said Pope Clement, agayne began to make new pronisiōs for two of his Cardinals of benefices and Churches that should be next vacant, beside Bishopricks and Abbotshyps, to the extent of two thousand Marks. Wherupon, the procurators of the sayd Cardinals were sent down for the same. But the kyng and nobility of the realme not suffring that, vnder paine of imprisonment caused the sayd procurators foorthwith to depart the realm:The Poges procurators driuen out of England. wherupon, the nobles and commons shortly after, writeth a fruitfull Epistle to the Pope, for the liberties and the maintenance of y• English church: Whereunto, as saith the author, the pope and the Cardinals were not able to answer. The argument and tenor of which letter out of French, wee haue caused to be translated into Englishe, as insueth.

The letter of the king of England and nobles of the same, to the Pope, against the reseruations and prouisions which he had in England.

TO the most holy father in God, A letter of the Nobles & commons of England to the pope Lord Clement by the grace of God of the holy church of Rome, and of the vniuersal church, chiefe and high Bishop:

His humble & deuout children, the Princes, Dukes, Earles, Barons, Knights, Citizens, Burgeses, and al the comminaltie of the Realme of Englande, assembled at the Parliament holden at Westminster the 15. day of May last past: Deuoute kissings of his holy feete, with all humble reuerence and humilitie. Most holy father, the holy discretion, gouernment & equitie which appeareth to be in you and ought of duety so to be (beyng so high and holy a prelate, and head of the holy church) by whom the holy vniuersall churche and people of God ought to be, as by the sunne beames inlightened: Geueth vs good hope and likelyhode, that the iust petitions (to the honour of Iesus Christ & holy Church, and your holinesse also) by vs declared, shalbe of you graciously heard and considered. And that all errours and other iniquities quite taken away and remooued: in stede thereof, fruitfull exployts and necessary remedies (by the grace of the holy spirite; which you in so high an estate haue receiued) may be by you likewise graciously ordained and disposed. Wherfore most holy father all we (vpon great deliberation and common assent) come vnto your holines: shewing and declaring that the noble kings of England our progenitours, our auncitours, and we (according to the grace of the holy spirite to them and vs geuen, euery one according to his deuotion) haue established, foūded, and endowed with in the realme of Englande: Churches, Cathedrals, Colleges, Abbeis, Priories, and other diuers houses of religion in the same ordained: and to the Prelates and gouernours of the same places, haue geuen landes, possessions, patrimonies, franchesies, aduowsons, and patronages of dignities, reuenues, offices, churches, with many and diuers other benefices vnto them geuen: whereby the seruice of God and faith of Christ might haue bene honoured and had in reuerēce: that the hospitals & almes houses that are made, with all the churches & edifices, might be honestly kept & maintained: and that deuout praiers might in those places be made for the founders, & the poore parishioners aided and comforted. And such only ought to haue the cure therof, as are able to heare confessions; and in their owne naturall toung otherwise meete to informe & teach their parishioners. And for so muche as (most holy father) that you cānot well come to the notice of diuers such errours & defaults, neither yet vnderstand the condition of the places being so far of, vnles your holines be enformed & aduertised. We hauing the perfect intelligence and vnderstanding of the sayd errours and defaultes, of the places abouesayd, within the sayd Realme, haue thought meete to signifie the same vnto your holines. That diuers reseruations, prouisions and collations by your predecessours Apostolicke of Rome, and by you most holy father in your time haue bene graunted (and that more largely then they haue bene accustomed to be) vnto diuers persons, as well straungers and of sundry nations, as vnto some such as are our enemies, hauing no vnderstanding at all of the tongue and conditions of them, of whom they haue the gouernment & cure. Whereby, a great number of soules are in perill, a great many of their parishners in daunger, the seruice of GOD destroyed, the almes and deuotion of all men diminished, the hospitals perished, the churches with their appurtenaunces decayed, charitie withdrawne, the good and honest persons of our realme vnaduaunced, the charge and gouernement of soules not regarded, the deuotion of the people restrayned, many poore schollers vnpreferred and the treasure of the realme caryed out against the myndes and intentes of the founders. All which errours, defaultes, and flaunders most holy father we neyther can nor ought to suffer nor indure. Decay of the Church of England by the Pope. We therefore most humbly require your holines, that the slaunders errors and defaultes, which we haue declared vnto you, may be through your great discretion considered and that it may, please you that such reseruations, prouisions, and collations may be vtterly repelled, that from henceforth the same be no more amongst vs vsed. But to take such order and remedy therein, that the said benefices, edifices, rightes, with their apertinentes, may be to the honour of God by our owne countrymen cured, defended and gouerned. And that it may further please your holines, by your letters to signifie vnto vs without delay and other detract of tyme, what your plesure is touching this our lawful request & demaund, and that we may doe our indeuour with dilligence herein for the remedy, correction, and amendment of those enormities aboue specified. In witnes wherof, vnto these letters patentes we haue set our seales.

Geuen in the full Parliament at Westminster the 8. day of May, an 1343.

[Page]After these thinges thus passed ouer, the King shortly after sent ouer his Procuratours, Earle of Lancaster and Darby, Hugh Spencer, L. Rafe Stafforde, wyth the Byshop of Ex [...]tor and diuers other, to the popes court to discusse and plead about the right of his title, before the pope. Unto whom the said Pope Clement the 6. not long after, sent down thys message:The Popes message to the king. how that Ludouike duke of Bauarie, the Emperour whom the pope had before deposed, had submitted himselfe to hym in all things, and therefore deserued at his hands the benefite of absolution: And how the pope therfore had cōferred and restored vnto him iustly and gratiously the Empire,The kings aunswere to the Popes message. which he before vniustly did holde. &c. Which message when the King did heare, beyng therwith moued to anger, answered againe, saying: That if he did agree and compound also with the Frenche king, he was ready to fight with them both, &c. Ex chro. Albanen.

Within the time of this yere, pence, halfepence, and farthings began to be coyned in the tower.Anno. 1344. And the next yere folowing, which was an. 1344. the castle of winsor (where the king was borne) began to be repared: and in the same, the house called the rounde table was situate,The Castle in Windsore enlarged. The rounde table builded in Windsore. the diameter wherof from the one side to the other, contained 200. feete, to the expēces of which house weekly was allowed an C. li. for the mainteining of the kings chiualrie: till at length by the occasion of the French warres, it came downe to ix. If a weeke. By the example whereof, the Frenche king being prouoked, began also the like round table in Fraunce, for the maintaining of the knighthoode. At which tune the sayd French king moreouer gaue free libertie through his realme to fel downe trees for making of ships & maintayning of his nauie, whereby the Realme of Englande was not a litle damnified.

Tenthes graunted to the king by the clergy for 3. yeares. Priuileges granted by the king to the clergie.During the same yere, the Clergie of England graunted to the king tenthes for 3. yeres: for the which the king in recompence againe graunted to them his Charter containing these priuiledges: that no Archbishop nor Bishop should be arreigned before his Iustices, siue ad sectam suam, siue partis, if the sayd clarke do submit & claime his cleargy, professing himselfe to be a member of holy Church, who so doing shall not be bound to come to his answer before the Iustices.By this it is lyke that priestes had wiues. And if it shall be layd vnto them to haue maryed two wiues, or to haue maried a widow: the Iustices shall haue no power to proceede against them, to inquire for the matter: So that the cause shall be reserued to the spirituall court. &c.

Prince Edward first prince of Wales.About this present time at the setting vp of the rounde table, the king made Prince Edwarde his eldest sonne the first prince of Wales. At this while yet continued the truce betweene the 2. kings. Albeit it is likely to be thought that y• French king gaue many attempts to infringe the same. Wherupon Henry earl of Lancaster wt 600. men at armes, and as many archers as were sent ouer to Gascoin, y• yere after,Anno. 1345. an. 1345. who there so valiantly is said to behaue him selfe, that he subdued 55. towneships vnto the king, 23. noble men,Henry Erle, after made duke of Lancaster sent ouer to Gasconie. he toke prisoners, encountring wt the French men at Attebroke. So curteously and liberally he dealt with his souldiors, y• it was a ioy to them and a preferment to fight vnderneath him. His maner was in winning any towne, litle or nothing to reserue to himself, but to sparie y• whole spoile to his souldiors. One example in the author (whom I follow) is touched:A rare example of a liberal captaine to his soldiours. howe the foresaide Earle at the winning of the towne of Bryers, where he had graunted to euery soldior for hys bootie, the house wt all the implements therein, which he by victory should obtaine: among other his soldiors to one named Reh, fell a certaine house wt the implements thereof, wherein was contained the mint and mony coyned for that country, to the valure of a great substance: which when the soldior had found, in breaking vp a house, where first the grosse mettall was not yet perfectly wrought, he came to the Earle declaring to him the treasure, to know what was his pleasure therein. To whome the Earle answered that the house was his, & whatsoeuer he found therein. Afterwarde the souldior finding a whole mint of pure siluer ready coyned, signified the same to the earle, for somuch as he thought such treasure to be to great for his portion, to whom the sayd Earl againe answering, declared that hee had once geuen him the whole house, and that he had once geuen,The liberall heart and constant voyce of a worthy captain. he would not call backe againe as childrē vse to play. And therfore had hym enioy that which was graūted to him: And if the mony were thrice as much it should be his owne: Ex chron. Albanens. Which story whither it was true or otherwise in those dayes, I haue not to affirm. But certes, if in these our couetous wretched daies nowe present, any author should reporte the like acte to be practised,The Scots partly a meane of breaking truce. I would hardly beleeue it to be true.

As the erl of Lancaster was thus occupied in Gascony the Scots were as busy here in England, wasting & spoyling without mercy, which were thought (& not vnlike) to be set on by y• French king. And therfore was iudged both by that, & by other diuers wayes to haue broken the coutnants of truce betwene him and the king of England.

Wherfore y• next yere insuing.Anno. 1346. An. 1346. king Edward first sending his letters to the court of Rome, & therin cō plaining to the pope of Philip de Ualois, how he had trāsgressed,The 1. via [...] of K. Edw. into France. and brokē the truce betwene them made, which by cuidēt probations he there made manifest: about the mōth of Iuly made hys voyage into Normandy in suche secrete wise, that no man wel knewe whether he intended. Where first he entred the towne of Bogs,The battell at Ca [...]n. from thence proceeded vnto Cardone. Where, about the 27. of Iuly by the riuer of Cardone he had a strong battel, wt the Normands & other French men, which to stop hys passage, defended y• bridge. At the which battel were taken of the Lords of France, the erle of Ewe, the erle of Tankeruile. And of knights wyth other men of armes, to the number of an 100. of foote men 600. and the towne and suburbs beaten downe to the hard wals. And all that could be borne away transported to the shippes.

A little before mention was made how the French K. began first to infringe the truce taken, and howe the Earle of Lancaster, vpō the same was sent vnto Gascony. Now for the more euidence of the matter cōcerning the falling of the French king from the league, and other his wrongs & vntrue dealing: It shal better in the kings letter appeare, who hearing word yt the Lord Philip de Ualois (contrary to the forme of truce taken at Uanes) had apprehēded certaine of his nobles of Englande, and had brought them to Paris to be imprisoned & put to death: beside other slaughters and spoilings made in Britaine, Gascony, and other places moe. He therfore seing the truce to be broken of the French kings part, & being thereto of necessity compelled: In the yeare aboue prefixed, the 14. of the month of Iune, did publish and send abroad hys letter of defiance, containing thys effect.

The kings letters of defiance against the French king.

TO all and singular,The king [...]et ters of defiance against the French king. to whom these presents shal come, publike greeting.

We thinke it is not vnknowen vnto you all, that after the decease of Charles late king of Fraunce of famous memorie, brother to our redoubted Lady mother Quene Isabel, Quene of England. That the crowne of Fraunce, by iust inheritance hath fallen vnto vs, as to the next heire male now liuing after the sayd king. Nowe Phillip de Valoys, being sonne but only to the vncle of the foresayde king Charles, and therefore by degree of consanguinity being further of remoued from the same (we being in the time of our minoritie) hath violently by force and power cōtrary to God and iustice vsurped, occupied, and yet doth occupy the same, inuading further and spoyling our landes in the Dukedome of Aquitania, and ioyning himselfe with our rebellious ennemies the Scots, seeking our subuersion both by land and by sea, to the vttermost of hys endeuour. And although wee to preuent the damages which might rise by warre, haue offred to the sayde Phillip diuers friendly waies of peace: to the entent we might better intend our purposed voyage against Christes enemies the Turkes: Yet could nothing preuaile with him in obtaining any peaceable way of reformation, driuing vs of by crafty dissimulatiō, through false pretensed wordes, but perfourming nothing with heart and dede. Whereuppon, wee not neglecting the grace and the gyft of God, to defend the right of our inheritāce, and to repulse the iniuries of our enemie, haue not refused by force of armes, cōming downe to Britanie to encounter with him in open fielde. And so wee being occupied in our warres, there repaired vnto vs the reuerend father bishop of Preuest, and of Tusculane Cardinals, and Legates from Pope Clement 6. to entreate some reformation of peace betweene vs. At whose request wee consented, agreeing to such formes and cōditions of peace as then were taken betwene vs, sending moreouer our Embassadours to the court of Rome, specially to intreat of the same matter. And thus while some hope of truce seemed betwene vs to appeare: Newes sodenly came vnto vs, which not a little astonied our minde, of the death of certaine of our nobles and adherents, whom the sayd Phillip vniustly, and cruelly at Paris commaunded to be executed. Beside the wasting and spoyling our lands and subiects in Britany, Gascony and other places: with innumerable wrongs and iniuries deceitfully intended against vs both by sea and land. By reason wherof, the truce on his part being notoriously broken, it is most manifest to haue bene lawfull for vs, forthwith to haue set vppon him with open warre. Yet notwythstanding to auoid those incommodities that come by warre, wee thought first to prooue, if by any gentle meanes some reformation might be had touching the premisses. And therfore sondry times, haue sent Embassadours to the Popes presence for the Treatyse of peace, and reformation to be had in those aforesaid excesses: requiring also for the tractation [Page] therof, certayne termes of times to be appoynted, alwayes, reseruing to our selues notwithstanding free liberty to resume warre at our pleasure, according as the doinges of the sayd Philip shall constrayne vs therunto. And now forasmuch as the foresayd termes be already expired, and yet no reasonable offer of peace appeareth,The Popes legate surreth vp war. neither will the sayd Philip come to any conformity, being required and monished notwithstanding by the Popes letters therunto, (as the Pope by his letters hath written vnto vs) but alwayes hath multiplied his conspiracy and obligations vsing extremeties agaynst vs, to omit here to speak of the excessiue enormity of the Popes Legate, [...]ke legate [...]ke Pope. who being sent by the Bishop of Rome for the keeping of truce, and whose part had bene rather to haue quenched and stayd the discord: hath stirred vp our enemy more egerly agaynst vs. In the which doing neither hath the Bishop of Rome (sauing his reuerēce) as yet prouided any remedy, albeit he hath bene diuers times required of vs so to do. Which things being so, we ought to be excused both before God and man, if for the defect of other remedy to be had, we shalbe constrayned our selues to finde remedy agaynst such wrongs and iniuries: the case of iustice and necessity constrayning vs to geue out these our letters of defiance, agaynst the violator of the truce, & the vniust inuader of our kingdome. Protesting that this we do, not vpon any displeasure to the Bishop of Rome, or to the Apostolicke sea but onely for the moderation of equity, standing vpon the defence of our owne right & lawfull inheritaunce, intēding alwayes rather to haue peace, if by any reasonable way it might be had. And thus much for the stopping of slaunderous fame and the mouthes of backbiters, We thought good to signify first to the high Bishop of Rome, &c the foresayd Cardinals: that by them as persons indifferent, and mediators, the same may be insinuated to the contrarye part, and also vnto your whole vniuersity in general: recommending vnto you all the innocency of my cause and the community of iustice.

Dated at Westminster the 14. of Iune, the 19. yeare of our reigne in England, and of Fraunce the 6.

And thus much for the kinges letter. Now let vs agayne returne to his passage, from whence a litle we haue degressed. Concerning the which passage of the king, with the order of his actes atchieued in the same, from the winning of Cadane or Cordoyne, vnto the towne of Pusiack, is sufficiently described by one of the Kinges Chaplaynes and his confessour, who being a Dominick Fryer and accompanying the King through all his iourney, writeth thereof as followeth.

A letter of the kings cō [...]cllor touching his actes doing at Cardoyn.Benedicere debemus Deum Coeli &c. Great cause we haue to prayse and laud the God of heauen, and most worthely to cō fesse his holy name, who hath wrought so his mercy to vs. For after the conflict had at Cadame, in the which many were slayne, and the City taken and sackt euen to the bare walles, the Citty of Baia immediately yelded it selfe of his owne accord, fearing least theyr coūselles had bene bewrayed. After this the Lord our king directed his progresse toward Roane Who being at the towne of Lexon,The Cardinal [...] againe entreate for peace. The kyngs answere to the Cardinals. there came certayne Cardinals to him, greatly exhorting him to peace. Which Cardinals being curteously entertayned of the K. for the reuerence of the Popes sea, it was thus answered to them agayne. That the king being much desirous of peace, had assayd by all wayes and meanes reasonable how to mayntayne the same. And therfore hath offered conditions and manifolde wayes of peace to be had to the no small preiudice of his owne cause. And yet is ready to admit any reasonable offer of peace, if by any meanes it may be fought &c. With this answere the Cardinalles going to the french king the kinges aduersary, to perswade with him in like maner:The French kyng sheweth no carefull study of peace. returned to King Edward agayne, offering to hym in the French Kynges name the Dukedome of Aquitania, in as full assurance as his father before him euer had it, besides further hope also of obteining more, if intreatye of peace might be obteined. But for so much, that cōtēted not enough the kings mind, neither did the Cardinals finde the frēch king so tractable and propense to the studye of peace as they looked for, the Cardinals returned, leauing the matter as they founde it. And so the king speeding forward, by the way as his iourney did lye, he subdued the country and the great townes without any resistāce of the inhabitans, who did all flye and run away. Such feare God stroke into them, that it seemed they had lost their hartes. In the same voiage, as the king had gotten many townes and villages, so also he subdued Castles and Munitiōs, very strong, and that with little stresse. His enemy being at the same time at Roane had reared a great army, who notwitstanding being well manned, yet euer kept on the other side of the riuer Seane, breaking downe all the bridges that we shoulde not come ouer to him. And although the countrey roūd about continually was spoyled, sackt, and with fire consumed by the circuit of 20. miles round about: yet the French king being distant scarse the space of one mile frō vs, either would not or els durst not (when he might easily haue passed ouer the riuer) make any resistaunce for the defence of his countrey and people.The kings comming to Pusiacke. And so our king iourneying forwarde came to Pusiacke or Poisy, where the French king had likewyse broke downe the bridge: and keeping on the other side of the riuer, would rest in no place.

After whose comming to Poisie, the foresayd chaplain and confessor to the king, named Michaell Northburgh, describing the kings voyage and the actes of the Englishmen from the town of Poisie, to his comming to Calis, in his letters writeth in this wise.

¶ A Letter of W. Northburghe the Kyngs confessor, describing the kings voyage into Fraunce.

SAlutations premised, we geue you to vnderstand, that our soueraigne Lord the king came to the towne of Poisye the daye before the Assumption of our Lady, where was a certayne bridge ouer the water of Seane broken downe of the enemye, but the king taried there so long till that the bridge was made again. And whiles the bridge was in repayring, there came a great number of men at armes and other souldiours were armed, to hinder the same. But the Earle of Northhampton issued out agaynst them & flew of them more then one thousand: the rest fled away thankes be to God. And at an other time our men passed the water although with much trauell, and flew a great number of the common souldiours of Fraunce, about the Citty of Paris, and countrey adioyning, being part of the French kinges army, and thorowly well appoynted: so that our people haue now, made other good bridges vpon our enemyes, God be thanked, without any great losse and damage to vs. And on the morrow after the Assumption of our Ladye, the king passed the water of Sceane, and marched toward Po [...]ye, which is a towne of great defence and stronglye immured, and a maruellous strong Castle within the same, which our enemies kept. And when our vaundgard was passed the towne, our reregarde gaue an assault thereunto and tooke the same: where were slayne more then 300. men at armes of our enemyes part. And the next day following, the Earle of Suffolke and Sir Hugh Spenser marched forth vpon the commons of the countrey assembled and well armed, and in fine discomfited them, and slew of them more then 200. and tooke 60. Gentlemen prisoners, besides others. And after that, the Kyng marched toward Graund Villers, and while he was there encamped, the kinges vaundgard was discried by the men of armes of the king Bename: whereupon, our men issued out in great haste and ioyned battell with them, but were inforced to retyre. Notwithstanding, thankes be vnto God, the Earle of Northhampton issued out and reskued the horsemen with other souldiours: so that few or none of them were either taken or slayne sauing onely Thomas Talbot, but had agayne the enemye in chase within 2. leagues of Amians: of whom we tooke 8. and slew 12. of their best men at armes, the rest being well horsed, tooke the towne of Amians. After this, the king of England marched toward Pountife vpon Bartholomew day, and came vnto the water of Som, where the French king had layd 500. men at armes, and three thousand foote men: purposing to haue kept and stopped our passage: but thankes be to God, the king of England and his hoste entred the same water of Som, where neuer man passed before, without the losse of any of our men: and after that encountered with the enemy and slewe of them more then two thousand, the rest fledde to Abeuyle, in which chase was taken many Knights, Squiers, and men at armes. The same day, Sir Hugh Spenser tooke the towne of Croylay, where he and his souldiours flew foure hundred men at armes, and kept the towne, where they found great store of victuals. The same night, encamped the king of England in the Forest of Cressy vpon the same water, for that the French kinges hoste came on the other side of the town neare vnto our passage: But he woulde not take the water of vs, and so marched towarde Abeuile. And vpon the Friday next following, the King beyng still encamped in the sayd Forest, our Scuriers discried the french king, which marched toward vs in foure great battelles: And hauing then vnderstanding of our enemies (as Gods will was) a little before the euening tide we drew vnto the playne fielde, and set our battelles in aray: and immediately the fight began, which was sore and cruell, and indured long, for our enemyes behaued themselues right nobly. But thankes be geuen to God, the victory fell on our side, and the Kyng our aduersary was discomfited with all hys hoste, and put to flight: Where also was slayne the Kyng of Bename, the Duke of Loren, the Earle of Dabeson, the Earle of Flaunders, the Earle of Blois, the Earle of Aarcot, with his two Sonnes, the Earle of Damerley, the Earle of Nauers, and his Brother, the Lord of Tronard, the Archbyshoppe of Myemes, the Archbishop of Saundes, the high Prior of Fraunce, the Earle of Sauoy, the Lord of Morles, the Lord de Guis, Segniour de S. Nouant, Seigniour de Rosingburgh, with sixe Earles of Almayn, and diuers other Earles, Barons, Knightes, and Squyres, whose [Page] names are vnknowne. And Philippe de Valoys himselfe, with an other Marques which was called Lord Electour among the Romaynes, escaped from the battell. The number of the men at armes whiche were founde dead in the field, beside the common Souldiours and footemen, were 1542. And all that night the king of England with his hoste abode armed in the field where the battell was fought. On the next morrow before the Sunne rose, there marched towardes vs an other great hoste, mightye and strong, of the Frenchmen. But the Earle of Northhampton, and the Earle of Northfolke issued out agaynst them in 3 battels, and after long and terrible fight, them in likewise they discomfited by Gods great help and grace (for otherwise it could neuer haue bene) where they tooke of Knights and Squires a great number, and flew aboue 2000. pursuing the chase three leagues from the place where the battell was fought. The same night also the king encamped himselfe agayne in the forest of Cressy, and on the morow marched toward Boleyne, and by the way he took the town of Staples: and from thence he marched toward Calis where he entendeth to plant his siege and lay his battery to the same. And therfore our soueraigne Lord the king willeth and commaūdeth you in all that euer you may, to send to the said siege victuals cō uenient. For after the time of our departing frō Chaam, we haue trauelled through the countrey with great perill and daunger of our people, but yet alwayes had of victuall plenty thankes be to God therfore. But now as the case standeth, we partly need your helpe to be refreshed with victuals.

Thus fare you well

Written at the siege before the towne of Calis the 14 day of September.

After the siege and winning of Poisie, the third day of September an. 1346.Anno. 1346. the king through the midst of Fraūce directed his passage vnto Calis, as by the tenor of this letter you heare, Siege of Calys. & besieged ye same: which siege he continued from the third of September aforesayd, til the third day of August the yeare next ensuing, vpon the which day it was rendered vp vnto the sayd king Edward the third, and subdued vnto the crowne of England, as after the Lord willing shall more appeare.

Dauid king of Scots inuadeth England. In the mean time during the siege of Calis, Dauid the Scottish king at the request of ye French king with a great army brast into the North parts of England, and first besieging the towne of Lidell, within sixe daies obteined the greatest part of the towne, & there taking all that he could find, with Sir Walter Salby a valiant knight which was the keper of the hold, caused him vncurteously to be put to the sword, and so from thence proceeded further into England, till at length being met with all by William Surthe Archbish. of Yorke, and the L. Percy, and the L. Neuell, wt other nobles of those parties (calling & gathering their men together) in the plain nere to Durham, The Scots ouerthrowen. the 17. day of October in the yere abouesayd through the gracious hand of Christ, there were subdued & conquered. In the which conflict, the Earles of Murrise, and Stratheron, with the flower of all the chiualry and principall warriors of Scotland were slaine. Also the foresayd king Dauid, with the Earles of Mentiffe & Fiffes, and other Lords, and Williā Douglas Mas klime, Dauid the Scottishe K. taken prisoner. fleming, and William Douglas, & other many moe men of armes were taken prisoners, & so the mischiefe which they intended to other, fell vpon theyr owne heads.

During moreouer the sayd siege of Calis, the foresayd Pope Clemēt the 6. writing to the king of England, wēt about vnder the pretence of peace, to stop hys proceedings whose letters here follow nuder written.

The letter of the Pope to the king of England, in the behalfe of the Frenchmen.

CLement the Bishop, seruaunt of Gods seruaunts: To his welbeloued sonne in Christ, Edward the puissaunt king of England Salutation and Apostolical blessing.

If you diligētly consider deare sonne (as ought a catholicke Prince to do) the slaughter of such an innumerable sort, bought with the precious bloud of Christ our redemer: the losse of their substaunce & soules, and the lamētable perils, which the dissentions and warres stirred vp betwene you and our welbeloued sonne Philippe, the noble king of Fraūce haue brought vpō vs, and yet dayly do without intermissiō: And also the bewayling of so many poore people, crying out of Orphans and pupils, lamentation of widowes, and other miserable people, which be robbed and spoyled, and almost famished: what exclamation they make with teares running downe theyr cheeks, yelling and crying vnto God for helpe, as also the destruction of churches, monasteries, & holy places, holy vessels and other ornamēts vnto gods seruice dedicated: the sacrilegious robberies, takings, & imprisonings: the spoyling of holy churches & religious persons, with many other such innumerable, detestable, execrable mischiefes, offending the eies of the diuine maiesty: All which, if your princely hart woulde consider and well remember with this also that Catholicke sayth (especially in the East partes) and the Christians there abiding by meanes of the same dissentions and warres, destitute of the helpes of such catholicke men as are in the West parties, are so afflicted of the Infidels seyng the other partes of Christendome so troubled, with cruell persecutions, yea and more crueller then euer it hath bene (although in these times to amplify this our sayth in the sayd East parts is cruell persecution shewed more then hath bene of many yeares past) doubtles we beleue it would pity your hart. And to the end that such and so great euils should no further proceed, nor yet that so great good as might be done by delating of our foresayd fayth in these times should be let & hindered, we desire you that ye would applye your minde to make some agreement and peace with the foresaid king. For if (my welbeloued sonne) God hath geuen vnto you-prosperous successe and fortune, ye ought rather to humble thē to extoll your selfe: and so much the more readier to encline to his peace, and to indeuour your selfe to please God which loueth peace, and delighteth in peaceable men, and to eschew the foresayd euils which without doubt doe grieuously offend him. Furthermore, we maruell greatly that vnto our reuerend brother Anibaldus Byshop of Tusculane, and our beloued sonne Stephen of the title of S, Iohn, and Paule, priest and Cardinall of the apostolicall sea, being sent as Legats by vs and the same see Apostolical to intreat a peace, who diligently and faythfully laboring for the same as louers of verity, iustice and equity, and therwithall regarders of your honour: could not be suffered touching the intreatye of the same peace, to come vnto your Graces presence.

Wherefore we desire your kingly highnesse more earnestly, & for the mercy of God with more vehemence require the same: that you taking vp the foresaid horrible euils and preuenting the sweetnes of piety and compassion, may escape the vengeance of Gods indignation, which were to be feared, if you should perseuer in your former euils as God forbid. And as touching the intreaty for peace, for which our foresayd Cardinals were sent vnto you (howbeit secretly least it should be any derogation to your honor) we desire you to condescend therunto, & with all your affection you will incline your minde to the same, so pleasaunt vnto God, so desired of the world, as also to you the foresayd king, & vnto the catholicke sayth profitable. And that the same peace by Gods help & grace established & made perfect, you might assay your puissant strength about gods busines in the foresaid east partes (so good occasion seruing as before is sayd in these our times) being so apt aduasicements of your honor, & happy increasing of your princely name: for seruētly we haue heard of you reported to behaue your selfe, in all your attemptes. Thus we doubt not but that you wil write vnto vs again touching the premisses, and the purpose of your intention touching the same.

Dated at Auinion the 18 of February, and 5 yeare of our Papacy.

The aunswere of the king of England, to the foresayst letter of the Pope.

MOst holy father,K. Edward answereth to the pope.

we vnderstand by the letters of the reuerēd fathers in God the Byshop of Tusculan, and Stephen of the title of S. Iohn Priest, Cardinals & Legats of the Court of Rome, as also by the letters of your holynesse sent vnto vs, that ye maruell greatly for that your sayd Legates were of purpose sent vnto vs, and commaunded to intreat of a peace betwene our aduersary of Fraunce and vs, that we would not suffer them secretly to talke with vs, for the safegard of our honor: The intention of your hart to make the foresayd peace, complayning and bewayling therein the death of Christen men, the losse of their goodes, the perill of their soules, the lamentable waylings of the poore, of orphanes, the widowes, and destruction of other pittyfull persons, the pillage and robberies of Churches, and other mischiefes innumerable, and namely the diminishing of Christen sayth in the East partes, which by the warre betwene our aduersary of Fraūce and vs is sore decayed, as the said letters playnely do import: And that forasmuch as God hath geuen you triumphant fortune, that so much the more we ought to abase and humble our hart and to be the readyer to make and incline to a peace. As touching these thinges holy Father, we geue your holynesse to vnderstand that aswell vnto your foresayd Legates as other messengers sent from you vnto vs, we haue offered vnto euerye of them reasonable wayes of peace, and euery day declare the same, and that not secretly but openly: For we doubt not to let our purpose be vnderstoode, for he that is the high Iudge both of him and vs, in whose disposition all thing lyeth, hath geuen vnto vs the crowne of Fraunce to our right and proper heritage. The which right, our foresayd aduersary hath by force, of long time deteyned from vs we seeking to obtayne the same in peaceable wise and yet do, if we might obtayne the same in any good maner, rather for the benefit of christen men, and that the foresayd euilles might cease, which by his wrongfull meanes onely haue increased & growne. Yet notwithstanding as before this time you know we assented to a truce with certayne Articles conteined in the same[Page]writing, all this he hath infringed: Neither doth the wrong suffice him which he offereth vs in our foresayd heritage, but endeuoureth himselfe during the sayd truce to inuade our realme of England and other our landes; and further maynteineth the Scottes, & aydeth them to the vtter destructiō of vs; our people, & lands aforesayd: whereby, we were inforced for the safegarde of our people and landes, by such lawfull meanes we may, to defend our selues and put him from his wicked purpose. And furthermore, for the same our quarell being in the handes of God, haue we commen against him to conquere our inheritaunce of Fraūce ouer whom God hath geuen vs diuers victories as we haue trusted he would by his rightwise iudgement and power, whiche thing he hath shewed vpon vs, (all chaunce of fortune set a part) in respect of our rightfull title therein, and without our desertes: Wherefore with all humility of hart we geue him thanks alwaies therefore, most deuoutly night and day praysing his holy name, for we acknowledge the same commeth not by our strength and force. Wherefore most holy Father we desire your holynesse, and somuch, as in vs lyeth require the same, that you that supplye the place of the sonne of God in earth, and hath the gouernement of the soules of all Christen men and ought to be vpright and equall, towardes all men without exception of persons: that ye will receiue good information and true, of the obiections aboue sayd, and will put to your holy helping hand, as much as in you is, that our sayed aduersarye of Fraunce may acknowledge his wrong whiche he hath done to vs herein, and may be by your ayde redressed, and that he in this his wrong haue no mainteynance and ayde at your hand. For if it be so, we then appeale vnto the iudge of iudges which suffereth for a time wronges to be donne for the sinnefull default of man, but in the end redresseth the same, leauing no good deed vnrewarded, nor euill vnpunished most humbly requiring him to be to vs a true and vpright iudge of all our controuersyes,The kyng appealeth from the P. to God.for his mercies sake, as in the meane time we repose our full trust and confidence in him. The holy spirit of God &c.

Moreouer during yet the siege of Calis, the French king had sent certayn offers to the men of Flaunders that if they would relinquish the king of England and adhere to him.

First he would remitte all their former transgressions.

Secondly, he would vnburdē them of their interdict.

Thirdly, he would send vnto them such plēty of corne, that what was sold for 12.5. with them, should be sold for 4.5. and that for 6. yeares.

Offers made to the men of Flaunders to forsake K. Edwarde.

Fourthly, he would store them with plenty of French woll, to make cloth for a small price, & that they might sell the sayd clothes both in Flaunders and in Fraunce: & that the Frēch men should vse the same cloth, for so much as al other maner of cloth should be forbid in Fraunce, so long as any of that (made of French woll) might be found.

Fiftly, he would restore them to these three Cities Insulam, Rowocum, and Betony.

Sixtly, he would defend them from all their aduersaries. And in pledge of the same, would sēd them mony before hand.

Seuenthly, such as were able and forward men amōg them, he would reteine and promote them. &c.

But these offers seming to proceed more of faire words to serue the presēt turne, then or any harty truth, were not receiued. Thē the L. Iohn, Prince & heyre to the French king, during the foresayd siege of Calis aboue mentioned, comming with a mighty army of French men, set vpon y• men of Flaūders and English men in the towne of Cassels. In the which conflict during from morning to noone,The Dolphin with the French discomfited at Casseles. the Frenchmē were vanquished and the young Dolphin driuen backe from whence he came. Of whose number diuers were slaine, and taken prisoners. Where on the other side (through the Lordes defence) not one is reported to be grieuously wounded.

As this passed on, not long after about y• 7. day of Iune an. 1347,Anno. 1347. king Edward continuing still his siege agaynst Calis, Philip the French king came downe with a mighty army purposing to remoue the siege: where not farre of from the English host, he incamped himselfe. Which done 2. Cardinals, Ambaldus, & Stephanus (procured for the same purpose) going betwene the two kinges, gaue to the king of England thus to vnderstand: that if he would cō descend to any reasonable way of peace, the French king was ready to offer such honest prosers vnto him, as to reason & to his contentation should seme agreeable. But in cō clusion when it came to talke, the nobles could not agree vpon y• conditions. Wherefore the french king seing no other remedy, did it to be signified to king Edward: that betwene that present Teusday, & the next friday, if he would come forth into the field, he should haue battell geuē him. Thus the place being vewed of foure Captaines of either host,The French king flyeth before the battaile. for the battaile to be fought: it so fell, that the French K. on Wednesday at night before the battell should ioyne, secretly by night setting his pauilions on fire, returned backe with his army, out of the sight of English men.

Upon the Friday folowing, they which were besieged in the towne of Calis, seeing the king to be retyred (vpon whose helpe they trusted, being also in great penury & famine for lack of victuals,The towne of Calice wonne. & otherwise in much misery vehemently distressed) surrendered the towne to the kinges handes: who like a mercifull Prince onely deteining certeine of the chiefe, the rest with the whole cōmons he let go with bagg & baggage, diminishing no part of their goods, shewing therein more Princely fauour to them, then they did of late in Queene Maries dayes vnto our men, in recouering the sayd towne of Calis agayne.

After the winning thus of Calis as hath bene premised, king Edward remaining in the sayd towne a certaine space,Truce cōcluded betweene England & Fraunce. was in consultatiō concerning his voyage & proceding farther into Fraunce. But by meanes of the foresayd Cardinals, truce for a certayne time was takē, and instrumentes made (so prouided) that certayne noble mē as well for the french K. as for the king of England, should como to the Pope there to debate vpon the Articles. Unto the which king Edward, for peacesake was not greatly disagreing. Which was. an. 1347. Ex Tho. Walsingh.

The next yeare folowing which was an. 1348.Anno. 1348. fell a sore plague, which they call the first generall pestilence in y• realme of England,A vehement pestilence in England. This plague (as they say) first springing frō the East, & so spreading westward, did so mightely preuaile here in this land, beginning first at Dorcester & the countryes thereabout, that euery day lightly 20. some dayes 40. some 60. & moe dead corses were brought & layd together in one pitte. This beginning the first day of Angust: by the first of Nouember it came to Londō. Wheras the vehement rage therof was so hoate, and did increase so much: that from the first day of February, til about the beginning of May in a Churchyard then newlye made by smithfield,Now called the Charterhouse church yard. aboue 200. dead corses euery day were buried, besides them which in other Churchyardes of the Cittye were layd also. At lēgth by the grace of Christ ceasing ther it proceded from thence to the Northparts. Where also the next yeare after. an. 1349. it swaged.

After this in the next yeare insuing. an. 1350.Anno. 1350. the towne of Calis was by treason of the keper of the Castle, almost betrayed and wonne from the English men.Calice almost lost by treason. The death of the French king. Within the compasse of which yere, dyed Philip the French king. After whom king Iohn his sonne succeeded in the crowne. Who the next yeare after vnder false precence of frendship, caused the Constable of Fraūce Erle of Ewe to be beheaded: who being taken prisoner before in warre by English men,Anno. 1351. The towne of Gwynes taken. and long deteined in prison in England, was licēsed by king Edward to visite his country of Fraunce. In the same yere the town of Gwines was takē by Englishmē, while the keepers of the hold were negligent and a sleepe.

The yeare next folowing,Anno. 1352. the Marshall of Fraunce with a great army was put to flight, by Syr Roger Bentele Knight and Captayne in Britaine,Victory of Syr Roger Bentele. hauing but onely 600. Souldiours with him. In this battell were taken 9. Knightes, Esquires, and Gentlemen. 140. The French men & Britaines, by this victory were exceedingly discouraged, and there pride cut downe.

In the yere after,First Duke of Lancaster. was Henry first made Duke of Lā caster, which before was Earle of Derby and Lancaster. Also diuers good ordinaunces were appoynted in ye Parliament at Westminster. Which afterby auarice, and parciall fauour of the head men, were agayne vndone.

Concord and agreement about the yeare. 1354.Anno. 1354. began to come well forward, & instruments were drawne vpon the same,Pope innocent. 6. betwene the 2. kings. But that the matter being brought vp to Pope Innocent 6. partly by the quareling of the Frēch men, partly by the winking of yc Pope which euer held with the French side, the conditions were repealed, which were these: That the king of England, all the Dukedome of Aquitanie with other lands there, should be to him restored, without homage to the French king. And that king Edward agayn should surrender to him all his right and title, which he had in Fraunce: whereupon rose the occasion of great war and tumult, which folowed after betwene the two Realmes.

It folowed after this,Chron. Adam [...]. Murimouth canonici D. Paul [...] de gestis Edw. I. the yeare of our Lord. 1355. that king Edward hearing of the death of Philip the French king, & that king Iohn his sonne, had graūted the Dukedome of Aquitine to Charles his eldest sonne & Dolphin of Vienna:Ann. 1355. sent ouer Prince Edward with the Earle of Warwick, of Salisbury, of Oxford, and with them a sufficient number of able souldiors, into Aquitania. Where he being willingly receiued of diuers, y• rest be subdued: partly [Page] by force of sword, partly receiued, submitting themselues to his protection.

The third viage of K. Edward into Fraunce.Not long after this in y• same yere, word being brought to king Edward that Iohn the Frēch king was ready to meet him at S. Omers there to geue him battayle, gathered his power & set ouer to Calis with his 2. sonnes, Leo nell Earle of Wilton: and Iohn of Gaunt, Earle of Richmond:The French K. refuseth to ioyne in battell with kyng Edward. & with Henry Duke of Lancaster, &c. who beyng come to S. Omers, the French king with a mighty army of his francklings hearing of his cōming, the nerer he approched to them the further they retyred backe: wasting & destroying behind them, to the intēt that the english army in pursuing thē should finde no victuals. By reasō wherof, king Edward folowing him by y• space of 9. or 10 dayes vnto Hadē (whē neither he could [...]inde his enemy to fight, nor victuals or forage for his army) he returned vnto Calis: where warre agayne being offered in the name of the king vpon vnstable conditions, and yet the same not performed, king Edward seeing the shrinking of his enemy, frō Calis crossed the seas into England: where he recouered agayne the towne of Barwicke, which the Scots before by subtle traine had gotten. At which time was graū ted vnto the king in Parliament 50.Fiftie shillings for euery sack of wooll caryed out of England. s. for euery sacke or packe of woll that should be caried ouer, for the space of 6. yeares together. By the which graunt, the king might despend euery day by estimation aboue 100. marks sterling. And for as much as euery yere 100000. sacks of woll were thought to be exported out of the Realme: the sum thereof for 6. yeres space was esteemed to mount to 1500000. poūd sterling.

The custome of wooll for sixe yeres 1500000. poundes sterling to king Edward.The same yeare, when king Edward had recouered Barwick, and subdued Scotland: Prince Edward being in Gascony, made toward the Frēch king. Who notwithstanding by the way all bridges were cast downe, & great resistaunce made: yet the victorious Prince making way with his sword, after much slaughter of the Frenchmen, & many prisoners taken:Anno. 1356. at length ioyning with the French king at Poytiers, scarse with 2000. gaue the ouerthrow to the French king with 7000. men of armes and mor. In which conflict the French king himselfe, and Philip hys sonne with L. Iames of Bourbon, the Archb. of Senon, II,The French K. taken prisoner by prince Edward. Earles. 22. Lordes were taken. Of other warriors and men of armes 2000. Some affirme in this conflict were slayne 2. Dukes, of Lordes and noble men 24. of men of armes 2002. of other souldiours aboue 8000. The commō report is, that mo Frenchmē were there taken prisoners, then was the number of them which took them. This noble victory gotten by the grace of God brought no litle admiration to all men.

It were too long, and litle pertayning to the purpose of this history to comprehend in order all the doinges of this king, with the circumstances of his victoryes, of the bringing in of the french king into England, of his abode there, of the raunsome leuied on him and of Dauid the Scottish king,Euery Scute valuing 6. shillings 8. pence. of which, the one was rated at 3. millions of Scutes, yt other at 100000. marks to be payd in 10 yeres how the staple was after translated to Calis, with suche like, I referre them that would see more, to the Chronicle of Tho. Walsing. of S. Albans, of Iohn Froysard, Adā Merimouth, who discourse all this at large.

Thus hauing discoursed at large al such marshal affairs and warlicke exploytes incident in the reigne of this king betwixt him and the realmes of Fraunce and Scotland: Now to returne agayne to our matters ecclesiasticall, followeth in order to recapitulate and notifye the troubles & contentions growing betwene the same king & the Pope and other ecclesiasticall persons in matters touching the church in order of yeares remayuing in the Tower taken out of the recordes as followeth. As where first in the 4. yeare of his reigne the king wrote to the Archbi. of Canterbury to this effect. That whereas King Edward the 1. his graund father did geue to a Clerke of his owne, being his Chaplain the dignity of Treasurer of York, the Archbishopricke of Yorke being then vacant and in the kinges handes, in the quiet possession whereof the sayde Clerke continued vntill the Pope misliking therewith woulde haue displaced him, and promoted to the same dignitye a Cardinal of Rome to the manifest preiudice of the crown of England. The King therefore straightly chargeth the Archbishop of Yorke not to suffer any matter to passe that may be preiudice to the donation of his graundfather, but that his owne Clerke should enioy the sayd dignity accordingly, vpon payne of his highnes displeasure.

The like precepts were also directed to these Bishops folowing vide to the Bishop of Lincolne, Bishop of Worcester, Bishop of Sax, Monser Marinion, Archdeacon of Richmond, Archdeacō of Lincolne, the Prior of Lewē, the Prior of Lenton, to maister Rich of Bintworth, to [...] Iherico de Concoreto the Popes Nuncio, to M. [...] of Calma. And with all wrote his letters to the Pope touching the same matter consisting in three partes. First is the declaration and defence of his right and title to the donatiō and gift of all maner of temporalties, of offices, prebendes, benefices and dignities ecclesiasticall holdeir of his in capite as in the right of his crown of England. Secondly in expostulating with the Pope for intending himselfe into the auncient right of the crowne of England intermedling with such collations contrary to right & reason and the example of all his predecessours which were Popes before. Thirdly intreating him that he would hēceforth absteyne and desist from molesting the Realme wyth such nouelties and straunge vsurpations, and so much the more for that in the publique Parliament late holden at Westminster it was generally agreed vpon by the vniuersall assent of all the estates of the Realme that the Kyng should stand to the defence of all such rightes and iurisdictions as to his crowne appertayned.

After this in the 9. yeare of the Reigne of this Kyng Pope Benedict the 12. sendeth down letters touching his new creation with certayne other matters and requestes to the King whereunto the King aunswering agayne declareth how glad he is of that his preferment adding more ouer yt his purpose was to haue sēt vnto him certain Ambassadors for congratulatiō of the sau [...]e: But being otherwise occupyed by reason of warres could not attend hys holynesse requestes: notwithstanding he minded to call a Parliament about the feast of Ascention next, whereupon the assēbly of his clergy and other estates, he would take order for the same and so direct his Ambassadours to his holynesse accordingly.

The next yeare after which was the 10. yeare of his reigne the King writeth an other letter to the Pope that forasmuch as his clergy had graūted him one yeres tenth for the supportation of his warres, and for that the Pope also had the same time to take vp the payment of 6. yeares tenth graunted him by the Clergy a litle before, therefore the Pope woulde vouchsafe at his request to forbeare the exaction of that money for one yeare, till that his tenth for the necessities of his warres were dispatched.

The same yere he wrote also to the Pope to this effect. That whereas the Prior and Chapter of Norwiche did nominate a Clerke to be Bishop of Norwich and sēt him to Rome for his inuestiture without the Kinges knowledge, therefore the Pope woulde withdraw his consent & not intermedle in the matter appertaining to the Kings peculiar iurisdiction and prerogatiue.

After this in the 16. yeare of this King it happened that the Pope sent ouer certayne Legates to heare and determine matters appertayning to the right of patronages of Benefices: which the King perceiuing to tend to the no small derogation of his right and the liberties of hys subiectes writeth vnto the sayd Legates admonishing and requiring them not to proceede therein nor attempt any thing vnaduisedlye otherwise then might stand with the lawfull ordinaunces & customes of the lawes of his realm and liberty of his subiectes.

Writing moreouer the same yeare to other Legats being sent ouer by the Pope to treate of peace betweene the King and the French King with request that they would first make their repayre to the french King who had so oftentimes broken with him, and proue what conformitye the french king would offer: which if he found reasonable, they should soone accord with him: otherwise exhorted thē not to enter into the land nor to proceede any further in that behalfe.

The yeare following which was the 17. of his reigne ensueth an other letter to the Pope agaynst his prouisiōs and reseruations of benefices, worthy here to be placed & specified, but that the summe thereof is before set downe to be found in the page. 386.

The yeare following another letter likewise was sēt by the King to the Pope vpon occation takē of the church of Norwich: requiring him to surcease his reseruations and prouisions of the Bishoprick within the Realme, and to leaue the elections thereof free to the Chapters of suche Cathedrall Churches according to the auncient grauntes and ordinaunces of his noble progenitors.

Proceeding now to the 19. yeare of this kinges reigne there came to the presence of the king certayne Legats frō Rome complayning of certayne statutes past in hys parliament tending to the preiudice of the Church of Rome & the Popes primary viz. that if Abbots, Priors, or any other ecclesiasticall patrons of benefices shoulde not present to the sayd benefices within a certayne time, the lapse of the [Page] same shoulde come to the ordinary or chapter thereof, or if they did not present, then to the Archbishop: if the Archbishoppe likewise did fayle to present, then the gyft to perteyne not to the Lord Pope but to the Kyng and hys heyres. An other complaynt was this that if Archbishops should be slack in geuing such benefices as properly pertayned to theyr owne patronage in due time, then the collation thereof likewise shoulde appertayne to the foresayd King and his heires. An other complaynt was that if the Pope shoulde make voyde any elections in the Church of England for any defect foūd therein, and so had placed some honest and discreete persons in the same, that then the King and his heires was not bounde to render the Temporaltyes vnto the partyes placed by the Popes prouision. Whereupon the Pope being not a little agrieued, the Kyng writeth vnto him certifying that he was misinformed, denying that there was any such statute made in that Parlyament. And further as touching all other thinges he woulde conferre with his Prelates and Nobles and thereof would returne aunswere by hys Legates.

In the 20. yeare of his raigne another letter was writen to the Pope by the King, the effect whereof in few wordes to expresse, was this, to certify him that in respect of his great charges susteyned in hys warres, he hath by ye counsell of his Nobles taken into his owne handes the fruites and profites of all hys benefices here in England.

To proceed in the order of yeares that in the 26. yeare of this king one Nicholas Heath Clerke a busy headed body and a troubler of the Realme had procured diuers Byshops and others of the Kinges counsell to be cited vp to the Court of Rome there to answere such complayntes as he had made agaynst them: whereupon commaundement was geuen to the King to all the portes of the realme for the restraynt of all passingers out, and for searching and aresting all persons bringing in any Bulles or other proces from Rome tending to the derogation of the dignity of the crowne or molestation of the subiectes concerning which Nicholas Heath the King also writeth to the Pope his letters complayning of the sayd Heath and desiring him to geue no eare to his lewd complaynts.

The same yeare the King writeth also to the Popes Legate resident in England requiring him to surcease from exacting diuers summes of money of the Clergy in the name of first fruites of benefices.

The 31. yeare of this Kinges reigne the King by hys letters complayneth to the Pope of a troublesome fellow named Nicholas Stanneway remaining in Rome, whiche by his slaunderous complayntes procured diuers citations to be sent into the Realme, to the great disturbaunce of diuers and sundry honest men: whereupon he prayeth and aduiseth the Pope to stay himselfe and not to send ouer such hasty Citatiōs vpon euery light occasiō.

To passe further to the 38. yeare of the same King thus we finde in the Rolles. That the King y• same yeare tooke order by two of his Clergy, to witte Iohn a Stocke and Iohn of Norton to take into their handes all the temporaltyes of all Deaneryes, Prebendes, Dignityes, and Benefices being then vacant in England and to answere the profites of the same to the Kinges vse.

The same yeare an ordinaunce was made by the King and his Counsell and to the same proclaymed in all porte townes within the Realme, that good and diligent search should be made, that no person whatsoeuer comming frō the Court of Rome. &c. doe bring into the Realme with him any Bull, instrument, letters patentes, or other proces that may be preiudiciall to the King or any of his subiectes: nor that any person passing out of this Realme toward the Court of Rome doe cary with him any instrument or proces that may redound to the preiudice of the King or his subiectes: and that all persons passing to the sayd Court of Rome. &c. with the Kinges speciall license do notwithstanding promise and finde surety to the Lord Chauncellour, that they shall not in any wise attempt or pursue any matter to the preiudice of the King or his subiectes vnder payne to be put out of the Kinges protection and to forfeyt his body, goods, and Cattelles according to the statute thereof made Anno. 27.

And thus much concerning the letters and writinges of the King with such other domesticall matters, perturbations, and troubles passing betwene him and the Pope taken out of the publique Recordes of the Realme, wherby I thought to geue the Reader to vnderstand the horrible abuses, the intollerable pride, and the vnsatiable auarice of that Byshop more like a proud Lucifer then a pastor of the Church of Christ, in abusing the king and oppressing his subiectes with exactions vnmeasurable: not onely exercising his tyranny in this Realme, but raging also agaynst other Princes both farre and neare, emongst whom neither spared he the Emperour himselfe. In the story and artes of which Emperour Ludouicus mentioned a title before, pag. 273. whom the Pope did most arrogantly excommunicate vpon maundy thursday, and the selfe same day placing an other Emperour in his roome. Relation was made of certayne learned men which tooke the Emperour's part agaynst the Pope. In number of whom was Marsilius Patauinus, Gullermus Ockam, Ioannes Gandauensis, Luitpoldus, Andreas Landensis, Vlricus Hangenor treasurer to the Emperour,Marsilius Patauinus, author of the booke called Defensor paces. Article of Marsilius against the Pope. Dantes, Aligerius, &c. Of whom Marsilius Patauinus compiled and exhibited vnto the Emperor Ludourke, a worthy worke intituled Defensor pacis: writē in the Emperors behalfe agaynst the Pope. Wherin (both godly & learnedly disputing agaynst the Pope) he proueth, all Bishops and Priestes to be equall: And that the Pope hath no superiority aboue other Bishopes, much lesse aboue the Emperour. That the word of God ought to be onely the chiefe iudge in deciding and determining causes ecclesiastical: That not onely spiritual persons, but say men also being godly and learned ought to be admitted into generall councels: That the Clergy and the Pope ought to be subiect vnto Magistrates: That the Church is the vniuersity of the faythfull, and that the foū dation and head of the Church is Christ, and that he neuer appoynted any vicar or Pope ouer his vniuersall church: That Bishops ought to be chosen euery one by their own Church and Clergy: That the mariage of Priestes may lawfully be permitted: That S. Peter was neuer at Rome: That the Clergy and Sinagoge of the Pope is a deune of theeues: That the doctrine of the Pope is not to be folowed, because it leadeth to destruction: And that the corrupt matters of the Christians doe spring and flow out of the wickednes of the spiritualty.Merites cause of saluation, sine qua non. Marsilius condemned of the Pope. Extrau cap. Licet intra doctrinam. &c. He disputeth moreouer in an other worke of free iustification by grace: And extenuated merits, saying that they are no causes efficient of our saluation, but onely sine qua non, that is to say, that workes be no cause of our iustification, but yet our iustificatiō goeth not without them. For the which his doctrine most sound and Catholicke, he was condemned by the Pope. an. 1324. by the Popes decree extrauagant, cap. Licet intra doctrinam. Concerning the which man and his doctrine: I thought good thus much to commit to history, to the entent men may see, that they which charge this doctrine now taught in the Church with the note of noueltye or newnes, how iguoraunt and vnskilfull they be in the historyes and order of times fore past.

In the same part of condemnation at the same tyme,Ioannes Gādenensis condemned by the pope also was Ioannes de Gunduno. an. 1330. and contayned also in the foresayd Extrauagāt, with Marsilius Patauinus. Whiche Ioannes wrote much vpon Aristotle and Auerrois, and are yet remayning. And no doubt but he wrote also of diuinity, but not vnlike that these workes haue bene abolished.

In the same number and cataloge, commeth also Guillermus Ockam, Guillermus Ockam, wrote against the pope. who was in the yeare of our Lord 1326. as is afore mentioned pag. 375. and wrote likewise in defence of Ludouicus the Emperour agaynst the Pope: and also in defence of Michael Generall of Grayfriers,Michael generall of the gray fryers excommunicated for an heretike. Ascentionis in praesatione eius aeutoris. The dialogue betwene the souldier and the clarke, of Ockams making. whom the Pope had excommunicated & cursed for an hereticke. Diuers treatises were by the sayd Ockam set forth, whereof some are extant and in print, as his questions & distinctions: some are extinct and suppressed (as Ascentius reporteth) quoòd essent aliquando asperiora. Some againe be published vnder no name of the author, being of his doing: as the dialogue betwene the souldiour and the clarke: wherin it is to be coniected, what bookes and workes this Ockam had collected agaynst the Pope. Of this Ockā Iohn Sledane in his history inferreth mention, to his great cō mendation, whose wordes be these: William Ockam in time of Ludouicus, 4. Emperor did florish, about the yere of our Lord 1326. Who among other thinges wrote of the authority of the Bishop of Rome. In the which booke he handleth these 8. questions very copiously: whether both the administrations of the Bishops office, and of the Emperors may be in one man.Eight questions disputed by Ocham. 2. Whether the Emperour taketh his power and authority onely of God, or els of the Pope. 3. Whether the Pope and Church of Rome haue power by Christ, to set and place kinges and Emperors, and to commit to them theyr iurisdiction to be exercised. 4. Whether the Emperor being elected, hath full authority vpon the sayd his election, to administer his Empire. 5. Whether other kinges besides the Emperor and King of Romaines, in that they are consecrated of priestes, receiue of thē any part of their power. 6. Whether the sayd kings in any case be subiect to their cōsecrators. 7. Whether if the [Page] sayd kings should admit any newe sacrifice, or should take to themselues the Diadeine without any further consecration, they shoulde thereby lose their kingly right and title. 8. Whether the seuen princes electors geue as much to the election of the Emperour, as succession rightfull geueth to other kings. Upon these questions he disputeth and argueth with sundry arguments and sundry reasons on bothe sides at length decideth the matter on the parte of the ciuil magistrate: and by occasion therof, entreth into the mention of the Popes decrees Extrauagant, declaring how litle force or regard is to be geuen therunto.

Gregorius Ariminensis mainteineth the same doctrine nowe receiued. Ex Trithemio.Trithemius maketh mention of one Gregorius Ariminensis a learned & a famous and right godly man: who not much differing from the age of this Ockam, about the yeare of our Lorde 1350. Disputed in the same doctrine of grace and free will, as we doe nowe, and dissented therein from the Papistes and Sophisters, counting them woorse then Pelagians.

Andreas de Castro and Burdianus both gospellers 200. yeares agoe.Of the like iudgement, and in the same time was also Andreas de Castro, as apeareth super lit. 1. Sentent. dist. 45. and Burdianus vppon the Ethiques of Aristotle: which both maintained the grace of yt gospel, as is now in the church receiued, aboue 200. yeres since.

And what should I speake of the Duke of Burgundy named Eudo,Eudo duke of Burgūdy against the popes decrees about 200. yeares since. Ex Charolo Molinao. who at the same time, An. 1350. disswaded the French king not to receiue in hys land the new founde cōstitutions, decretall & Extrauagant, within his realme: whose sage counsail then geuen, yet remaineth among the French kings records, as witnesseth Charol. Molinaeus.

Dantes an Italian wryter a Florentine, lyued in the time of Ludouicus themperour,Dantes an Italiā writer against the Pope. about the yere of our lord 1300. and tooke his parte with Marsilius Patauinus against three sortes of men, which he sayd were enemyes to the truth: That is, the pope: Secondly, the order of religious men, which count thēselues the children of the church, whē they are yt children of the deuil their father: Thirdly, the Doctors of decrees and decretals.Donation of Constantine a thing forged. Certain of his wrytings be extant abroad, wherein he prooueth the Pope not to be aboue the Emperour, nor to baue any right or iurisdiction in the Empire. He cōfuteth the Donation of Constantine to be a forged and a fained thing, as which neither did stande with any lawe or right. For the which, he was taken of many for an hereticke. He complaineth moreouer very much, the preaching of Gods worde to be omitted: and in stede thereof, the vaine fables of monkes and friers to be preached and beleued of the people: and so the flock of Christ to be fed not with the foode of the Gospell, but wyth winde. The Pope sayeth he, of a pastor is made a wolfe, to wast the church of Christ, and to procure with his Clergie not the word of God to be preached, but his own Decrees. In his canticle of purgatory, he declareth the Pope to be the whore of Babylon.The pope the whore of Babilon. And to her ministers, to some hee applieth 2. hornes, to some 4. As to the Patriarches, whō he noteth to be the tower of the sayd whore Babilonicall. Ex libris Dantes Italice.

Ex lib. Iornandi. Pope Antichrist.Hereunto may be added the saying out of the booke of Iornandus unprinted, with the foresaid Dantes: that forsomuch as Antichrist commeth not before the destruction of the Empire, therefore such as go about to haue the Empire extinct, are forrunners and messengers in so doing of Antichrist.An admonition to the Romans. Therfore let the Romaines (sayth he) and their Byshops beware, least their sinnes and wickednes so deseruing by the iust iudgement of God, the priesthood be taken from them. Furthermore, let all the prelates and princes of Germany take hede. &c.

And because our aduersaries which obiecte to vs the newnes of our doctrine, shall see the course and fourme of this religion now receaued, not to haue ben, eyther such a newe thing nowe,Taulerus of Germany, a preacher against the popes proceedings. or a thing so straunge in times past: I will adde to these aboue recited, master Taulerus a preacher of Argentine in Germany. An. 1350. Who contrary to the Popes proceedings, taught openly against al mennes merites, and against inuocation of Saintes, and preached sincerely of our free iustificatiō by grace, referring al mans trust onely to the mercy of God, and was an enemy to all superstition.

With whom also may be adioyned Frāciscus Petrarcha, a wryter of the same age,Franciscus petrarcha. Vide 20, epistolam Francisci Petrarcha. Rome the mother and schole of errour. who in hys works and hys Italian meeter speaking of Rome: calleth it the whore of Babylon, the schole and mother of error, the temple of heresy, the nest of traichery growing and increasing by yt oppressing of others: and sayeth farther that shee, (meaning the Popes Court) extolleth her selfe against her founders that is, the Emperours, who first set her vp and did so enriche her: And semeth plainly to affirme that the pope was Antichrist, declaring that no greater euil could happen to any man then to be made Pope. Thys Franciscus was about the yeare of our Lord. 1350.

And if time would serue vs to seeke out olde hystories,Ioannes de rupe scissa. Iohn cast into p [...]. we should finde plenty of faithful witnesses of old and ancient time, to geue witnesse with vs against the Pope beside the other aboue rehearsed: as Ioannes de Rupe scissian. 1340. Who for rebuking the spiritualtie for theyr greate enormities and neglecting their office and duety, was cast in pryson.

Illyricus a wryter in our dayes,Church of Rome, the whore of Babilon. testifieth that he founde & red man old Pamphlet, that the sayd Ioannes should call the church of Rome, the whore of Babylon: and the Pope to be the minister of Antichrist, and the Cardinals to be the false prophetes. Being in pryson he wrote a booke of Prophesies, bearing the title: Vade mecum in tribulationem: in which booke (which also I haue seene) he prophesied & admonished affliction and tribulation to hang ouer the spiritualty.The reformation of the Church before prophesied. And pronoūceth plainly that God wil purge his Clergy, and wil haue priestes that shal be poore, godly, and that shal faithfully seede the Lordes flocke: moreouer, that the goods of the church shal returne againe to the lay men. He prophesied also the same time, that the French king and his army should haue an ouerthrow. Which came likewise to passe during the time of his imprisonment. Of this Ioannes de Rupe, wryteth Froysard in hys time, and also Wicklisse,Conradus Hager. of whose prophecies, more may be said at more leisure (Christ willing) hereafter.

About the same yeare of our Lorde 1340.The Masse to be no sacrifice. in the Citie Herbipoli, was one named master Cōradus Hager, who (as appeareth by the old bulles and registers of Otho byshop of the said citye) is there recorded, to haue mainteined and taught the space of 24. yeares together, the Masse to be no maner of sacrifice: neither that it profiteth any man ether quicke or dead,Conradus cast in prison. and that the money geuen of the dead for Masses, be very robberies & sacrilege of priests, which they wickedly do intercept and take away from the poore. And sayd moreouer,Ex bullis quibusdam Otthonis Epis. Herbipeli. that if he had a stooue full of golde and siluer, hee would not geue one farthing for any Masse. For the same his doctrine, thys good preacher was condemned and inclosed in pryson: what afterward became vpon him, we doe not finde.

There is among other old and ancient recordes of antiquity belōging to thys present time,Ponitentiarius Asini. a certain monument in verses Poetically compiled, but not wythout a certaine morall, intituled, Poenitentiarius Asini, the Asses confessor: bearing the date and yeare of our Lorde in thys number, Completus An. 1343. In this treatise be brought foorth the Wolfe, the Foxe, and the Asse comming to Christ and doing penaunce. First the Wolfe confesseth hym to the Fox, who easely doeth absolue hym from all hys faultes, and also excuseth hym in the same. In like maner the Wolfe hearyng the Foxes shrifte, sheweth to hym the like fauour agayne. After thys commeth the Asse to cōfession, whose fault was thys: that hee being hungry, tooke a strawe out from the cheafe of one that went in peregrination vnto Rome. The Asse although repenting of his fact, yet because he thought it not so heynous as ye faults of the other, the more hee hoped for hys absolution,The pope and his spiritualitie cō federate against the laitie. But what followed? After the sely Asse had vttered his crime in auricular confession, immediatly the discipline of the lawe was executed vppon hym with seueritie: neither was hee iudged worthy of any absolution, but was apprehended vpon the same, slayne and deuoured. Whosoeuer was the author of thys fabulous tale, had a misticall vnderstanding in the same, for by the Wolfe no doubt was meant the Pope. But the Foxe was resembled to the Prelates, Curtisans, Priestes, and rest of the spiritualtie. Of the spiritualtie, the Lord Pope is soone absoyled,The pope maketh the Emperour & lay mē A [...] as contrary, the Pope soone doeth absoyle them in like manner. By the Asse is ment the poore laitie, vppon whose backe the straite censure of the law is sharpely executed: especially when the Germane Emperors come vnder the Popes Inquisition, to be examined by hys discipline, there is no absolution nor pardon to be found, but in all haste he must be deposed, as in these stories may partly appeare before. And though the matter be not the weyght of a strawe, yet what sayeth the holy father the Wolfe, if it please hym to make any matter of it.

Immensum scelus est, iniuria quam peregrin [...]

Fecisti, stramen subripiendo sibi.

Non aduertisti quòd plura pericula paslus

Plurima passurus, quòd peregrinus erat.

Non aduertisti, quòd ei per maxima terrae

Et pelagi spacia, sit peragranda via.

Non aduertisti, sanctos, nec limina sancta,

Sanctorum sanctam sed nec Hierusalem.

Ille retransiuit eadem loca, tam violentum

Ex inopinato sensit adesse malum.

[Page]De Papa Taceo, cuius protectio talem,

Conduxit, cuius tu vilipendis opem.

Totius Ecclesiae fuerit quam nuncius iste,

Pertulit abstracto gramine damna viae. &c.

And thus they aggerating and exaggerating the fault to the vttermost, flye vpon the poore asse & deuour him. By the which Apologie, the tyrannicall and fraudulent practises of these spirituall Romanistes are liuely described.

Gerhardus Ridder, a writer against mōkes and friers.Not long after those aboue rehearsed, about the yeare of our lord 1350. Gerhardus Ridder, wrote also against the Monkes and Friers a booke intituled, Lacrima Ecclesiae: wherein he disputeth agaynst the foresaid religious orders namely against the begging Friers: prouing that kinde of life to be farre frō Christian perfection, for that it is against charitie to live vppon other, when a man may liue by his own labours. And affirmeth them to be hipocrites, filthy liuers, and such as for mans fauour, and for lucre sake, doe mixt with true diuinitie: fables Apocriphas, and dreames of vanitie. Also, that they vnder pretence of long prayer, deuour widdowes houses: and with their confessions, sermons, and burials doe trouble the Church of Christ manifold wayes. And therfore perswaded the prelates to bridle and keepe short ye inordinate licence and abuses of these Monasticall persons. &c.

Michael Cesenas, Petrus de Corbaria, condemned of the Pope. Ioannes de Poliaco.Yet I haue made no mensiō of Michael Cesenas, prouincial of the gray friers, n [...]r Petrus de Corbaria, of whō writeth Antoninus, in quarta parte summae & sayth they were condemned in the extrauagant of Pope Iohn, with one Ioānes de Poliaco. Their opiniōs saith Antoninus were these: That Peter the Apostle was no more the head of the Church, then the other Apostles: And that Christ left no Uicare behinde him or head in hys Church: And that the Pope hath no such authoritie to correct and punishe, to institute or depose the Emperour. Item, that all Priestes of what degree so euer, are of equall authoritie, power, and iurisdiction by the institution of Christ: but by the institution of the Emperour, the Pope to bee superiour, which by the same Emperour also may be reuoked agayne. Item that neyther the pope nor yet the Church may punish any man,The opiniōs of Michael against the Pope. Michael Cesenas depryued and cō demned of the Pope. punitione coactiua. That is, by externe coaction: vnlesse they receiue licence of the Emperour. This foresayd Michaell, generall of the gray Friers, wrote against the tiranny, pride, and primacie of the pope, accusing him to be Antichrist: and the Churche of Rome, to be the whore of Babilon dronke with the bloud of Saintes. He sayd there were two Churches, one of the wicked florishing, wherein raigned the pope: the other of the godly afflicted. Itē, that the veritie was almost vtterly extinct: And for this cause he was depriued of his dignitie & condemned of the Pope. Notwithstāding,Martyres, Ioannes de Castilione, Franciscus de Arcatara burned. he stode constant in his assertions. This Michaell was about the yeare of our Lord 1322. And left behinde him many fautours & followers of his doctrine, of whom a great part were slayne by the Pope: Some were condemned, as William Ockam, some were burned as Ioannes de Castilione, and Franciscus de Arcatara. In extrauag. Ioan 23.

With him also was condemned in the sayd Extrauagāt Ioannes de Poliaco, aboue touched, whose assertions, were these: That the pope coulde not geue licence to heare confessions to whom he would, but that euery pastour in hys owne Church ought to suffice. Item, that pastours and bishops had theyr authoritie, immediately from Christ & his Apostles, and not from the pope, Itē, that the constitution of pope Benedict. II. wherein he graunteth larger priuelegies to the Friers aboue other pastours, was no declaration of the law, but a subuersion. And for this he was by ye sayd Friers oppressed, about the yeare of our Lord. 1322.

Archbyshoppes of Cant. the [...] succeeding the other.After Symon Mepham Archbishop of Caunterbury before mentioned, who liued not lōg: succeded Ioh. Stretford. After whom came Iohn Offord, who liued but x. monethes. In whose rowme succeeded Thomas, & remained but one yeare. an. 1350. And after him Simon Iselyp was made archbishop of Canterbury, by Pope Clemēt the vi. who sat xvii. yeares, and builded Caunterbury Colledge in Oxford. Which Symon Islyp succeeded the Byshop of Ely named Symon Langham, who within two yeares was made Cardinall. In whose stede Pope Urbane the 5. ordeined William Wittlesey bishop of Worceter to be archbishop of Caunterbury.New Colledge in Oxforde founded an. 1366. an. 1366. In which yeare, William Bishop of Winchester elected and founded the newe colledge in Oxford.

Pope Innocent. 6. Two Franciscanes burned at Auinion.Agayne in the order of the popes, next vnto Pope Clement the 6. before mentioned, about the same time. an. 1353, succeeded pope Innocent the 6. In the first yeare of which Pope two Friers Minors of Franciscans were burned at Auinion. Pro opinionibus (as mine author sayth) erroneis, prout. D. Papae & eius Cardinalibus videbatur. i. For certaine opinions, as seemed to the pope and his Cardinals, erroneous. Ex Chron. Wals. Of the which two Friers, I finde in the Chronicles De actis Rom. pontificum, Ioan. Rochtaylada Martyr. and in the history of Praemonstratensis, that the one was Ioannes Rochetaylada. Or rather as I finde in Catal. testium cited out of the Chronicle of Henricus de Herfordia, Ex Chron. Henrici de Herfordia. his name to be Hayabalus. Who being (as he recordeth) a Fry or Minorite, began first in the time of Pope Clement the 6. an. 1345. to preach and affirme openly that he was by Gods reuelatiō charged and commaunded to preach: that tho Churche of Rome was the whore of Babilon, and the Pope with hys Cardinals to be very Antichrist.The church of Rome declared to be the whore of Babilon by Gods reuelatiō. And that pope Benedict & the other before him his predecessours were dāned, with other suche like wordes, tending much agaynst the Popes tirannical maiesty. And that the foresaid Hayabalus being brought before the Popes face, constauntly did stand in the same, saying: that he was commaunded by Gods reuelatiō so to say,Kochtaylada with an other Frier, Martyrs [...] and also yt he woulde preach the same, if he might. To whom it was then obiected that he had some heretical books, and so was committed to prison in Auiniō. In the time of his accusation it happened, that a certain priest cō ming before the Pope,A priest for casting the popes bull before the popes feete scourged, cast in prison, and after burned at Auinion. cast the Popes Bull downe before his feete, saying, Lo here, take your Bull vnto you, for it doth me no good at al. I haue laboured now these 3. yeares withall, and yet notwithstanding for all this your Bull I cannot be restored to my right. The Pope hearing this, commaunded the poore Priest to be scourged, and after to be layd in prison with the foresayd Fryer. What became of them afterward, the foresayd wryter Henricus de Herfordia maketh no mention. But I may probably coniecture this Priest,Anno. 1354. and this Friar Rochetayladus, or rather Hayabalus were the two, whome mine author Thom. Walsingham, writeth to be burned at this time in Auinion, about the first beginning of this Pope Innocentius the 6. Of thys Roichtaylada, I thought good here to inferre the testimony and mention of Iohn Froysayd, written of him in hys first volum, chap. 211 in these wordes.

There was (sayth Froysard) a Frier Minor full of great Clergy in the Citty of Auinion,Ex Ionn. Prosiardo volu. 1. cap. 211. called Frier Iohn of Rochetaylada, the which Frier pope Innocent 6. held in prison in the Castell of Baignour for shewing of many meruails after to come, pricipally he shewed many things to fall vnto the Prelates of the Church for the great superfluitie and pryde, that was then vsed among them. And also he speake many thinges to fall of the realm of Fraunce and of the great Lordes of Christendome, for the oppressions yt they did to the poore cōmon people. This Fryer sayd he would proue all his sayinges by the authoritie of the Apocalips, & by other bookes of holy Saints and prophets the which were opened to him by yt grace of the holy ghost: he shewed many things hard to beleue, & many things fell after as he sayd. He said thē not as a prophet but he shewed them by authoritie of ancient Scriptures and by the grace of the holy Ghost, who gaue him vnderstanding to declare the ancient prophetes, & to shew to all Christen people the yeares and times whē such things should fall, he made diuers books founded on great sciences and Clergy, wherof one was made the yeare of our Lord. 1346. wherin was written suche meruailes that it were hard to beleue them howbeit many thinges, according there to fell after. And when he was demaunded of the warres of Fraunce he said that al that had bene sene, was not like that should be seen after. For he sayd that the warres in Fraunce shoulde not be ended till the Realme were vtterly wasted & exiled in euery part. The which saying was well sene after, for ye noble realme of Fraunce was sore wasted and exiled: & specially in the terme that the sayd Fryer had set. The which was in the yeares of our Lord. 1356. 57. 58. & 59. He sayd in those yeares the Princes and Gentlemen of the Realme should not for feare shew themselues agaynst the people of low estate, assembled of all countries without head or captayne, and they shoulde doe as they list in the Realme of Fraunce, the which fell after as ye haue heard, how the cō panions assembled them together, and by reason of theyr robbery and pillage waxed rich & became great captains.

About the same time happened in Fraunce a certayne contention betwene the French Prelates, and ye Fryers of Paris,Ex scripta Godfri de Fontanis. testified and recorded by Godfridus de Fontanis, the briefe effect of which story is this. The Prelates of France conuenting and assembling together in the Citty of Paris after a long deliberation among themselues: caused by the Bedels to be called together all the Studentes,A contention in France betwene the Prelates and the Friers there. maisters & Bachelers of euery facultie, with the chiefe heads also of al the Religious houses and Friers in the vniuersitie of Paris, who being al there congregated together in the bishop [Page] of paris his house, where there were presēt 4. archbishops and 20 Bishops: first stood vp the Bishop of Biturecense, who there making his Sermon, tooke for his theame the place of S. Paule to the Ephesians, Fratres vt sciatis quae sit longitudo, A sermon of the Bish. of Byters to the students of Paris agaynst the Friers. latitudo, altitudo, & profunditas charitatis &c. and concluded therupon, first that true charity would compell them to see and prouide for their flockes. Secondly, that the vigore of charity would arme them, to withstand errors. Thirdly he concluded, that by duety of charity, they were bound to geue theyr liues for the soules of theyr flock committed to their charge. Fourthly, that by the same charity euery man to holde himselfe content with that which was his owne, and not to intevineddle or busye himselfe further then to him appertayned, or belonged to his office: For there (sayth he) all order ecclesiasticall is dissolued, where as men not concerning themselues in their owne precincts; presume in othermes charges where they haue nothing to doe. But this charity (sayth he) now a dayes waxeth colde, and all Ecclesiasticall order is confounded and vtterly out of order. For many there be, which nowe a dayes presume to thrust in themselues where they haue nothing to do, so that now the Church may seeme a monster. For as in a natural body appeareth a monster, where one mēber doth the office of an other: so in ye spirituall body, which is the church, may be thought likewise. As whē our learned and prudent brethren,That is, the Dominicke Friers and the Franciscane Friers. to wit, the Friers maiors and minors, do take vpon them to vsurpe and occupye the office to vs specially apperteining: namely, where as the scripture warneth vs all, none to take vpō him any office, except he be called thereunto of the Lord, as Aaron was. Wherfore we haue heretofore oftentimes caused the sayd Friers, both by the king himselfe in his owne person, & also by other nobles to be spoken to, and desired: to furcease from doing and intermedling in our office, & yet they would not, but haue preached agaynst our willes through all our diocesses, & haue heard confessiōs, saying that they haue the Popes priuiledge to beare them out therein. For the which cause we come to you, and not we here present onely, but also we haue the handwriting and the full consent of all other our fellow Bishops throughout the kingdome of Fraunce, to compla [...]ne to you of this so great insolency and presumptiō of the Friers. For that as we are, you shall be. Neither do I thinke to be any of vs prelates here now, which haue not sometime bene taken out of this vniuersity of yours. We haue desired moreouer, and caused to be desired the foresayd Friers, to send their priuilegies to the Apostolicke see, to be interpreted and expounded more playnely by the Lord Pope: which they refused also to do. Wherefore, to the intent you may the better vnderstand and see what their priuiledges be, and how farre they do extend: we haue appoynted the said priuilege here openly to be read vnto you.

Then stood vp an other in the publicke place, and there read the priuileges of both the orders: and afterward read also the constitution of Pope Innocent 3. written in the 5, of the decretals,The constitution of Pope Innocent. 3. Omnis vtriusque sexus. and beginneth: Omnis vtriusque sexus. &c. which constitution was repugnant and contrary to the foresayd priuilegies, as he there manifestly proued, declaring how both the said priuiliges were derogatory to that constitution.

This done, then rose vp the Bishop Ambianensis, a great Lawyer:The Friers priuilegies proued contrary to the Popes constitution. The Bish. Ambianensis. Friers ought not to preach in Churches without special licence of them to whom the church belongeth. who discoursing frō article to article, there proued by good law, that the sayd constitution stood in hys full force and vigore, and ought not to be infringed by the friers priuilegies in no part. And therfore by the vertue of that constitution, that the Friers ought not so misorderly to intrude themselues in hearing confessiōs, in inioyning of penaunce, and in preaching in Churches and Diocesses without speciall licence of the Bishop of the Dioces, & curate of the parish: vnto whose words, neuer a Frier at that time replyed againe. And so the Bishop proceeding to his conclusion, desired the vniuersity to assist them in that case wherin they were all determined (saith he) to stand firmely to the shedding of theyr bloud, in resisting that misorder and iniuries of the Friers. This happened the 6. day of December which they dedicate to S. Nicholas.

The next day being sonday, one of the order of the minorites or Franciscanes, went to the Church of the maiorites or preaching Friers: where he made a sermon (whiche was neuer sene before, the one order to come and resort with the other) beginning in the forsayd matter to reply, & to expound in order through euery article as well as he could:The Friers reply against the Prelates. adding moreouer and saying, that they went not so farre in their priuilegies, as they lawfully might. And said moreouer, that what time the sayd priuileges were in obteining in Rome: the Bishop Ambianensis was there present himselfe, resisting the same with all his power, yea all the Prelates also of Fraunce sent and wrote vp to the Court agaynst the same, and yet did not preuaile. For whē the Friers there presently declared & opened to the Pope in what maner and how farr they had vsed priuileges: the Pope the same time sayd, Placet: That is, agreed vnto the same. And now (sayth he) the Prelates require & demaund of vs to send vp our priuiledges to the Court, which were great folly in vs: For in so doing, what should we els but geue place & occasiō, to reuoke agayn the authority which is geuen in our handes already. Furthermore, our wardē and maister is now lately dead, and the maister here of the Dominike Friers, is not now present. Wherfore, we dare not determine in such a weighty cause (touching the priuileges of our order) without the presence of them. And ther fore we desire you of the Uniuersity to holde vs therin excused, and not to be so lightly stirred against vs, for we are not the worst and vilest part of the Uniuersity. &c.

The next day being the 8. day of the same moneth, whithe is also dedicate to the conception of our Ladye, vpon which day it was determined likewise: that one of the dominicke Friers, should preach in the Church of the Franciscane or gray Friers, and so he did: tending to the same end, as the other frier in the other church had done before. Whereby it may seeme the prouerb well aunswered vnto,Herode and Pilate were made friends in crucifying of Christ. whereof we read in the Gospell: Facti sunt amici Herodes & Pilatus in ipsa die.

It was not long after, that the feast of S. Thomas the Apostle folowed, in whose Uigile all the heads of the Uniuersity againe, were warned the third day after to congregate together in the Church of S. Bernard at the sermon time. Which being done, and the assembly meeting together, an other Sermō was made by a Diuine of the Uniuersity,An other sermon against the Friers. whose theame was: Prope est Dominus omnibus inuocantibus eum in veritate. &c. Wherein he with many words and great authorities argued agaynst them, that woulde not be obedient vnto theyr Prelats. &c. The sermon being ended then rose vp againe the Bishop Ambianensis,Bishop Ambianensis. In veritates &c. who prosecuting the rest of the Theame, and comming to the word in veritate: deuided it in three parts, according to the common glose of the decretals.

Est verum vitae, doctrinae, iusticiaeque,

Primum semper habe, duo propter scandala linque.

Shewing and declaring by many authorities both of canonicall scriptures and out of the law,Veritie in three partes consisteth. and by euidēt demonstratiō of experience: that the Friers first had no verity of life, because they were full of hypocrisy: neither had they verity of doctrine, because in their hart they bare gall, and in theyr toung hony: neither verity of iustice, because they vsurped other mens offices. And thus concluding wt the same, caused agayn to be read the sayd priuileges, with ye constitution aboue specified. And so expoūding place by place, did argue and proue that the sayd constitution, in no part was euacuat or infringed by yt priuilegies aforesayd. Which thing being declared he added moreouer, that where as the Friers say (sayd he) that I should be present in the obteining of the priuileges, I graunt it to be true, & when word came to me thrise thereof, I went to the Pope reclayming & requiring the sayd priuileges to be renoked. But the next day after, it so pleased the Pope to send me out abroad vpon weighty affayres, so that then the matter had no end. After that, we sent also other messengers with our letters, for the same cause vnto the Court of Rome, whom the Friers say not to haue preuailed,The Friers proued with a lye. but they lye therein. For the sayd messengers agayne brought vs letters, from the chief of the court of Rome, sealed wt their seales which letters, we haue diuers times presented to our king & wil shortly shew them vnto you all. In the which letters, the Lord Pope hath promised the sayd priuiledges, either to be vtterly abrogate, or els to be mitigated with some more playnely interpretation, of the which we trust shortly to haue the publicke Bulle or writ from the Pope.

At last, the sayd Bishop required & desired of all there of what Dioces, or countrey so euer they were: that they would copy out the foresayd priuiledges, and send them abroad into their coūtries,The Friers priuilegies confuted in disputation at Paris. that all men might see what they were, and how far they did extēd. In fine, the matter comming into open disputation, it was cōcluded by M. Giles one of the Austine Friers (who was thought to be most reasonable of all the other Friers, in this wise) that after his sentence, the Prelates were in the truer part. &c. Haec ex Godfrido de Fontanis.

¶ Concerning this wrangling contention betwene the Uniuersity and Friers of Fraunce heretofore mentioned, whereof partly the original cause there may be vnderstand by that which hath bene sayd to rise vpon certaine priuilegies [Page] graūted by popes to the Friers, to intermedle in matters of Parish churches: As to heare confessiōs, to preach and teach, with power there to annexed to gather for theyr labor, to bury within their houses, and to receiue impropriations, &c. because it were long here to describe the full circumstances therof, also because the sayd contention dyd endure a long time not onely in fraūce but also came ouer to englād: The whole discourse therof more ample (Christ willing) shalbe declared in the beginning of the next booke folowing, when we come to the story of Armachanus.

About what time & yere, this brawle was in the Uniniuersity of Paris betwene the Friers and Prelats there, as hath bene declared: the like contētion happened also in the vniuersity of Oxford in the yeare aboue prefixed. 1354. saue onely that the strife amōg the maisters of Paris as it rose vpon Frierly ceremonies,A seditious commotion betweene the townes men and the scholers in the vniuersitie of Oxforde. so it went no farther, then brawling wordes and matter of excōmunication: but this tumult rising of a dronken cause, proceeded further vnto bloudy stripes. The first originall wherof began in a tauerne, betwene a scholer & the good man of the house. Who falling together in altercatiō, grew to such heat of words, that the student (contra ius hospitij) poured the wine vpon the head of the host and brake his head with the quart pot. Upon this occasion geuen, estsoones parts began to be taken betwene townes men & the scholers. In somuch that a grieuous sedition & conflict folowed vpō the same: wherin many of the townes men were wounded, & to the number of 20. slayn. Diuers also of the scolers grieuously hurt. The space of 2. dayes this hurly burly continued. Vpon the second day, certain religious and deuout persōs ordeined a solemne processiō general, to pray for peace. Yet notwithstanding, all yt procession as holy as it was, it would not bring peace.Procession for peace. The holie procession would bring no peace. In the which procession (the skirmish stil waxing hoat) one of the studentes being hardly pursued by the townesmen, for succour in his flight, came running to the Priest or Frier, which caried about (as the maner was) the pixe: thinking to finde refuge at the presēce of the transubstātiated God of the aultar there caried & inboxed. Notwithstanding, the God there not presēt, or els not seing him, or els peraduēture being a sleepe: the scholer foūd there small helpe. For the townesmen in the heate of the chase,Transubstā tiation will not helpe in time of need forgetting belike the vertue of the popes transubstā tiation, folowed him so hard, that in the presēce of the pixe they brake his head, & woūded him greuously. This done, at length some peace or truce for that day was taken. The next morow folowing, other townesmē in the villagies about, ioyning with the townesmē of Oxford: confederated together in great force and power to set vpon the studētes there, and so did, hauing a black flag borne before thē, and so inuaded the Vniuersity men. Wherupō, the scholers being ouermatched & compelled to flee into their haules and hostles, were so pursued by theyr enemies, that 20. of the doores of their haules and chambers were broke open, & many of them wounded,A conquest of the scholers of Oxforde. and (as it is sayd) slain and throwen into priuies: their books with kniues and bils cut all in pieces, and much of theyr goods caried away. And thus the studentes of that Vniuersity being conquered by the townesmen of Oxford, and of the country about, departed & left the vniuersity. So that for a time, the scholes there, and all schole acts did vtterly cease from all exercise of study, except onely Mertō Colledge haule, with a few other remayning behinde.

The vniuersitie of Oxford dissolued for a tyme.This being done the 12. day of February, the Queene at the same time being at woodstock, was brought to bed, and purified on the first Sonday in Lent with great solē nity of Iusting: About which time, the Bishop of Lincoln their Diocesane hearing of this excessiue outrage, sendeth his inhibition to all Parsons and Priestes, forbidding thē throughout all Oxford, none to celebrate Masse or any diuine seruice in the presence of any lay persō within the said Towne of Oxford, interdicting withal the whole Town. Which interdiction endured the space of a whole yere and more.The towne of Oxford interdicted.

The king also sēt thether his Iustices to examine and enquire of the matter. Before whom diuers lay men & of the clergy were indicted. And foure of ye chiefe burgeses of the sayd towne were indicted, & by the kinges commaundement sent to the tower of London, were there imprisoned. At length through much labor of the nobles, the king so tooke vp the matter, that sending his writings vnto all Shiriffes in England, offered pardō to all & singular students of that Vniuersity, (wheresoouer dispersed) for that transgression, whereby the Vniuersity in short time was replenished againe as before. Moreouer was graunted to the Vice chauncellor or Commissary (as they terme him) of the towne and Vniuersity of Oxford, to haue the a [...]ise of bread,Chaunted to the Commissary of Oxford to haue the al ife of bread and ale and other priuilegies aboue the Maior of the towne. ale, wine, and all other victuals, the Maior of the sayd town being excluded. Also was graūted and decreed, that ye commōs of Oxford should geue to the vniuersity of Oxford 200. pound sterling in part of satisfaction for theyr excesses: reserued notwithstanding to euery one of the students his seuerall action agaynst any seuerall person of yt townesmen. &c.

About the yeare of our Lord. 1354. The king with the consent of his counsell, reuoked home agayne out of flauders the staple of wolle, with all things thereunto appertayning, & stablished the same in sondry places within the realme, namely in Westminster. Canterbury, Chichester, Bristow, Lincolne, and in Hulle. Which Staple after an. 1362. was translated ouer into Calice.

Of Simon Islip Archbishop of Canterb. mentioned a litle before, pag. 363. I read in the said author aboue specified,An holsome decree of a good Archb. not to abstaine from bodely labour vpon certaine holy dayes. that he by his letters patent directed to al parsons & vicars within his prouince: straitly charged them & theyr Parishioners vnder payne of excōmunication, not to abstaine frō bodely labor, vpō certaine Saints dayes, which before were wont to be hallowed & consecrated to vnthrifty idlenes. Item, that to Priests should be geuen no more for their yearely stipend, but 3. pound 6.5.8. pence, whiche made diuers of them to robbe and steale. &c. an. 1362. The next yeare following, which was 1363. the foresayd Kyng Edward kept his Parliament at London in the month of October:A parliament wherein was prohibited, no gold nor siluer to be worne in kniues, girdles, brooches, ringes, or in any other ornament belonging to the body, except the wearer might dispend 10, poūd by yeare. Itē, that none should weare either silks or costly furres, except such as might dispēd 100 pound by yeare. Also that Marchaunt venterers should not export ouer any marchaūdise out of the realme, or seek for wines in other country: wherby other nations should be constrayned rather to seeke to vs. &c. But none of thys did take any great effect.

After this Simon Islip as is aboue recorded, folowed Simon Langham, then W. Wittelesey, after whome next in the place succeeded Simon Sudbury.

Much about the same time,Simon Sudbury Archb. of Cant. the Nunnes of S. Bridgits order began first. About which time also was builded the Queenes Colledge in Oxford, by Queene Philippe of England,The Nuns of S. Bridges order. wife to king Edward the third Circa annum domini. 1360.

Moreouer in the time of this Pope Innocent, Fryer Iohn Lyle Bishop of Ely, moued with certaine iniuries (as he thought) done to him by the Lady Blanche,This Ladye Blanch was Duckesse of Lancaster. made his complaynt to the Pope. Who sending down his curse to the Bishop of Lincolne, and other Prelates to be executed vpon the aduersaries of the Bishoppe of Ely: commaunded them, that if they did know any of the sayd aduersaries dead and buried (that notwithstanding) they should cause the same to be taken vp:Dead men excommunicated by the Pope. which also they performed accordingly, of whom some had bene of the Kings counsell. Wherefore the king being displeased and not vnworthely, did trouble and molest agayn the sayd Prelats. This comming to the Popes hearing, certayne were directed downe from the court of Rome, in the behalf of the foresayd Bishop of Elye: who meeting, with the Byshop of Rochester the kinges treasurer, deliuered vnto him being armed, letters from the Bishop of Rome, the tenour whereof was not known. Which done, they incontinent auoyded away. But certayne of the kinges seruaunts pursuing, did ouertake them: of whom some they imprisoned, some they brought to the iustices, and so were condemned to be hanged.The Popes messengers hanged. Wherein may appeare what reuerence the Popes letters in this kinges dayes had in this realme of England. Ex Chro. Walsing. This Pope Innocēt ordeined the feast of the holy speare,The feast of the speare and of the holy nailes. and of the holy nayles.

And here to make an end of this fourth booke, now remayueth after our order and custome before begunne, to prosecute the race of the Archbishops of Canterbury, in this foresayd fourth booke conteined, beginning where before we left, pag. 170. at Lancfrancus.

A Table of the Archbishoppes of Caunterbury, in this fourth Booke conteyned.

34. Lanf [...]ancus. 19.
Polyd. Virg. lib. 9. numbereth this Lanfrancus to be the 33. Archbish. But by the count of other authors (namely by yt chronicle of the Monke of Douer) semeth to be deceiued as he was in the 28. yeares of Dunstane, whiche in deede did sit but 19. or 20. at yt most. This errour of Pol. seemeth to come by leauing out either Elsius, which was the 23. or by leauing out Elfricus, whiche was the 26. as in some authors I finde.

Moreouer here is to bee noted, that although the sayd Elfricus were left out, yet Lanfrancus cannot be. 33.

Note also, that in the table of the 3. Booke before, after Siricius to put in Sanctus Aluredus. whiche in the order of Archbishops I left out in the end of the 3. booke. pag. 170.

This Lanffancus was an Italian, and a stout Champion of the Pope. After his stubberne dissention with Thomas Archbishop of Yorke, he wrot against Berengarius, intitulyng hys Booke Opus Scintillarum. pag. 172.

Also the same Lancfranke builded the newe Churche at Canterbury, and pluckt downe the olde. By him was builded the Church of S. Gregorye. At length he was expulsed by king Wil. Rufus.

35. Anselmus. 20.
Of this Anselmus, and the strife betwene him and the king, looke in the pag. 184.

36. Radulphus. 8.
Under Rad. the order of Cisternians began.

37. Guilielmus Curboil. 13.
By this W. the newe worke of the Church of S. Martines at Douer was builded.

38. Theobaldus. 24.
By this Theobald, Monkes were first brought into yt church of Douer. He was expulsed by king Stephen. In his time the church of S. Gregory was burned at Cant.

39. Tho. Becket. 9.
Of the life and death of thys Becket, see the pag. 205.

En histor. Criekladensis.

39. Tho. Becket. 9.
Ex Crikeladensi. Magnates in Anglia interdixerunt, ne quis martyrem Thomam nominaret ne quis eius miracula praedicaret, interminantes minas mortis seu maximarum poenarum omnibus consitentibus eum fuisse martyrem, & miracula eius praedicantibus. &c.

40. Richardus. 10.
This Richard was a Monk: in his time Christes Church at Canterbury was burned.

41. Baldwinus. 7.
Betweene this Baldwine & the Monkes was great discord. He suspended the Prior from his Priorship, and 22. Monkes from all seruice. He caused the Subprior with all his adherēts to be excommunicate through al Kent.

42. Hubertus. 14.
In the time of thys Hubert the Chappell of Lamheth was pluckt downe. Also the Church of Douer was burned.

43. Stephanus Langhton. 22.
This Stephen with the Monkes of Caunterbury, were expulsed by king Iohn.

This Stephen intending to geue orders in the Chappell of Lamheth, was stopped by the Monkes of Cant. through their appeale and prohibition. Wherfore he required Eustace Bishop of London, to minister the same orders in the Church of Saynct Paule.

In his time fell great variaunce betweene the Monkes of Rochester and the Monkes of Canterb. for the election of their B. which election the Monkes of Cant. would not admitte, before the Rochester Monkes had presented the Byshops staffe in the Church of Cant. so that both the Churches sent their messengers to the court of Rome.

44. Richardus Magnus. 4.
At the consecration of this Richarde, contention rose betwene the Bishop of Rochester and bishop of Bath, who should consecrate him.

Item, betwene the sayd Richard and the Monkes of Canterbury fell a greuons discord about certayne libertyes belonging to the Archb.

The sayd Archbishop for certayne quarels agaynst the king, went vp to Rome, who dyed in Tuscia.

After this Richard, the election of 3. Archbish. was castate at Rome: of Rodulphus de noua villa, of Iohn Prior of Cant. Iohn Blund.

45. Edmund of Abenden. 7.
This Edmund was called S. Edmund. At whose election the Prior of Douer thinking to be present, as at the mariage of his Mother, was not permitted by the Monkes of Canterbury. For the which iniurye he appealed and went to Rome to complayne, not against the elect, but agaynst the election: where he obteined of the Pope for all the Priors and successors of Douer, to haue full interest in the election of the Archbi. besides other priuiledgies which he obteined, percase not without some good store of mony. Afterward y• Monkes of Cant. accused him to the Archbishoppe as though he stood agaynst the person of the elect, & so obtayned of the Archbi. being angrye with him, to haue brought him vnder the chapter of Canter. there to be punished. Whereupon the Prior seing him so destitute of all helpe of Lawyers, was constrayned in the foresayd chapter to crye peccaui. Then being suspended from his Priorship was at lēgth sēt home to Douer, being compelled first to set his hand to a certayn composition betwene him & the foresayd Monkes.

The sayd Edmūd Archb. also hauyng some quarell agaynst the king, went vp to Rome, and dyed before his comming home.

46. Bonifacius. 25.
In the time of this Boniface Pope Gregory wickedly graū ted to king Henry 3.

46. Bonifacius. 25.

(for the getting of the kingdome of Sicile whiche belonged not to him to geue, nor to the other to take,) tenthes of goodes temporall and spirituall, for fiue yeares, Item, [Page] all the first yeares fruites of churches that should be vacant for 5. yeares. Item, halfe of all the goodes of beneficed men not resident at their benefices. Item, all Legaces not distinctly geuen. And yet the kingdome of Sicile neuer came to his hands whiche belonged to Manfredus, sonne of Fredericke Emperour. Strife betweene thys Boniface, and the prior of Cant. Item, betwene him and bishop of Ross. Item, betweene him & the Chapter of Lincolne, all which was after agreed. Chro. Douerens. fol. 20. pag. 2.

Strife in Winchester, about chusing the bishop after y• death of Ayonarus yt kings Brother.

Strife in the Conuocation whiche Boniface did holde at Lambheth. In the which councell were recited the statutes of Octobonus and other new statutes made: Agaynst whiche, I. Hemelingforde the Kynges Chaplaine with other moe, and prince Edward on the Kynges behalfe did appeale. Chro. Douer. fol. 21.

Under this Boniface Archb. Tunbridge & Hadlo first came vnder the custody of the Archb. of Cant.

Maister Iohn of Exeter bought the Bishoprick of Winchester for 6000. marks: which being known he was fayne to pay the same summe agayne to the Pope, and so was sent home.

Boniface the Archb. being in the partes of Sebaudia. an. 1262, fell an other alteration betwene the Prior and Chapter of Canterbury on the one part, and the Prior and Chapter of Douer on the other part. Which two houses almost were neuer in quiet, and all about certayne liberties and Priuilegies: as for making the subprior, for receiuing in of monkes, and for visitations of the Church of Douer.

An. 1268. Boniface Archb. interdicted the Cittye of London, because in the same Cittye the Archb. of Yorke did holde vp his Crosse, the Archbishoppe of Cant. being there present, the king holding then hys Parliament at Westminster.

This Archb. died in the partes of Sebaudia.

Iohn Prior of Canterbury was elected by the Monkes agaynst the kinges minde, but by the Pope refused.

Adam Chilinden was elect, but he resigned his electiō to the Pope.

47. Robert Kilwarby. Frier. 6.
In the time of this Robert Kilwarby, appeale was taken agaynst the Chapter of Canterbury by the Bishop of Winchester, of Worcester, and Exceter: for the which cause the sayd Byshops wēt vp to Rome to prosecute the appeale. The matter was because they did not theyr obedience to the Monkes of Caunterbury, the see beyng empty.

Walter Gissard Archb. of Yorke, going toward the generall counsell, bare vp his crosse through the middle of Kent, in the time of this Robert Archbishop of Canterbury. an. 1272.

By Pope Gregory 10. in the generall Councell at Lyons, all the orders of Fryers were put downe 4. orders onely except, that is Dominicks, Franciscans, Carmilites, and Augustines.

This Robert Kilwarby by the commaundemēt of Pope Nicholas was made Cardinall of Rome, Bishop of Poruensis.

An vntruth in Polyd. Virgil.

Where is to be noted an vntruth in Polid Virgill, which sayth that he was made cardinal by pope Gregory, which could not be.

48. Iohn Pecknam. 13
Robert Burnell Byshop of Bathe was elected, but by the Pope refused: For whom Iohn Peckham a gray frier, was placed by Pope Nicho.

In the first yeare of this Frier Peckeham, Will. Wikewane Archb. of Yorke comming from his consecration at Rome to Douer, bare vp his Crosse thorough the midst of Kent, wherat was no litle adoe.

Robert Gernemine Archdeacon of Cant. went to law to Rome for the liberties & possessions of his Archdeaconship 2. yeares and there dyed.

In his time also another wrāgling fell betwene ye Monks of Cant. & the Monkes of Douer, in ye time of this I. Peckhā; for admitting certayne Nouices of Douer into orders. Ex chr. Monach. Douer. fol. 42.

This Peckham holding a councēll at Lambheth ordeyned diuers statutes, and caused the ordinances of the councell of Lyons, and of Boniface Archb. of Cant. and his predecessor to be obserued.

Great strife and hatred was betwene this Pecham and Thomas Byshop of Hereford. Who being excōmunicated by Peckham, appealed to Rome, & went to the Pope.

The Prior & couent of Cant. made their appeale agaynst this archb. Peckham, that he should not cō secrate Walter le Schamell new elect bishop of Salisbury, in any other place, except onely in the church of Cant. but by theyr leaue and licence first obteined. Notwithstanding the archb. nothing regarding their appeale, proceeded in the consecration of the sayd bishop nere to the towne of Reading, whereupon the Prior and Couent ceased not to prosecute theyr appeale agaynst the Archbishop.

Betwene Richard Ferringes archdeacō of Cāt. of the one party, and the Barōs of Douer of ye other party, the same yeare fell an other like wrāgling, for that the Archdeacon claymed to visite the Church of Douer, contrary the barons affirmed, that none had nor should haue to do there to order or dispose in spirituall matters but onely the archb. & the Prior and couent of S. Martin. Ex eod. chron. fol. 46.

After the death of William Wicwane Archb. of Yorke, Iohn de Roma succeeded after him and cō ming from his consecratiō at Rome to Douer, bare his crosse through the midle of Kent, contrary to the inhibition of Iohn Peckham.

48. Rob. Winchelsey. 19
This Rob. which was archb. in the latter time of K. Edward the 1. for certeine displeasure of ye K. cōceiued against him, departed ye realme, & in his banishmēt remayned 2. or 3. yeares. And about the beginning of the raign of K. Edwa. the 2. was restored againe. an. 1309. Ex chro. Rich. 2. Thus few Archb. of Cant. we finde, with whom kinges haue not had some quarell or other. The cause betweene the K. and him (sayth mine author) was this: that the K. accused him to Pope Clement to disturbe his Realme, and to take part with rebels. &c. Ex chro. S. Albani.

This Robert also excommunicated Walter Bishop of Couent. for holding with the King and Peter Gaueston against the ordinances of the Barons wherefore the sayd Bishop appealed to the Pope, agaynst whom the Archb. sent Adam Mirimouth.

In the time of this Robert Archbishop, the order of Templaries were abolished by Pope Clemēt 5.

This Adam Mirimouth was compiler of the story of K. Edw.

in the councell of Vienna with this seittence diffinitiue. Quanquam de iure non possumus, tamen ad plenitudinem potestatis dictum ordinem reprobamus.

50. Gualter Reynald. 15
Ai [...]ct the decease of Robert Winchelsey, who departed. an. 1312. Thomas Cobham a learned man was elected by full cō sent of the Monkes: who came to Auinion, to haue his election confirmed. But the Pope reseruing the vacant seat to his owne handes put in Walter Reynald B. of Worcester Chauncellor of England, who gouerned the seat 15. yeares.

[Page]The chronicler of S. Albans, recordeth also how in the dayes of this Archb. an. 1319. certayne Lepers conspiring with the Turkes and Iewes went about to impotionate, and infect all Christendome, by inueneming their fountains, lakes, pits, barels, and such other places. Of the which crime diuers of thē being conuict, were worthely burned in Fraunce. About the which yeare, the sayd author maketh also relation, how in ye realme of England much morain fell among the beas [...]es: in so much, that the dogs eating vpon their flesh (infected belike by the waters and fountaines) fell downe dead incontinent. Neyther dur [...] men for that cause almost tast of any biefe. an. 1318. 1319. Ex Chron. Alban.

This Walter Archb. taking part with the Queen Isabell agaynst K. Edward her husband, dyed the same yere in which he was deposed. an. 1237. Ex chr. S. Albani.

After Walter the Archb. as affirmeth the chron. of S, Alban, succeeded Simon Mepham. Of whom I marnell that Polydor, maketh no word mention: belike he sate not long after folowed I. Stratford.

51. Iohn Stratford. 29.
In the storye of Adam Mirimouth is recorded that this I. Stratforde intending to visit the dioces of Northfolk, was not receiued by the Bishop, the chapter and clergy there, alledgyng that he obserned not the ordinarye Canon therein. To whom the Archb. sayd agayne, he had the Popes letters and shewed the same. But the other aunswered, that those letters were falsly obteined and tended to the suppression of the Clergy, & therfore they would not obey: wherfore the Archb. excommunicated the Bishop, and suspended the Prior, & interdicted the couent. au, 1343.

52. Ioh. Offord. 10. monethes.
M. Iohn Offord Chauncellor of England was elected and confirmed Archb. of Canter. but not consecrated, and sate but 10. monthes, about the yeare of our Lord 1350. Postilentia in Anglia.

53. Tho. Braidwarden. 1.
This Tho. Braidwarden following after I. Stratford sat not long but died within 10 moneths of the plague, as they say. Which was called then the first great plague in England,

The first great plague in England.

raging so fore in all quarters, that it was thought scarce the tenth part of men to be left aliue.

54. Simō Islepe. 17.
In the time of Simō Islepe which folowed after Bradwarden: K. Edward. an. 1362. is reported after the blinde superstition of those daies, to offer in the church of Westminster the vestimentes wherin S. Peter did celebrate masse.

The vestmēts wherin S. Peter sayd Masse, or els the papists doe lye.

Which belike wer well kept from mothes, to last so long. Ex Chron. Alban.

The same Simon Islepe, among other constitutious ordeined through all Churches & Chappelles vnder paine of excōmunication: that no man should abstayne from bodely labors vpon certayne Saints dayes, as is before touched. Which fact of his is not a litle noted in our monkish historyes.

This Simon builded Canterbury Colledge in Oxford.

Canterbury Colledge builded in Oxforde.

* The Conclusion of this Fourth Booke.

The conclusion of this booke. Antichrist in his pride.¶ For as much as Sathan being theyned vp all this while, for the space of a thousand yeares, beginneth about this time to be losed and to come abroad, according to the forewarning of S. Iohns Reuelation. Therefore to conclude the fourth Booke, wherein sufficiently hath bene described the excessiue pride and pompe of Antechrist, florishing in his ruffe and securitye, from the time of William Conquerour hitherto: now (Christ willing & assisting vs thereunto) we minde in these latter Books hereafter following, in order of history to expresse the latter persecutions and horrible troubles of the Church, raysed vp by Satan as in his minister Antechrist, with the resistaunce agayne of Christes Church agaynst him. And so to prosecute (by the mercifull grace of Christ) the proceeding and course of times till we come at length to the fall and ruine of the sayd Antechrist.The loosing out of Sathan. To the intent that if any be in such errour to thinke that Antechrist is yet to come, let him consider and ponder well the tragicall rages, the miserable and most sorrowfull persecutions, murders, and vexations of these latter 300. yeares now following, and I doubt not but he will be put out of all doubt to know, that not onely Antechrist is already come, but also to know where he sitteth, & how he is now falling apace (the Lord Christ be thāked for euer) to his decay and confusion.

THE FIFT BOOKE CONTEYning the last 300. yeares from the loosing out of Satan.

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The fift booke. THVS hauing discoursed in these former Bookes, the order and course of yeares, from the first tying vp of Sathan vnto the yeare of our Lorde 1360. I haue a little ouerpassed the stint of time in the Scriptures appoynted, for the loosing out of hym againe. For so it is wrytten by S. Iohn Apocal. 20. that after a thousande yeares, Satanas the olde Dragon shalbe let loose againe for a season, &c.The yeares and tyme of loosing out Satan examined.

For the better explanation of the whych mysterie, let vs first consider the context of the scripture: afterward, let vs examine by history and course of times, the meaning of the same. And first to recite the wordes of the Apocal. the text of the Prophecy is this, cap. 23.

And I saw an Aungell descending from heauen, hauing a kay of the bottomlesse pitte, Apoc. 10. and a great chaine in his hande. And hee tooke the Dragon the olde Serpente, whych is the deuill and Satanas, and bounde hym for a thousand yeares, and put hym in the bottomlesse dungeon and shutte him vp, and signed him with hys seale, that he should no more seduce the Gentiles, till a thousande yeares were expired. And after that he must be loosed againe for a little space of time. And I sawe seates, and they sate vpon them: and iudgement was geuen vnto them, and the soules I sawe of them which were beheaded for the testimonie of Iesus. &c.

By these wordes of the Reuelation heere recited, three speciall times are to be noted.

1. First, the being abroade of Sathan to deceyue the world.

2. The binding vp of him.

The place of the Apocal. 20. Expounded, for the loosing out of Satā.

3. Thirdly, the losing out of him againe, after a thousand yeares consummate, for a time.

Concerning the interpretation of whych times, I see the common opinion of many to be deceiued by ignorance of hystories, and state of things done in the church: supposing that the chaining vp of Sathan for a thousand yeares, spoken of in the Reuelation, was meant from the birthe of Christe our Lorde. Wherein I graunt that spiritually the strength and dominion of Sathan in accusing & condemning vs for sinne, was cast downe at the passion and by the passion of Christ our sauiour, and locked vp not onely for a thousande yeares, but for euer and euer. Albeit as touching the malitious hatred and furie of that Serpent, against the outward bodies of Christes poore saints (which is the heele of Christ) to afflicte and torment the Churche outwardly: That I iudge to be meant in the Reuelation of S. Iohn,What the loosing of Satan doth meane in Scripture. not to be restrained til the ceasing of those terrible persecutions of the primitiue Church. At what time it pleased God to pity the sorrowfull affliction of his poore flocke, being so long vnder persecution, the space of three hundred yeares, and so to asswage their griefes and torments. Which is meant by binding vp of Sathan, worker of all those mischiefes: vnderstanding thereby, that for so much as the Deuill prince of thys worlde had now by the death of Christ the sonne of God lost al his power and interest against the soule of man, shoulde turne his furyous rage & malice which he had to Christ against the people of Christ, (which is meant by the heele of the seede. Genes. 3.) in tormenting their outward bodies. Which yet shuld not be for euer, but for a determinate time, when as it shoulde please the Lord to bridle the malice, and snaffle the power of the olde Serpent, and geue rest vnto his Church for the terme of a thousand yeares. Which time being expired, the sayd serpent should be suffred loose againe for a certaine or a small time. Apoc. 20.

And thus to expound this Propheticall place of scripture I am led by three reasons.Three reasons.

The first reason.The first is, for that the binding vp of Sathan, and closing hym in the bottomles pit by the Angell, importeth as much that hee was at libertye, raging and doyng mischiefe before. And certesse those so terrible and so horrible persecutiōs of the primitiue time vniuersally through the whole world, during the space of three hundreth yeares of the Church, do declare no lesse. Wherein it is to be thought and supposed, that Sathan all that time, was not fastened and closed vp.

The second reason moouing me to thinke that the closing vp of Sathan was after the ten persecutions of the primitiue Church,The 2. reason. is taken out of the twelft chapter of the Apocalips. Where we read, that after the woman (meaning the Church) had trauailed foorth her man childe, the olde Dragon the Deuill, the same time being cast downe from heauen, drawing the thirde part of the starres wyth him: stoode before the woman with great anger, and persecuted her (that is the Church of God) with a whole floude of water (that is, wyth aboundance of all kindes of torments) and from thence went moreouer to fight agaynst the residue of her side, and stoode vpon the sands of the sea, wherby it appeareth that he was not as yet locked vp.

The thirde reason I collect out of the Apocalyps thirteenth Chapter,The 3. reason. where is wrytten of the beast, signifying the Emperiall Monarchie of Rome:Apoc. cap. 13. that hee had power to make warre fourtie and two monethes. By the whych monethes is meant no doubt, the tyme that the Dragon, and the persecuting Emperours, should haue in afflicting the Saintes of the primitiue Church.Xlij. monethes in the Apocal. cap. 13. examined. The computation of which fortie two monethes (counting euery moneth for a Sabboth of yeares, that is for seuen yeares, after the order of Scripture) riseth to the summe (counting from the passion of the Lord Christ) three hundred yeares lacking sixe, at what time Maxentius the last persecutour in Rome fighting against Constantinus, was drowned wyth his souldiours, like as Pharao was drowned persecuting ye children of Israel in the red sea. Unto the which xlij. moneths, or Sabbothes of yeares, if yee adde the other sixe yeares wherein Licinius persecuted in the East: ye shal finde iust three hundred yeres, as is specified before in the first booke of thys volume. pag. 97.

After the which fortie and two monethes being expired,What time Satan was tied vp. manyfest it is that the furie of Sathan, that is, hys violent malice and power ouer the Saints of Christ, was diminished and restrained vniuersally through the whole world.

Thus then the matter standing euident, that Sathan after 300. yeares, counting from the passion of Christ, began to be chayned vp, at what time the persecution of the primitiue Church began to cease: Nowe let vs see, howe long thys binding vp of Sathan shoulde continue, which was promised in the booke of the Reuelation to be a thousand yeares. Which thousand yeares, if yee adde to the xlij. monethes of yeares, that is, to 294. yeares: they make 1294. yeares,About what time and yeare Satan was let out, by the coūt of the Apocalips. after the passion of the Lord. To these moreouer adde the 30. yeares of the age of Christ, and it commeth to the yeare of our Lord 1324. which was the yeare of the letting out of Sathan, according to the prophesie of the Apocalips.

A Table containing the time of the persecution both of the primitiue, and of the latter Church, with the count of yeares from the first binding vp of Sathan, to his loosing againe, after the minde of the Apocalips.

The first persecution of the primitiue Churche, beginning at the 30. yeares of Christ, was prophecied to continue 42. monthes, that is, An.

294.

The ceasing of persecution in the primitiue church.

The ceasing of the laste persecution of the primitiue Churche by the death of Licinius the last persecutour, began. An. 324. from the natiuitie of Christ, which was from the 30. yeare of hys age. 294.

294.

The binding vp of Sathan after peace geuen to the church, counting from the 30. yeares of Christ, began An.

294.

The binding vp of Sathan.

And lasted a thousand yeres, that is, counting from the thirtie yeare of Christe, to the yeare.

1294.

The time of losing of Sathan.

About which yeare Pope Boniface the 8. was Pope, and made the 6. booke of the decretals: confirmed the orders of Friers, and priuileged them with great fredomes, as appeareth by his constitution: Super cathedram. An.

1294.

The time of Antichrist, examined.

Unto the which count of yeares doeth not much disagree that I founde in a certaine olde Chronicle prophesied and wrytten in the latter ende of a booke, which booke was wrytten as it seemeth, by a monke of Douer, & remayneth yet in the custodye of William Cary, a Citizen of London: alledging the Prophesie of one Hayncardus a gray Frier, grounded vppon the authoritie of Ioachim the Abbot, prophesying that Antichrist shoulde be borne the yeare from the Natiuitie of Christ. 1260. Which is, counting after the Lordes passion, the very same yere and time, when the orders of Friers both Dominickes and Franciscans began first to be sette vp by Pope Honorius the 3. and by Pope Gregorius 9. which was the yere of our Lord counting after his passion.

1226.

And counting after the Natiuitye of the Lord, was the yeare.

1260.

Wherof these verses in the author was wrytten.

Cum fuerint anni completi mille ducenti,

Verses prophesying of the comming of Antichrist.

Et decies seni post partum virginis almae:

Tunc Antichristus nascetur daemone plenus.

And these verses were wrytten, as appeareth by the sayd author. An. 1285.

These thyngs thus premised for the loosing out of Satan, according to the prophesie of the Apocal. nowe let vs enter (Christe willing) to the declaration of these latter times, which folowed after the letting out of Sathan into the worlde. Describing the wondrous perturbations and cruell tiranny stirred vp by him against Christes Church. Also the valiant resistance of the Church of Christ against him and Antichrist, as in these our bookes heere vnder following may appeare.

The argument of the bookes after folowing. The argument of which booke consisteth in 2. partes, first to entreate of the raging furie of Satan nowe loosed, and of Antichrist: Against the saints of Christ fighting and traueiling for the maintenance of the truth, & reformation of the Church: Secondly, to declare the decay and ruine of the said Antichrist, through the power of the word of God being at length (eyther in a greate parte of the worlde) ouerthrowen, or at least vniuersally in the whole world detected.

Anno. 1360. Thus then to begin wyth the yeare of our Lord. 1360. wherin I haue a litle as is aforesayd, transgressed the stint of the first loosing out of Sathan: we are come now to the time wherin the Lord, A brief rehearsall of faythfull learned men, which withstood the proceedings of the Pope. after long darknes beginneth some reformation of hys Churche, by the diligent industrie of sondry hys faithful and learned seruauntes: of whome diuers already we haue foretouched in the former booke before, as namely Guliel. de Sancto Amore, Marsilius Patauinus: Ockam: Robertus Gallus: Robertus Grosted: Petrus de Cugnerijs: Ioannes Rupescissanus: Conradus Hager: Ioannos de Poliaco, Cesenas, wyth other moe: whych withstoode the corrupt errours, and intollerable enormities of the Byshop of Rome. Beside them which about these times were put to death by the saide bishop of Rome, as Chastilion, & Franciscus de Arcatara in the booke before recorded: also the two Franciscanes, Martyrs, which were burned at Auinion, mentioned, pag. 391.

Now to these (the Lord willing) we will adde such other holy Martyrs and confessors, who following after in the course of yeares with like zeale and strength of Gods worde, and also with like daunger of their liues, gaue the like resistance against the enemie of Christes religion, and suffered at hys handes the like persecutions. First begynning wyth that godly man, whosoeuer he was the author of the Booke (hys name I haue not) intituled the prayer and complaint of the Ploughman: wrytten as it appeareth, about thys present time.

Which booke as it was faithfully set foorth by William Tindall, The author of the plowmans prayer not knowne. so I haue truely distributed the same abroade to the Readers handes: neyther chaunging any thyng of the matter, neyther altering many woordes of the phrase thereof. Although the oldnesse and age of hys speache and termes be almost growne nowe out of vse: yet thought I it so best, both for the vtilitie of the booke to reserue it from obliuion, as also in his owne language to let it go abroad, for the more credite and testimonie of the true antiquity of the same. Adding withal in the margent for the better vnderstanding of the reader, some interpretation of certaine difficult termes and speches, as otherwise might perhaps hinder or stay the reader. The matter of this complaining prayer of the ploughman, thus proceedeth.

An olde auncient wryting, intitled, The prayer and complaint of the Ploughman.

IESV CHRIST that was ybore of the maid Marie,An olde booke intituled, the ploughmans prayer, written as seemeth about Wickliffes tyme. The complaynt of Esal applied to these times. haue on thy poore seruauntes mercie and pitie, and helpe them in their great nede to fight against sinne, and against the deuill that is author of sinne, and more nede nes there neuer to cry to Christ for helpe, then it is ryght nowe. For it is fulfilled that God sayde by Isay the Prophet: ye riseth vp erlich to follow drunkennesse, and to drinke till it be euen, the harpe and other minstrelsies beeth in your feastes and wine. But the woorke of God ye ne beholdeth not, ne taketh no kepe to the workes of his handes: And therfore my people is take prisoner, for they ne had no cunning. And the noble men of my people deyeden for hunger, and the multitude of my people weren dry for thirst, and therefore hel hath drawen abroade theyr soule, and hath yopened hys mouth wythout any ende. And estsoones sayeth Isay the Prophet: The worde is floten away, and the highnesse of the people is ymade sicke, and the earth is infecte of his wonnyers, for they haue broken my lawes, and ychaunged my right, and han destroyed mine euerlastynge bonde and Forward, that is, couenant. forward betwene them & me. And therfore cursing shal deuour the earth, and they that wonneth on the erthly shallen done sinne. And therefore the earth tilyars shullen waxe woode, and fewe men shullen cen yleft vpon the earth. And yet sayth Isay the Prophet, this sayeth God, for as much as this people nigheth me with their mouth, & glorifieth me with their lippes, and their hart is farre from me. And they han ydrad more mens commandement, then mine, and more draw to their doctrines, then mine. Therefore will I make a great wondring vnto this people, wisedome shall perish away from wise men, and vnderstanding of ready men shall be yhid. And so it seemeth that an other saying of Isay is fulfilled, there as God bad hym goe teach the people, and sayd go forth and say to this people: eares haue ye, and vnderstād ye not, and eyes ye haue and sight ne know ye not. Make blinde the hart of this people, & make their eares heauy, and close their eyen, least he see with his eyen, and yheare with his eares, and vnderstand with his hart, and by yturned, and ych heale him of his sicknes. And Isay sayd to God: how long Lord shall this be? And God sayd: For to that the cities ben desolate withouten a wonnier, and an house withouten a man.

Here is mychel nede for to make sorow, & to cry to our Lord Iesu Christ hertilich for helpe and for succour, that hee wole forgeue vs our sinnes, and geue vs grace and cōning to seruen him better here after. And God of his endles mercy geue vs grace and cōning trulich to tellen which is Christes law in helping of mens soules, for we beth lewde men, and sinfull men, and vnconning, and if he woll be our helpe and our succour, we shullen wel perfourme our purpose. And blessed be our Lorde God that hideth his wisdome from wise men, and fro ready men, and teacheth it to small children, as Christ teacheth in the Gospell.

Christen men haue a law to keepe, the which lawe hath twe parties.The law of Christ standeth on two partes. Beleue in Christ that is God, & is the foundmēt of their law, and vpon this foundement, as he sayde to Peter, and the gospel beareth witnes, he woll byelden his Churche, and thys is the first party of Christes law. The secōd party of this law beth Christes commaundements that beth written in the gospel, and more verilich in Christen mens hartes.

And as touching the beleue, we beleuen that Christ is God, and that there ne is no God but he. We beleuen neuertheles that in the Godhead there bene three persons, the Father, the Sonne, and the holy Ghost, and all these three persons ben one God, and not many Gods, and all they beth ylich mighty, ylich good, and ylich wise, and euer haue bene, and euer shullen ben We beleuen this God made the worlde of nought, and man he made after hys owne likenesse in Paradise that was a land of blisse, and gaue him [Page] that land fo [...] hys heritage, and bad him that he should not eate the tree of knowledge of good and euil, that was Amid Paradise, that is in the middest of Paradise. a midde Paradise. Then the deuell that was fallen out of heauen for his pride, had enuie to man, and by a false suggestion he made man eate of this tree, and breake the commaundement of God, and tho was man ouercome of the deuill, and so he lost his heritage, and was put out therof into the world that was a land of trauel, and of sorow vnder the feendes thraldome, to be punished for his trespasse. There man followed wickednes and sinne, and God for the sinne of man sent a [...]sloud into this world, and drownd all mankind saue eight soules. And after this flud he let mē multiply in the world, and so he assaled whether man dread him or loued him, & among other he found a man that hight Abraham:Abraham. this man he prooued whether he loued him and drad him, and bad hym that he should offeren Isaac his sonne vppon an hill, and Abraham as a true seruaunt fulfilled his Lords commaundement: and for this buxumnes and truth, God sware vnto Abraham that he would multiply his seede as the grauell in the sea, and as the starres of heauen, and he behight to him and to his heires the lande of behest for heritage for euer, gif they wolden ben his true seruauntes and keepe his hests. And God Held him forwarde, that is, kept promise with him. held him forward, for Isaac Abrahams sonne begat Iacob and Esau: and of Iacob that is ycleped Israel, comen Gods people that he chose to be his seruaunt, and to whome he behight the land of behest. This people was in great thraldome in Egypt vnder Pharao that was king of Egypt: and they cr [...]eden to God that he should deliueren them out of that thraldome, and so he did: for he sent to Pharao, Moses and his brother Aaron, and bad him deliuer his people to done him sacrifice: and to fore Pharao he made Moses done many wonders, or that Pharao wold deliuer his people, and at the last by might he deliuered his people out of thraldom, and led them through a desert toward the lande of behest, and there he gaue them a lawe that they shulden lyuen after, when they comen into their countrey, and in their way thither ward, the ten commaundements God wrote himself in two tables of stone: the remnaunt of the lawe he taught them by Moses his seruaunt, how they shoulden do euery chone to other, and gif they trespassed againe the law, he ordeined how they shoulden be punished. Also hee taught them what maner sacrifices they should doe to him, and he chose him a people to ben his priestes, that was Aaron and his children, to done sacrifices in the tabernacle, and afterwarde in the temple also. He chese him the remnant of the children of Leuy to ben seruauntes in the tabernacle to the priestes, and he sayde: When ye come into the lande of behest, the children of Leuy they shullen haue none heritage amōgst their brethren, for I would be their part, & their heritage, & they shullen serue me in the tabernacle by dayes and by nigh [...]es, and he ordeined that priests should haue a part of the sacrifices that were offred in the tabernacle, and the first begotten beastes, both of men and beastes and other things as the lawe telleth. And the other children of Leuy that serued in the tabernacle, should haue tythings of the people to their liueloode, of the which tythings they should geuen the priestes the tenth partie in forme of offering. The children of Leuy both priestes and other, shoulde haue houses and croftes, and lesewes for their beasts in the land of behest, & none other heritage: & so God gaue thē their land of behest, and bade them that they ne shoulde worship no other God then him Also he bade that they should kepe his cōmand [...]ments, and gift they did so, all their enemies about them shuld drede thē and be their seruaunts. And giue they worshipped false gods and so forsaken his lawes, he bihight them that he woulde bring them out of that land & make them serue their enemies, but yet he said he would not benemen his mercy away from them, if they would cry mercy and amende their defautes, and all thys was done on Gods side.

Gods loue to man.And heere is much loue showed of God to man. And who so looketh the Bible, hee shall finde that man showed him little loue againeward: for when they were come into their heritage, they forgetten their God,Feile times that is, oft tymes. and worshipped false gods. And God sent to them the Prophetes and his seruaunts * fele times to bidde them withdrawen them from their sinnes, and other they haue slowen them, or they beaten them, or they ledde them in prison: and oft times God tooke vpon them great vengeance for their sinnes, & when they cried after helpen to God, he sent them helpe and succour. This is the generall processe of the old Testament, that God gaue to his people by Moses his seruaunt. And al this Testament and this doing ne was but a shadow and a figure of a newe Testament that was geuen by Christ. And it was byhoten by Ieremie the Prophet, as S. Paul beareth witnes in the Epistle that he wryteth to the Iewes. And Ieremy sayeth in this wise: Loe dayes shall come, God sayth, and I will make a new band to the house of Israel, and to the house of Iuda, not like the forward that I made with their fathers in that day that I tooke their hand to leade them out of the lande of Egypt, the which forward they maden veyne, and I had Lordship ouer them. But this shalbe the forward that I wold make with them after those daies: I wil geue my lawes with them in their inwardnes, and I will wryten them in their hearts, and I wil be their God and they should be my people, and after that a man shall not teach his neighbour ne his brother. For all (God sayeth) from the least to the most, should knowe me, for I will forgeuen them their sinnes, and I wil no more thinke on their sinnes.

Thys is the newe Testament, that Christe both God and man borne of the maid Marye, he taught here in this worlde to bryng man our of sinne and out of the deuils thraldome and seruice to heauen, that is land of blisse and heritage to all tho that beleeuen on him and kepen hys commaundements, and for his teaching he was done to the death. But the third day arose againe from death to life, and fette Adam and Eue and many other folke out of hell, and afterward he came to his disciples and comforted them. After he stied vp to heauen to his father, and tho hee sent the holy Ghost amonges his disciples: and in time comming he wol come and demen all mankinde after their werkes, and after the wordes he spake vpon earth: some to blisse, with in body and in soul euer withouten end, and some to paine withouten end, both in body and in soule.

This is our beloue and all christen mennes, and this beleue is the first poynt of the newe Testament that yche Christen man is holde stedfastly to beleue, and rather to suffe the death thair forsaken this beleue, and so this beleue is the bread of spirituall life, in forsaking sinne, that Christ brought vs to life.

But for asmuch as mans liuing ne stondeth not all onlych by bread, he hath ygilten vs a draught of water of life to drink. And who that drinketh of that water, he ne shall neuer afterward ben a thurst. For this water is the cleare teaching of the gospel, that encloseth seuen commaundements.

The first is this:Special precepts or lessons of the Gospell. thou shalt loue thy GOD ouer all other things, and thy brother as thy selfe, both enemy and frend.

The second commaundement is of meekenes, in the whych Christ chardgeth vs to forsake Lordship vppon our brethren and other wordly worships, and so he did himselfe.

The third commandement, is in stonding stedfastlich in truth and forsaking all falsenes.

The fourth commaundement, is to suffer in this world diseases and wrongs withouten ageinstondings.

The fifth commandement is: mercy, to forgeuen our brethren their trespasse, as often time as they gilteth, without asking of vengeaunce.

The sixth commaundement is poorenes in spirite, but not to ben a begger.

The seuenth commaundement, is chastity: that is a forsaking of fleshlich likings displeasing to God. These commaundements enclosen the ten commaundements of the old law, and somwhat more.

Thys water is a blessed drinke for christen mennes soule But more harme is, much folke would drinke of thys water, but they mowe not come thereto: for God sayth by Ezechiel the prophet: when iche geue to you the most cleane water to drinke, ye troubled that water with your feete, and that water so defouled, yee geue my shepe to drink.Christes sheepe stopped from cleane water, & compelled to drinke puddel, But the clene water is yhid fro the shepe, and but gif God cleare this, it is dread least the sheepe dyen for thurst. And Christ that is the wisdome of the father of heauen, & well of thys wisdome that come from heauen to earth to teache man this wisdome, thorow the which man should ouercome the sleights of the deuill that is principall enemy of mankinde: haue mercy and pity of his people, and shew if it be his will howe thys water is troubled, and by whom: and Syth, that is, afterward. sith clere thys water that his sheepe mowne drinken hereof, and kele the thurst of theyr soules. Blessed more our Lord bene, for he hath itaught vs in the Gospell, that ere then hee woulde come to the vniuersall dome, then should come many in his name and sayen, that they weren Christ: and they shoulden done many wonders, and begilen many men. And many false prophets shoulden arisen and begylen much folke.

A Lorde, yblessed more thou ben of euerich creature: which ben they that haue ysayd that they weren Christ, & haue thus begiled thus thy people? Trulich Lord I trowe, thilke that sayen that they ben in thy steede, and Binemen, that is, take away. binemen thy worship, and maken thy people worshippen them as God, & haue hid thy lawes from the people. Lorde, who durst sit in thy steede and benemen thee thy woorship and thy sacrifice, and durst maken the people woorship them as gods? The Sauter telles, that God ne wole not in the day of dome demen men for bodiliche sacrifices & Holocaustes: But God sayth, yeld to me sacrifice of herying, and yeld to God thine auowes, and clepe me in the day of tribulation, and ych wole defend thee, and thou shalt worship me.

The heryeng of God standeth in 3 things.* Herying, that is, wor [...]hipping. In louing God ouer al other things. In dreading God ouer al other things. In trusting in God ouer all other things.

These 3 poyntes Christ teacheth in the gospell. But I trowe men louen him but a little. For who so loueth Christ, he wole kepen his wordes. But men holden his wordes for heresie and folye, and kepeth mennes wordes.The honouring of God standet [...] in i [...]. [...]hing [...]. Also men dreden more men & mens lawes and their cursings, then Christ and his lawes and his cursings. Also men hopen more in men and mens helpes, than they doe in Christ and in his helpe. And thus hath hee that setteth in [Page] Gods stede, by no men God these three hor [...]ings, & maketh men louen him and his lawes, more then Christ and Christes law, and dreden him also. And there as the people shulden yeelde to God their vowes, he sayth he hath power to assoylen them of theyr avowes, and so this sacrifice he Nemeth, that is, taketh. nemeth away [...] from God. And there as the people shoulde cry to God in the day of tribulation, he letteth them of their cryeng to God and byne meth God that worship. This day of tribulation is whan man is fallen thorowe sinne into the deuils seruice, and than we shuldes cry to God after help, and axen forgeuenes of our sinne, and make great sorow for our sinne, and ben in f [...]ll will to do so no more ne none other sinne, and that our Lord God wole forgeuen vs our sinne, & maken our soule clene. For his mercy is endlesse.

Against anricular confession.But Lord, here men haue by nomen thee much worshyp: For men seyn that thou ne might not cleane assoylen vs of our sinne: But if we knowlegen our sinnes to priests, & taken of them a penance for our sinne gif we mowen speake with them.

A Lord thou forgaue somtime Peter his sinnes and also Mary Magdaleine,Sinnes forgiuen without [...]hrist. and many other many sinfull men without shriuing to priests, & taking penance of priests for their sinnes. And Lord thou art as mighty now as thou were that time, but gif any man haue bynomen thee thy might. And we lewed men beleuen, that there nys no man of so great power, and gif any man maketh him selfe of so great power heHeigheth, that is, exalteth. heigheth himselfe aboue God. And S. Paul speaketh of one that sitteth in the temple of God & highten him aboue God, and gif any such be, he is a false Christ.

Obiection of the priestes to maintain [...]hrist. Answere to the obiection.But hereto seyn priests, that whē Christ made cleane leprous men, he bade them goe and shewe them to priests. And therefore they seyn that it is a commandement of Christ, that a man should shewen his sinne to priests. For as they seyn, lepre in the olde lawe betokeneth sinne in this new lawe. A Lorde God, whether thine Apostles knew not thy meaning as well as men done nowe? And gif they hadden yknow that thou haddest cōmanded men to shriuen them to priests, and they ne taught not that commandement to the people, me thinketh they hadden ben to blame: But I trow they knewen wel that it was none of thy commaundements, ne nedeful to heale of mans soule. And as me thinketh the law of lepre, is nothing to the purpose of shriuing: for priestes in the olde law hadden certain poynts and tokens to know whether a man were leprous or not: and gif they were leprous, they hadden power to putten them away from other cleane men, for to that they weren cleane, & then they hadden power to receiuen him among his brethren, and offeren for him a sacrifice to God.

This nis nothing to the purpose of shriuing. For there nis but one priest, that is Christ, that may knowe in certaine the lepre of the soule. Ne no priest may make the soul cleane of her sinne, but Christ that is priest after Melchisedekes order: ne no priest here beneath may ywit for certaine whether a man be cleane of hys sinne or cleane assoyled, but gif God tell it him by reuelation. Ne God ordeined not that his priestes should set men a penance for their sinne after the quantitie of the sinne,Penaunce for sinne, is mans ordinance and not Gods. but this is mannes ordinaunce, and it may well be that there commeth good thereof. But I wote well that God is much vnworshipped thereby. For men trust more in his absolutions, and in his yeres of grace, than in Christes absolutions, and therby is the people much appaired. For now, the sorow a man should make for his sinne, is put away by this shrift: and a man is more bold to do sinne for trust of thys shrift, and of this bodilich penance.

An other mischiefe is, that the people is ybrought into thys beleefe,Mischiefes that come by auricular confession. that one priest hath a greater power to assoylen a man of his sinne and clennere, then an other priest hath.

An other mischiefe is this, that some priest may assoylen them both of sinne and paine, and in this they taken them a power that Christ granted no man in earth, ne he ne vsed it nought on earth himselfe:

Popish priestes charged wich Simony.An other mischiefe is, that these priestes sellen forgeuenes of mens sinnes and absolutions for money, and this is an heresie accursed that is ycleped simonie: and all thilke priestes that axeth price for graunting of spirituall grace,Beth, that is, bee. beth by holy lawes depriued of their priesthode, and thilke that assenteth to this heresy. And be they ware, for Helyse the prophet toke no mony of Naaman when he was made cleane of his lepre, but Giesi his seruant: and therefore * the lepree of Naaman abode with him and wyth his heires euermore after.

Here is much matter of sorow, to see the people thus far ylad away from God and worshupen a fals god in earth, that by might and by strength hath ydone away the great sacrifice of God out of his temple: of which mischiefe and discomfort, Daniel maketh mention, and Christ beareth thereof witnes in the gospell. Who that readeth it vnderstand it. Thus we haue ytold apertie, how he that saith he sitteth in Christs stede,By nemet's, that is, taketh away.binemeth Christ his worship and his sacrifice of his people, and maketh the people worshepen him as a God on earth.

Cry we to God, and knowledge we our sinnes euerichone to other as S. Iames teacheth, and pray we hartilich to God euerichone for other, & then we shulen hopen forgeuenes of our sinnes. For God that is endles in mercy sayth, that he ne wil not a sinful mans death, but that he be turned from his sin & liuen. And therfore, when he came downe to saue mankinde, he gaue vs a lawe of loue and of mercy and bade, gif a man do a trespas, amend him priuilich: and gif he leue not his sinne, amend him before witnes: and gif he ne amendeth not men should tel to the church: and gif he ne amendeth not than, men shuld shone his company as a publicane, or a man that is misbeleued, and this lawe was yfigured in the law of lepre, who that readeth it, he may see the sooth.

But Lord God, he that sitteth in thy stede, hath vndo thy lawe of mercy and of loue, Lord, thou biddest loue enemies as our self: as thou shewest in the gospell, there as the Samaritane had mercy on the Iewe.The Pop [...] breaketh the law of loue, & mercye. And thou biddest vs also prayen for them that cursen vs, and that defamen vs, & pursuen vs to death. And so Lorde thou didst, & thine apostles also. But he that clepeth himselfe thy vicar on earth, and head of thy church, he hath vndone thy lawe of loue and mercy. For gif we speaken of louing our ennemies, h [...] teacheth vs to fight with our enemies, that Christ hath forboden. He curseth and desireth vengeance to them that so doth to hym. Gif any man pursueth him, hee curseth him, that it is a sorowe a Christen man to hearen the cursinges that they maken, and blasphemies in such cursing. Of what thing that I know, I may beare true witnes.

But gif we speake of louing of our brethren, this is vndone by him that sayth he is Godsvicar in earth.The Pope would be a father, but he beareth no loue. For Christ in the gospell biddeth vs, that we shoulden clepen vs no father vpon earth: But clepen God our father, to maken vs loue perfitlich together. And he clepeth himself father of fathers, & maketh many religions, & to euerich a father. But whether is loue and charity encreased by these fathers and by their religions, or els ymade lesse? For a Friar ne loueth not a monke, ne a secular man neither, nor yet one frier a nother that is not of the order, and it is againward.

A Lord, me thinketh that there is litle perfection in these religions. For Lorde, what charity hauen such men of religion, that knowen how they mown against and sin, and fleen away frō their brethren that ben more vncūning then they ben, & suffren them to trauelen in the world withouten their coūcell as beastes? Trulich Lorde, me thinketh that there is but litle charity, and then is there litle perfection. Lorde God, when thou were on earth, thou were among sinful men to drawen them from sin, & thy disciples also. And Lord, I trow thou ne graūtest not one mā more kūning then an other al for himself: and I wote wel that lewd mē that ben laborers, ne trauel not alonlich for himself. Lord our belief is, that thou ne wer not of the world,To forsake the world is not to liue in ease from company. ne thy teaching neither, ne thy seruantes that liueden after thy teaching. But all they forsaken the world, and so euery christen man must. But Lorde, whether thou taughtest menne forsake their brethrens companie and trauell of the worlde, to liuen in ease and in rest, and out of trouble and anger of the worlde, by their brethrens trauell and so forsaken the world▪

A Lord, thou ne taughtest not a mā to forsaken a pore estate and trauel, to ben afterward a Lord of his brethren, or ben a lords fellow and dwelling with Lords, as doth men of these new religions. Lord thou ne taughtest not men of thy religion thus to forsake the world,True seruice of God stā deth not in long prayer, but in keeping Gods commandements. to liuen in perfection by them selfe in ease, and by other mens trauell. But Lord they sayen they ben ybound to thy seruise, and seruen thee both night and day in singing their prayers, both for themselfe and for other men, that done them good both quicke and dead, and some of them gone about to teach thy people when they hauen leisure.

A Lord, gif they ben thy seruauntes: whose seruaunts ben we that cannot preyen as they done? And when thou were heere on earth, for our nede thou taughtest thy seruauntes to preyen thy father priuilich and shortlich: And gif there had beene a better maner of praying, I trowe thou wouldest haue taught it in helpe of thy pe [...]ple. And Lorde thou reprouest hypocrites that preyen in long preyer and in open places, to ben yholden holy men. And thou seyst in the gospel, wo to you Pharisees hypocrits. And lord thou ne chargedest not thy seruaunts with such maner seruice: But thou seest in the gospel, that the Pharises worshopē thee with their lippes, and their hart is farre from thee. For theyChargen, that is, they care for. chargen more mens traditions than thy commaundements.

And Lord, we lewed men han a beleefe, that thy goodnesse is endles: and gif we keepen thine hestes, than ben we thy true seruauntes. And though we preyen thee but a litle & shortlich,*Behited, that is, promised. thou wilt thinken on vs, and graūten vs that vs nedeth, for so thou behighted vs somtime: And Lord I trowe, that pray a man neuer so many quaint prayers, gif he ne kepe not thine hests he is not thy good seruaunt. But gif he keepe thine hestes, than he is thy good seruaunt, and so me thinketh. Lorde that praying of long prayers ne is not the seruice that thou desirest, but keping of thine heftes: and than a lewd man may serue God as wel as a man of religion: though that the Plowman ne may not haue so muche siluer for his prayer, as men of religion. For theyKunnen. that is, they can. kunnen not so wel preisen their prayers as these other chapmen: But Lorde our hope is, that our prayers be neuer the worse though it be not so wel solde as other mens prayers.

Lorde, Ezechiel the Prophet sayth that whan he spake to the [Page] people thy words, they turned thy words into songs & into tales, And so Lord men done now: they singin merilich thy words, and that singing they clepen thy seruice. But Lord I trow that the best singers he herieth thee not most: But he that fulfilleth thy wordes he Heryeth, that is, worshippeth. herieth thee full well, though he wepe more then sing. And I trow that weping for breaking of thy commandements, be more pleasing seruice to thee, than the singing of thy words. And wold God that men would serue him in sorow for their sinnes, and that they shoulden afterward seruen thee in mirth. For Christ sayth, yblessed ben they that maken sorow,Singing in churches falsly called Gods seruice. for they shoulden ben yconforted. And woe to them that ben merry and haue theyr comfort in this world. And Christ sayd that the world should ioyen, & hys seruāts shulden be sory, but their sorow shuld be turned into ioy.

Weping for sinnes, better seruice then singing in church.A Lord, he that clepeth himselfe thy vicar vpon earth, hath y ordained an order of priestes to doe thy seruice in church to fore thy lewd people in singing matens, euensong & masse. And therfore hee chargeth lewde men in paine of cursing, to bryng to hys priests tithyngs and offerings to finden his priests, and he clepeth that Gods part, & due to priests that seruen him in church.

But Lord, in the olde law, the tithings of the lewde people ne were not due to priestes, but to that other childer of Leuie that ferueden thee in the temple, and the priest haddē their part of sacrifices, and the first bygeten beastes and other things as the lawe telleth. And Lorde, S. Paul thy seruant sayth, that the order of the priesthode of Aaron ceased in Christes comming and the lawe of that priesthode. For Christ was end of sacrifices yoffered vpō the crosse to the father of heauen, to bring man out of sinne and become himself a priest of Melchisedeks order. For he was both king & priest without beginning and end, and both the priesthoode of Aaron, and also the law of that priesthode, ben ychaunged in the comming of Christ. And S. Paul sayth it is reproued, for it brogh [...] no man to perfection. For bloude of gotes ne of other beastes ne might done away sinne, for to that Christ shad his bloud.

A Lord Iesu, wether thou ordenest an order of priests to offrē in the auter thy flesh and thy bloude to bringen men out of sinne,The order of p [...]estes, not made to offer Christs bodie. and also out of peine? And whether thou geue them alonelych a power to eat thy flesh and thy bloud, and wether none other man may eate thy flesh and thy bloud with outen leue of priestes? Lord, we beleeuen, that thy flesh is verey meate and thy bloude verey drinke, and who eateth thy flesh and drinketh thy bloud dwelleth in thee, and thou in him, and who that eateth this bread shall liue without end. But Lord thine disciples sayd, this is an hard worde, but thou answerest them and seidest: When yee seeth mans soone stiuen vp there hee was rather, the spirite is that maketh you liue, the wordes that yche haue spoken to you ben spirite & life Lord, yblessed more thou be, for in this worde thou teachest vs that hee that kepeth thy wordes and doth after them, eateth thy fleshe and drinketh thy bloude, and hath an euerlasting life in thee. And for we shoulden haue minde of thys liuing, thou gauest vs the sacrament of thy flesh and bloud in forme of bred and wine at thy supper, before that thou shouldest suffer thy death, and tooke bread in thine hand, and saidest: take ye this, and eate it, for it is my body: and thou tookest wine, and blessedest it, and sayde: thys is the bloud of a new and an euerlasting testament, that shall be shed for many men in forgeuenes of sinnes: as oft as ye haue done, doo ye this in minde of me.

The sacrament of the body of the Lord abusedA Lord, thou ne bede not thine disciples makē this a sacrifice, to bring men out of paines, gif a priest offred thy body in the alter: but thou bede them go andFullen that is, baptise. fullen all the folke in the name of the father, & the sonne, and the holy ghost, in forgeuenes of their sinnes: and teache ye them to keepe those thynges that ych haue cōmanded you. And Lord, thine disciples ne ordeined not priests principallich to make thy body in sacrament, but for to teach the people, and good husbandmen that well gouern their housholds, both wiues & children, & their meiny, they ordeind to be priests to teachen other men the law of Christ, both in worde, in dede, & they liuedein as true Christen men, euery day they eaten Christes body,Priests principally sent to preach, not to say masse, or to make the lords bodie. and drinken his bloude, to the sustenance of liuing of theyr soules, and otherwhiles they tooken the sacrament of his body in forme of bread and wine, in mind of our Lord Iesu Christ.

But all this is turned vpse downe: for now who so will liuen as thou taughtest, he shal ben holden a foole. And gif he speake thy teaching, he shal ben holden an heretick, & accursed. Lord yhaue no l [...]nger wonder hereof, for so they seiden to thee whē thou wer here some time. And therefore wee moten take in pacience theyr wordes of blasphemy as thou didest thy selfe, or els we weren to blame. And truelych Lord I trowe, that if thou were nowe in the world, and taughtest as thou diddest some time, thou shuldest ben done to death.He that speaketh Gods teaching, is holden an heretike. For thy teaching is damned for heresy of wise men of the world, and then moten they nedes ben heretickes that teachen thy lore, and all they also that trauelen to liue thereafter.

And therfore Lord, gif it be thy wil, helpe thine vnkunning & lewde seruaunts, that wolen by their power and their kunning, helpe to destroy sinne. Leue Lorde, sithe thou madest woman in helpe of man, & in a more fraile degree then man is, to be gouerned by mans reason: What perfection of charity is in these priests and in men of religion, that haue forsaken spoushod that thou ordeinedst in Paradise betwixt man and woman, for perfection to forsaken traueile, and liuen in ease by other mens traueile▪ For they mow not do bodilich workes for defouling of their handes, with whom they touchen thy precious body in the aulter.

Leue Lorde, gif good men forsaken the company of woman, & nedes they moten haue the gouernaile of man, then motē they ben ycoupled with shrewes,What inconuenience by the vnmaried liues of priestes. and therfore thy spoushode that thou madest in clennes from sinne, it is nowe ychaunged into liking of the flesh. And Lord, this is a great mischiefe vnto thy people. And young priestes and men of religion, for defaulte of wiues maken many women horen, and drawen through their euell ensample many other men to sinne, and the ease that they liuen in, and their welfare, is a great cause of this mischiefe. And Lord me thinketh, that these ben quaint orders of religion and none of thy sect, that wolen taken horen, whilke God forfendes,He complain [...]th of the idlenes of priestes. and forsaken wiues that God ne forfendeth not And forsaKen trauail that God commaunds, and geuen their selfe to idlenes, that is the mother of all noughtines.

And Lorde, Mary thy blessed mother and Ioseph, touched oftentimes thy body, and wroughten with their honds, and liueden in as much clennes of soule, as our priestes done nowe, and touched thy body, and thou touchedest them in their soules. And Lorde our hope is, that thou goen not out of a poore mans soule that traueileth for his liuelode with his handes. For Lord, our beliefe is, that thine house is mans soul, that thou madest after thine owne likenes.

But Lord God,What is the true church of Christ. men maketh nowe great stonen houses full of glasen windowes, and clepeth thilke thine houses and Churches. And they setten in these houses Mawmets of stockes and stones, andTo fore, [...]hat is, before. to fore them they knelen priuilich & apert, and maken their prayers, and all this they sayen is thy woorship, and a great Herying, that is worshipping. herieng to thee. A Lorde, thou forbiddest sometime to make suche Mawmetes, and who that had yworshipped such, had be woorthy to be deeade.

Lorde in the Gospell thou sayst, that true Heriers, worshippers. heriers of God ne herieth him not in that hil beside Samarie, ne in Hierusalem neyther, but true heriers of God herieth him in spirite and in trueth. And Lord God what herying is it to bilden thee a church of dead stones, and robben thy quicke Churches of their body liche lyueloode? Lord God what heryeng is it, to cloth mawmets of stockes and of stones in siluer and in golde, and in other good colours? And Lorde I see thine image gone in colde and in here in clothes all to broken, without shone and hosen, an hungred and a th [...]ust. Lorde what heryenge is it to teende tapers and torches before blinde mawmets that mowen not I seyen:He complaineth of images in churches. And hide thee that art our light and our lanterne towarde heauen and put thee vnder a bushell that for darkenes we ne may not seene our way towarde blisse? Lorde what heryenge is it to kneele tofore mawmetes that mowe not yheren, and worshepen them with preyers, and maken thine quicke images knele before them, and asken of them absolutions and blessings, and worshupen them as gods, and putten thy quicke images in thraldom and in traueil euermore as bestes, in colde and in heate, and in feeble fare to finden them in liking of the world? Lord what herieng is it to fetch deed mennes bones out of the ground there as they shulden kindelich roten, and shrinen them in golde and in siluer: And suffren thy quicke bones of thine images to rot in prison for default of clothingh? And suffren also thy quicke images to perish for default of sustenaunce, and rooten in the hoore house in abhominable lecherie? Some become theeues and robbers, and manquellers that mighten ben y holpen with the golde and siluer that hongeth about deed mens bones and other blind mawmetes of stockes and stones.

¶ Lorde here ben great abhominations that thou shewdist to Ezechiel thy Prophet, that priests done in thy temple, & yet they clepen that thine heryenge. But leue Lorde, me thinketh that th [...]y louen thee litle that thus defoulen thy quick images, & worshippen blinde mawmetes.

And Lord an other great mischiefe there is now in the world, an hunger that Amos thy Prophet speaketh of,He cōplayneth of false pastors that liue by their Booke, but feedeth not them. that there shal comen an honger in the earth, not of bread ne thrust of drinke, but of hearing of Gods worde. And thy sheepe woulden be refreshed, but their shepheards taken of thy shepe their liuelode, as tythings. &c. and liuen them selfe thereby where them liketh.

Of such shepheardes thou speaketh by Ezechiel thy Prophet, and seist: wo to the shepheards of Israel that feden them selfe, for the flockes of sheepe shoulden ben yfed of their shepheardes: but yee eaten the milke and clothen you with their wolfe, and the fat sheepe ye slow, and my flocke ye ne fede not, the sicke shepe ye ne healed not, thilke that weren to broken yee ne knit not together, thilke that perished ye ne brought not againe: but ye ratled them with sternship and with power. And so the shepe be sprad abroad in deuouring of all the beasts of the feelde. And Ieremie the Prophet sayeth: wo to the shepehards that disparse [...]h abroad and [...]eareth the flocke of my Lesew, that is, pasture. lesewe.

¶ A Lorde, thou were a good shepheard, for thou puttest thy soul for thy sheep: but lord thou teldest that thilke that comé not in by the dore ben night theues & day theues, and a these as thou [Page] seest cōmeth not but for to steale, to sleine, & to destroy. And Zachary the prophet sayth, that thou wouldest reren vp a shepherde vnkunning, that ne wol not hele thy shepe thatBeth, that is, bee.beth sick, ne seek thilke that beth lost. Apon his arme is a swerd, and vpon his right eye:Against hirelings. his arme shall waxe dry, and his right eye shall lese his light. O Lorde, helpe, for thy shepe beth at great mischiefe in the shepheards defaute.

But Lord, ther commeth hired men, & they ne fedden not thy shede in thy plenteous lesew, but feeden thy sheep with Sweuens, that is dreames. sweuēs and false miracles & tales. But at thy trewth they ne comen not, For Lord, I trowe thou sendest them neuer. For haue they hire of thy sheep they ne careth but little of the feding and the keping of thy shepe, Lord of these hired men speaketh Ieremy the Prophet, and thou seyst that woorde by him: I ne sende them not, and they ronneBliue, quickly. bliue: I ne speake vnto them, and they propheciden. For if they hadden stonden in my coūsel, and they had made my words knowē to the puple, ich wold haue turned them away from their yuell way and from their wicked thoughtes. For Lorde, thou seyst that thy woordes ben as fire, and as an hammer breaking stones. And Lord, thou saist: Lo I to these Prophetes meeting sweuens of lesing, that haue ytolde her sweuens, and haue begyled my puple in their lesing & in their fals miracles, when I neither sent ne bede them. And these haue profitet nothing to my puple. And as Ieremie sayth, from the lest to the Meste, most. mest all they studien couetise, and from the Prophet to the priest, all they done gyle.

Popish priests neither reach themselues, nor wyl suffer other beside thēselues to teach.A Lord, here is mych mischief & matere of sorow, & yet there is more. For gif a lewed man wold teach thy people trewth of thy words as he is y holde by the commaundement of charite, he shal be forboden and put in prison gif he do it. And so Lord, thilk that haue the key of conning, haue y lockt the trewth of thy teaching vnder many wardes, & yhid it from thy children. But Lorde, sith thy teaching is y come from heauen aboue, our hope is, that with thy grace it shall breaken these wardes, and showe hym to thy puple, to kele both the hunger and the thrust of the soule. And then shal no shepheard, ner no fals hiridman begile thy puple no more. For by thy law I wryte, as thouI hightest, promised. hightest some time, that from the left to the mest, all they shullen knowen thy wil, andWe [...]en, know. weten howe they shullen please thee euer more in certaine.

And leue Lord, gif it be thy will helpe at thys nede, for there is none helpe but in thee. Thus Lord, by him that maketh himselfe thy viker in earth, is thy commaundement of loue to thee & our brethren ybroken, both to him and to thy puple But Lorde God, mercy and pacience that bethTweyne, that is, two. tweyne of thy commandements, beth destroyed, and thy puple hath forsake mercy. For Lord, Dauid in the Sauter sayth: Blessed beth they that done dome and rightfulnes in euerich time.

O Lord, thou hast itaught vs as rightfulnes of heauen, & hast ybeden vs forgeuen our brethren as oft as they trespassen against vs. And Lord, thine olde lawe of iustice was, that such harme as a man did his brother, such he should suffer by the law, as eye for an eye, and tooth for a tooth But Christ made an end of this law, that one brother should not desire wracke of an other: but not that he would that sinne shoulde ben vnpunished, for thereto hath he ordained Kinges and Dukes and other lewde officers vnder them, whilke as S. Paule sayth, ne carien not the swerd in vaine, for they ben the ministers of God, and wrakers to wrath, to them that euil done. And thus hath Christ ymade an ende of this olde lawe, that one brother may not suen an other himselfe,For that, i, but. for that to wreken without sinne, for breaking of charity. But this charity Lord hath thy vicar ybroke, and says that we sinnen, but gif we suen for our right. And we se I wote that thou taughtest vs sometime to geue our mantell also, euer that we shoulden suen for our coate. And so Lord beleuē we,He complaineth for punishing litle faults, and to l [...]t great faul [...]es escape. If he be an heretike that breaketh mans lawe what is the P. that breaketh Gods lawe. that we ben ybounden to don by thy law, that is all charitye, & officers duty is to defenden vs from thilke theuery though we cōplainen not▪ But lord, thy law is turned vpsedown.

A Lord, what dome is it to sleane a theefe that take a mās cattell away from hym, and suffren a spousebreaker to liue, and a lecherour that killeth a womans soule? And yet thy lawe stoned the [...]pousebreakers and leachours, and let the theeues liuen and haue other punishment.

A Lord, what dome is it to sleane a these for stealing of a hors, and to let him liue vnpunished, & to maintaine him that robbeth thy poore people of their liuelod, and the soule of his foode [...]

Lorde, it was neuer thy dome to sayen, that a man is an heretike and cursed for breaking of mans lawe, and demen hym for a good man for breaking thine hestes.

A leud mā, that is, a lay man.Lord, what dome is it to curse a lewd man if he smite a priest, and not curse a priest that smiteth a lewed man, and leeseth hys charitie.

Lord, what dome is it to curse the lewd people for tythings, and not curse the parson that robbeth the people of tythings, and teacheth them not Gods lawe, but feedeth them with painting of stone walles, and songs of Latin that the people knowen not?

Lord, what dome is it to punish the poore mā for his trespas, and suffer the rich to continue in his sin for a quantity of mony?

Lord, what dome is it to slaine an vncunning lewed man for his sinne, and suffer a priest, other a clerke that doth the same sin, scape a liue? Lord the sinne of the priest or of the cleark is greater trespasse then it is of a lewd vncunning man, and greater ensample of wickednes to the common people.

Lord, what maner people be we,Against the canon law. that neither keep thy domes and thy rightfulnes of the old testament that was a law of drede, nor thy domes and thy rightfulnes of thy new testament that is a law of loue and of mercy: but haue an other law, and taken out of both thy lawes that is liking to vs, and remnaunt of heathen mennes lawes, and Lord this is a great mischiefe.

O Lord thou sayest in thy law, deme ye not and ye should not be demed: for the same mesure that ye meten to other men, men shall meten to you againeward.The popes l [...]w against Gods lawe, in causing men to accuse themselues. Mowē, that is, may. And Lord thou sayst that by their worke we should know them And by what we knowe that thou commaunded vs not to demen mens thoughts, nor their workes that were not agaynst thy law expresly. And yet Lord he that saith he is thy vicar, will demen our thoughtes and aske vs what we thinke: not of the Lord, of thy hestes, for they caren little for them but of him and of his whilke they sate aboue thine, and maken vs accusen our selfe, or els they willen accursen vs, for our accusers mowen we not knowne. And Lord thou sayest in thyne olde law, that vnder two witnes at the least or three, shoulde stand euery matter And that the witnes shoulden euer be the first that shoulden helpe to kill them.

And when the schribes and the Pharises some tymes brought before thee a woman that was itake in spouse breaking, and exeden of the a dome, thou didst write on the earth, and then thou gaue this dom: He that is without sinne: throw first at her a stone, and Lord they went forth away from thee and the woman▪ & thou forgaue the woman her trespasse,Tooke kept, that is, tooke heede. and bad her go forth and sinne no more.

Sweete Lord, if the priestes tooke keepe to thy dome, they would be agast to demen men as they done. O Lord if one of them breake a commaundement of thy law, he will axe mercy of thee, and not a peine that is due for the sinne, for peyne of death were to little.The breakyng of the popes lawe more punished, then the breaking of Gods law O Lord, how daren they demen any man to the death for breaking of theyr lawes, other assent to such law? for breaking of thy law they will set penaunce or pardon them, and mayntayne them as oft as they trespassen. But Lorde, if a man ones breake theyr lawes or speake agaynst them, he may done penaunce but ones, and after be burnt. Trulych Lord thou sayst, but if euery of vs forgeue other his trespasse, thy father will not forgeuen vs our sinnes. And Lord when thou honge on the crosse, thou prayed [...]t to thy father to haue mercy on thine enemies.

And yet the sain Lord, that they demen no man to the death, for the sain they ne mowen by their law demen any man to the death. A leeue Lord, euen so saden theyr forefathers the phariseis, that it ne was not lawfull for them to kill any man. And yet they bidden Pilate to done thee to the death agaynst his owne conscience, for he wold gladly haue iquitte thee, but for that they threatened him with the Emperour, and broughten agaynst thee false witnesse also. And he was an heathen man.

¶ O Lord, how much truer dome was there in Pilate that was an heathen iustice, then in our kinges and iustices that woulden demen to the death and berne in the fire him: that the Priests deliueren vnto them withouten witnes or prefe? For Pilate ne would not demen thee: for that the Phariseis sayden that gif thou ne had dest not bene a misdoer we ne would not deliuer him vnto thee: for to,For to, that that is, therfore. they broughten in theyr false witnesse agaynst thee. But Lord, as thou saydest sometime that it should ben lighter at domes day to Tyro and to Sydon and Gomorra, than to the cities where thou wrought wonders and miracles: so I dred, it shall be more light to Pilate in the dome, then to our kinges and domes men that so demen without witnesse and prefe. For Lord to demen thy folke for heretickes:Pilate more commended then the pope. is to holden thee an hereticke: and to brennē them, is to brennen thee, for thou saydest to Paule when he persecuted thy people: Saule, Saule, wherefore persecutest thou me, & in the dome thou shalt say, that ye haue done to the left of mine ye haue done to me.

Thus Lord, is thy mercy & iustice foredone by him that sayth he is thy vicar in earth: for he neither keepeth it himselfe nor nill not suffer other to do it.

¶ The third commaundement, that is patience and sufferance is also ibroken by this vicar. Lord thou biddest sufferen both wrō ges and strokes withouten againstanding, and so thou diddest thy selfe to geuen vs ensample to sufferen of our brethren. For suffering nourisheth loue, and agaynstandeth debate. All thy lawes is loue, or els the thing that draweth to loue.

¶ But Lord, men teachen, that men shoulden pleten for their right and fighten also therefore, and els they seyn, men ben in perill: and thou bid in the olde law men fight for theyr countrey. And thy selfe haddest two swordes in thy company when thou shouldest go to thy passion, that as these clerkes seyn, betokeneth a spirituall sword and a temporall sworde, that thou gaue to thy vicar to rule with, thy church.

Lord this is a sleight speech, but Lord we beleuē that thou art king of blisse,The Pope breaketh patience. and that is thine heritage and mankindes countrey and in this worlde wee ne bene but straungers and pilgrimes. [Page] For thou Lord ne art of this world, ne thy law nether, ne thy true seruauntes that kepen thy law. And Lord, thou were king of Iuda by enheritage if thou wouldest haue ihad it, but thou forsooke it and pletedest not therfore, ne fought not therfore.

¶ But Lord, for thy kinde heretage and mankindes countrey, that is a land of blisse, thou foughtest mightilich: In battaile thou ouercame thy enemie, & so thou wonne thine heretage. For thou that were a Lord mightiest in battail, and also Lord of vertues, are rightfullich king of blisse, as Dauid saith in the Psalter. But Lorde, thine enemie smote the dispitesullich, and had power of thee and hang thee vpō the crosse as thou haddest ben a these, & benomyn thee all thy clothes, and sticked thee to the hart with a spere.

¶ O Lord, this was an hard assault of a battaile, and here thou ouercome by paciē;ce mightilich thine enemies, for thou ne woldest not done against the will of thy father. And thus Lorde thou taughtest thy seruants to fight for their countrey. And Lorde this fighting was in figure itaught in the old law. But Lord men holdē now the shadow of the old fighting & leuen the light of thy fighting, that thou taughtest openlych both in word and in deede.

¶ Lord thou gaue vs a sword to fighten against our enemis for our conntrey, that was thine holy teaching, & christen mens law. But Lorde thy sworde is put in a shethe and in priests warde, that haue forsake the fighting that thou taughtest. For as they seyn it is against their order to ben mē of armes in thy battail, for it is vnsemelich, as they seyn, that thy vicar in erth, other hys priests shulden suffer of other mē. And therfore gif any man smite him, other any of his clerkes,Christes vicare and his priestes will suffer nothing. hee ne taketh it not in pacience, but anon hee siniteth with his sworde of cursing, and afterward with his bodylich sworde, he doth them to death. O Lord, me thinketh that this is a fighting against kinde, and much against thy teaching.

O Lorde whether axsedest thou after swerdes in time of thy passion to again stond thine enemies? nay forsooth thou Lorde. For Peter that smote for great loue of thee, had no great thanke of thee, for his smiting. And Lorde thou were mighty ynough to haue againe stonde thine ennemies, for through thy looking they fellen downe to the ground, Lorde iblessed mote thou be. Heere thou teachest vs that we shoulden suffren: For thou were mighty ynow to haue agaynst and thine ennemies, and thou haddest wepen, and thy men weren harty to haue smitten.

O sweet Lord, how may he for shame clepen himselfe thy Viker and head of the Church, that may not for shame suffer? Sithe thou art a Lord: and sufferedst of thy subiectes, to geuen vs ensā ple: and so did thy true seruauntes.

O Lord: whether geue thou to Peter a spirituall sworde to curse & a temporal swerd to sle mens bodies? Lord I trow not for thē Peter that loued thee so much, wold haue smitwith thy swerds: But Lord, he taught vs to blessen them that cursen vs, and suffren and not smiten.No temporall word geuen to Peter. And Lord he fed thy people as thou bed him, and therefore he suffered the death as thou didst.

O Lord, why clepeth any man him Peters successor that hath forsaken patience, and feedeth thy people with cursing and wyth smiting? Lord thou saydest in thy Gospell, when thy disciples knewen well that thou were Christ, and that thou mustest goe to Ierusalem, and sufferen of the Scribes and Pharises, spittinges, reprofes, and also the death. And Peter tooke thee aside, and sayd God forbid that.Thilk things those things & faith commeth not by outward force. And Lord thou saydst to Peter, goe behinde me Sathanas, thou sclaunderest me in Israell. For thou ne sauorest not thilke thinges that ben of God, but thilke that ben of men. Lord to mens wyt it is vnreasonable, that thou or thy Vicar, gif thou madest any on earth, shoulden suffren of your suggets.

A Lord, whether thou ordeynest an order of fighters to turne men to the beliefe? Other ordeinest that knightes shoulden swear to fighte for thy wordes?

A Lord, whether bede thou, that gif a man turne to the fayth, that he should geue his goodes and cattell to the Vicar that hath great Lordships, and more then him needeth? Lord I wot wel that in the beginning of the church men that weren cōuerted, threwen adowne theyr goodes before the Apostles feete. For all they weren in charitie, and none of them sayd thus is myne, ne Peter made himselfe no Lord of these goodes.

Pope breaketh the rule of charitie, of mercy and of patience.But Lord, now he that clepeth himselfe thy Vicar vpon earth, and successor to Peter, hath ybroke thy commaundement of charitie, for he is become a Lord. And he hath also broken thy commandement of mercy, and also of patience. Thus Lord we be fallen into great mischiefe and thraldome, for our chiefetayne hath forsaken war and armes, and haue treated to haue peach with our enemies.

A Lord, gif it be thy will draw out thy swerd out of his sheth that thy seruauntes may fight therewith agaynst their enemies,Or then, before that. & put cowardise out of our hartes. And comfort vs in battaile, or than thou come with thy sword in thy mouth, to take vengeance on thine enemies For gif we bene accorded with our enemies til that time come, it is dread least thou take vengeaunce both of thē and of vs together. A Lord, there is no helpe nowe in this great mischiefe,The P. breaketh the law of swearing. but onely in thee.

Lord, thou geuest vs a commaundement of truth, in bidding vs say yea, yea, nay, nay, and sweare for nothing. Thou geue vs also a maundement of meekenes, and an other of poorenes, But Lord he that clepeth himself thy Vicar on earth, hath both ybrokē these commaundements, for he maketh a law to compell men to sweare and by his lawes he teacheth that a man to saue his life, may forsweare and lye And so Lord, through cōfort of him and his lawes, the people ne dreadeth not to sweare and to lye, ne oft times to forswearen them. Lord here is little truth.

O Lord, thou hast ybrought vs to a liuing of soules that standes in beleeuing in thee, & keeping thy hestes, and when we breaken thine hestes, than we slen our soule. And lesse harme it were to suffer bodylich death.

Lord, king Saule brake thine hestes, and thou tooke his kingdome from his heyres euermore after him, and gaue it to Dauid thy seruaunt, that kept thine hestes. And thou saydst by Samuell thy prophat to Saule king, that it is a mannour of worshipping of false Gods to breake thy hestes. For who that loueth thee ouer all thinges, and dreadeth thee also: he nole for nothing breake thyne hestes.

O Lord,Nole, 1. would not. gif breaking of thine hestes be heryeng of false gods, I trow that he maketh the people breake thyne hestes, and commaundeth that his hestes ben kept of the people, maketh himselfe a false GOD on earth: as Nabuchodonosor did some tyme: that was king of Babilon.

But Lord, we forsaken such false Gods, and beleuen that ther ne ben no mo Gods then thou And though thou suffer vs a while to bene in disease for knowledging of thee: we thanken thee wyth our hart, for it is a token that thou louest vs, to [...]uen vs in thys world some penaunce for our trespas.

Lord, in the old law, thy true seruauntes tooke the death, for they would not eaten swynes fleshe that thou haddest forbid them to eat. O Lord, what truth is in vs to eaten vncleene mete of the soule, that thou hast forbid? Lord thou sayst, he that doth sinne is seruaunt of sinne, and then he that lyeth in forswearing hymselfe, is seruaunt of lesing: and then he is seruaunt to the deuill that is a lyer and father of lesinges. And Lord thou sayst no man may serue two Lordes at ones. O Lord then euery lyer for the tyme that he lyeth, other forsweareth himselfe, and forsaketh thy seruice for drede of hys bodyly death, and becommeth the deuils seruaunte.

O Lord,Seruant of seruants, the popes stile abused. what truth is in him that clepeth himselfe seruaunt of thy seruantes. & in his doing, he maketh him a Lord of thy seruauntes: Lord thou were both Lord and maister, and so thou sayd thy selfe, but yet in thy warkes thou were as a seruaunt. Lord this was a great truth and a great meeknes: but Lord bid thou thy seruaunts that they should not haue Lordship ouer theyr brethren? Lord thou saydst kings of the heathē men han Lordship ouer their subiectes, and they that vse their power be cleped well doers.

But Lord, thou saydst it shoulde not be so amongest thy seruantes, But he that were most should be as a seruaunt. Thou Lorde thou taughtest thy disciples to be meeke. Lord in the old law thy seruauntes durst haue no Lordship of theyr brethren, but if that thou bid them.Thralles, that is to say bond men And yet they should not doe to theyr brethren as they did to thrailes that serued them. But they should doe to theyr brethren that were theyr seruauntes as to theyr owne brethren. For all they were Abrahams Children, And at a certaine tyme they should let theyr brethren passe from them in all freedome, but if they would wilfullich abiden still in seruice.

O Lord thou gaue vs in thy comming a law of perfect loue, & is token of loue thou clepedst thy selfe our brother. And to make vs perfect in loue, thou bid that we shoulde clepe to vs no father vpon earth, but thy father of heauen we should cleape our father. Alas Lord, how violently our brethren and thy childrē ben now put in bodily thraldome, and in despite as beastes euermore in greeuous trauell to finde proude men in ease: But Lord, if we take this defoule and this disease in pacience and in meeknes and kepe thine hests, we hope to be free. And Lord geue our brethren grace to come out of thraldome of sinne, that they fal in through the desiring and vsage of Lordship vpon theyr brethren.Pride of priests. And Lord thie priestes in the old law had no Lordships among theyr brethren, but houses and pastures for theyr beastes: but Lord our priestes nowe haue great Lordship, and put theyr brethren in greater thraldome then lewed men that be Lordes. Thus is meekenesse forsaken.

Lord thou biddest in the Gospell that when a man is bid to the feast he should sit in the lowest place, and then he may be set hyer with worship when the Lord of the feast beholdeth how his gestes fitteth. Lord it is drede that they that sit now in the hyest place should be bidd in tyme comming fit beneath. And that will be shame and vileny for them. And it is they saying, those that hyeth himselfe shuld be lowed, and those that loweth themselues should be an heyghed. O Lord thou biddest in thy Gospell to beware of the Pharaseis, for it is a poynt of pryde contrary to meekenesse. And Lord thou sayst that they loue the first sittinges at supper, and also the principall chaires in churches, and greetings in cheeping and to be cleped maysters of men. And Lord thou sayest be ye not cleped maisters, for one is your maister, and that is Christ and all ye be brethren. And clepe ye to you no father vpon earth, for one [Page] is your father that is in heauen. O Lord this is a blessed lesson to teach men to be meke.

Meekenes commended in Ministers. Vicar in earth not tollerable in the pope. Swe [...]ens, that that is dreames.But Lord he that clepeth himself thy vicar on earth he clepeth himselfe father of fathers agaynst thy forbidding. And all those worships thou hast forbad. He approueth them, and maketh them maisters to many, that teach thy people their owne teaching, and leaue thy teaching that is nedefull, and hiden it by quainte gloses from thy lewd people, and feede thy people with sweuens that they mete, and tales that doth little profit: but much harme to the people. But Lorde, these glosers obiecte that they desire not the state of mastry to be worshipped therby, but to profit the more to thy people whē they preach thy word. For as they seggē the people will beleue more the preaching of a maister that hath taken a state of schole, then the preaching of an other man that hath not take the state of maistry.

¶ Lorde whether it bee any neede that maysters beren witnes to thy teaching that it is true and good? O Lord whether may any maister mowe by his estate of maisterie, that thou hast forboden, drawe any man from his sinne, rather then an other man that is not a maister, ne wole bee none, for it is forboden him in thy Gospell? Lord thou sendest to maysters to preach thy people, and thou knowledgist in the Gospel to thy father that he hath hid his wisedome from wise men and redy men, and shewed it to litle Children.Mastership and Lordship in Preachers. And Lord, maisters of the law hylden thy teaching foly, and seiden that thou wouldest destroy the people with thy teaching. Trulich Lord, so these maisters seggeth now: for they haue written many bookes agaynst thy teaching that is truth, & so the prophecie of Ieremy is fulfilled, when he sayth: Truelich the false points maisters of the law hath wrought leasing. And now is the time come that S. Paul speaketh of, where he sayth: time shal come when men shall not susteine wholesome teaching. But they shullen gather to hepe maisters with hutching eares, and from trueth they shullen turnen away their hearing, and turnen them to tales that maisters haue maked to showne their maistry and their wisedome.

¶ And Lord a man shall beleue more a mans workes then hys words, & the dede sheweth well of these maisters that they desiren more maistrie for their own worship than for profit of the people, For when they be maisters, they ne preachen not so oft as they did before. And gif they preachen, commonlich it is before riche men there as they mowen beare worship and also profite of their preaching. But before poore men they preachen but seldem, when they ben maisters: and so by theyr woorkes wee may seene that they ben false glosers.

And Lord, me thinketh that who so wole keepen thine hestes him needeth no gloses: but thilke that clepen them selfe Christen men, and lyuen agaynst thy teaching and thine hestes, needelich they mote glose thine hestes after their liuing,False glosers. other els men shulden openlich yknow their hipocrisie and their falshod.

But Lord, thou sayst that there ys nothing yhid that shall not be shewed some time. And Lord yblessed more thou be. For somewhat thou shewest vs now of our mischiefes that wee bene fallen in through the wisedomes of maysters, that haue by sleightes ylad vs away from thee and thy teaching, that thou that were thy maister of heauen taught vs for loue, when thou were here some time to heale of our soules, withouten error or heresie. But maisters of worldes wisedome and their founder, haue ydamned it for heresie and for errour.

O Lord, me thinketh it is a great pride thus to reproue thy wisedome and thy teaching. And Lord me thinketh that this Nabugodonosor king of Babilon that thus hath reproued thy teaching and thine hestes, and commandeth on all wyse to kepen his hests: maken thy people hearen him as a God on earth, and maketh thē his thrales and his seruauntes.

But Lord: we lewd men knowen no God but thee, & we with thine help and thy grace forsaken Nabugodonosor and his lawes. For he is in his proud estate wole haue all men vnder him, and he nele be vnder no man.Nele, that is, will not. He ondoth thy lawes that thou ordeynest to ben kept, and maketh his owne lawes as him liketh: and so he maketh him king aboue all other kinges of the earth, and maketh men to worshippen him as a God, and thy great sacrifice he hath ydone away.

O Lord, here is thy commaundement of meekenes, mischiflich to broke: And thy blessed commaundement of poorenes is also to broken,Pouertie of Christ not folowed. and yhid from thy people. Lord, Zacharie thy prophet sayth, that thou that shouldest be our king, shouldest bene a poore man, and so thou were: for thou saydest thy selfe. Foxes haue dens, and birdes of heauen nestes, and mans sonne hath not where to legge his head on. And thou saydest yblessed ben poore men in spirite for thy kingdome of heauen is therein. And woe to riche men, for they han theyr comfort in this world. And thou bad thy disciples to ben ware of all couetise,Couetise. for thou saydest, in the aboū dance of a mans hauing, ne is not his lyfelode. And so thou teachest that thilke that han more then them needeth to theyr liuing lyuen in couetise. Also thou sayst, but gif a man forsake all things that he oweth, he ne may not bene thy disciple. Lord, thou sayest also that thy worde that is sowne in riche mens hartes, bringeth forth no fruite: for riches and the busines of this world maken it withouten fruit

O Lord, here bene many blessed teachinges to teach men to bene poore, and loue porenes. But Lord harme is, poore men and poorenes ben yhated, and ryche men ben yloued and honoured. And gif a man be a poore man,Pouertie counted s [...]lly. men holden him a man without grace, and if a man desireth poorenes, men holden him but a foole. And if a man be a rich man, men clepen him a gratious man, and thilke that ben busy in getting of riches: ben yhold wyse men and ready: but Lord these rich men sayen that it is both leful and needefull to them to gather riches together. For they ne gathereth it for themselfe, but for other men that ben needy, and Lord their woorkes shewen the truth. For if a poore needy man woulde borowen of theyr riches,Nele, th [...], will not. he nele leane him none of his good, but gif he mow be seker to haue it againe by a certayne day.

But Lord, thou bede that a man should send, and not hoping yelding againe of him that he lendeth to: and thy father of heauen wol quite him his mede. And gif a pore aske a rich man any good, the rich man will geue him but a little, and yet it shall be little worth. And Lord me thinketh that here is little loue and charitie, both to God and to our brethren.

For Lord, thou teachest in thy Gospell, that what men doe to thy seruauntes: they done to thee. A Lord, gif a poore man axe good for thy loue, men geueth him a little of the wurst.God is serued of the worst. For these rich men ordeinen both bread and ale for Gods men of the wurst that they haue. O Lord, sith all good that men hath commeth of thee: how dare any man geue thee of the wurst, and kepe to himselfe the best? How may suche men say that they gatheren riches for others need, as well as himselfe, sith their workes ben contratrary to their words? And that is no great truth. And be ye seker these goods that rich mē han, they ben gods goods, ytake to your keeping, to loke how he wolen be setten them to the worshipping of God. And Lord, thou sayest in the Gospell, that who so is true in litle, he is true in that thing that is more. And who that is false in a litle thing,A lesson for them that haue goods well to spel them. who wole taken him toward things of a greater value? And therfore, be ye ware that han gods goods to keep. Spend ye thilke truelich to the worship of God, least ye leesen the blysse of heauen, for the vntrue despending of Gods goods in this world.

O Lord,Seggen, that is, do say. these rich men seggen that they done much for thy loue. For many poore labourers ben yfound by them, that shoulden fare febelich, ne were not they and their readines: Forsooth me thinketh that poore labourers geueth to these rich men, more then they geuen them agaynward. For the poore men mote gone to his labour in cold and in heate, in wete and dry, and spend hys flesh and his bloud in the richmens works, vpon Gods gound, to finde the rich man in ease, and in liking, and in good fare of meate of drink and of clothing. Here is a great gift of the poore man, for he geueth his owne body. But what geueth the richman hym agayneward? Certes feeble meat, and feeble drinke, and feeble clothing. What euer they seggen, suche be their workes, and here is little loue. And whosoeuer looketh well about, all the worlde fareth as we seggē. And all mē studieth on euery side, how they may wexe rich men. And euerich man almost is ashamed to ben holden a poore man.

And Lord, I trow for thou were a poore man, men token litle regarde to thee, and to thy teaching. But Lord thou came to geue vs a new testament of loue,The pouertie of Christ rightly considered. & therefore it was semelich that thou came in poorenes, to prooue who wold loue thee, and kepen thine hestes. For gif thou haddest ycome in forme of a rich man and of a Lord, men wold rather for they dread then for thy loue, haue ykept thyne hestes. And so Lord now thou might wel ysee which louen thee as they should in keeping thyne hestes. For who that loueth thee in thy poorenes and in thy lownes, needes he more loue thee in thy Lordship and highnesse.

But Lord, the world is turned vpse downe, & men loue poore men but a litlene porenes neither But men be ashamed of poorenes, and therefore Lord,A poore kyng, and a proud Vicar, howe ioyne these two together. I trow that thou art a poore king. And therefore I trow that he that clepeth himselfe thy vicare on earth, hath forsaken poorenes, as he hath do the remnaunt of thy lawe: and is become a rich man and a Lord, & maketh his treasure vpon the earth that thou forbiddest in the Gospell. And for his right and riches he will plete, and fight & curse. And yet Lord, he will segge that he forsaketh all thinges that he oweth, as thy true disciple mete done after thy teaching in the Gospell.

But Lord thou ne taughtest not a man to forsaken his goodes and plete for them and fight,Christ a seruant vpon earth: the pope a Lord. and curse. And Lord he taketh on him power to asloyle a man of all maner things, but if it be of det. Truely Lord, me thinketh he knoweth litle of charitie. For who that beth in charitie, possesseth thy goodes in common and not in proper at his neighbours nede. And then shall there none of them segge this is mine, but it is Gods that God granteth to vs to spenden it to his worship. And so if any of them boroweth a porcion of those goodes,The pope for his right and riches wil pleade fight and curse. and dispendeth them to Gods worship: God is apayed of this spending, and alloweth him this true doyng: And if God is payed of that dispēding that is the principal Lord of those goods, how dare anye of his seruauntes axen there of, accountes, [Page] other challenge it for dette? Serten, of one thing I am incerteine, that these that charge so much det of worldly cattell, they knowe little of Christes lawe of charitie. For if Ich am a bayly of Gods goodes in the world. If I see my brother in nede, I am holde by charitie to part with him of these goodes to his nede: and if he spendeth them well to the worshop of God, I mote be well apayd as though I my selfe had spended them to the worship of GOD. And if the principall Lord is well payed of my brothers doyng; and the despending of his goodes: howe may I segge for shame that my brother is dettour to me, of the goodes that I tooke hym to spend in Gods worship at his nede?Propriety of goods here, [...] not take away, but charitie is required to helpe the neede of our neighbour. And if my brother spendeth amisse the goodes that I take him, I am discharged of my deliueraunce of the goodes; If I take him in charitie thilke goods at his nede. And I am hold to be sory of his euill dispending, ne I may not axen the goodes, that I tooke him to his nede in forme of dette, for at his neede they were his as well as myne. And thus is my brother yholde to done to me gif he see me in nede, and gif we bene in charitie, little should we chargen of dette. And ne we shold not axen so dertes, as men that knowen not God. And than we be poore in forsaking all thinges that we own, For gif we ben in charitie, we wollen nother fight nor curse, ne plete for our goodes with our brethren.

O Lord thus thou taughtest thy seruauntes to lyuen. And so they lyueden while they hadden good shepheards, that fedden thy, sheepe and robbed them nat of their lifelode, as Peter thy good shepheard and thy other Apostles. But Lord: he that clepeth hym selfe thy vicar vpon earth and successour to Peter: he robbeth thy puple of their bodylich lyfelode, for he ordeneth proud shepherds to lyuen in ese by th [...]itenth party of poore mens trauell. And he geueth them leue to lyuen where them lyketh. And gif men no wolen wilfullich geuen them the tithinges, they wolen han them agaynst their will by maysterye & by cursing, to maken thē riche.

¶ Lord, how may any man segge that such shepherdes that louen more the wolle then the sheepe, and feden not thy sheepe in body ne in soul, ne ben such rauenours & theeues? And who may segge that the mayntaynour of such shepherdes, ne is not a maintenour of theeues and robbers? How wole he assoyle shepherdes of their robbing without restitution of theyr goodes,The Pope a mainteyner of theeues and robbers. that they robben thy sheep of against their will? Lord of all shepherdes, blessed mote thou be. For thou louedst more the sheepe then theeir wole. For thou feedest thy sheepe both in body and soule. And for loue of thy sheepe thou tooke thy death to bring thy sheepe ou [...] of Wolues mouthes. And the most charge that thou gone to Peter was to feede thy sheepe. And so he did truelich, and took the death for thee and for thy sheepe. For he came into the fold of shepe by the that were the dore. And so I trowe a fewe other did as he did, though they clepen himselfe successors to Peter,Christ a good shepeheard in d [...]e. for theyr workes showen what they ben. For they robben and sleen and destroyen: they robben thy sheepe of the tenth part of their trauel, and feden themselfe in ease. They sleen thy sheepe, for they pyenen them for hunger of theyr soule to the death. They destroyen the sheepe, for with might and with sternship they rulen thy sheepe: that for dred they beene disparsed abroade in mountaynes,Comparison betweene the popes sheepheards and Christ. and there the wilde beasts of the field destroyeth thē for default of a good shepeheard.

¶ O Lord, gif it be thy will deliuer thy sheepe out of such sheepherdes ward that retcheth not of thy sheepe, they han their wolle to make them selfe rich. For thy shepe ben in great mischiefe and foule accombred with their shepheardes.

But for, that is, but because.¶ But for thy shepheardes wolden ben excused, they haue ygeten them hyred men to feede thy people, and these comen in sheepes clothing. But dredles, their workes shewen thatWithin forth, i. inwardly. with in forth they ben but Wolfes. For han they theyr hyre, they ne retcheth but a little howe sorilich thy sheepe ben kept. For as they seggen themselfe, they ben but hyred men that han no charge of thy sheepe. And when the shulden feden thy sheepe in the plentuousLesew, pasture. lesewe of thy teaching, they stonden betweene them & theyr lesewe, so that the sheepe ne han but a sight of thy lesewe, but eaté they shall not therof. But they fedē them in a sorry sowre lesewe of lesinges & of tales. And so thy sheepe fallen into greeuous sicknes through this euill lesewe. And gif any shepe breake ouer into thy lesewe to tasten the sweetnes therof, anon these hyred men driue him out with hounds. And thus thy shepe by these hyred men, ben ykept out of their kindlich lesewe, and ben yfed with soure grasse & sory baren lesewe. And yet they feden but seldome, and when they han sorilych fed them, they taken great hyre, and gone away from thy sheepe and letten them a worth. And for drede least thy sheepe wolden in theyr absence goe to thy sweet lesewe, they han enclosed it all about so stronglich and so high, that there may no sheepe comen there with in, but gif it be aA Welche leaper. walisch leper of the moūtayns that may with his long legs lepen ouer the wallys. For the hirid men ben ful certayn, that gif thy sheepe had ones ytasted the sweetnes of thy lesewe: They ne would no more bene yfed of these hyred men in their foure leweses, & therfore these hyred mē kepen thē out of that lesewe. For hadden the sheepe once ytasted well of thy lesewe, they wouldē without a leder go thider to their mete,Wolfes in lambeskins described. and then mote these hired men sechen them another labour to liue by than keping of shepe. And they bene sel and ware ynowe thereof, and therefore they feden thy sheepe with soure meate that naught is & hiden from thy shepe the swetenes of thy lesew. And so though these hyred men gone in shepes clothing, in their works they ben wolues, that much harme done to thy sheeps as we haue ytold.

¶ O Lord, they comē as shepe, for the seggē that they ben poore and haue forsaken the world to liuen parsetlich as thou taughtest in the gospell. Lord this is shepes clothing. But Lord tho [...] ne taughtest not a man to forsaken the trauelous liuing in porenesse in the world, to liuen in ese with riches by other mens trauell, & haue Lordship on their brethrē. For lord this is more to forsakē thee & go to the world.

¶ O Lord thou ne taughtest not a man to forsake the world to liuen in poorenes of begging by other mens trauell that bene as feble as they ben.He complayneth against the valiant beggers the Friers. Ne Lord thou ne taughtest not a man to liuen in poorenes of begging, that were strong inough to trauell for his lifelode. Ne Lord thou ne taughtest not a man to ben a begger to beg of mē more then him nedeth, to build great castles and make great [...]uasts to thilke that han no need.

¶ O Lord thou ne taughtest not men this poorenes, for it is out of charitye. But thy poorenes that thou taughtest, nourisheth charitye. Lord sith Paul sayth, that he that forsaketh the charge of thilke that benHomelich, that is, of his householde. homelich with him, hath forsaken his fayth and is worse then a misbeleued man: How then now these men seggen that they beleuē in Christ, that han forsake their poore feeble frendes; & let them liue in trauell and in disese, that trauelled full sore for thē, when the weren young and vnmighty to helpen themselfe? And they wolē liue in ese by other mens trauell euermore begging withouten shame.

¶ Lord thou ne taughtest not this maner poorenes, for it is out of charite. And all the law is charity and thing that nourisheth charite. And these shepheards send about to kepe thy shepe & to feden thē other whiles bareyne lewsewes. Lord thoune madest none such shepheardes,Wilfull pouertie abhor [...]ed. ne kepers of the sheepe that [...]desory lich thy shepe, and for so litle trauell taken a great [...], and sithē al the yeare afterward, do what them liketh, and let thy shepe perish for defaut of keping.

But thy shepherdes abiden still with their sheepe; and feden thē in thy plenteou, lesewe of thy teaching, and gone byfore thy shepe, and teachen them the way into the plenteous and swete [...] we, and kepen thy flocke from rauening of the wilde beastes of the field.

O Lord deliuer the sheepe out of the ward of those shepheardes and these hyred mē,The propertie of good shepeheards. that stonden more to kepe their riches that they robben of thy shepe, than they stonden in keping of thy sheepe.

O Lord when thou come to Ierusalem, some time thou droue out of the temple sellers of bestes and of other chaffre, and saydest: Mine house shoulde ben cleped an house of prayers: but they maden a dē of theues of it. O Lord, thou art the temple in whom we shoulden prayen thy father of heauen. And Salomons temple that was ybelded at Ierusalem, was figure of this temple. But Lord, he that clepeth himselfe thy vicar vpon earth, and sayth that he occupyeth thy place here on earth: is become a chapman in the temple, and hath his chapmen walking in diuers countreys to sellen hys chaffare, and to maken him rich. And he sayth, thou gaue him so great a power abouen all other men, that what euer he bindeth other vnbindeth in earth, thou bindest other vnbindest the same in heauen. And so of great power he selleth other men forgeuenes of their sinne.The pope is a chapman in Gods temple. And for much money he will assoylen a man so cleane of his sinne, that he Behoteth, that is, promiseth. behoteth men the blesse of heauen withouten any payne after that they be dead, that geuen him much mony.

Bishopriches & cherches, & such other chaffares he selleth also for mony, and maketh himselfe rich And thus he beguiled the puple.

O Lord Iesu, here is much vntruth, and mischiefe, and matter of sorow. Lord thou saydest sometime, that thou wouldest be with thy seruantes into the end of the world. And thou saydest also, there as tweyne of three ben ygadred to gedder in thy name, that thou art in the midle of thē. A Lord, then it was no need to thee to maken lietetenaunt, sith thou wolte be euermore amongest thy seruauntes.

Lorde thou axedst of thy disciples,Note good reader if Christ be where i [...].or iij. be gathered in his name, what neede is there of a lieu [...] tenant. The place of giuing to Peter his keyes, expounded. who they trowed that thou were. And Peter aunswered and sayd, that thou art Christ Gods sonne. And thou saydest to Peter. Thou art I blessed Symon Bariona, for flesh and bloud ne showed not this to thee, but my Father that is in heauen. And I say to thee, that thou art Peter, and vpon this stone ych wole byld my Churche, and the gates of hell he shullen not aua [...]len agens it. And to the ych wole geue the keyes of heauen and what euer thou byndest vppon earth, shall be bound in heauen: & what euer thou vnbyndest on earth, shalbe vnbounden in heauen. This power also was graunten vnto the other disciples as well as to Peter as the Gospell openlich telleth. In this place men seggen that thou graunted to Peters successors, the selue power that thou gaue to Peter. And therefore the Bishop of Rome, that sayth he is, Peters succcessour, taketh this power to him to binden and vnbynden in earth what him liketh. But Lord, ych haue much wonder how he may for shame clepen himselfe Peters successour. For Peter knowledged that thou were Christ and God, and kept the hestes of thy law: but these han forsaken the hestes of thy law, and hath y maked a law contrary to thyne hestes of thy law. And so he maked himself a false Christ and a false God in earth. And It row thou gaue hym no power to vndoe thy law.The Pope proued a false Antichrist in Earth. And so in taking this power vpon him, maketh him a false Christ & Antichrist. For who may be more agens Christ, than he that in his wordes maketh himselfe Christes vicar in earth. And in hys werkes vndoth the ordinaunce of Christ, and maketh men byleuē that it is needful to the heale of mens soules: to byleuen that he is Christes vicar in earth. And what euer he byndeth in earth is ybounden in heauen, & vnder this colour he vndoth Christes law, and maketh men alwayes to kepen his law, and hestes. And thus men may yseene that he is agenst Christ, and therefore he is Antichrist that maketh men worshupen him as a God on earth,The pope; abhomination described. as the the proud K. Nabugodonosor did somtime, that was K. of Babylon. And therfore we lewed men that knowne not God but thee Iesu Christ, beleuen in thee that art our God, and our king, and our Christ, and thy lawes. And forsaken Antichrist and Nabugodonosor that is false God, and a false Christ, and hys lawes that ben contrary to thy preaching. And Lord strength thou vs agenst our enemies. For they ben about to maken vs forsaken thee and thy lawe, other elles to putten vs to death. O Lord, onlich in thee is our trust [Page] to helpe vs in this mischiefe, for thy great goodnes that is withouten end.

Lord, thou he taughtest not thy disciples to assoylen men of her sinne, and setten them a penaunce for their sinne in fasting ne in prayeng, ne other almous dede: ne thy selfe, ne thy disciples, vseden no such power here on earth. For Lord, thou forgeue men their sinnes, and bede him sinne no more. And thy disciplesFulleden, that is, baptised. fulleden men [...] name, in forgeuenesse of her sinnes. Nor they toke no such power vpon them as our priestes dare now. And Lord, thou ne affo [...]tedest no man both of his sinne and of his peyne, that was dew for his sinne, ne thou grauntedst no man such power here on earth.

And Lord, me thinketh that gif there were a purgatorye, and any earthliche man had power to deliueren sinfull men from the peynes of Purgatory,Purgatorie. he shoulde and he were in charitie, sauen euerich man that were in waye of saluation from thilke peynes, sith they make them greater then anye bodeliche peynes of thys world Also gif the Bishop of Rome had such a power, he himselfe should neuer comen in purgatory ne in hell. And sith we see well that he ne hath no power to kepen himselfe ne other men nother out of these bodilych peynes of the world, [...] and he may goe to hell for his sinne as an other man may: I ne by leue not, that he hath so great power to assoylen men of their sinne as he taketh vpon hym abouen all other men. And I trowe that in this he higheth hymself aboue God.

[...]As touching the selling of Byshopricks & personages, I trow it be a poynt of falsehed. For agenst Gods ordinaunce he robbeth poore men of a porcion of theyr sustenaunce, and selleth it, other geueth it,Selling of Byshopprickes and benefices. to finde proud men in id [...]enes that done the lewd puplelitell profite, but much harme as we told before. Thus ben thy commaundementes of treweth, of meekenes, and of poore nesse, vndone by him that clepeth himselfe thy vicar here vppon earth.

A Lord thou gaue vs a commaundement of chastice that is aforsaking of fleshlich lustes. For thou broughtest vs to a liuing of soule that is ygouerned by the word. For Lord, thou ordeinedist woman more frele than man to ben ygouerned by mans rule & his help to please thee & kepe thine hests.Mariage. Ne thou ne ordeinedist that a man should desire the company of a woman, and maken her his wife, to lyuen with her in hys lustis, as a swyne doth or a hors. And his wife ne like him not to his lustes, Lord thou ne gaue not a man leaue to departen hym from his wyfe, and taken hym an other.

But Lord, thy mariage is a common accord betwene man & woman, to lyuen together to theyr liues ende, and in thy seruice eyther the better for others helpe, and thilke that thus ben ycome together, bene ioyned by thee, and thilke that God ioyneth, may no man depart. But Lord, thou sayest that gif a man see a woman to coueten her, than he doth with the woman lecherye in his hart, And so Lord, gif a man desire his wife in couetise of such lustes, and not to flye from whoredome, his weddins is lechery, ne thou ne ioynest them not together. Thus was Raguels doughter ywedded to seuen husbandes that the deuill instrangled. But Toby tooke her to lyue with her in clennes, and brynging vp of her children in thy worship, and on him the deuill ne had no power. For the wedding was I maked in God, for God, and through God,A lesson how to marrye.

A Lord, the people is farre ygo from this maner of wedding. For now men weddē theyr wyues for fairenes, other for riches, or some such other fleshlich lustes. And Lord, so it preueth by thē for the most part. For a man shall not finde two wedded in a lande, where the husband loues the wife, and the wife is buxum to the man, as they shoulden after thy law of maryage. But other the mā loues not his wife, or the wife is not buxum to her man. And thus Lord is the rule of prefe, that neuer fayleth no preue whether it be done by thee or no.Swenens, that is, dreames. And Lord, all this mischiefe is common among thy people, for that they knowe not thy worde, but theyr shepheardes and hyred men sedden them with their * sweuens and leasinges. And Lord, where they shoulden gon before vs in the field, they seggen theyr order is so holy for thy mariage. And Lord, he that calleth himselfe thy vicar vpon earth, will not suffren priestes to taken them wiues, for that is agaynst hys law: But Lord,Priestes had wyue [...] to the time of Anselmus. he will dispensen with them to kepen horen for a certayne somme of mony. And Lord, all horedome is forfended in thy law. And Lord, thou neuer forfendest priestes their wiues, ner thy Apostles neyther. And well I wote in our land, priestes hadden wiues vntill Anselmus dayes in the yeare of our Lord God, a leuē hundred and twenty and nyne, as Huntingdon writes. And Lord, this makes people for the most part beleuen, that lechery is no sinne. Therefore we lewd men prayen thee that thou wolt send vs shepheardes of thine owne that wolen feeden thy flocke in thy lesewe, and gon before thēselfe, and so written thy law in our harts, that from the least to the most all they mayen knowne thee. And Lord, geue our king and his Lordes, hart to defenden thy true shepheardes and thy sheepe from out of the wolues mouthes, and grace to know thee that art the true Christ, the sonne of thy heauenly father, from the Antichrist, that is the sonne of pride. And Lorde, geue vs thy poore sheepe patience and strength to suffer for thy law, the cruelnes of the mischieuous Wolues. And Lord, as thou hast promised, shorten these dayes. Lord we axen this now, for more [...]eede was their neuer.

I doubt not gentle reader, but in reading this goodly treatise aboue prefixed, the matter is [...] & playne of it selfe wtout any further explication, what is to be thought and iudged of this vicare of Christ, and successour of Peter, whome we call the Bishop of Rome: whose life here thou seest not onely to be so disordered in all poynts, swar [...]ing from the steppes and example of Christ the Prince and Byshop of our soules, but also whose lawes and doctrine is so repugnant and contrary from the preceptes and rule of the Gospell, that almost there is no conuenience betweene them: as in the perusing of this complayning prayer, thou mayest notoriously vnderstand. Wherefore hauing no neede to stand in any further expressing of thys matter, but leauing it to thine own consideration, and discretion: I will speede my selfe (Christ willing) to proceede toward the time of Iohn Wickliffe, and his fellowes taking by order of yeares as I go, suche thinges by the way as both happened before the said time of Wickleste, and also may the better prepare the minde of the reader, to the entring of that story. Where first I think it not inconuenient to inferre a propheticall parable, written about this time or not much before, which the author morally applieth vnto the Byshop of Rome. To what author this prophecie or morall is to be ascribed, I haue not certainly to affirme. Some say, that Rupesciffanus (of whome mention is made before. pag. 390. was the author therof, & alledge it out of Froysard, but in Froisard as yet I haue not found it. In ye mean seasō, as I haue foūd it in Latin expressed, because it painteth out ye Pope so rightly in his fethers & colours, as I thought the thing not to be omitted, so I tooke this present place, as most fit (although peraduenture missing the order of yeares a litle) to insert the same. The effect of which parable followeth here vnder written.

In the time of Pope Innocent the 6. aboue specified, this Ioannes de Rupe scissa: a Fryer among other hys prophecies merueilously forespake (as alledged Froysard, who both hard and saw him) of the taking of Iohn the Frenche king prisoner, and brought forth many other notable collections concerning the perils, mutations and changings in ye Church to come. And at what time the pope kept hym at Auinion in prison (where Froysard is sayd to see hym and to speake with him) the sayd Froysard hard in ye popes Court this example and parable, recited by the foresayd Fryer Rupescissanus, to the two Cardinals, to wit, Cardinall Hostiensis, and Cardinal Auxercensis, which followeth in these wordes. A parable prophecying the destruction of the Pope.

¶ When on a certayne time, a byrde was brought into the worlde all bare and without fethers, the other byrdes hearing thereof, came to visite her: & for that they sawe her to be a merueilous fayre and beautifull byrd they counsailed together howe they might best do her good, sith by no meanes without fethers, she might eyther flee or liue commodiously. They all wished her to liue for her excellent forme and beauties sake, in so muche that among them all there was not one, that would not graunt some part of her own fethers to decke this byrde withall:The Pope compared to a birde fethered with other birdes fethers.yea, and the more trim they sawe her to be, the more fethers still they gaue vnto her, so that by this meanes she was passing well pē ned and fethered, and began to flee. The other byrdes that thus had adourned her with goodly fethers, beholding her to flee abroad, were merueilously delighted therwith. In ye end, this byrd seeing her selfe so gorgeously fethered, & of al the rest to be had in honor: began to waxe proud & hauty. in so much that she had no regard at all vnto thē,The first rysing of the pope. The proude prosperitie of the pope.by whōe she was aduaunced: yea she punged them with her beak, plucked them by the skinne and fethers, and in all places hurted them. Whereupon the byrdes sitting in councell agayne, called the matter in question, demaūding one of an other what was best to be done touching this vnkind bird whom they louingly with their own fethers had decked & adourned:The decay of the pope described.Affirming, that they gaue not theyr fethers to ye intent that she therby puft vp with pride, should contemptuously dispise them all. The Pecocke therefore aunswereth first. Truely sayth he, for that she is brauely set forth with my paynted fethers, I wil againe take them frōter. Then sayth the Falcon, and I also will haue mine againe. This sentence at length took place among them all, so that euery one plucked frō her those fethers which before they had geuen, chalenging to them their owne agayne. Now this proude byrd seeing her selfe thus to be dealt wythall, began forthwith to abate her hauty stomacke, and humbly[Page]to submit her selfe openly, cōfessing and acknowledging ye or her selfe she did nothing: but that her fathers, her honor and other ornamentes was their gifte: she came into the world all naked & bare, they clad her with comely fethers, and therefore of right may they receaue thē againe. Wherfore in most humble wise she desireth pardon, promising to amend all that is past, neither would she at any time hereafter commit, whereby through pride she might lose her fethers againe. The gentle byrdes that before had geuen their fethers, seing her so humble and lowly, being moued with pitie, restored againe the fethers whiche lately they had taken away, adding withall this admonition. We will gladly, say they, behold thy flying amōg vs, so long as thou wilt vse thine office with humblenes of minde, which is y• chiefest comelines of al the rest. But this haue thou for certainty, that if at any time hereafter thou extoll thy selfe in pride, we will straightwayes depriue thee of thy fethers, & reduce thee into thy former state wherin we found thee. Euen so oh you Cardinals (sayth Iohannes Rupescissanus) shal it happen vnto you. For ye Emperours of Romaines and Almayne, and other Christian kings, potentates, and princes of the earth, haue bestowed vpon you goods, lāds, and riches, that should serue God, but you haue poured it out and consumed it vpon pride, all kinde of wickednes, ryot and wantonnes.

Armachanus.

The life and story of Armachanus Archb. and primate of Ireland.IN the Catalogue of these learned and zelous defenders of Christ against Antichrist aboue rehearsed, whome the Lord about this time began to rayse vp for reformation of his Churche, being then farre out of frame, I cannot forget nor omit something to write of the reuerend Prelate, and famous Clerke Richard Armachanus, primate and Archb. of Ireland: A man for his life and learning so memorable, as the condition of those dayes then serued, that the same daies then as they had but sewe good, so had none almost his better. His name was Richard Fizraf, made primate and Archb, as is sayd, of Ireland. First brought vp in the vniuersitie of Oxford, in the study of all liberall knowledge, wherin he did exceedingly profire vnder Iohn Bakenthorpe his tutor and instructor. In this time the begging Friers began greatly to multiply and spread, vnto whome this Bakenthorpe, was euer a great enemye. Whose steppes the scholler also following, began to do the like. Such was the capacitie and dexteritie of this Fizraf, that he being commended to king Edward the 3. was promoted to him, first to be Archdeacon of Lichfield, then to be the commissary of the vniuersitie of Oxford. At length to be Archbishop of Armach in Ireland. He being Archbishop, vppon a time had cause to come vp to London:The cōmendation of Armachanus. At what time here in the said citty of London was contention betweene the Friers and the clergie about preaching, and hearing confessions &c. Whereupon, this Armachanus being requested to preach, made 7. or 8. sermons. Wherein he propounded 9.Armachanus cited by the Friers, to appeare be [...]ee the P. conclusions agaynst the Friers, for the which he was cited vp by the Friers before this pope Innocent the 6. to appeare, And so he did, who before the face of the pope valiantly defended, both in preaching & in writing the same conclusions, & therein stood constantly vnto the death, as the wordes of Iohn Wickliffe in his Trialogo do well testifie in this wise: ‘Ab Anglorum Episcopis conductus Armachanus, nouem in Auinione conclusiones coram Innocentio 6. & suorum Cerdinalium coetu, contra fratrum mendicitatem, audacter publicauit, verbóque ac scriptis ad mortem vsque defendit’. The like also testifieth of him Waldenus in fasciso zizianniorum. Also Volateranus reporteth the same. Gulielmus Botonerus testifying of him in like maner, saith: that Armachanus first reproued begging Friers for hearing the confessions of professed nonnes, without licence of their superiours, and also of maryed women without knowledge of their husbandes. What daungers and troubles he susteyned by his persecutors, and howe miraculously the Lord deliuered him from their handes: In so muche, that they meeting him in the open streetes and in cleare day light,The tro [...] bles & persecutions of Armachanus. yet had no power to see him, nor to apprehend hym. In what perill of theeues and searchers he was in, and yet the Lord deliuered him, yea and caused his mony being take from him, to be restored againe to him by portions, in time of his necessitie and famine. Also from what dangers of the kinges officers, which comming with the kings letters layd all the hauens for him: yet howe the Lord Iesus deliuered him,Armachanus preferred mani [...]old wayes [...] the Lord. shewing him by what wayes how to escape them. Moreouer, what appeales were layd agaynst hym, to the number of 16. and yet how the Lord gaue him to triumph ouer al his enemies. How the Lord also taught him & brought him out of the profound vanities of Aristotles subtlety, to the study of the Scriptures of God. All this wt muche more, he himselfe expresseth in a certaine prayer or confession made to Christ Iesus our Lord, in which he describeth almost the whole history of his owne life. Whiche prayer I haue to shewe in old written hand, and hereafter (Christ willing) intēd as time serueth to publish the same. The beginning of the prayer in latin is this.

‘Tibi laus, The prayer of Armachanus. tibi gloria, tibi gratiarum actio, Iesu pijssime, Iesu potentissime, Iesu dulcissime: qui dixisti, Ego sum via, veritas & vita. Via sine deuio: veritas sine nubilo: & vita sine termino. Quod tute viam mihi oftendisti. Tute veritatem me docuiste Et tute vitā mihi promisisti: Via eras mihi in exilio. Veritas eras in consilio. Et vita eris mihi in premio’. With the rest that followeth in the foresayd prayer.

Thus what were the troubles of this good man, and how he was cited vp by the Friers to the P. you haue partly heard: Nowe what were his reasons and argumentes wherwith he defendeth his cause in the popes presence, followeth to be declared. For the tractation whereof firste I must put the reader in remēbrauce of the controuersie mē tioned before in the story of Guliel de sancto de Amore. Pag. 322. Also in the story of the vniuersitie of Paris contending against the Friers pag. 392. For so long did this controuersie continue in the Churche, from the yeare. 1240. whē ye Oxford men began fies [...] to stand against the Fryers to the time of this Armachanus, that is, to the yeare 1360. and after this time yet more encreased. So it pleased the secret prouidence of God (for what cause he best knoweth) to suffer his Churche to be entangled and exercised sometimes with matters and controuersies of no great importance. Eyther to keepe the vanitie of mens wits thus occupyed frō idlenes, or els to prepare their mindes by these smaller matters, to the consideration and searching out of other thinges more graue and weighty. Like as nowe in these our Queenes dayes, we see what tragidies be raysed vp in Englād about formes &, fashions of ministers wearinges, what troubles grow, what placing and displacing there is about the same: Euen so at this time happened the like stirre about the liberties and priuilegies of the Friers, which not a little troubled, and occupied al the churches & Diuines almost through Christendome. The whiche controuersie, to the intent it may better be vnderstanded (all ye circumstances therof being explayned) we will first begyn from the originall and foundation of the matter, to declare by order and course of yeres, vpon what occasion this variance first rising, in continuance of time increased & multiplide in gathering more matter, and brast out at length to this tumultuous contention among learned men.

Concerning therfore this present matter, first it is to be vnderstand, that in the yeare of our Lord. 1215. vnder pope Innocent the 3. was called a generall coūcell at Laterane, mentioned before. Pag. 253. in the dayes of king Iohn. Iu the which councell among many other thinges, was constituted a certaine law or Canon, beginning Omnis vtrius (que) sexus. &c. the tenour of which canon in English is thus.Caen. omnis vtri usque sexus. Sex. ex. de [...] & re.

Be it decreed, that euery faythfull Christian, both man and woman comming to the yeares of discretion, shall confesse hymselfe alone of all his sinnes, to the priest of hys own proper parish, once in the yeare at least: and that he shall endeuour by hys owne self to fulfil the penance, whēsoeuer he receiueth the sacrament of Eucharistie, at least at the time of Easter. Vnlesse by the assent of his Minister, vpon some reasonable cause to abstayne for the time. Otherwise dooing, let him both lacke the communion of the Churche being aliue, and Christian buriall when he is dead. Wherefore be it decreed, that this wholesome constitution shalbe published accustomably in Churches, to the end that no man of ignorance or of blindnes make to himselfe a cloke of excuse. And if any shall confesse himselfe to any other priest then of his owne parishe vpon any iust cause, let him aske and obtayne first licence of his owne priest: Other els, the Priest to haue no power to hinde him or to loose him. &c.

In the time of this Innocentius,Note here he calleth not the sacrament of the altar. Frier Dominike in the time of Pope Innocent the 2. ob [...]ained not the confirmation of his order. The order of Frier Dominike first confirmed by pope Innocent 3. and of this Laterane councell, was Dominicke, the first author and founder of the preaching Fryers: who laboured to the said Pope Innocent, for the confirmation of his order, but did not obteyne, in his life tune.

The next yeare after this Laterane councell, dyed pope Innocent. an. 1216. after whome came Honorius 3. who in the first yeare of his Popedome confirmed the order of the frier Dominicke, and gaue to him and his fryers authority to preach and to beare confessions, with diuers other priuilegies more. And vnder this Pope whiche gouerned 10. yeares, liued Dominick fiue yeares after y• confirmatiō of his order and dyed an. 1221. About which yeare, the order [Page] of the Franciscane Friers began also to bread,The order of the Franciscans, cōfirmed shortly after the Dominikes. & to spread in the world, through preaching and hearing confessions.

After this Honorius next followed Pope Gregory the 9. about the yeare of our Lord 1228. who for the promoting of the forsayd order of Dominickes, gaue out this Bull, in tenour as followeth.

The bul of pope Gregory in the behalfē of the Dominike Friers. Gregorius bishop seruaunt of Gods seruauntes, to his reuerende brethren, Archbishops Bishoppes, and to his welbeloued Children, Abbots, Priors, and to All Prelates of churches, to whom soeuer these presentes shall come, greting, and Apostolical blessing. Because Iniquitie hath abounded at Rome. iniquitie hath abounded, & the charity of man hath waxt cold: Behold, the Lord hath raysed vp the order of our weibeloued children the preaching Friers, who not seking things of their owne, but pertayning to Iesus Christ, to the extirping as wel of heresies as to the roting out also of other pernitious pestilenciés: haue dedicate themselues to the preaching of the Nay to the preaching rather of mēs traditions against the word of God. The Friers autorised to heare confessions & to to enioyne penau [...]ce. word of God We therfore minding to aduaunce their sacred purpose. &c. and followeth, commaunding you to see the sayd persons, gently to be receaued among you: And that your flockes committed to your charge do receaue deuoutly the seede of Gods word out of their mouth, and doe confesse their sinnes vnto them, all suche as list, whome wee haue authorised to the same, to heare confessions, and to enioyne penaunce. &c. Dat. Perusij. an. Pont. nostri. 8.

Pope Innocent the 4. against the Friers.This pope Honorius dyed about the yeare of our Lord 1241. after whom came Celestinus the fourth and sat but 18. daies, then came Innocentius the fourth and sat 11. yeares and 6. monethes. who although he began first to fauour the friers: yet afterward being altered by certayn Diuines of Uniuersities, Prelates of Churches, and Curates: and debarred them of their liberties and priueledges, & gaue out agayne preceptes and excommunications, as well agaynst the Friers, as all other religious persons. And not long after the same he was dispatched.

Pope Alexander the 4. vndoeth the actes of Pope Innocent the 4. his predecessour.Innocentius being thus remoued out of the way, about the yeare of our Lord, 1353. Then succeeded Pope Alexander the fourth a great mayntainer of the Friers, and sat 7. yeares. He reuoked and repeated the Actes and writinges of Pope Innocent his predecessour, geuen forth agaynst the Friers: wherwith the Diuines and Students of Paris benig not wel contented, stirred vp foure principall Doctours: The first and chiefe captayne was Guliel. de sancto Amore, Extrau. non sine multa. Gul. de S. Amore, Simon Iornalensis. Godfridus de sontibus, Hen. de Gandano, foure champions against the Friers. mentioned before. pag. 322. against whom wrote Albertus Magnus, and Thomas Aquine. And at last he was condemned by this foresayd Pope Alexander the 4. in the Extrau. Non sine multa. The second was Simon Iornalensis, the third, Godfridus de Fontibus, the iiii. Henricus de Gandauo. These foure with other their complices, compiled a certaiene booke against the begging order of Friers, both Dominicans, and Franciscās intituled, Depericulis Ecclesiae, cōreiningxim chapters. wherof the 14. which is the last, with 39. articles agaynst the Friers we haue already trā slated and expressed, pag. 317. Beside these. 39. articles, be other vii. articles moreouer to the said booke annexed, vnder the name of the students of Paris against the Friers, prouing why the sayd Friers ought not to be admitted into their societie. which vii. articles because they are but short, I thought here better to place, then to omit them.

Certaine articles geuen out by the Studentes of Paris, agaynst the Fryers, why they should not be admitted to theyr societie.

Articles of the students of Paris against the Friers.FIrst we say, they are not to be admitted to the societie of our schole, but vpon our will and licence. For our company or fellowship ought not to be coactiue, but voluntary and free.

Secondly, we say they are not to be admitted, for somuch as we oft proued their community, manifold wayes to be hurtfull and incommodious.

Thirdly, seeing they be of a diuers prosession from vs (for they are called regular, and not schollasticall) we therfore ought not to bee ioyned and associate together in one scholasticall office. For asmuch as the Councell of Spayne doth say,Concilium Hispun. thou shalt not plough with the Oxe, and with the Asse together. which is to say: Men of diuers professions ought not together to be matched in one kinde of calling, or standing, for theyr studies and conditions be disagreeing and disseuered from ours, and cannot frame or couple together in one communion.

Fourthly we affirme, by the Apostle that they are not to be admitted because they worke dissensions and offēces: For so sayth the Apostle Rom vlt. we desire you brethren, that ye obserue.The friers make dissentions. and take heede of such as make dissentions and offēdicles about the doctrine which you haue learned by the Apostles, and auoyd them. For such serue, not the Lord, but their own belly. Glose Some they flatter some they backbyte, whereby they might feede their belly. That through their sweete and pleasaunt wordes,Friers [...] uou [...] [...] hou [...]e [...]. and by their benedictions, they may deceaue the hartes of the simple. Glose. That is, with their fine sugered, and trimme couched wordes, they set forth their own traditions, wherewith they beguile the hartes of the simple innocentes.

Fiftly, we say they are not to be admitted. For that we feare least they be in the number of them, which goe about and deuoure mens houses. For they thrust in themselues into euery mans house, searching and sacking the consciences and states of all persons.Penetra [...] dom [...]s. And whom they finde easie to be seduced, as women: such they doe circumuent, & lead them away from the counsailes of their Prelates, bynding them either in acte or oth: from such we are warned by the Apostle to auoyd.

Sixtly, wee say they are to bee auoyded: because wee feare they are false Prophetes. Whiche being neither Byshops, ner parish priests,Friers pre [...] vncalled. nor yet their Uicares, nor sent by them, yet they preach (not sent) against the minde of the Apostle, Rom. 10. saying: How shall they preach except they be sent? For els there appeareth in them no such great vertue, for the whiche they ought to be admitted to preach vncalled. Seing therefore that such are so daungerous to the Church, they ought to be auoyded.

Seuenthly, we say they are not to be admitted, because they be a people so curious in searching & inquiring of oother mens doings and spirituall demaynour. And yet be they neyther Apostles,Friers haue no order of any calling in the church nor yet successours of ye Apostles, as bishops: nor of the number of the 72. Diciples of the Lord: nor their successors, yt is parish Priestes: nor their helpers, nor yet Uicares, wherefore, seing they liue so in no order, by the sentence of the Apostle we are commaunded to auoyd them. 2. Thess. vlt. where he saith: we admonish and denounce vnto you (O brethren) in the name of our Lord Iesus Christ: that is, as the Glose, sayth (we commaund you by the authoritie of Christ) that you withdrawe your selues from euery brother, that walketh inordinately, and not after the tradition, which you haue receaued of vs. &c. Looke vpon the common glose of this place, and you shall finde, that such are to be auoyded till time they amend from so doing. &c.

Besides these articles aboue rehearsed,Certain cō clusiōs in the vniuersitie of Paris to be disputed of against the Friers. certaine propositions or conclusions were also propounded in the scholes of Paris the same time, solemnly to be disputed and defended agaynst the Fryers: which in a briefe some of wordes to collect, were these.

First, that the begging Friers were not in the state of saluation.

Secondly, that they were bound to labour with theyr handes that could, and not to begge.

Thirdly, that they ought not to exercise the office of preaching, or to heare the confessiōs of them that wil come to them, although being licensed thereunto by the Byshop of Rome, or by the Diocesane: for somuch as the same is preiudiciall to the ministers and Priestes of the Parishes.

All these foresayd articles & conclusions,Pope Alexander the 4 a great sauorer of the Friers. wt the booke set forth by these Paris men: This Pope Alexander the 4. condemned to be abolished and burned, writing his preceptes to the French K. and also the Vniuersitie of Paris, in the fauour of the Friers: willing and commaunding the sayd Fryers to be restored to all their priueledges and libertyes, in as ample maner as in Pope Gregories tyme before.

Not long after Pope Alexander the 4.Another pilgrimage giuen to the Friers by Pope Clement 4. Ex Clem [...] Quidam [...] merè. Pope Martin the 4. holdeth with cu [...] against the Friers. followed Clement the 4. an. 1263. and sate 3. yeares. Who also gaue the priuiledge to the Friers, beginning: Quidam temerè &c. In which priueledge he condemneth them that say, that no mā without licence of his Curate or minister, ought to confesse him to the Friers, or that a subiect ought to aske licence of theyr ministers so to doe, whiche was agaynst the Canon Omnis vtriusque sexus &c. made by the Pope Innocent the 3. before recited.

After this Clement, agayn came Pope Martine the 4. an. 1281. who renued again the Canon. Omnis vtriusque sexus; in the behalfe of the Curates against the Friers.

Then Pope Boniface the 8. began to sit, an. 1294, viii. yeares. ix. monethes. Who taking side with the Fryers, gaue to them an other priuiledge, beginning,Pope B [...] face holder with the friers agai [...]e. Ex Cleme [...] consist Benif. Super cathedra [...]. Super Cathedram. &c. In the whiche priuiledge he licensed the Fryers, that without licence of Uicares of Churches, they shal first present themselues to the Prelates to be admitted: by whō if they be refused the second time, then they vppon speciall authoritie of this Pope, shall be priueledged: without eyther Byshop or Curate, to preach, to bury, and to heare cō fessions who soeuer will come to them, reuoking all that was decreed by his predecessours before to the contrary notwithstanding.

[Page]By this Pope Boniface, a certayne Dominick Frier was made Cardinall named Nicholaus de Teruisio, and after the death of Boniface, was made also Pope. an. 1303. surnamed Pope Benedictus 11. Who seing the constituciō of Boniface his predecessor to gender dissension betweene the Prists and Friers,Ex Clemēt. inter cunctas. Ioan, Monach. reuoketh his glose. Pope Clement the 5. holdeth with the Fryers and repealeth the cōstitution of Benedictus. Ex Clement cap. dudum. made an other constitution, beginning: Inter cunctas &c. reuoking the constitution of Boniface his predecessour. Upon which constitution of Pope Benedict, Ioannes Monachus, make a Glose, reuoked also his other Glose made vpon the constitution of Boniface before.

Again, after this Benedictus the 11. folowed pope Clement the 5. an. 1335. and sat 9. yeeres, who in his generall Councell holden at Uienna, reuoked the constitution of Benedictus his predecessor, and renewed agayne the former decree of Boniface, by a new constitution of his, beginning: Dudum a Bonifacio. 8. &c. whiche constitution moreouer was confirmed afterwarde by Pope Iohn the 22. an. 1316. which Pope also caused Ioannes de Poliaco to recant.

Upon this variable diuersity of the Popes (one dissē ting and repugning from an other) rose among the Diuines & scholemen in Uniuersities great matter of cōtention, as well in the Uniuersity of Paris, as the Uniuersity of Oxford about the begging Friers, some holding one way, some an other way. But especially 5. principal opinions to be noted of learned men, who thē disputing against the friers, were condemned for heretickes, and their assertions reproued.

Fine diuers opinions of learned mē in this age holdyng against the Fryers. The 2. opinion. Bernardus super cap. [...]mnis vtriusque. The 3. opinion.The first, was the opinion of thē which defended, that the friers might not by the licence of the Byshop of Rome and of the Prelats, preach in Parishes, and heare confessions. And of this opinion was Guliel. de Sācto Amore, with his felowes, who as is sayd, were condemned.

The second opiniō was this, that friers, although not by theyr own authority, yet by priuiledge of the Pope and of the Bishop, might preach and heare confessions in Parishes, but yet not without licence of the Parish Priestes. Of this opinion was Bernardus glosing vpon the canō. Omnis vtriusque sexus, afore mentioned,

The third opinion was, that friers might preach and heare confessions, without licence of the Parish Priestes: but yet the sayd parishners notwithstanding were boūd, by the Canon: Omnis vtriusque sexus: to repeate the same sinnes again, if they had no other, to theyr own proper curate: and of this opinion were many, as Godfridus de Fontibus: Henricus de Gandauo: Isan. de Poliaco. Ioannes Monachus Cardin: Ioannes de Poliaco. Which Ioannes de Poliaco, Pope Iohn the 22 caused openly in Paris, to recant and retract.

Ex libro fratris Egelbertis.This Ioannes de Poliaco Doctor of diuinity in Paris, being complayned of by ye friers for certaine articles or assertions, was sent for to the Pope: where time and place being to him assigned, he in the audience of the Pope and of Frierly Cardinals & other doctors: was straitly examined of his articles. To make the story short, he at length submitting himselfe to the authority of the terrible see of Rome: was caused to recant his assertions openly at Paris. His assertions which he did hold, were these.

¶ The three assertions of Ioannes de Poliaco, which he was caused by the Pope to recant at Paris.

His three assertions.

Iohn de Poliaco caused to recant by P. Iohn the 22.

Whereof the first was, they which were confessed to friers, although hauing a generall licence to heare confessions: were bounde to confesse agayne their sinnes to their own Parish Priest, by the constitutiō. Omnis vtriusque sexus. &c.

The second was, that the sayd cō stitution, Omnis vtriusque sexus, standing in his force,

The 3. assertions of Ioan, de Poliaco against the Fryers. 25. q. 1. Quae ad perpetuam. Contra slatutae patrum condedere vel mu tare al [...]quid [...]c huins quidem sedis potest entoritas.

the Pope coulde not make: but parishners wer boūd once a yere to confesse theyr sinnes to their Priest. For the doing otherwise importeth a contradiction in it selfe.

The 3. was, that the Pope coulde not geue geuerall licēce to heare confessiōs so, but y• the parishners so confessed were bound to reiterate ye same confession made, vnto his owne Curate. Which be proued by these places of the Canon law, 25. q. 1. Quae ad per. petuam. Those thinges which be generally ordeyned for publique vtilitye, ought not to be altered by any chaunge, &c. Item, the decrees of the sacrat Canons, none ought to keepe more then the Bishop Apostolicall. &c. Ibidem. Item, to alter or to ordeine any thing agaynst the decrees of the fathers, is not in the authoritye or power, uo not of the Apostolicall sea. Ibidem.

The fourth opinion was,The 4. opinion. that the Friers by the licēce of the Pope and of the Bishops might lawfully heare cō fessions, and the people might be of them confessed and absolued. But yet notwithstanding, it was reason, cōueniēt, honest and profitable, that once in the yeare they should be confessed to theyr curats (although being cōfessed before to the friers) because for the administration of Sacraments,Guilielmus de monte Lāduno. Henricus de Gandauo. The fift opinī on. especially at Easter. Of which opinion was Gulielinus de monte Landuno. Henricus de Gandauo also held, not onely to be conuenient, but also that they were bound so to doe.

The fift opinion was, that albeit the Friers might at all times, and at Easter also, heare confessions as the Curates did: yet it was better and more safe, at the time of Easter to confesse to the curates, thē to the Friers. And of this opiniō was this our Armachanus, of whom we presently now entreat.

¶And thus haue ye, as in a briefe summe opened vnto you, what was the matter of contention betweene the friers and the Church men. What Popes made with the friers: and what Popes made against thē. Moreouer, what learned mē disputed against them in Paris, and other places, and what were theyr opinions.

The matter of contention about the Friers, stoode in foure pointes. First preaching without licence of Curats, Second, in hearing cōfessions. Thyrd, in burying. Fourth in begging and taking of the people.

¶ Popes that mainteined the Friers.

were Honorius.

3

were Gregorius.

9

were Alexande.

4

were Clemens

4

were Boniface.

8

were Clemens.

5

¶ Popes that mainteiued Curates

were Innocentius.

9

were Innocentius.

4

were Martinus.

4

were Benedictus.

11

¶ The learned men that disputed agaynst the Friers.

were Guilielmus de S. Amore.

All these were cōdemned by the Popes, or els caused to recant.

were Barnardus super capitulum, Omnis vtriusque sexus,

All these were cōdemned by the Popes, or els caused to recant.

were Godfridus de Fontibus.

All these were cōdemned by the Popes, or els caused to recant.

were Henricus de Gandauo.

All these were cōdemned by the Popes, or els caused to recant.

were Guilielmus de Landuno.

All these were cōdemned by the Popes, or els caused to recant.

were Ioannes Monachus Cardini.

All these were cōdemned by the Popes, or els caused to recant.

were Ioannes de Poliaco.

All these were cōdemned by the Popes, or els caused to recant.

were Armachanus.

All these were cōdemned by the Popes, or els caused to recant.

These considerations and circūstaunces hetherto premised, for the more opening of this present cause of Armachanus susteined agaynst the idle beggerly sects of friers,Ex libro cui [...]itulus. Defensorium curatorum. in whom the reader may well perceiue Antechrist plainly reigning, and fighting against the Church: Now remayneth, that as I haue before declared the trauelles & troubles of diuers godly learned mē in the Church striuing agaynst the sayd friers, continually from the time of Guliel. de Amore, hetherto: So now it remaineth, that for so much as this our Armachanus labouring and in the same cause susteined the like conflict with the same Antechrist: we likewise collect and open his reasons and arguments vttered in the consistorye and in the audience of the Pope himselfe wherwith he maynteyneth the true doctrine and cause of the Church agaynst the pestiferous canker creeping in, by these friers after subtle wayes of hypocrisy, to corrupt the sincere simplicity of Christes holy fayth & perfect Testament. The which reasons and argumentes of his, with the whole processe of his doinges: I thought good and expedient for the vtility of the Church, more amply and largely to discourse and prosecute, for that I note in the sects, institutions, and doctrine of these friers, such subtle poyson to lurke: more pernitious & hurtfull to the religion of Christ and soules of Christians, then all men peraduenture do consider.

Thus Armachanus ioyning with the clergy of England, disputed and contended with the friers here of England [Page] an. 1358. about a double matter. Wherof the one was concerning confessiō and other exchetes which the friers encroched in parish Churches agaynst the Curates, and publicke pastors of Churches. The other was concerning wilfull beggery and pouerty, which the Friers then tooke vpon them, not vpon any necessity being otherwise strōg inough to worke for their liuing, but onely vpon a wilfull and affected profession. For the which cause the Friers appealed him vp to the court of Rome. The occasion wherof thus did rise.

¶ It befell, that Armachanus vpon certayne busines comming vp to London, found there certayne Doctours disputing and contending about the begging of Christ our Sauior. Wherupon (he being greatly vrged and requested oft times therūto) at request, made seuen or eight sermōs vnto the people at London, wherein he vttered 9. conclusions. Wherof the first and principal conclusion was, touching the matter of the friers priuiledges, in hearing confessions. His conclusion was this.

First, that if a doubt or question be moued for hearing cōfessiōs, which of 2. places is rather to be chosē. The parish church is to be preferred before the church of the friers.

Secondly, being demaunded whether is to be taken (to heare the confession of the parishioners the Parson, or the Curate, or the frier) It is to be sayde, rather the Parson or the Curate.

Thirdly, that our Lord Iesus Christ in his humayne conuersatiō was alwayes poore, but not that he loued pouerty, or did couet to be poore.

Fourthly, that our Lord Iesus Christ did neuer beg, wilfully professing to be poore.

Fiftly, that our Lord Iesus Christ did neuer teach wilfully to beg, or to professe wilfull beggery.

The sixt conclusion was, that Christ our Lord did cō trary, that men ought not wilfully or purposely wythout meere necessity to beg.

Seuēthly, that there is neither wisedome nor holines, for any man to take vpon him wilfull beggery, perpetually to be obserued.

The eight, that it is not agreing to the rule of the Obseruants, or Friers Minorites, to obserue wilful pouerty.

The last conclusion was, touching the Bull of Pope Alexander the 4. whiche condemned the libell of the maisters of Paris: that the same Bull touched none of these 7. last conclusions.

Armachanus cited vp to the Pope by the Friers.Upon these 9. conclusions premised, Armachanus being appealed, cited, and brought vp to the presence of the Pope: began to proue the same his foresaid conclusions or assertions vnder protestation made, that his intētion was not to affirme any thing contrary to the christian fayth, or to the Catholicke doctrine,The protestatiō of Armachanus. or that should be preiudicial or destructiue to ye orders of the begging friers, such as were approued by holy Church, or confirmed by the high Byshops: But onely his intētiō was, to haue the sayd orders reduced to the purity of their first institution. Concerning which matter, he desired his reasons to be heard, which if they should be foūd weaker then the reasons of the friers, the punishment should be his. If otherwise, that then the friers iustly to be rewarded, for their slaūderous obtrectation and publique cōtumelies, & iniurious dealinges both priuatly and publickly wrought and sought agaynst him:His theame. And so taking for his Theame: Nolite iudicare secundum faciem, sed iustum iudicium iudicate. &c. That is. Iudge not after the outward face, but iudge true iudgement. &c. Iohn. 7. he entreth to the probation of his conclusions:Iohn. 7. The first cōclusion proponed. Probation. First beginning with the former conclusion, that the Parish churche was a place more fit and conuenient, for the confessiōs or burials of the Parishioners to be vsed, then any other exempt Church or place of the Friers. Which he proued by three causes:Certaintie. First for the more surenes or certaynty to the conscience of the Parishioners confessed. Secondly, for the more vtility and profit of him.Vtilitie. Commoditie. Thirdly, for the lesse incommodity ensuing by confessions taken in Parish churches, then in friers Churches.

The first part of the first conclusion confirmed. Deut. 12.As touching the first, for the more assurednesse and certeinty, thus he argued vpon the place of Deu. 12. vnto that place, which ye Lord your God shall assigne of all your tribes, to place his name and dwell therin: thether shall you resort, to offer vp your oblations, tithes. &c. And the same place God sayth: See thou offer not thy sacrifice in euery place that liketh thee: but in that place alone which the Lord hath elect in one of the tribes, and thou shalt doe in all thinges as I commaund thee. Also vpon the wordes of Leuit. 4. and 5. which be these. Whosoeuer sinneth of ignorance, shal offer to the priest, and he shall pray for him, Leuit. 4.5. and he shalbe forgeuen &c. Upon these places thus he argued: that forasmuch as the Sacramēts of the Church are to be frequented and vsed in no other place but onely in that, which by God himselfe peculiarly is assigned and commaunded for the same: And seing that elect place in the law representeth the Parish Churches: neither can it be proued that the Friers Churche is the place prescribed of God, but onely permitted by Byshops of Rome: He concluded therefore, that Parish Churches for confessions and burialles, were more sure and certayne to the conscience of Parishioners, then the exempt places of the Friers.

By an other reason also he confirmed the same, for that the parish Church commonly standeth free frō the Popes interdict, so do not the Churches of the Friers.The first part of the first conclusion, confirmed by an other reason As which stand not so cleare, but that they are vnder suspition, and doubt of the Popes interdict: by the Decretall. De sepulturis in sexto. cap Animarum periculis. In which Decretall, all such conuentuall Churches and Churchyardes of Friers be interdicted, which do induce any person or persons, either by oth or promise made, to chuse their burying places in their churches, as commonly the friers are reported to do. For els what parishner would forsake his owne churche & parish where his auncestors do lye, to be buryed among the Friers, if the Friers did not induce thē so to do:

Moreouer for the secōd part,The second part of the first conclusion confirmed. concerning the vtility of the place, that he confirmed doublewise. First, for that confessiō made within the parish church, hath a double merit of obedience, both for obeying the commaūdement of God in opening his confessiō ¶ thus he speaketh according to ye blindnes of that time, for that auricular confessiō hath any cōmaundement of God, cannot be proued: & also in obeying the commaundemēt of God in obseruing the place by him appointed, y• which second merit of obedience lacketh in ye Friers part.An other confirmatiō of the secōd part of the first article. Secondly, he proued to be greater vtility for a parishioner to confesse him in his parish Church, thē with the Friers. Because commonly the number of Christen people praying, is ten times more in parish churches. Wherby is to be thought, that ech singuler persō may better be helped through moe prayers, then in the Oratories of the Friers, &c.

Farther as touching the third part of the first conclusion or Article he proued,The third part of the first conclusion proued. that it had fewer incōmodities to resort euery man to his parish Church, then to the friers: for that both great vtilitye, and more certaynety (as hath ben proued) did ensue therof: which two being take away, (as must need, in resorting to the friers Church) thē two speciall commodities should be hindred, & so great incommodities therof should follow. And thus much for ye place of the friers.

Now to the second conclusion or Article touching the person of the frier,The 2. conclusion or Article. and of the ordinary Curate. If the questiō be, which of these two is to be preferred in the office of Ecclesiasticall administratiō: the opinion of Armachanus was, that the ordinary Curate was better then the extraordinary frier,3. respectes or causes to be proued. and that for the three foresayd respectes, to wit, for certaintie or assuraunce, for vtility, and for incommodity to be auoyded.

First that it is more safe and sure for the parishioners to resort to theyr ordinary or parish priest, hee argued by 3. reasons: first because the person of the lawfull ordinary or priestes is expressely of God commaūded, where the persō of the frier is not, and therfore is forbid. Secondly, because the parishner may more trust to his ordinary Curate, as who is more bound & obliged to prouide and to be carefull for him, then any other extraordinary person, Thirdly, because in the person of the ordinary curate, commonly there is no doubt of any interdict to bind him: whereas contrary in the friers be halfe: there is good matter to doubt, whether he stand bound vnder the popes cēsure of excōmunication or not, and that for diuers causes, as by the cap. Religiosi, in Clemētinis de decimis. Ca. Relig [...] si. Clement. de decimis. Where is decreed, that all such religious mē, which hauing no benefices or cure of soule, presume to improperate vnto them glebe land or other tithes due vnto Churches, and not appertayning to them (by any maner of colour or fraudulent circumuention) do incurre the sentence of excommunication,In Clementino de priuilegijs cap. Religiosi. The Friers proued to be excommunicate by the Popes lawe. ipso facto. Also by another cap Religiosi, De priuilegijs. in Clement. Where it is sayd, that all such religious men are excommunicated De facto, whosoeuer doe absolue any, agaynst whom the sentence of excommunication hath bene denounced by statute prouincial, or sinodal: as it is commonly said, that the friers hearing mēs cōfessions are accustomed to do, in loosing them whom the censure of prelates, or their Officials haue bound. Wherof the sayd Armachanus bringeth forth example of his own Dioces: For I (sayd he) in mine own Dioces of Armachan, haue as good as two thousād vnder me, who by the censure of excōmunication euery yere, denoūced against wilfull murtherers, common theues, burners [Page] of mens houses, & such like malefactors, stand accursed: Of all which number notwithstanding, scarcely 14. there be, which come to me or to any about me for their absolution. And yet all they receiue the Sacramentes as other do, & all because they be absoyled, or because they faine themselues to be absoyled by none other then by friers: who in so doing, are proued to be vnder the daūger of excommunication, both the friers, and also the parishners, if they knowing therof do consent to theyr error.

Also out of the said Clementines, by three other places in one chapter, he proued the friers to be excōmunicate, to with in the chap.Cap. Cupientes de pae [...]. Clement Cupientes, De poenis in Clement. In y• which chapter: First, all such religious men are excommunicate, which in their Sermons presume to withdraw their hearers from their tithes paying, due vnto churches. Secōdly, in the sayd chapter all such friers are suspended from preaching,The Friers proued to be excommunicated or the popes lawe. and so are excommunicate, which within a certayne time did not make a conciō to such as come to theyr confessions, in paying their tythes truely and duely to the Church. Thirdly, in the foresayd chapter also, all such religious persons be bound in excōmunication, which induce men by any maner of meanes, either by vow, othe, or promise, to chuse theyr burials within their Churches, or not to chaūge the same, if they haue made any such promise before. In all which three poyntes, he proued the friers to be culpable and excommunicate.

Another proofe, that the parishner may more safely goe to his [...]ate, then to the Fryers. The second part of the second conclusion pro [...].Moreouer, for the more surer way for y• parishners to resort to their appointed curates, thē to ye friers, he argued thus. For that the parish Priest or Curate being better acquaynted with his owne parishner thē is a straunger, can better iudge of the nature and dispositiō of his disease, and minister to him due Phisick of penaunce for the same, and also wilbe more carefull in curing him.

Thus the first part of the second conclusion or article being proued and argued, Armachanus procedeth farther to proue the second part: that is better for the parishners to leaue the Friers, and to resort to their owne Pastors. Which he proued by eight or nine reasons.

First, for that the ordinary pastor, is properly appointed of God vnto that ministery: Wheras the Frier, is but onely permitted of man therunto.

Secondly, for that in resorting to the ordinary of the parish, is a double reward of merite, wheras in comming to the Friers there is but one.

Thirdly, because the ordinary is more bounde to his owne flocke, and is to be thought to be more tender and carefull ouer them, then a straunger.

Fourthly, because to resort to the person of his owne ordinary, there is more assuraunce and certainty, (as is aboue declared) then to an other.

Innocent [...]ap. Si animarū.Fiftly, because (as Innocentius, Cap. Si animarum, sayth) the comming to the curate or pastor ordinary, is more easy and light, both in the night and in necessity.

Sixtly, for so much as the parishner must needes come to his Curate at some time, and especially beeing in necessity: It is expedient and profitable, that his former life before were knowne to him, rather then to the other.

Seuenthly, for that (as the sayd Innocentius affirmeth) it striketh more shame of his sinne to the parishner to be confessed to his curate whom he seeth euery day, then to a frier vnknowne.

Eightly, because it is more profitable especially for thē that liue in Matrimony, that he which heareth the confession of the one, should heare also the cōfession of the other. So that one hearing the confession of them both as a spirituall Phisition taking two cures in one body, may better know what spirituall coūsell is to be ministred to the one, after he hath cured the other, &c.

The third part of the second conclusion argued.These things thus proued before, then Armachanus consequently proceedeth to the third part: Arguing, how the greater detrimentes and inconueniences do ensue by confessions, burials, and other Ecclesiastical functions exercised by the friers, then by pastors & secular curats, seruing in parishes. About the which matter, the sayd Armachanus learnedly and worthely inferreth a long discourse prouing and inferring how pernicious these orders of friers are to the whole state of the church: And what mischief commeth by the priuiledges of certain Popes, which haue priuiledged them to intermeddle in the office & function of Ecclesiasticall ministers, to preach, and to take almes, and tithes of the people, and improperations from the church. All which his reasōs & argumēts to prosecute in order as he hath left them in writing, it would make a matter of a large booke. Notwithstanding, because it shall not be vnfruitfull both for the time present & the posterity, to know the manifold de [...]rimetes and discommodities receiued by these friers, and to know what benefit God hath done for vs in vnburdening the Church of this monstrous generation:Defensorium. Curatorum. Armachanus. And especially because the booke of Armachanus is rare otherwise to be found, intituted, Defensorum Curatorum: I haue briefly therfore contracted out of the same, certaine of his reasons, such as semed most apperteining and most worthy of noting.

And first, alleadging the authority of Innocent the 4. He importeth foure incōueniēces rising by the friers, whibe these: Contempt of the people against their ordinaries, decreasing of deuotion, taking away of shame frō the people by confessing to the friers, deteining of oblations, such as the people are wont to geue at their confessiō & burials, and which by right belong to the parish churches.

Item, by the sayd priuiledges of the Popes, graunted to the friers,Cap. Du [...]. many other great enormities do rise. As first because therby, the true shepheards do not know the faces of their flocke.

Item,The harmes that come to the world by the Friers, declared. by the occasion of these priuiledges, geuen to the Friers, great contention, and sometimes blowes rise betwene the friers and secular curates, about tythes, improperations, and other auayles.

Item, by the occasion of the foresayd priuiledges, diuers yoūg men as well in vniuersities as in their fathers houses, are allured craftely by the friers their confessors, to enter their orders: from thence afterward, they can not get out though they would, to the great griefe of their parentes, and no lesse repentaunce to the young men themselues. The example wherof, Armachanus in the sayd hys treatise inferreth, of a certayne substantiall English man being with him at his Inne in Rome: who hauing a sonne at the vniuersity of Oxford, which was entised by y• friers to enter into their order, could by no meanes after release him out. But whē his father & his mother woulde come vnto him, they could not be suffered to speake with him, but vnder the friers custody. Wheras the Scripture commaundeth plainly,Example of the Friers theft in Oxford. that who so stealeth any man & selleth him (being therof conuicted) shal be put to death. Exod. 21. And for the same cause, the father was compelled to come vp to Rome to seek remedy for his sonne. And thus sayth Armachanus, it may appeare what damage and detriments come, by these friers vnto the common people.

And no lesse inconuenience and daunger also by ye sayd friers,Friers hinderers of Vniuersities. riseth to the Clergy: for so much, as lay men seeyng their childrē thus to be stollē frō thē in the vniuersities by ye friers, do refuse therfore to send thē to their studies: Rather willing to keep them at home to their occupation, or to folow the plough, then so to be circumuēted and defeated of their sonnes at the vniuersity, as by dayly experiēce (sayth he) doth manifestly appeare. For where as in my time (sayth Armachanus) there were in the vniuersity of Oxford 30000.30. thousand students in Oxford, in the time of Armachanus. studentes: now are there not to be founde 6000. The occasion of which so great decay, is to be ascribed to no other cause, but to this circumuention onely of the friers aboue mentioned.

Ouer and besides this,The Friers a great cause of decay of learning. an other incōuenience as great or greater, the said Armachanus inferred to proceed by the friers, through the decay of doctrine, and knowledge in all maner faculties and liberall sciences, which thus he declared. For that these begging friers through their priuileges obteined of the Popes, to preach, to heare confessions, and to bury: and through theyr charters of improperatiōs, did grow therby to such great riches and possessions by theyr begging, crauing, catching and intermedling with church matters, that no booke could stirre of any science, either of Diuinity,Bookes not to be gotten for the Friers. law, or Phisicke, but they were both able and ready to buy it vp. So that euery couent hauing a great library full stuffed and furnished with all sortes of bookes, and being so many couents within the realme, & in euery couent so many friers increasing dayly more and more: by reason therof, it came to passe, that very few books or none at all remayne for other students.Example what lacke of bookes commeth by the Friers. Which by his owne experiēce he thus testifieth, saying: that he himselfe sent forth to the vniuersity foure of his owne Priests or chaplaynes, who sending him word agayne yt they could neither finde the Bible, nor any other good profitable booke of diuinitye meete for theyr studye, therefore were minded to returne home to their country: and one of them, he was sure, was returned by this time agayne.

Furthermore, as he hath proued hetherto, the Friers to be hurtful both to the laity,The Friers giltie in 3. faultes. 1. Disobedience. 2. Auarice. 3. Pride. and to the clergy: so proceeding farther, he proueth them to be hurtfull also to themselues. And that in 3. poynts, as incurring the vice of disobedience agaynst God, against their owne rule: The vice of auarice: and the vice of pride. The probatiō of all which poyntes, he prosecuted in a long discourse.

[Page]First (sayth he) they are disobedient to the law of God: Thou shalt not couet thy neighbors house,Armachanus chargeth the Friers with disobedience. Oxe nor Asse, nor any thing that is his: In that they procure the Popes letters to preach in Churches, and to take burials from churches, with licence annexed withal to receiue the auailes which rise of the same, which properly belōgeth to the right of parish priestes.

Friers disobedient to the rule of Scripture.Item, they are disobedient to this rule of the Gospell: So do to other, as thou would haue done to thee.

Itē, they be disobediēt agaynst theyr owne rule, which being foūded vpon straight pouerty and beggery, this licence obteined for thē to require necessary for theyr labors of the people, is repugning agaynst the same foundation.

Item, they be disobedient to the rule of the Scripture, which sayth: let no man take honor vnto him, except he be called, as Aarō, Also saith S. Paul, how shall they preach, vnlesse they be sēt. And how obserue they this rule of obedience, who professing to keepe the perfection of the Gospell, yet contrary to the Gospell, procure to thēselues priuiledges to runne before they be sent▪

Itē, to theyr own rule they are disobediēt: For where theyr chapter sayth, that if any wil take vpō them this order, & will come to our brethren: let our brethren first send them to the prouincials to be examined of the Catholicke fayth and Sacraments of the Church. &c. Cōtrary wherevnto the friers haue procured a priuiledge, that not onely the prouincials, but other inferiors also may take vnto them indifferently, whom they can catch: so farre without al examination, that almost at this day there is no notable house of friers, wherin is not either a whole, or halfe a couent of lads & boyes vnder 10. yere old, being circūuented, which neither can skill of the Creed nor Sacraments.

Friers disobedient to their own professiō.Agayne, the rule of Frauncise sayth: that his brethren Obseruaunts must obserue not to preach in the Dioces of any bishop, without the consent of the Bishop: And moreouer the sayd Frauncise in his testament sayth: that if he had as much wisedome as Salomon, and found poore secular priests in the parishes where the dwel: yet he would not presume to preach without theyr will, and also would feare, loue, & honor them, & all other as his maisters, & so they be Haecille. Against which rule, how the friers do disobey, how litle they reuerence Bishops or secular priests: what priuileges, exemptions, & immunities they procure agaynst them, the world may see and iudge.

Itē, when none may be admitted to preach, or to heare confessions, vnles they be entred into orders: and seing by the commō law of the Church, none must be admitted into holy orders, except he haue sufficient title of liuing and clothing: The friers therefore hauing no such title (being wilfull beggers) do disobey in both respects, that is, both in entring into such orders without conuenient title, and in exercising the office of preaching without such lawfull orders.

Moreouer the foresayd Frauncise in his testament cō maundeth thus: I commaund (sayth he) firmely by vertue of obedience, to all and singular my brethren wheresoeuer they be: that none of them presume to obtayne in the court of Rome any letter or writing, either by himselfe or by any other meanes, neither for the Church nor for any other place nor vnder any coulour of preaching, nor yet for the persecuting of their owne bodyes &c. Against which testamen of Francise, the Franciscanes in procuring theyr priuiledges from the Bishop of Rome, haue incurred manifest disobediēce, as all the world may see. Neither will this obiectiō serue them, because the Pope hath dispensed with Francise rule. For if the testament of Francise as he sayth came from GOD, (and so should God haue three testaments) how then can the Pope repeale his precept, or dispense with his rule, when by the rule of the law. Par in parem non habet imperium?

Armachanus chargeth the Friers with auarice.Secondly, concerning the vice of auarice, manifestly it may be proued vpon them (sayth Armachanus) for els, seing so many charges belong to the office of a secular parish priest, as to minister the Sacrament at Easter, to visit the sicke with extreme vnction to baptise childrē, to wed, with such other wherein standeth as great deuotion: how then happeneth that these friers making no labor for these, onely procure to thēselues priuiledges to preach in churches, to heare confessions, and to receiue licence to bury frō parish churches but because there is lucre and gayne in these to be looked for, in the other is none?

Which also may appere by this: for otherwise if it were for mere deuotion onely,An other proofe that they procure licence to bury from parish churches, and to preach: why then haue they procured with all, licence to take offerings? oblations and legacies for theyr funerals. And for theyr preaching, why haue they annexed also licence to require and take of the people necessaryes for theyr labor, but onely auarice is the cause thereof.

Likewise for hearing of confessiōs: whē all good men haue enough to know theyr owne faults,An other proofe. and nothing lift to heare the faultes of other: It is probably to be supposed by this theyr priuilege of hearing all mens confessiōs, that they would neuer haue bene so desirous of procuring that priuilege, were it not that these friers did fele some sweetnes and gayne to hang vpon the same.

Item, where the rule of frier Francise forbiddeth them to company with any womē, to enter into Monasteries, to be Godfathers and Gossips to men and women:An other proofe. how commeth it, that they contrary to theyr rule, enter into the secret chambers of Queenes and other women: and made to know the most secret counsels of theyr doings, but that auarice and commodity haue so blinded their eyes, & styrred theyr hartes.

Thirdly,Armachanus chargeth the friers with pride. that the friers fall into the vice of pride & ambition, the sayd Armachanus proued thus.

To seek or to procure any high place in the Church, is a poynt of pride & ambition. Chrisost. in opere perfecto: Nū quam sine ambitione desideratur primatus in Ecclesia.

The friers se [...]k and procure a high place in the church.

Ergo. the friers be proud and ambitious.

The Minor he proueth: To haue the state of preaching and hearing confessions, is in the church a state of honor.

The friers seeke and haue procured the state of preaching and hearing confessions.

Ergo, The friers seeke and procure an high place in the Church. &c.

His third conclusion was,The 3. conclusion or article. that the Lord Christ in his humane conuersation was alwayes poore, not for that he loued or desired pouerty for it self. &c, Wherin this is to be noted, that Armachanus differed not frō the friers in this that Christ was poore, and that he loued pouerty: but here in stood the difference, in maner of louing, that is whether he loued pouerty for it self, or not. Wherin the foresayd Armachanus vsed foure probations.

First, forsomuch as to be poore, is nothing els but to be miserable: and seing no man coueteth to be in misery for it self: Therfore he concluded, that Christ desired not pouerty for it selfe.

His second reason was deriued out of Aristotle. Nothing (sayth he) is to de loued for it selfe,Arist, E. theo. lib. 1. but that frō which (all commodities being secluded which folow therupō) is voluntarily sought and desired. But take from pouerty al respect of cōmodities folowing ye same, it would be sought neither of God nor mā, Ergo, he cōcluded, Christ loued not pouerty for it selfe.

Thirdly agayne: No effect of sinne, said he, is to be loued for it selfe. But pouerty is the effect of sinne. Ergo, pouerty was not loued of Christ for it selfe.

Fourth, Item, no priuation of the thing that is good, is to be loued for it selfe. Pouerty is the priuation of the thing that is good, that is of riches (for God hymselfe is principally rich:) Ergo, pouerty for it selfe was not loued of Christ.

The fourth conclusion was, that Christ our Lord and Sauior did neuer begge wilfully.The 4. conclusion of Armachanus against the Friers. Which he proued by sondry reasons.

1. First, for that Christ in so doing should breake the law, which sayth: Thou shalt not couet thy neighbors house, his wife, his seruāt, his maid, his oxe, his asse, or any thing that is his, Exod. 20. In the daunger of which cōmaundement, he that beggeth voluntaryly must needes incurre.

2. Item, if Christ had begged voluntaryly he should haue committed agaynst an other cōmaundement, which sayth. There shalbe no begger, nor needy person among you &c. Deut. 6.

3. Item, Christ in so doing should haue transgressed the Emperours law, vnder which he would himselfe be subiect (as appeareth by geuing, & bidding tribute to be geuē to Cesar) forasmuch as the same Emperours law sayth. There shall no valiant begger be suffered in the City.

4. Item, if Christ had bene a wilfull begger, he had broke the law of louing his neighbor: whō he had vexed, hauing no need. For who so without need asketh or craueth of his neighbor, doth but vexe him, in such sort as he would not be vexed himselfe. Which Christ would neuer do.

5. Item. if Christ had begged wilfully, he had moued slaū der therby to hys owne Gospell, which he with miracles did confirme. For then they that saw his miracle in feeding 5000. in wildernes, would haue thought much with them selues how that miracle had bene wrought, if he in feeding other, either could not, or would not feed himselfe.

[Page]6. Item, if Christ had begged wilfully, then he had done that which himselfe condemneth by Paule: for so we read. 1. Timo. 6. That Paule condemneth them, which esteme piety to be gayne and lucre. Which all they do that vnder the coulour of piety, hunt or seeke for gayne, when otherwise they need not.

7. Item, if Christ had begged willfully, he had offended in declaring an vntruth, in so doing. For he that knoweth in his mind, that he needeth not in deed that thing whych in word he asketh of other: Declareth in himselfe an vntruth as who in word pretendeth to be otherwise then he is in very deede, which Christ without doubt neuer did nor would euer do,

8. Item, if Christ had begged wilfully, that is, hauing no [...]eue [...]nced thereunto: then had he appeared cither to be an hipocrite, seeming to be that he was not, and to lacke whē he did not: or els to be a true begger in very deed, not able to suffice his necessity. For he is a true begger in deed, whiche being constrayned by mere necessity, is forced to aske of other that which he is not able to geue to himself. But neither of these two agreeth in Christ.

Ex vita S. Clementis.9. Item, if Christ had begged wilfully, then why did Peter rebuke the mother of S. Clement his disciple, finding her to stād amōg the beggers, whō he thought to be strōg inough to labor with her handes for her liuing: If she in so doing had folowed the example of Christ:

Clements example contrarie to the Friers.10. Item, if Christ had begged wilfully: And if the Friers do tightly define perfectiō of the Gospell by wilful pouerty: thē was Clement S. Peters successor to blame, which labored so much to remoue away beggery and pouerty frō among al them, that were conuerted to the faith of Christ: and is specially for the same commended of the Church:

13. quasi. cap. 1.11. Agayne, why did the sayd Clement, writing to Iames Byshop of Ierusalem, commaund so much to obey the doctrine and examples of the apostles: who as he sheweth in that Epistle, had no begger nor needy person amōgst thē, If Christian perfection (by the friers Philosophy) stadeth in wilfull beggery?

12. Item, if Christ the high priest had begged wilfully, thē did holy Church erre wittingly, which ordeined that none without sufficient title of liuing & clothing, should be admitted to holy orders. And moreouer, when it is seyd in ye canonicall decrees, that the bishop or clerke that beggeth, bringeth shame vpon the whole order of the clergy.

13. Item: if Christ had wilfully begged, then the example of wilful pouerty had perteyned to the perfection of Christian life, which is contrary to the old law: which commaū deth the Priestes (which liued then after the perfection of the law) to haue possessions and tithes, to keep them from beggory.

14. Item, if Christ did wilfully begge, then beggery were a poynt of christian perfection. And so the Church of God should erre, in admitting such patrimonies and donatiōs geuen to the Church, and so in taking from the Prelates their perfection.

15. Agayne, what will these friers which put their perfection in begging, say to Melchisedech: who without begging or wilfull pouerty, was the high Priest of God, and King of Salem, and prefigured the order and Priesthoode of Christ?

16. And if beggery be such a perfection of the Gospell (as the friers say) how cōmeth it, that the holy Ghost geuen to the Apostles, which should lead them into all trueth: tolde them no word of this beggerly perfection, neither is there any word mentioned therof through the whole Testamēt of God.

17. Moreouer, where the Prophet sayth, I neuer did see the lust man forsaken, nor his seed go begging their bread: How standeth this with the iustice of Christ, which was most perfectly iust, if he should be forsaken, or his seede goe begge their bread? And thē how agreeth this with the abhominable doctrine of friers Franciscan, which put theyr perfection in wilfull begging?

18. Finally, doc wee not read that Christ sent his disciples to preach without scripp or wallet, and bid them salute no man by the way? Meaning that they should begge nothing of no man? Did not the same Christ also labor with his handes, vnder Ioseph? S. Paule likewise did he not labour with his handes, rather then he would burden the Church of the Corinthians? And where now is the doctrine of the friers, which putteth state of perfectiō in wilfull begging.

The 5. conclusion of Armachanus against the Friers.The fift conclusion of Armachanus agaynst the friers was this: that Christ neuer taught any man wilfully to begge, which he proued thus. It is written Actes. 1. Christ began to do and to teach. If Christ therfore, which did neuer wilfully beg himselfe, as hath bene proued, had taught men otherwise to do, then his doing and teaching had not agreed together.

Item, if Christ which neuer begged himselfe wilfully, had taught men this doctrine of wilfull begging contrary to his owne doing: he had geuen suspition of his doctrine, and ministred slaunder of the same; as hath bene proued [...]t the fourth conclusion before.

Moreouer in so reaching, he had taught cōtrary to the Emperors iust law, which [...]xpresly forbiddeth the same.

The sixt conclusion of Armachanus agaynst the Friers was,The 6. conclusion of Armachanus against the Friers. that our Lord Iesus Christ teacheth vs, that we should not beg wilfully, which he proueth by seuē or eight reasons.

First where it is written Luke. 14. when thou makest a feast call the poore, weake, lame, and blind: and thou shalt be blessed, for they haue not wherewith to reward thee agayne.

To this also perteineth yt decree of yt apostle. 1. Thes. 3. He that will not worke let him not eat. Furthermore, the same Apostle addeth in the same place: For you haue vs for exāple how we were burdenous to nomā, neither did we eat our bread freely: but with labor and wearines, toiling both day and night, and all because we would not burthē you. &c.

4. Item, where we read in the scripture, the slouthful in ā reprehended, Pro. 6. why slepest thou O sluggard, thy pouerty and beggery is comming vpon thee like an armed man. &c. And agayne in the same booke of Prouerbs. The slouthfull man (sayth the scripture) for colde would not go to the plough, therfore he shal beg in sommer, and no man shall geue bun. &c. Also in the sayd booke of Prouerb. last chapter. The diligent labouring woman is commended, whose fingers are exercised about the rocke & spindle. And all these places make agaynst the wilfull begging of sturdy Friers.

5. Item,The rule of Frier Fraunces. Frier Frances their owne founder in his owne testament sayth: And I haue laboured with mine owne hands, and will labor, and will that all my frierlings shall labor and litle of theyr labor, wherby they may support thē selues in an honest meane. And they that cannot worke, let them learne to worke, not for any couetousnesse to receiue for theyr labor, but for example of good workes, and to auoyd idlenesse. And when the price of theyr labor is not geuen them, let them resort to the Lords table, & aske their almes from dore to dore. &c. Thus much in his Testamēt. And in his rule he sayth: Such brethren to whom ye Lord hath geuen the gift to labor, let them labour faithfully and deuoutly. &c. wherfore it is to be maruelled, how those friers with their wilfull begging, dare transgresse the rule & obedience of Frier Frauncis their great graundfathers testament.

6. Item, if Christ at any time did beg or did lacke, it was more because he would vse a miracle in his own persō, thē because he would beg wilfully: as when he sent Peter to yt sea to finde a groat in the fishes mouth. which thing yee he thought rather to do, thē to beg the groat of the people, which he might soone haue obteined.

7. Item, by diuers other his examples he seineth to teach the same as where he sayth: The workmā is worthy of his hier. Also the workeman is worthy of his meate. Math. 10. Luke 10. And whē he spake to Zache, that he would turne into his house. And so likewise in Bethany and all other places he euer vsed rather to burden his frends thē to beg of other, vnacquaynted.

8. Item, with playn precept thus he sendeth forth his disciples, willing them not to go from house to house, Luke. 10. so as Friers vse now to goe. Many other Scriptures there be, which reproue begging: as where it is sayd. The foot of a foole is swift to the house of his neighbor, Eccl. 29. And in an other place: My childe (sayth he) see thou want not is the tune of thy life, for better it is to die then to lack. Eccl. 21.

9. Itē, where Christ counselling the young man, had him go and sel that he had and geue to the poore and folow him if he would be perfect: doth not there cal him to wilful begging, but calleth him to folow him, which did not beg wilfully.

The seuenth conclusion of Armachanus is: that no wise nor true holy man can take vpon him wilfull pouerty to be obserued alwayes,The seuenth cō clusion of Armachanus against the Fryers. which he proueth by foure reasons.

First, that wilfull beggery was reproued both by the doctrine of Christ and of the Apostles, as in the conclusion before hath bene declared.

2. Item, a man in taking vpon hym wilfull beggery, in so doing should lead himselfe into temptation, which were agaynst the Lordes prayer. For as muche as Salomon [Page] Prouerb. 30. saith:Wilful beggery not to be promised. O Lord, beggery and great riches geue me not, but onely sufficiency to liue vpon: least if I haue to much, I be driuen to deny thee, & say: who is the Lord. Agayne, if I haue to litle, I be forced thereby to steale, and to p [...]riure the name of my God. Wherfore sayth Eccle. 27. For need many haue offēded. And therfore they that chuse wilfull pouerty, take to them great occasion of temptatiō.

3. Item, they that take wilfull pouerty vpon them when they need not induce themselues voluntaryly to break the commaundemēt of God: Thou shalt not couet thy neighbours house. &c. Agayne, where it is commaunded, there shalbe no begger among you. &c.

4. Item, he that taketh vpon him needles and wilfully to beg, maketh himselfe vnapt to receiue holy orders, hauing (as is sayd) no sufficient title thereunto, according to the lawes of the Church.

The 8. conclusion of Armachanus against the Friers.The 8. conclusiō of this matter: That it is not agreing to the rule of the Friers obseruant, to obserue wilfull beggery. which (saith he) may be proued, for that Frier Frances, both in his rule and in his Testamēt, being left to his Franciscans, doth plainly preferre labor before begging.

The 9. conclusion of Armachanus. Touching this booke of the maisters of Paris condemned, looke pag. 404. Ex Clement.The 9. and last conclusion of this matter is. That the bull of pope Alexander the 4. which condemneth the booke of the maisters of Paris, impugneth none of these conclusions premised. For the proofe therof, he thus inferred.

1. First, that Pope Iohn the 24. in his constitutiō, beginning thus:Quia quorundā Pope Nicolas the 3. reuoketh the Bul of pope Alexander the fourth. Quia quorundam, affirmeth expresly, how Pope Nicholas the 3. reuoked and called backe the sayd Bull of Pope Alexander the 4. and all other writings of his: touching all such articles, which in the same foresayd constitution of this Pope Iohn be cōreined and declared. Wherin also is declared, how strayt the pouerty of the friers ought to be, which they call wilfull pouerty.

2. Item, it is manifest and notorious to all men, how the sayd Pope Nicholas the 3. in his declaratiō sheweth, how the friers both ought to labor with their handes and how moreouer the sayd Friers ought not to preach within the dioces of any bishop, wheresoeuer they be resisted. Which being so, the conclusion appereth, that the bull of Pope Alexander the 4. as touching these articles, is voyde and of none effect. Beside the which articles, there is nothing els in the sayd Bull of Alexander (that I remember) which unpugneth any of these conclusions premised.

The ende and conclusion of this Oration of Armachanus before the pope. Ex defensor to euratorum.Many things mo(sayd he) I had beside these, both to obiect and to aunswere again to the same: and to confirme more surely and firmely these my reasons and assertions premised. But I haue already to much weried your holynesse, and your reuerend Lordships here present. Wherefore I conclude and humbly and deuoutly beseech you, according to my former petition premised in the beginning of this matter: that you iudge not after the outward face, but iudge ye true iudgement. Iohn. 7. Ex libro Armachani, cui titulus Defensorium Curatorum.

Notes to be obserued in this former Oration of Armachanus.

Notes to be obserued. BY this Oratiō of Armachanus the learned Prelate, thus made before Pope Innocent and his Cardinals, diuers and sundrye thinges there be for the vtility of the Church worthy to be obserued. First what troubles and vexations came to the Church of Christ by these Friers. Also what persecution foloweth after by the meanes of them,Contrarietie among the popesagaynst so many learned mē & true seruants of Christ. Furthermore, what repugnance and contrariety was among the Popes, & how they could not agree among themselues about the Friers. Fourthly what pestiferous doctrine, subuerting welneare the testament of Iesus Christ. Fiftly what decay of ministers in Christes church, as appereth pag. 411. Sixtly, what robbing and circumuenting of mens children, as appeareth, pag. 411. Seuenthly, what decay of vniuersities, as appeareth by Oxforde, pag. 411. Eightly, what damage to learning, and lacke of books to students came by these friers, as appeareth pag. 411. Ninthly, to what pride vnder coulour of feined humility to what riches, vnder dissimuled pouerty they grew vnto, here is to be seene. In so much that at length through theyr subtle & most daungerous hipocrisy they crept vp to be Lordes, Archbishops, Cardinals & at last also, Chauncelors of realmes, yea and of most secret counsell with king and queenes, as appeareth pag. 411.

Whether the Fryers make vp the bodie of Antechrist or not. All these things wel cōsidered, now remaineth in the church to be marked: that forsomuch as these Friers (with theyr new foūd testament of Frier Fraunces) not beeing contented with the testamēt of God in his sonne Christ, began to spring the same time, when as Satan was prophesied to be let loose, by the order of the Scripture, whether therfore it is to be doubted, that these Friers make vp the body of Antechrist, which is prophesied to come in the Church, or not: so much more to be doubted, because who so li [...]t to trie shall finde, that of all other enemies of Christ, of whom some be manifest, some be priuy, all be together cruel: yet is there no such sort of enemies which more sleightly deceiueth the simple christian, or more deepely drowneth him in damnation, then doth this doctrine of the Friers.

But of this Oration of Armachanus enough.The death of godly Armachanus. The testimony of a Cardinall vpon Armachanus. which Oration what successe it had with the Pope, by story it is not certain. By his own life declared, it appereth, that the Lord so wrought, that his enemies did not triumph ouer him. Notwithstāding, this by story appereth, that he was 7. or 8. yeares in banishment for the same matter, & there died in the same at Auiniō, Of whom a certayne Cardinal hearing of his death openly protested, that the same day, a mighty piller of Christes church was fallen.

After the death of Armachanus,Ex Chron. reg. Rich. 2. the Friers had contē tion likewise with the monkes of Benedictes order about the same yeare, 1360. and so remoued theyr cause both against the monkes and agaynst the vniuersity of Oxford, vnto the court of Rome, wherin seyth the author, they lacked an other Richard. Ex Botonero. By this appeareth to be true,Fryers against the vniuersitie of Oxforde. Englishe writers against the Friers. Friers that write against Armachanus. which is testified in the first tome of Wald. that lōg debate continued betwene the friers and the vniuersity of Oxford: Against whom first stood Robert Brosted bishop of Lincolne aboue mentioned: Then Seuallus of Yorke. Afterward Ioannes Bachothorpe, and now this Armachanus, of whom here presently we entreate. And after hym agayne Iohn Wickliffe, of whom (Christ willing) we will speake hereafter. Ex Waldeno. Against this foresayd Armachanus wrote diuers Friers, Roger Conaway a Franciscan, Iohn Heyldeshā Carmelite, Balfridus Hardby frier Augustine. Also frier Engelbert a Dominican, in a booke intituled, Defensorium priuilegiorum, and diuers other. I credibly heare of certayne olde Irish Bibles translated long since into the Irish toung,Testified by certayne Englishmen which are yet aliue & haue scene it. which if it be true, it is not other like but to be the doing of this Armachanus. And thus much of this learned prelate and Archbishop of Ireland, a man worthy for his christian zeale of immortall cō mendation.

After the death of this Innocent, next was poped in yt sea of Rome,Pope Vibane. 5. pope Urbane the fift, who by the fathers side was an englishman.Anno. 1360. This Urbane had bene a long wayter in the court of Rome: and when he saw no promotion would light vpon him, complayning to a certayn frend of his, made to him his mone, saying:Vrbane cō plaineth that no promotiō wold fall vpon him. An answerd againe to Vrbane being made Pope. That he thought veryly, if all the Churches of the world should fall, yet none would fall in his mouth. The which frend after seing him to be Pope, and inthronised in his threefold crowne, commeth to him, & putting him in remembrance of his words to him before, sayth: that where his holynesse had moned his fortune to him, that if all the Churches in the world would fall, none would fall vpō his head: Now (sayth he) god hath otherwise so disposed, that all the churches in the world are fallen vpon your head. &c.

This Pope mayntayned and kindled great wars in Italy, sending Egidius his Cardinall and Legate, and after him Arduinus a Burgundian his legate and Abbot with great puissaunce and much mony agaynst sundry cities in Italy:Ex Sabel. Enead 9. lib. 8. By whose meanes, the townes and Cittyes which before had broken frō the bishop of Rome were oppressed: also Bernabes & Baleaceus princes of Millam, vanquished.Howe the church of Rome came by their roiall possessions. By whose example other being sore feared, submitted themselues to the Church of Rome. And thus came vp that wicked church to her great possessiōs, which her patrons would needes father vpon Constantine the godly Emperor.

In the time of this Pope Urbane the 5. and in the second yeare of his raign, about the beginning of the yere of our Lord. 1364. I finde a certayne Sermon of one Nicolas Drem, made before the Pope and his Cardinalies on Christmas euen. In the which Sermon, the learned man doth worthely rebuke the prelates and priests of his time, declaring their destruction not to be farre of, by certayne signes taken of their wicked and corrupt life. All the sayings of the Prophets spoken agaynst the wicked priestes of the Iewes,Nicholaus Orem. he doth aptly apply against the clergy of his time, comparing the Church then present to the spirituall strumpet spoken of in the 16. of the Prophet Ezechiel. And proueth in conclusion the clergy of the church then, to be so much worse then the old Synagoge of the Iewes, by how much it is worse to sell yt church & Sacraments, thē to suffer doues to be solde in the church. with no lesse iugement also and learning he answereth to the old and false obiection of the papists: who albeit they be neuer so wicked, yet thinke themselues to be the church which the Lord cannot forsake. All which thinges to yt entent they may the better appeare in his owne words, I haue thought here to translate [Page] and exhibite the Sermon as it was spoken before the Pope.

¶ A copy of a Sermon made before Pope Vrbane. 5. the fourth sonday in Aduent 1364. by Nicholas Orem.

A Sermon made before the Pope. Esay. 56. The worlde deuided into two sorts of men before the incarnation of Christ.IVxta est salus mea, vt veniat, & iustitia. &c. That is: My sauing health is neare at hand to come, and my righteousnes to be reuealed. &c. Esay. 56. After the sentence of S. Paule Rom. 2. and in diuers other places, before the Natiuity of Christ: the whole world was deuided into two sorts of men, the Iewes and Gentils. The Iewes who wayted for the opening of the dore of Paradise, by the bloud of the Sauior to come. The Gentiles who yet sitting in darckenesse were to be called to light, and to be iustified by fayth, as is written. Rom. 5.

This saluation perteining both to the Iew and Gentile. God promised before time to the Fathers by the Prophets, to stirre vp the desire thereof in their hartes the more: and to encrease theyr firme hope and fayth in the same. As first in Mich. 6. the voyce of the Lord cryeth: Health and saluation shall be to all men which feare my name. And Esay. 46. I will geue in Sion saluation, and in Ierusalem my glory. &c. with diuers such other places like. And forsomuch as hope in many times which is deferred, doth afflict the soule, and conceiueth wearinesse of long deferring: He therefore prophesying of the nearenesse of the commyng thereof sayeth moreouer. Esay. 14. his time is neare at hande to come. Also Abacuc. 2. He will come and will not tary, with many such other places mo [...]. So then the holy Fathers being in Limbo, looked & hoped that he should bring out them that sate bound, and which in the house of prison sat in darckenesse, as is read Esay. 41. Then the time drew on in which came the fulnesse of the Gentiles, and in which the Lord would declare the riches of this mistery being hidden from the world, and from generations. Col. 1. Wherefore the Lord in this text doth both certifye our fathers of the comming of our Sauior,Diuision. and doth comfort them touching the nearenesse thereof, and also teacheth the iustification of the Gentils by fayth approching now neare at hand, according to the words of my text, Iuxta est salus mea. &c. Which words were fulfilled thē, what time the Lord did manifest his saluation, and did reueale his righteousnes in the sight of all the Gentiles. And is deuided in 3. partes. Of which the first speaketh of the nearenesse of his comming,1 saxta est. where is sayd, Iuxta est salus. &c. The second concerneth the mistery of the Aduent of Christ and his incarnation,2 Vt veniat. where he sayth: Vt veniat. &c. Thirdly is considered the seuerity of God,3 Vireueletat. his terrible reuenging iudgement to be reuealed, where he sayth: Vt reueletur. &c. which is to be expounded of his primitiue iustice: whereof speaketh Amos the 5.Amos. 5. saying: And iudgement shall be reuealed like a sloud, and righteousnesse like a strong stream. Wherfore for our contēplation let vs receiue with ioy the solemnities of his holy vigile, the word I say of God the father, that is, Christ. To whom it is sayd Esay. 49. I haue geuen thee to be a light to the Gentiles, and to be my saluation, through the ends of the world. Agayne Esay. 46. My saluation shall not slacke. &c.

As touching the nearenes thereof, it is in these dayes opened to vs by the gospell, where we read in S. Math. When the virgine Mary was dispoused vnto Ioseph before they did come together: she was found with childe by the holy Ghost. By this it was euident to vnderstand, that our sauior ought shortly to proceed out of the chaste wombe of the virgin, according as the Prophet dyd foretell, saying: Behold a virgine shall conceiue and bring forth a sonne. &c. For like as the grape when it waxeth great and full, is neare to the making of wine, and the floure when it shooteth abroad, it hasteth to the fruit: So the saluation of the world in the swelling and growing of the virgins wombe, began to draw nigh to mankinde. For then appeared the grace and bengnity of our Sauior, when his mother was foūd to haue in her wombe by the holy Ghost as is declared in that as followeth by the Angell saying: for that which is borne of her, is of the holy Ghost.

Touching the 2. part of that which is sayd, vt veniat: this may be applyed to the contemplation of the mistery of Christes comming in the flesh.The second part of his theame. Wherof speaketh Aggeus the Prophet 2. He shal come, who is desired and looked for of all nations. &c. Albeit the same also may be applied to the second Aduent, spoken of the 3. of Esay. The Lord shall come to iudgemēt &c. In memoriall wherof, the 4. sonday was dedicate, in the olde time of the fathers. And of this day of iudgement is writtē in the Prophet Sophon. cap. 1. The day of the Lord is neare:Aggeus. 2. great & mighty it is approching at hande & wondrous shoort. &c. And albeit not in it selfe, yet it may be expoūded in tribulatiōs that go before, as preambles vnto the same: as Greg. saith: The last tribulation is preuēted with many & sundry tribulations going before, although the end of al be not yet.

Wherfore now cōming to the 3. part of my sermō or the am,The third part of his sermon. let vs see of those tribulations that go before the last comming of Christ, if there be any such tribulation approching nigh at hand, wherof this last part of my theame may be verified, where is said: vt reueletur, that my righteousnes shalbe reuealed to wit the righteousnes primitiue, that righteousnesse may be brought, and the Prophesy of Daniel fulfilled Dan. 9. Concerning which matter. 4. thinges here come in order to be declared.

First concerning the reuealing of tribulation,1. Vt reueletur. according to that part of my theame. Vt reueletur. &c.

Secondly,2. Vt iuxta est. concerning the nearenes of the tribulatiō cōming according to the part of my theame. Quia iuxta est. &c.

Thirdly,3. Vt Veniat. of the false opinions of some, vpon this part of my theame. Vt veniat &c.

Fourthly,4. Salus. what meanes and consultation we ought to take. Vt iuxta est salus.

As for the first,The first part of the subdiuision. it is so notorious and so commō in the scriptures that the church should suffer and abide tribulation, that I need not here to stand in alleadging any thing touching either the causes to be weid, or the terme to be coniectured thereof. As concerning the which causes,Two rules to be noted. The kingdome of Israel signifying the false Church. I will geue 2. rules to be noted before, for the better opening of that to follow. The first rule is, that by the 2. kingdomes of the nation of Hebrues, which were in the olde time, to wit, by the kingdome of Israel, whose head was Samaria, is signified in the prophets the erronious sinagoge: And by the second kingdome of Iuda, of whose stock came Christ, whose head metropolitane was Ierusalem, is signified the true Church.The kingdome of Iuda signifieth the right church. And this rule is not mine, but is an authentike glose of S. Ierome, and also is the rule of Origene in the last Homely vpon the olde testament, and is approued by the church.

The second rule is,The 2. rule. that by the brodell house and fornication mentioned in the Prophets: is signified simony, and abused dispē sations, and promotions of persons vnworthy, for lukers sake, or els for any other partiall fauour, whiche by vnlawfull wayes, by al lawes of the world to come to office and honor. Merx dicitur namque a merendo, that is, for gaine or price is deriued of gaining: For the which gayne or price, that is solde which by nature ought not to be solde. Therefore, to geue any thing for respect of gayne or hier, which ought to bee geuen freely for vertues sake, is a kinde of spirituall corruption & as a man would say,Esay. 7. an whorish thing, wherof the prophet Esay, complayneth speaking of Ierusalem, and saying: The Citty which once was faythfull and full of iudgement,Osee. 9. how is it now become an whorish city? And in like maner Osee also the prophet. chap. 9. Ierusalem, thou hast fornicated and gone an whoring frō thy God. Thou hast loued like an harlot, to get gayne in euery barne of corne. And in many other places of Scripture, where fornication can not be otherwise expounded.

These two rules thus premised, now let vs marke the Scriptures, and according to the same iudge of the whole state of the Church, both that is past, and that is to come: first intreating of the causes of tribulation to come: secōdly of the vicinity of time of the sayd tribulation to come.

And first concerning the state of the Church,Fiue states of the church described. & of causes of tribulation. Thus sayth the Lord in the prophet Ezechiel. 16. cap. speaking to the Church vnder the name of Ierusalem. In the day of thy byrth I came by thee, and saw thee troden downe in thine owne bloud.1. The martyrdome of the Church. &c. Here he speaketh of the time of the martyrdome of the Church. Then it followeth: After this thou wast clensed frō thy bloud, that wast growne vp, & waxen great: thē washed I thee with water, I purged thy bloud from thee (speaking of ceasing of persecution) I annoynted thee with oyle,2. The prosperity of the church I gaue thee chaunge of rayments, I girded thee with white silke, I decked thee with costly apparel, I put ringes vpon thy fingers, a chayn about thy neck, Spangs vpon thy forehead, and Earinges vpon thine eares. Thus wast thou deckt with siluer & gold, & a beautifull crowne set vpon thine head. Meruelous goodly wast thou & beautifull, euen a very queen wast thou: For thou wast excellēt in my beuty, which I put vpon thee, sayth the Lord God. &c. This prophecy or rather history speaketh of and declareth,3. The corruption of the church the prosperity of the church.

And now heare the corruptiō and transgression of the churche, for so it followeth: But thou hast put confidence in thine own beauty, and playd the harlot, when thou haddest gotten thee a name. Thou hast committed whoredome with all that went by thee, and hast fulfilled their desires: Yea thou hast taken thy garments of diuers coulors and decked thine altars therwith, whervpon thou mightest fulfill thy whoredome of such a fashion as neuer was done, nor shall be. Which whoredome can in no wise be expounded for carnall, but spirituall whoredome. And therfore, see how liuely he hath paynted out the corruption and falling of the Church.

And therefore followeth now the correction and punishmēt of the Church.4. The correctiō of the church. It followeth: Beholde, I stretch out my hand ouer thee, and will diminish thy store of foode, and deliuer thee ouer into the willes of the Philistines, and of such as hate thee: And they shall breake downe thy stues, and destroy thy brodell houses (that is, the place wherein thou didst exercise this wickednesse) they shall strippe thee out of thy clothes: All thy fayre and beautifull iuels shall they take from thee, and so let thee sit naked and bare.Ezech. 16. &c.

Here is playnely to be seene what shall happen to the church [Page] and followeth more in the sayd chapter. Thine eldest sister is Samaria, she and her daughters vpon thy left hand: But the yongest sister that dwelleth on thy right hand is Sodoma with her daughters, whose sinnes were these: pride, fulnesse of meate, aboundāce and idlenesse, [...] neither retched they theyr hand to the poore. And yet neither Sodoma thy sister with her daughters, [...] hath done so euill as thou and thy daughters: Neither hath Sumaria (that is the Sinagoge) done half of thy sinnes, yea thou hast exceeded them in wickednesse.Ezech. 23. Take therefore and beare thine owne confusion. &c. Agayne in the 23. chapter of Ezechiel. After the Prophet had described at large the wickednesse, corruption, and punishment of the Sinagoge, turning to the Church, sayth: And when her sister saw this, [...] the raged and was madde with lust, loue of riches, and folowing voluptuousnes. Her fornication and whoredome she committed with Princes and great Lordes, clothed with all maner of gorgeous apparell: [...] so that her puppes were brused, and her brestes were marred. And then speaking of her punishment, sayth: Then my hart forsooke her, like as my hart was gone from her sister also. And moreouer repeating againe the cause therof, addeth: Thy wickednesse and thy fornications hath wrought thee all this. &c.

The like we finde also in Esay, Ieremy, Ezechiel and in all the other Prophetes, who prophesying all together in one meaning: and almost in one maner of wordes:Osee. 2. Do conclude with a full agreement and prophecye to come, that the Church shall fall, and then bee punished for her great excesses, and to bee vtterly spoiled except she repent of all her abhominations. Whereof speaketh Oseas chap. 2. Let her put away her whoredome out of her sight; and her aduoutry from her brestes, least I strip her naked and set her euen as she came naked into the world (that is in her primitiue pouerty) So if she do not it,Nahum. 3. it shal folow of her as in the prophet Nahum, chap. 3. For the multitude of the fornication of the fayre and beautifull harlotte, which is a maister of witchcraft, yea and selleth the people through her whoredome, and the nations through her witchcraft. And followeth vpon the same: Behold I will vpon thee sayth the Lord of hostes, and will pull thy clothes ouer thy head, that thy nakednes shall appeare among the heathen, and thy shame among the kingdomes. &c.

5. The reformation of the Church.Wherefore by these it is to be vnderstand, that vpon this Church the primitiue iustice of God is to be reuealed hereafter. And thus much of the first of the foure members aboue fore touched.

Certaine notes and signes, that the tribulation of the Church draweth neare. 1. Signe. 2. Thess. 2.Now to the second member of my theame, Iuxta est: concerning the nearenesse of time. Although it is not for vs to knowe, the momēts and articles of time: yet by certaine notes and signes peraduenture it may be collected and gathered, that whiche I haue here to say. For the tractation whereof, first I grounde my selfe vpon the saying of the Apostle Paule. 2. Thessal. 2. where he writeth: That vnlesse there come a defection first. &c. By the whiche defection. Ierome vltima quaest. ad inquisitiones Ianuarij, gathereth and expoundeth allegoricallye,Except there come a defection first: howe it is to be vnderstanded. the desolation of the monarchy of Rome: Betweene the which desolation, and the persecution of the Church by Antechrist, he putteth no meane space. And now what is the state of that common wealth, if it be compared to the maiesty of that it hath bene, iudge your selues. An other glose there is that sayth, how by that defection is ment: that from the Church of Rome shall come a departing of some other Churches.

2. Note or token.The second note and marke is this, when the Church shalbe worse in maners then was the Sinagoge: as appeareth by the ordinary glose vpon the 3. of Ieremy where it is written. The backslider Israell,The Sinagogue and the church compared together in maners. may seeme iust and righteous in comparison of sinfull Iuda. That is, the Sinagoge in comparison of the Churche of God Whereof writeth Origenes saying: Thinke that to be spokē of vs what the Lord sayth in Ezech. 16. Thou hast exceeded thy sister in thine iniquities. Wherefore now (to compare the one with the other) First ye know how Christ rebuked the Phariseis, who as Ierome witnesseth were then the Clergye of the Iewes: of couetousnesse, for that they suffered doues to be solde in the temple of God. Secondly, for that they did honor God with their lips and not with theyr mouth, & because they sayd, but dyd not. Thirdly, he rebuked them, for that they were hypocrites. To the first then let vs see, whether it be worse to sell both Church & Sacramentes, then to suffer doues to be solde in the Temple or not. The second, where as the phariseis were rebuked for honouring to God with their lips, and not with hart: there be some, which neither honor God with hart, nor yet with lips: And which neyther do well, nor yet say well, neither do they preach any word at all, but be domb dogs not able to barke, impudent and shameles dogs that neuer haue enough, such pastors as haue no vnderstanding declining & straying all in their owne way, euery one geuē to couetousnes from the highest to the lowest. And thirdly, as for hipocrisy there be also some, whose intollerable pride & malice is so manifest and notorious, kindled vp like a fire; that no cloake or shadow of hypocrisy can couer it, but are so past all shame, that it may be well verified of them which the Prophet speaketh. Thou hast gottē thee the face of an Harlot, thou wouldest not blush &c.

The 3. signe and token of tribulation approching neare to the Church,3. Note o [...] token. may well be taken of the to much vnequall proportion seene this day in the church. Where one is hungry and statueth, another is dronke. By reason of which so great inequality, it cannot be that the state of the Church as it is now, can long endure. For like as in good harmony to make the musick perfect, is required a moderate and proportion at equality of voyces, [...] which if it do much exceed it taketh away all the sweet melody: So according to the sentence of the Philosopher, by to much immoderate inequality or dispariety of citizens, the cōmon wealth falleth to ruine. Cōtrary, where mediocrity, that is, where a mean inequality with some proportion is kept; that pollicy standeth firme & more sure to continue. Now among al the politicke regiments of the gentlle, I thinke none more is to be found in histories, wherin is to be seene so great and exceeding oddes, then in the pollicye of Priestes: Of whom some be so high, that they exceed all Princes of the earth, some agayne be so base, that they are vnder all rascals, so that such a pollicy or common wealth, may well be called Oligarchia.Oligarchia, is where a fewe beare al the sway, and all the rest be nothing worth

This may we playnely see and learne in the body of man, to the which Plutarchus (writing to Thracinius) doth semblablye compare the common wealth In the which body, if the sustināce receiued should all runne to one member, so that that member should be to much exceedingly pampered, and all the other parts to much pined, that body could nor long continue. So in the body of the wealth ecclesiastical, if some who be the heads be so enormely ouergrown in riches and dignity, that the weaker members of the body be scant able to beare them vp, there is a great token of dissolution and ruine shortly. Wherupon commeth well in place the saying of the Prophet Esay.Esay. 1. Euery head is sicke, euery hart is full of sorrow, of the which heads it is also spoken in the Prophet Amos.Amos. chap. 6. Wo be to the secure and proud wealthye in Sion, and to such as thinke themselues so sure vpon the moūt of Samaria, taking themselues as heads and rulers ouer other. &c. And moreouer in the sayd prophet Esay it followeth: Frō the top of the head to the sole of the foot, there is no whole part in all the body, to witte: In the inferiours, because they are not able to liue for pouerty: in the superiours, because for theyr excessiue riches, they are left from doing good. And followeth in the same place: But all are woundes and botches and strypes, beholde here the daunger comming, the woundes of discorde and deuision, the botch or sore of rancor and enuy, the swelling stripe of rebellion and mischiefe.

The 4. signe is the pride of Prelates.4. Signe. Some there haue bene which fondly haue disputed of the pouerty of Christ, and haue inueyed agaynst the Prelates, because they liue not in pouertye of the saynts. But this phantasy cōmeth of the ignoraunce of morrall Philosophy and diuinity,Pride [...]. Prelates noted. and of the defect of naturall prudence: for that in all nations, and by common lawes, priests haue had and ought to haue wherewith to sustayne themselues more honestly then the vulgare sort, and Prelates more honestly then the subiectes. But yet hereby is not permitted to them their great horses, theyr troupes of horsemen, their superfluous pompe of theyr wayting men and great famylyes, whyche scarcely can bee maynteyned without pride, neyther can be susteyned with safe iustice, and many not without fighting and iniuries inconueniēt: not much vnlike to that as Iustine the historician writeth of the Carthaginenses. The family (sayth he) of so great Emperours was vntolerable to such a free Citty. In semblable wise, this great pride in the Church of God (especially in these dayes) doth moue not so few to due reuerence, as many to indignation: and yet mo to those thinges aforesayde, which thinke no lesse but to doe sacrifice to God if they may robbe and spoile certayne fatte priests and parsons namely such as neither haue nobility of bloud, and lesse learning to beare themselues vpon but are lyers, seruile and fraudulent, to whome the Lorde speaketh by his Prophet Amos fourth.Amos 4. Heare you fatted kine of Samaria, ye that doe poore men wrong, and oppresse the needye, the daye shall come vpon you. &c.

The fift signe is the tyranny of the Prelates and Presidentes,5. Signe. which as it is a violent thing, so it cannot be long lasting. For as Salomon sayth, Sap. 16.Sap. 16. For it was requisite that (without any excuse) destruction shoulde come vpon those whiche exercised tyranny. The property of a tyraunt is to seeke the commodity not of his subiectes,The tyranny of prelates noted. Ezech. 34. but onely his will and profite. Such were the Pastours that fedde not the Lordes flocke, but fed themselues: of whom and to whom speaketh the Prophet Ezech. 34. Woe be vnto those Pastours of Israel that feede themselues. Shoulde not the shepheardes feede the flockes? With many other threatninges agaynst them in the sayd chapter. Wo be vnto them which reioyce at the transgressions of such whom it lieth in theyr power to cō demne, neither do they seeke what he is able to pay, to whom crieth Micheas the Prophet 3. chap. Ye hate the good and loue the euill,Micheas 3. ye pluck of mens skinnes and the flesh, from the bones: ye eat the flesh of my people, and slay of their skin: ye break their bones, [Page] ye chop them in peeces as it were into a Caudron, and as flesh into the pot.Ezech. 34. &c. And therefore the foresayd Ezechiel pronounceth: Behold I will my selfe vpon the shepheardes, and require my sheepe from theyr handes, and make them cease from feeding my sheep, yea the shepheards shall feed themselues no more, for I will deliuer my sheep out of theyr mouthes, so that they shall not deuour them any more.

6. Signe. Promoting of vnworthy ministers.The sixt signe is in promoting of the vnworthy, and of neglecting them that be worthy. This as Aristotle sayth, is a greate cause many times of the dissolution of common weales. And often times it so happeneth in the wars of princes, that the contēpt and small regarding of the valiant, and the exalting of others that be lesse worthy, in gendereth diuers kindes & kindlinges of sedition. For by the reasō partly of the same, partly of the other causes aboue recited: We haue read not only in books, but haue sene with our eies, diuers florishing Cities welneare subuerted. Wher as good men be not made of, but are vexed with sorrow & griefe by the euil: the contentiō at length brasteth out vpon the prince, as Haymo reciteth out of Origen.Haymo. This hath alwayes bene the per uers incredulitye of mans harde heart, that not onely in hearing, but also in seing: yet will they not beleue that other haue perished, vnlesse they also perish themselues.

The seuēth signe is the tribulation of outward policy & commotions of the people,7. Signe. which in a great part is now happened already. And therefore forasmuch as Seneca sayth: Men do complayne commonly that euils onely come so fast: It is to be feared least also the ecclesiastical policy be afflicted not onely outwardly but also in it selfe.Ierem. 4. And so be fulfilled in vs, that in Ieremy is prophesied cap. 4. Murther is cryed vpon murther, and the whole land shall perish and sodenly my tabernacles were destroyed, and my tentes very quickly. And Ezec. 7.Ezech. 7. Wherfore I will bring cruell tyraunts from among the heathen, to take theyr houses in possession, I will make the pompe of the proud, to cease, and their sā ctuaryes shall be taken. One mischiefe and sorow shall follow another, and one rumor shall come after an other, then shall they seek visions in vayne at theyr prophets, the law shall be gone frō theyr Priests, and wisedome from their Elders & [...].

8. Signe.The eight signe is the refusing of correction, neither will they heare theyr faultes tolde them, so that it is hapned to the princes and rulers of the Church,Zach. 7. Refusing of correction to the clergie. Esay. 30. as it is written in the prophet Zach. ca. 7. They stopped their eares that they would not heare: yea they made their hartes as an Adamant stone, least they shoulde heare the law and words which the Lord of hostes sent in his holy spirite by the Prophetes aforetime. Also Esay witnessing after the same effect. cap. 30. sayth: For it is an obstinate people, lying children and vnfaythfull, children that will not heare the law of the Lord: which say to the Prophetes, meddle with nothing, and tell vs nothing that is true and right, but speake frendly wordes to vs. &c. All this shall be verified when the Prelates begin to hate thē that tell them trueth,Truth shēt. Amos. 5. and haue knowledge, like vnto such of whō Amos speaketh, chapter. 5. They beare him euil wil that reproueth them openly and who so telleth them the playne trueth, they abhorre him And therefore sayth the Lord to the Church of Ierusalem.Osee. 4. Ose 4. Seing thou hast refused vnderstanding, I haue refused thee also, that thou shalt no more be my priest. And for so muche as thou hast forgotten the law of thy God, I will also forget thy children, and chaunge theyr honor into shame. And so shall it be like priest, like people &c. And many other sayinges there be in the prophets, speaking of the deiecting and casting downe of the priestly honor.

Besides these foresayde signes and tokens hitherto recited, there be also diuers other:Lack of lear ned priestes. As the backsliding from righteousnes, the lacke of discreete and learned Priestes, promoting of childrē into the Church with such other like. But these being alreadye well noted and marked, you may easely iudge and vnderstand, whether these times now present of ours be safe and cleare from tribulation to be looked for, and whether the word of the Lord be true according to my theame. Iuxta est iustitia mea vt reueletur, my righteousnes is neare at hande to bee reuealed. &c. And thus muche of the second part.

The third part of mē ber of the subdiuision.Now to the third part or member of my subdeuision, which is concerning the false and perilous opinions of some, vpon thys word of my theame vt veniat &c. which opinions principally be 4. repugning all agaynst the truth of the canonicall Scripture.

The first opinion.The first opinion is of such men, who hauing to much confifidence in thēselues, do think and perswade with themselues, that the Prelates be the Church, which the Lord will alwayes keepe and neuer forsake as he hath promised in the persons of the Apostles. Mathew. 28. saying: And I will be with you to the end of the world. &c But this is to be vnderstanced of fayth, whereof Christ speaketh Luke.The church where it is, and in whō it consisteth Eccle. 40. 21. I haue prayd for thee, that thy fayth shall not fayle. Whereof we read Ecclesiast. 40. fayth shall stand for euer. &c. And albeit Charity waxe neuer so colde, yet fayth notwithstanding, shall remayne in few, and in all distresses of the world: of the which distresses, our Sauiour doth prophecy in many places to come And least peraduenture some shoulde thinke themselues to be safe from tribulation because they be of the church, this opinion the Lord himselfe doth contrary in Ieremy the 7.Ieremy. 7. Trust not (sayth he) in false lying wordes, saying: the temple of the Lord, the temple of the Lord, and a litle after, but you trust in wordes and lying counselles which deceiue you and doe you no good.

The second opinion is of them,The 2. opinion. which deferre tyme, for thys they well graunt, that the Church shall abide trouble, but not so shortly: thinking thus with thēselues, that these causes & tokens afore recited, haue bene before at other times as well in the churche. For both by Gregory and Bernard holy doctors, in time past the Prelates haue bene in like fort reprehended, both for theyr bribinges, for theyr Pompe and pride, for the promoting of persons and children vnfitte vnto ecclesiasticall functions and other vyces moe, which haue reigned before this in the Church of God more then now, and yet by God his grace, the Churche hath prospered and stand. Doe ye not see, that if an house haue stand and continued ruinous a long season, it is neuer more neare the fall thereby, but rather to be trusted the better? Moreouer, many times it commeth so to passe in Realmes and Kingdomes, that the posterity is punished for the sinnes of the predecessors. Whereof speaketh the booke of Lamentations the 5. chapter. Our fathers haue sinned, and are now gone, and we must beare their wickednesse.Thren. 5. &c. Agaynst this cogitation or opinion well doth the Lord aunswere by the Prophet Ezechiel chapter 12 saying: Beholde thou sonne of man the house of Israel sayeth in this maner.Ezech. 12. Tush as for the vision that he hath seene, it will bee many a day or it come to passe: It is farre of yet, the thing that he prophecieth. Therefore say vnto them, thus sayth the Lord God: The wordes that I haue spoken shall be deferred no longer, looke what I haue sayd, shall come to passe sayth the Lord. &c. We haue seene in our dayes thinges to happen, which seemed before incredible. And the like hath bene seene in other times also: as we read written in the booke of Lamentations chapter. 4. The kinges of the earth nor all the inhabitaunce of the worlde would not haue beleeued,Thren. 4. that the enemy and aduersary shoulde haue come in at the gates of the Citty, for the sinnes of her priestes, and for the wickenesse of her Elders that haue shedde Innocentes bloud within her. &c. by Hierusalem, as is sayd, is ment thē Church.

The third opinion or error is very perilous and peruerse, of all such as say,The third opinion, or errour. veniat, let come that will come: Let vs conforme out selues to this world, and take our time with those Temporifers which say in the booke of wisedome. Sap. 2. Come let vs enioy our goodes and pleasures that be present,Sap. 2. and let vs vse the creature as in youth quickly. &c. Such as these be, are in daungerous case, and be greatly preiudicial to good men in the Church: And if the heades and rulers of the Church were so vile to haue any such detestable cogitation in them, there were no place in hell to deepe for them. This Church founded by the Apostles in Christ, consecrated with the bloud of so many Martyrs, enlarged and increased with the vertues and merites of so many Sayntes, and indued so richly with the deuosion of so many secular princes, and so long prospered hetherto: If it now should come into the hands of such persons, it should fall in great daunger of ruine, and they for theyr negligence and wickednes well deserued of God to be cursed, yea here also in this present world to incurre temporall tribulation and destruction, which they feare more: by the sentence of the Lord saying to them in the booke of Prouerbes cap. 1.Prouer. cap. 1. All my counsels ye haue despised, and set my correctiō at nought. Therefore shall I also laugh in your destruction, when tribulation and anguish shall fall vpon you.

Fourthly, an other opinion or errour is of such as being vnfaythfull,The fourth opinion, or errour. beleue not any such thing to come. And this errour semeth to haue no remedy, but that as other thinges & other kingdomes haue theyr endes and limittes set vnto them, which they cannot ouerpasse: 80 it must needes be, that such a domination & gouernment of the Church haue an end, by reason of the demerites and obstinacyes of the gouernors prouoking and requiring the same: like as we reade in the Prophet Ieremy cap. 8.Ierem. 8. There is no man that taketh repentaunce for his sinne, that will so much as say, wherefore haue I done this? But euery man runneth forth still like a wilde horse in a battell And the Prophet Ieremy in the 13.Ierem. 13. chapter of his prophecy: Like as the man of Inde may chaunge his skinne, and the Cat of mountayne her spottes, so may ye that be exercised in euill, doe good. Whereunto also accordeth that which is written of the same Prophet. chap. 17. speaking of Iuda signifying the Church:Ierem. 17. The sinne of Iuda (sayth he) is written in the table of your hartes, and grauen so vpō the edges of your altars with a penne of Iron, and with an Adamant claw, which is as much to say, as indelible, or which cannot be raced out: as also Ezechiell speaking of the punishment,Ezech. 21. chapter 21. sayth: I the Lord haue drawne out my sword out of the sheath, and cannot be reuoked. Notwithstanding, all these signifye no impossibility, but difficulty, because that wicked men are hardly conuerted: for otherwise the Scripture importeth no such inflexibilitye [Page] with God, but if conuersion come, he will forgeue. So we read in the Prophet Ionas cap. 3.Ionas. cap. 3. Who can tell? God may turne and repent, and cease from his fierce wrath that we perish not. And to the like effect sayth the same Lord in Ieremy. cap 26 Looke thou keepe not one word backe,Ierem. 26. if peraduenture they will harken and turne euery man from his wicked way, that I also may repent of of the plague which I haue determined to bring vpon them, because of their wicked inuentiōs. &c. For the further proofe wherof Niniuy we see conuerted, and remayned vndestroyd. &c. Likewise, the Lorde also had reuealed destruction vnto Constantinople by sundry signes and tokens, as Augustine in a certayne Sermon doth declare. And thus for the third part or member of my deuision.

The fourth part or member of the subdiuision.Fourthly and lastly remayneth to declare, some wholesome concluding now vpon the causes preceding: That is, if by these causes and signes (heretofore declared) tribulation be prepared to fall vpon the Church, then let vs humble our mindes mildely and wisely. And if we so returne with hart and in deed vnto God, verely he shall rescue and helpe after an inestimable wise: and will surcease from scourging vs, as he promiseth by his Prophet Ieremy. 18.Ieremy. 18. If that people agaynst whom I haue thus deuised, cō uert from their wickednesse, immediately I will repent of the plague that I deuised to bring vpon them: speaking here after the maner of men: &c. Now therefore, for so much as tribulation and affliction is so neare comming toward vs, yea lyeth vpon vs alreadye, let vs be the more diligent to call vpon God for mercy. For I thinke verely these many yeares [...]here hath not hene so many and so despightfull hartes and euill willers, stout, and of such a rebellious hart aganst the Church of God, as be now adayes: neither be they lacking that would worke all that they can agaynst it, and louers of new fanglenes: whose hartes the Lord happelye will turne that they shall not hate his people and worke deceipte agaynst his seruauntes, I meane agaynst Priestes whom they haue now in little or no reputation at all:Esay. 5. Albeit many yet there bee through Gods grace, good and Godly. But yet the furye of the Lord is not turned away, but still his hand is stretched out. And vnlesse ye be conuerted, he shaketh his sworde, he hath bent his bowe, and prepared it readye. Yet the Lorde standeth wayting, that he may haue mercy vpon you. Esay. 30.Esay. 30. And therefore as the greatnesse of feare ought to incite vs, so hope of saluation may allure vs to pray and call vpon the Lord, especially now toward this holy and sacrat time and solemnity of Christes natiuity: For that holy and continuall prayer without intermission is profitable and the instant deuotion and vigilant deprecation of the iust man, is of great force. And if terreine kinges in the day of celebration of their natiuity, be wont to shew themselnes more liberall and bounteous, how much more ought we to hope wel, that the heauenly king of nature most benigne, now at his natall and byrth day, will not denye pardon and remission to such as rightly call vnto him.

Iosue. 7.And now therefore as it is written in Iosue chap. 7. Be you sanctified agaynst to morow. &c. And saw vnto him as it is written in the first booke of Kinges chap. 25. Now let thy seruaunts I pray thee finde fauour in thy sight,1. Reg. 25. for we come to thee in a good season. Moreouer ye may finde that ye aske, if that ye aske that which he brought in the day of his Natiuity, that is, the peace of the Church, not spirituall onely but also temporall, which the angelicall noyse did sounde, and experience the same time dyd proue, testifyed by T. Liuius, Plinius, and other heathen storywriwriters, which all maruelled thereat saying: that such an vniuersal peace as that [...]ould not come on earth but by the gift of God. For so God did forepromise in the Prophet Esay. chap. 66.Esay. 66. Behold I will let peace into Ierusalem like a waterfloud. &c. And in the Psalme. 71.Psal. 71. In his time righteousnesse shal florish, yea and aboundance of peace. &c.

Therefore now (O reuerend fathers in the Lord,) & you here in this present assembly, behold I say the day of life and saluatiō: Now is the oportune time to pray vnto god, that the same thing which he brought into the world at his byrth, he will graunt in these dayes to his Church that is, his peace. And like as Niniuye was subuerted ouerturned, and not in members but in maners: so the same wordes of my theame, Iuxta est iustitia mea vt reueletur, may be verified in vs, not of the primitiue iustice, but of our sanctification by grace, so that: As to morow is celebrated the natiuity of our Sauiour, our righteousnesse may rise together with him, and his blessing may be vpon vs, which God hath promised, saying: My sauing health is neare at hand to come. &c. Whereof speaketh Esay the Prophet,Esay. 51. chapte. 51. My sauing health shall endure foreuer. &c. This health graunt vnto vs the Father, Sonne and holy Ghost. Amen.

This Sermō was made by maister Nicholas Orem before Pope Urbane and his Cardinals vpon the euē of the Natiuity of the Lord, being the fourth Sonday of Aduent, in the yeare of our Lord, 1364. and the second of hys Hopedome.

The order of Iesuites. In the 5. yere of this forenamed Pope Urbane, began first the order of the Iesuites. And vnto this time whiche was about the yeare of our Lord, 1367.Anno. 1367.the offices here in England,The chiefe offices of the realme translated from the clergie, to the Lordes temporal. Pope Gregory. xi.as the Lord Chauncellor, Lord Treasurer, & of the priuy seale: were wont to be in the handes of the clergy. But about this yeare through the motion of the Lords in the Parliamēt, and partly (as witnesseth mine author) for hatred of the clergy: all the sayd offices were remoued from the clergy, to the Lordes temporall.

After the death of Pope Urbane, next succeeded Pope Gregory the 11. who among his other acres, first reduced agayne the papacy out of Fraunce vnto Rome, which had from thence bene absent, the space now of 70. yeres, being therto moued (as Sabellicus recordeth) by the answere of a certain bishop, whom as the Pope saw standing by him asked, why he was so long from his charge and church at home, Anno. 1370. saying: not to be the part of a good Pastor, to keepe him from his flocke so long. The papacy reduced againe from Fraunce to Rome. Wherunto the Bishop aunswering agayne, sayd: And you your selfe being the chiefe Bishoppe, who may and ought to be a spectacle to vs all: why are you from the place so long where your Church doth lye? By the occasion whereof, the Pope sought all meanes after that to remoue and to rid his Court out of Fraunce againe to Rome, and so he did.

This 11. Gregory in a certayne Bull of his sent to the Archb. of Prage, maketh mētion of one named Militzius a Bohemiā, & saith in ye same bull yt this Militzius should hold apinion. & teach. an. 1366. that Antechrist was alredy come. Also that the said Militzius had certayn cōgregations folowing him: & that in the same congragation were certain harlots, who being conuerted frō theyr wickednes were brought to a godly life. Which harlots being so conuerted, he vsed to say were to be preferred before al the holy religious virgins. And therfore commaunded the archbishop to excōmunicate and persecute the sayd Militzius, Militzius [...] Bohemian, for the truth persecuted by the pope Ex Bulla Gregory. 11 which in foretime had bene a religious man of Prage, and after forsook his order, and gaue himselfe to preaching, and at length was by the foresayd Archb. imprisoned.

Iacobus Misnensis a learned man and a writer in ye time of I. Hus, maketh mention of this Militzius, and calleth him a worthy and a famous Preacher. Also citeth many things out of his writings: In the which writinges thys good Militzius thus declareth of himself how he was moued & vrged by the holy Ghost to search out by the sacred Scriptures, The cōming of Antichrist prophesied. concerning the comming of Antechrist. And that he was compelled by the same holy spirite at Rome publickly to preach, and also before the Inquisitor there to protest plainly, that ye same great Antechrist which is prophesyed of in y• holy Scriptures, was alredy come. Moreouer his saying was, that the church through negligēce of the pastors was desolate, did abound in temporall riches, but in spirituall riches to be empty. Also that in y• Church of Christ, where certayne Idols which destroyd Ierusalē, and defaced the Temple, but hypocrisye caused that those Idols could not be sene. Also that many there were which denied Christ, because that knowing the truth, yet for feare of mē they durst not confesse their conscience. &c. And thus much of good Militzius, liuing in the time of Gregory 11. and king Edward the third. an. 1370.

The which king of England holding a Parliamēt in the 3. yeare of this Pope, sent his Embassadours to hym, desiring him: that he from thenceforth would abstayne frō his reseruatiōs of benefices vsed in the court of England. And that spiritual men within his realme promoted vnto Bishopricks, K. Edward cōplaineth of the popes reseruation of benefices. might freely enioy theyr electiōs within the realme, and be confirmed by theyr Metropolitanes, according to the auncient custome of the realme. Wherfore, vpō these and such other like wherein the king and the realme thought thēselues greued, he desired of the Pope some remedy to be prouided. &c. Wherunto the Pope returned acertayne answere agayne vnto the king, requiring by his messengers to be certified agayn of the kings mind cōcerning the same. But what answere it was, it is not in ye story expressed, saue that the yere folowing, which was 1374. there was a tractation at Burges vpon certain of the said articles betwene the king & the Pope, which did bāg two yeares in suspēse, so at length it was thus agreed betwene them: that the pope should no more vse his reseruatiōs of benefices in England,The Pope put from his reseruing of benefices in England. Quare impedit.and likewise the king shoulde no more cōferre and geue benefices vpon the writ, Quare impedit. &c. But as touching the freedome of elections to be confirmed by the Metropolitane, mentioned in the yeare before, therof was nothing touched.

As touching these reseruations, prouisiōs, and collations, with the elections of Archbishops, Bishops, beneficed men and other, wherwith the Pope vexed this realme of England, as before you haue heard. The king by ye consent of the Lordes and commons, in the 25. yeare of hys raigne enacted: that according to a statute made in the 30.[Page]yeare of his graundfather Edward the first, wherein was made an act against ye rauenous pillage of the Pope, thorough the same prouisions, reseruations, & collations. &c. but not put in execution. By the which prouisions, ye state of the realme decreased more and more, the kings royaltie & prerogatiue greatly obscured and diminished, innumerable treasure of the realme transported, aliens & straungers placed in the best and fattest by shoprickes, abbeyes, and benefices within the realme. And suche, as eyther for their offices in Rome, as Cardinalships & such like could not be here resident, The law of [...]munire [...] the [...]altie [...]erof. or if resident, yet better away for causes infinite, as partly haue bene touched before: Not onely reuiued the sayde statute made by Edward the first hys graundfather, but also inlarged the same. Adding therunto very strayt and sharpe penalties against the offenders therin, or in any part therof, as exemptiō out of the kings protection, losse of al their lands, goods, and other possessions, and theyr bodies to be imprisoned at the kings pleasure: And farther, who so euer was lawfully conuict, or otherwise for want of appearance by proces directed forth, were wythin the lappes of this statute or premunire (for so bare the name therof) shuld suffer al and euery such molestation & iniuries, as men exempted frō the protection of the king. In so much, that who so euer had killed such mē, had bene in no more daunger of lawe therefore, then for the killing of an outlaw, or one not worthy to liue in a commō weale. Lyke vnprofitable members were they then in that tyme, yea of ignoraunce esteemed in thys common weale of Englande, as would offer themselues to the wilfull slauery and seruile obedience of the pope: which thyng in these dayes, yea and that amōgst no small fooles, is coū ted more then Euangelicall holynes. He that list to peruse the statute, and would see euery braunch and article therof at large discussed and handled, wyth the penalties therfore due: The Popes primacie here in eng [...] bridled. Let him read the statute of prouision and premunire, made in the 25. yeare of thys kynges dayes. And let hym read in the statutes made in the parliamentes holden the 27, yeare, and 38. yeare of hys raigne: And vnder the same title of prouision and premunire shall finde, the popes primacie and iurisdiction wythin this Realme more nearely touched, and much of hys papall power restrayned: In so much, that who soeuer for any cause or controuersy in law, either spirituall or temporal, ye same being determinable in any of ye kyngs courts (as all matters were) whether they were personall or reall, citations or other: or should eyther appeale or consent to any appellation, to be made out of the realme to the pope or see of Rome: should incurve the sayd penaltie and daunger of premunire. Diuers other matters wherein the Pope is restrained of his vsurped power, authoritie & iurisdiction within this realme of England: are in the sayd titles and statutes expressed, & at large set forth, who euer list to peruse the same, which for breuities sake I omitte, hastening to other matters.

S. Bridget. About this tyme, being the yeare of our Lorde. 1370. lyued holy Brigit, whom the Church of Rome hath canonised not onely for a saint, Ex lib. reuelationum. Diua Bridgitta. but also for a Prophetesse: who notwithstanding in her booke of reuelations, which hath bene oft times imprinted, was a great rebuker of the pope, and of the filth of his clergie, callyng him a murtherer of soules, a spiller, and a pyller of the flocke of Christ: more abhominable then Iewes, more crueller thē Iudas: more vniust then Pilate, worse then Lucifer hymselfe. The see of the Pope she prophesieth, shalbe throwne down into the deepe, lyke a mylstone. And that his assister shall burne wt brimstone: Affirmyng, that the prelates, byshops, & priests are the cause, why the doctrine of Christ is neglected, and almost extincted. And that the clergie haue turned the ten commaundementes of God into two wordes, Da pecuniam. to wyt, Da pecuniam, that is, Geue money. It were long and tedious to declare all that she against them writeth. Among the rest which I omytte, let this suffice for all, where as the sayde Briget affirmeth in her reuelations, Rome a fertile grounde of weedes & cockle. that when the holy Uirgine should say to her sonne, howe Rome was a fruitfull and fertile field: yea, sayd hee, but of weedes onely and cockle. &c.

To thys Briget I will ioyne also Catherina Senensis, an holy virgin, Catherina Senensis. Ex Antonino. part. 3. histor. which lyued much about the same tyme, ann. 1379. Of whome writeth Antoninus. part. historiae. 3. Thys Katherine hauyng the spirite of prophesie, was wōt much to complaine of the corrupt state of the church, namely of the prelates of the court of Rome, & of the pope: prophesying before of the great schisme, which then folowed in the Church of Rome, and dured to the Councell of Constance, the space of xxxix, yeares. Also of the great warres ano tribulation, which ensued vpon the same. And moreouer declared before and foretold, of this so excellēt reformation of religion in the Church now present. The words of Antoninus be these. The reformatiō of religion prophecied of before. After this Uirgine in her going to Rome, had tolde her brother of the warres and tumultes that should rise in ye coūtries about Rome, after y• schisme of the two Popes. I then curious to know of thinges to come, & knowing that she vnderstood by reuelation what should happen, demaunded of her: I pray you (good mother) sayd I, The prophecie of Katherine. and what shall befall after these troubles in the Church of God? And she sayd: By these tribulations and afflictions, after a secret maner vnknowne vnto man, God shall purge his holy Church,Note. and stirre vp the spirit of his elect. And after these thinges shall follow suche a reformation of the holy Churche of God, and suche a renouation of holye Pastors, that the onelye cogitation and remembraunce thereof maketh my spirit to reioyce in the Lord And as I haue oftentimes tolde you heretofore, the spouse which now is all deformed and ragged, shall be adorned and deckt with most rich and precious ouches and brouches. And all the faythfull shall be glad and reioyce to see themselues so beautified with so holy shepheards. Yea and also the Infidels then allured by the sweet sauour of Christ, shall returne to the catholicke folde, and be conuerted to the true Bishop and shepheard of their soules. Geue thankes therefore to God, for after this storme, he will geue to his a great calme. And after she had thus spoken, she stayd, and sayd no more.

Beside these aforenamed, the Lord which neuer ceaseth to worke in his Church: styrred vp agaynst the malignant church of Rome, the spirites of diuers other good & godly teachers, Mathias Parisiensis a writer against the pope. as Matthias Parisiensis, a Bohemian borne, who about the yeare of our Lord 1370. wrote a large book of Antechrist, and proueth him already come, and noteth ye Pope to be the same. Antichrist alreadie come. The doctrine & protestation of Mathias. Which booke one Illiricus a writer in these our dayes hath, & promiseth to put it in print. In this booke he doth greatly inuey against the wickednesse and filthines of the Clergy, and agaynst the neglecting of theyr duety in gouerning the church. The Locustes mentioned in the Apocalips, he sayth, be the hypocrites raigning in the church. The workes of Antechrist he sayth be these, the fables and inuentions of men raigning in the Church: the Images & fained reliques that are worshipped euery where. Itē, that men do worship euery one his proper Saint and Sauior beside Christ, so that euery mā and City almost hath his diuers and peculiar Christ. He taught and affirmed moreouer, that godlines & true worship of God, are not boūd to place, persons, or times, to be heard more in this place, thē in an other, at this time more thē at an other. &c. He argueth also agaynst the cloisterers which leauing the onely and true Sauior, set vp to them selues theyr Franciscanes, theyr Dominickes, and suche other: and haue them for theyr Sauiors, glorying and triumphing in them, and fayning many forged lyes vpon them. He was greatly and much offended with Monks & friers, for neglecting or rather burying the word of Christ and in stead of him, for celebrating & setting vp theyr own rules and canons, affirming it to be much hurtfull to true godlines, for that Priestes, Monkes, and Nunnes do account themselues onely spirituall, and all other to be lay & secular, attributing onely to themselues the opinion of holynes, & contemning other men, with al theyr politick administration & the office as prophane in cōparison of theyr owne. He further writeth that Antechrist, hath seduced all Uniuersities & Colleges of learned men, so that they teach no sincere doctrine, neither geue any light to the Christiās with theyr teaching. Finally, he forewarneth that it will come to passe, that God yet once againe will raise vp godly teachers, who being feruent in the spirite and zeale of Helias, shall disclose and refute the errors of Antechrist, and Antechrist himselfe, openly to the whole world. This Mathias in the sayd booke of Antechrist alledgeth the sayinges and writinges of the Uniuersity of Paris, also the writings of Guilielmus de sacto amore, and of Militzius afore noted.

About the same time, Ioannes Moū [...] ziger protestant against the pope or shortly after. an. 1384. we read also of Ioannes of Mountziger, Rector of the Uniuersity of Ulme, who opēly in the scholes in his Oratiō propoū ded that the body of Christ was not God, and therfore not to be worshipped as God with that kinde of worship called Latria, as the Sophister termeth it, meaning thereby the Sacrament not to be adored, Ann. 1384. which afterward he also defended by writing: affirming also that Christ in his resurrection tooke to him agayne all his bloud which in hys passion he had shed. Meaning thereby to inferre, that the bloud of Christ which in many places is worshipped, neither can be called the bloud of Christ, neither ought to be worshipped. But by and by he was resisted and withstood by the Monks and friers: who by this kinde of Idolatry were greatly enriched,Nilus the archbishop of Thessalonica.till at length the Senate & councell of the city was fayne to take vp the matter betwene them.

Nilus was Archbishop of Thessalonica, & liued much [Page]about this time. He wrote a long worke agaynst the Latins that is, agaynst such as tooke part and held with the Church of Rome. His first book being written in Greeke, was after translated into latin, & lately now into english, in this our time. In the first chap. of his book, he layeth all the blame and fault of the dissention & schisme betwene the East and the West Church vpon the Pope. He affirmed that the Pope onely would commaund what him listed, were it neuer so contrary to all the olde & auncient canōs. That he would heare and folow no mans aduise: that he would not permit any free coūcels to be assēbled. &c. And that therfore it was not possible, that the cōtrouersies betwene the Greeke Church and Latine Church, should be decided and determined.

In the second chap. of his book, he purposedly maketh a very learned disputation. For first he declareth that he no whit at all by Gods commaūdement, but onely by humain law, hath any dignity, more thē hath other bishops: which dignity, the Councels, the fathers, & the Emperors haue graunted vnto him: Neither did they graūt the same for any other consideration more, or greater ordinaunce: then for that the same City then had the Impery of all the whole world: and not at all for that that Peter euer was there, or not there.

Secondarily he declareth, that the same premacy or prerogatiue is not such and so great as he and his Sicophāts do vsurpe vnto thēselues. Also he refuteth the chiefest propositions of the Papistes one after an other. He declareth that the Pope hath no dominion more thē other Patriarches haue, and that he himselfe may erre as well as other mortall men: and that he is subiect both to lawes & councels, as well as other Bishops. That it belonged not to him, but to the Emperor, to call generall councels: & that in Ecclesiasticall causes he could establish and ordeine no more then all other Bishops might. And lastly, that he getteth no more by Peters succession, then that he is a Byshop as all other Bishops after the Apostles be. Iacobus Misuē sis and Militzius. &c.

I can not among other, folowing here the occasion of this matter offered, leaue out ye memory of Iacobus Misnensis, who also wrote of the comming of Antechrist. In y• same he maketh mentiō of a certayn learned man, whose name was Militzius, which Militzius (sayth he) was a famous and worthy preacher in Parga. He liued about ye yere. 1366. long before Husse, and before Wickliffe also. In the same his writings he declareth, how y• same good man Militzius was by the holy spirit of God incited, and vehemently moued to search out of ye holy Scriptures the maner and comming of Antechrist: and found that now in his time he was all ready come. And the same Iacobus sayth, that the sayd Militzius was constrayned by the spirite of God to go vp to Rome, & there publickely to preach. And that afterward before ye Inquisitour he affirmed the same. That the same mighty and great Antechrist, the which the Scriptures made mention of, was already comen.

He affirmed also, that the Church by the negligence of the Pastors, should become desolate: and that iniquitye should abound, that is, by reason of Mammon, master of iniquitie. Also, he sayde that there were in the Church of Christ idols, which shoulde destroy Ierusalem, and make the tēple desolate, but were cloked by hypocrisy. Further, that there be many whych deny Christ, for that they keepe silence: neither do they heare Christ, whome all the world should know and cōfesse his verity before men, which also wittingly do detaine the verity and iustice of God.

Militzius persecuted by the Pope. There is also a certaine Bull of Pope Gregory 11. to the Archbishop of Praga: wherin he is commanded to excommunicate and persecute Militzius and his auditours. The same Bull declareth, that he was once a Chanon of Praga, but afterward he renounced his Canonship, & began to preache: who also for that he so manifestly preached of Antichrist to be already come: was of Iohn Archbishop of Praga put in prison, declaring what hys errour was. To wit, howe he had his company or cōgregation to whō he preached, and that amongst the same were certain conuerted harlots, which had forsaken their euill life, and did liue godly and well: whych harlots he accustomed in hys sermons to preferre before all the blessed virgins that neuer offended. He taught also openly, that in the Pope, cardinals, Bishops, prelates, priests, & other religious men: was no truth, neither that they taught the way of truth, but that onely he, & such as held with him, taught the true way of saluation. His Postill in some places is yet to be sene. They alledge vnto him certaine other inconuenient articles, which notwtstanding I thinke, the aduersaries to depraue him with all, haue slanderously inuented against hym. He had as appeared by the foresaid Bull, very many of euery state and condition, as wel rich as pore, that cleaued vnto him.

About the yeare of our Lord. 1371. liued Henricus de Iota, whom Gerson doth much commend, and also his companiō Henricus de Hassia, an excellent learned and famous man. An Epistle of this Henricus de Hassia which he wrote to the Bishoppe of Normacia, Iacobus Cartsiensis inserted in his booke De erroribus Christianorum. In the same Epistle, the author doth greatly accuse the spirituall men of euery order, yea and the most holyest of all other the Pope himselfe, of many and great vices. He sayd, that the Ecclesiasticall gouernors in the primitiue Church, were compared to the sunne shining in the day time, and the politicall gouernors, to the Moone, Henricus de Hassia. shyning in the night. But the spirituall men he said, that now are, do neuer shine in the day time, nor yet in ye night time, but rather with theyr darcknes do obscure both the day and night, that is: with theyr filthy liuing, ignorance, and impiety. He citeth also out of the prophesy of Hildegaris these words: Therfore doth y• deuill in himselfe speake of you Priests: Dainty bankets & feasts, wherin is all voluptuousnes do I finde amongst these men: In so much that mine eies, mine eares my belly, and my vaynes, be euen filled with the froth of them, & my brestes stand astrut with the riches of them. &c. Lastly, saith he, they euery day more and more as Lucifer did, seek to climbe higher and higher: till that euery day with hym more and more, they fall deeper and deeper.

About the yeare of our Lord. 1390. there were burned at Bringa 36. Citizens of Moguntina, The citize [...] of Mogūtin [...]. for the doctrine of Waldenses, as Brushius affirmeth: which opiniō was no thing contrary to that they held before, wherein they affirmed the Pope to be that great Antechrist, which should come: Unlesse peraduenture the Pope seemed then to be more euidently conuicted of Antechristianity thē at any other time before, he was reueled to be.

For the like cause, A briefe rehearsall of suche as were put to death for holding against the Byshop of Rome before the time of Wickliffe [...] many other beside these, are to be found in storyes, which susteined the like persecutiō by the Pope, if leysure would serue to peruse all that might be searched. As where Masseus recordeth of diuers to the nū ber of 140. which in the prouince of Narbone chose rather to suffer whatsoeuer greuous punishment by fire, thē to receiue the decretals of the Romish Church, contrary to the vpright truth of the Scripture.

What should I here speake of the 24. which suffered at Paris. an. 1210? Also in the same author is testified that an. 1211. there were 400. vnder the name of heretiques burned 80. beheaded: Prince Americus hanged, and the Lady of the Castle stoned to death.

Moreouer, in the Chronicles of Houedon, and of other writers be recited, a maruelous nūber, which in the countryes of Fraunce were burned for heretiques. Of whom, some were called Publicans, some Catharits, some Paterines, and other by others names. What their assertions were, I finde no certayne report worthy of credit

In Tritenius is signified of one Eckhardus a Dominican Frier, Eckhardus [...] Frier burned. who not long before Wickliffes tyme, was condemned and suffered for heresy at Hedelberge. an. 2330. who as he diffreth not much in name, so may he be supposed to be the sawe, whom other do name Beghardus, and is sayd to be burned at Erphord.

Of Albingenses because sufficient mētion is made before of whom a great number were burned about the time of king Iohn, I passe them ouer.

Likewise I let passe the heremite, An Heremit disputing against the Popes sacrament. Ranulphus. of whom Iohn Bacon maketh relation, in hys. 2. Dist. Quaest. 1. Who disputing in Paules church, affirmed that those Sacraments, which were then vsed in ye church, were not instituted by Christ, An. 1306. Peraduenture it was the same Ranulphus, mē tioned in the floure of hystories, & is sayd to die in prison: for the time of them doth not much differ.

In Boetius, why the Pope should so much commend a certaine king, because for one man, he had slaine 400. cutting away the genitals from the rest, I can not iudge, except the cause were that, which the Pope calleth heresie.

But to let these things ouerpasse that be vncertayne, because neither is it possible to comprehēd all them which haue wtstand the corruption of the popes sea: neyther haue we any such firme testimony left of their doings, credibly to stay vpon: we wil now (Christ willing) cōuert our story, to thyngs more certaine & vndoubted, grounding vpon no light reportes of feble credit, nor vpō any fabulous legendes wythout authority: But vpon the true and substantial copies of the publique recordes of the Realme, remaining yet to be sene vnder the kings most sure & faithfull custody. E [...] Archiuis Regi [...] Marestatis Out of the which records, such matter appeareth against the Popish church of Rome, and against hys vsurped authority, such open stāding & crying against the sayd sea, & that not priuely, but also in open parliament, in the daies of this king Edward the third: that neyther wil[Page]the Romish people of thys our age easely thynke it to be true when they see it, neither yet shall they be able to deny the same, so cleare standeth the force of those recordes.

Ye heard a litle before, pag. 381. howe Iohn Stratford Archb. of Cant. being sent for and required by the king to come vnto hym, Parcial dissimulation in our histo [...]es of the Church of England. refused so to do. What the cause was why he denyed to come at the kings sending, is neither touched of Poiidore Uirgil, nor of any other monkish Chronicler, wryting of those aces and times. Whose part hath bene, faithfully to haue dispensed the simple truth of thyngs don to theyr posterity. But that whych they dissemblingly and colourably haue concealed, contrary to true lawe of storie, the true cause thereof we haue found out by the true Parliament roles, declaring the story thus.

King Edward the 3. in the 6. yeare of hys raigne, hearing that Edward Bailol had proclaimed himselfe kyng of Scotland: Ex anno. 6. reg. [...]dou. 3. [...]ut. 1. Required counsell of the whole estate to wit, whether were better for hym to assayle Scotlande, and to claim the demesing or demeines of the same: or cls by making hym party to take hys aduauntage. And thereby to enioy the seruice, as other hys auncesters before hym had done. For thys cause he sommoned a Parliament of all estates to meete at Yorke, about the begynning of December. Where the kyng was alredy come, waiting for ye comming of such as were warned thereunto. For the want of whose comming, the parliament was reiourned til monday, and from thence to Tuesday next ensuing. But forsomuch as most of the states were absent, the assembly required the continuance of the parliament, vntil the vtas of S. Hillary then ensuing at Yorke, whych was graunted. And so a new sommons was especially awarded to euery person with special charge to attend, so that the affaires of the king and the realme myght not be hindered, because of the debate betwene the Archb. of Cant. and Archbishop of Yorke, for the superiour bearing of theyr crosse.

The Archb. of Cant. came not to the parliament at Yorke, and all for bearing the crosse. In conclusion, for all the kyngs sommoning, none other of all the Clergy came, but onely the Archb. of Yorke, the byshop of Lincolne, and of Carliel, & Abbots of Yorke and Seleby. So that hereunto came not the Archb. of Cā terb. nor any other of hys prouince, and all for bearing the crosse. Wherby the same was not onely a losse to the oportunitie to Scotland: but also an importable charge to the whole estate by a newe reassembly. And thus much out of the recordes. Whereby thou mayest easely iudge (prudent Reader) what is to be thought of these Pope holy Catholique Churchmen) being of the Popes broode and setting vp whom such friuolous causes of contention stirre vp to such disquietnes, both among themselues, and also to such disobedience against their Prince: excuse them who can. Ex. An. 6. Regis Edwardi 3.

Ex an 17. reg. Edouards. 3. tit. 39. The Popes prouisions restrayned. [...]. It foloweth moreouer in the same records, concerning the abandoning of the popes prouisions: how that the cō mons finde great default at prouisions commyng from Rome, wherby straungers were enabled wtin this realme to enioy ecclesiastical dignities, & shew diuers inconueniences ensuing thereby, namely the decay of daily almose, ye transporting of the treasure to nourish the kings enemies the discouering of the secrets of the realme, & the disabling and impouerishing of the clerkes within this realme.

They also shew how the pope had in most couert wyse graunted to two new Cardinalles wythin thys Realme, The church of England spoyled by the pope & his foreiners (and namely to Cardinall Peragotz) aboue ten thousand markes of yerely taxes: They therfore required the kyng and nobles to finde some remedy, for that they neuer could ne would any longer beare those straunge oppressions, or els to helpe them to expell out of thys realme the Popes power by force.

Hereupon, the King, Lords, and commōs, sent for the act made at Carliel, The acte of K. Edwarde the first, reu [...]ued for premunire, tit. 60. in the 35. yere of king Edward y• first, vpon the lyke complaint: thereby forbidding, yt any thyng shoulde be attempted or brought into the Realme, whych should tend to the blemishing of the kings prerogatiue, or to the preiudice of hys Lords or commons. And so at thys time, the statute called the acte of prouision was made by common consent, whych generally forbiddeth the brynging in of any Bulles, or such trinkets from the Court of Rome, or the vsing, enioying, or allowing of any such bil, processe, instrument, or such ware, as therby at large doth appeare. Whereof sufficiently is touched before, pag. 353.

The penalty of whych statute afterwarde followed in the next parliament, Anno. Reg. Edouardi. 3 [...] tit 33. Presentati [...] within 4. [...]onethes. [...]n. reg. 18. [...]. 34. An. Reg. Ed. 18. tit. 32. the whych penalty was this: the transgressors thereof to lie in perpetuall prison, or to be foriured the land. And that al iustices of assize, gaile deliuery, and yer and determiner, may determine the same. Required withall, that the same act of prouision, should continue for euer.

Item, that the sayd 18. yeare of the raigne of king Edward, tit 34. it was moreouer propoūded: that if any archbyshop, or any person religious or other, doe not present wtin 4. monthes some able clerke to any dignitie, where any person hath obtayned from Rome any prouision, Bul, &c. but surcease the same: that then the Kyng may present some able clerke. No elections to be taken by the pope, but onely by the K. anno. reg. 18. tit. 35.

Item, propounded in the sayd Parliament, an. 18. Reg. Ed 3. that if any Byshop elect, shall refuse to take any suche byshoprikes, other then by such Bull: that then such elect, shal not enter ne enioy hys temporalties without his speciall licence.

Also, Dispositions of benefices onely in the kynges hand. an 18. Ed. 3. tit. 36. that the king shall dispose all such benefices and dignities of such aliens his enemies, as remain in the coū trey of hys enemyes, and employ the profites therof to the defence of the realme.

Moreouer propounded, Bulls frō Rome forbidden. an. 18 reg. Ed. 3. tit. 37. that commissioners be sent to all the kings portes, to apprehend all such persons as shal bring in any such instrument frō Rome, and to bring them forthwyth before the counsaile to answere thereto.

Propounded farthermore, The Deanrie of Yorke taken frō the Cardinal. an. 18. reg. Ed. 3. tit. 38. that the Deanry of Yorke which is to be recouered by iudgemēt in the kyngs court, may be bestowed vpon some able man within the realme, who will maintaine the same agaynst hym (meanyng the Cardinall, who holdeth the same by prouision frō Rome, being the enemy to the king and to the realm) and that the profites may be emploied to the defence of the realme.

The kynges aunswere. The kings aunswere & agreement to the foresayd petitions. To all whych petitions aunswere was made in forme followyng: It is agreed by the King, Earles, Barons, Iustices, & other wise men of the Realme, that the petitions aforesayd, be made in sufficient forme of law, according to the petitions aforesayd.

¶ Note in thys answere of the kyng (good reader) that at the graunt hereof, Note, that the Byshops be not here named, and yet the parliament standeth in force. the consent of the byshops is neyther named, nor expressed, with the other Lords of the Parliament: and yet, the Parliament standeth in hys full force, notwythstanding.

Notes of the Parliament holden in the 20. yeare of king Edward 3.

TO passe farther in the 20. yeare of the kings reigne in the Parliament holden the same yere,Alien monkes to auoyd, an. 20. Ed. 3. tit. 30. it was propoū ded: that all alien Monkes should auoyde the Realme by the day of S. Michael, and that theyr liuings shuld be disposed, to young English scholers. The liuings of these the king tooke to hys handes.

Item, that the king may take the profites of all others strangers liuings,The liuinges of straungers beneficed taken into the kings hand. tit. 21. The liuings of Romish straungers disposed to English men, tit. 32. tit. 33. as Cardinals and others, during their liues. The profites of whō were also in the kings hands.

That such aliens enemies, as be aduanced to liuyngs here in England (being in their owne countreys, shomakers, tailers, or chamberlaines to Cardinals) shuld depart before Michaelmas, and theyr liuynges disposed to poore English scholers. The lyuings also of these remayned in the kings handes.

The commons denied to pay any paiment, to any cardinals lying in Fraunce, to entreat of war or peace: which also was graunted of the kings part as reasonable.

Item, propounded and fully agreed, that the yearely aduauncement of two thousand markes (graunted by the pope to two Cardinals,Cardinals depriued of their lyuings in England. tit. 34. out of the prouinces of Canterb. and Yorke) should be restrained, and suche as shall pursue therfore to be out of the law.

Lykewise enacted and agreed, that no Englysh man should take any thing in ferme of any Alien religious, ne buy any of their goods, nor be of theyr counsaile, on payne of perpetuall imprysonment.

Enacted further, that no person should bryng into the realme to any Byshop or other, any Bul, or any other letters from Rome, or from any Alien: vnlesse he shewe the same to the Chauncelour or warden of the Cinque ports, vpon losse of all he hath.

Finally, in the end of the said Parliament, the bishops were commaunded before the next conuocation, to certify into the Chancery the names of such Aliens, of their benefices, and the values of the same.

Notes of the 25. yeare of kyng Edward the third.

THe Parliament of the 25. yeare,Ex Arch 25. an. reg. Ed 3. The popes first fruits [...]& reseruatiōs more hu [...] full to the realm thē al the kyng [...] wars. tit. 14. was begon the 6. day of February, the 25. yeare of king Edwarde 3. In the which parliament beside other matters mo, was propoū ded: that remedy might be had against the popes reseruations, by which brocage and meanes the pope receiued the first fruits of all Ecclesiastical dignities: A more consumption to the Realme, then all the kings warres.

[Page]Also the like remedy myght be had against suche, as in the Court of Rome presume to vndoe any iudgement geuen in the kinges courte,To breake of all appeales to Rome, tit. 14. as if they enforced to vndoe the lawes of the realme.

Wherunto it was answered, that there was sufficient remedy prouided by law.

Notes of the 38. yeare of king Edward the third.

The request of the K. for causes not to be determined at Rome. tit. 7.IN the Parliament holden at Westminster, the 38. yeare of Edward 3. in the vtaues of Hillary (Symon Byshop of Ely being Lorde Chauncelour) it was required by the kings owne mouth, & declared to the whole estates: How daily citations & false suggestions were made to the pope, for matters determinable in his courtes wtin the Realme, and for procuring prouisions to Ecclesiasticall dignities, to the great defacing of the ancient lawes, to the spoyling of his crowne, to the daily conueying away of the treasure to the wasting of ecclesiastical liuings, to the withdrawing of diuine seruice, almose, hospitalitie, and other acceptable workes,What mischiefs come by transporting causes to Rome, tit. co. and to the daily increase of all mischiefes: Wherfore, in person and by hys owne month, the king required the whole estate to prouide here of due remedy.

To be noted finally in thys parliament of the 38. yere, that the Acte of prouisors, brought in thys parliament, although in the printed copy.The printed statute of prouision not agreeing in all termes against the pope, with the record tit. 9. cap. 1.2.3.4. doth agree with the recorde, in maner: yet in the saide recordes vnprinted, are moe biting wordes against the Pope: a mysterie not to be knowen of all men.

Notes of the 40. yeare of king Edward the third.

Ex an. reg. Ed. 40. tit. 7. videlicet.IT followeth moreouer in the sayd Acts of king Edward the 3. and in the 40. yere of his raigne, an other Parliament was called at Westminster the 3. of May. An. 1366. the Bishop of Ely being Lord Chauncelour and speaker. Who in the 2. day of the sayd assembly in the presence of the King, Lordes and commons, declared: howe the day before, generally they vnderstoode the cause of thys their assembly, and now more particularly shuld vnderstand the same: specially howe that the king vnderstode, y• the Pope (for the homage which K. Iohn made to the sea of Rome for the Realmes of Englād & Ireland,The pope mindeth to send for the king vp by proce [...]. and for the tribute by him granted) ment by proces to cite the king of Rome, to aunswere thereto. Wherein, the king required their aduises, what were best for him to do, if any such thing were attempted. The Byshops by their selues required respite of answere, vntill the next day. So did the Lordes & commons euery of them by their selues.

The same next day, the whole estates reassembled together, & by common consent enacted in effect following,K. Iohn could not without consent of parliament become tributary to the pope. tit. 8. Agreed by parliament, that the K. by force should resist the Pope. Braule betweene the 4. orders of Friers and the two vniuersities. Ex. tit. 10. vz. For asmuch as neither K. Iohn nor any other kyng, coulde bring his realme & people in such thraldome & subiection, but by common assent of Parliament, the whyche was not done: and therefore done against his othe at hys coronation (besides many other causes.) If therefore the Pope should attempt any thing against the King, by processe or other matter in deede: That the king shall his subiects, should withall their force and power resist the same.

Here moreouer is not to be omitted, howe in the sayd present Parliament, the Uniuersities of Oxford & Cambridge on the one side, and the Friers of the foure orders mēdicants in the said vniuersities on the other side: Made long complaintes the one against the other, to the kyng in Parliament, and in the ende submitted themselues to the kings order.

After which, the king vpon full digesting of the whole matter (by assent of Parliament) tooke order: that as well the Chancelour & scholers, as the friers of those orders in the sayd Uniuersities: should in al graces and other schole exercises, vse eche other in frendly wise, wythout any rumor as before. That none of those orders, shoulde receyue any scholers into theyr sayde orders, being vnder the age of 18. yeares.

The Friers subiect to the kings order only in all their controuersies, parliament. tit. 12.That the said Friers shall take no aduantage, ne procure Bulles or other processe from Rome, against the said vniuersities, or procede therein.

And that the kyng haue power to redresse all controuersies, betweene them from thence foorth. And the offenders to be punished at the pleasure of the King, and of the counsaile.

Ex Archiuis regiae maiestatis. an. 50. Reg. Ed. 3. tit. 94. Notes of the 50. yeare of king Edward the third.

IN processe of the foresayd Actes and Rolles, it followeth more, that in the 50. yeare of the reigne of king Edward the 3. the yeare of our Lorde 1376. an other great Parliament was assembled at Westminster the xxiiij. of Aprill: Where, Syr Iohn Knyuet being Lorde Chauncelour of England, a certaine long Bill was put vp against the vsurpatiōs of the Pope, as being the cause of all y• plagues, murrions, famine, and pouerty of the realme, so as thereby was not left the third person, or other cōmodity within the realme that lately was.

2. That the taxes payed to the Pope of Rome for Ecclesiasticall dignities,Against the vsurpati [...]n of the pope. doe amount to fiue fold as much, as the taxe of al profites as apperteine to the king by the yeare of his whole Realme: And that for some one Byshoprike or other dignitie, the Pope by way of translation and death, hath 3.4. or 5. seuerall taxes.

3. That the brokers of that sinfull Citie,The Pope cause of all mischiefes in England. for money promote many caitifes (being altogether vnlearned and vnworthy) to a 1000. markes lyuing by yeare, where the learned and worthy can hardly obteine 20. marks, wherelearning decayeth.

4. That aliens (enemyes to this land) who neuer saw ne care not to se their parishioners,The tresure of the Realme cō ueyed away by the pope [...] meanes. [...] 97. haue those liuings wherby they despise Gods seruice, & conuey away the treasure, and are worse then Iewes or Sarasens.

5. Also it was put vp in the said Bill to be considered, that the lawes of the church, would such liuings to be bestowed for charitie, onely without praying or paying.

6. That reason woulde that liuings geuen of deuotion, should be bestowed in hospitality.

7. That God had committed his sheepe to the Pope, to be pastured and not shoren or shauen.

8. That lay patrones perceiuing the couetousnes and simony of the pope,The Pope geueth example to [...] benefices, tit. 99. do therby learne to sell their benefices to beasts, none otherwise then Christ was sold to the Iewes.

9. That there is none so rich a Prince in Christendome, that hath the fourth part of so much treasure, as the Pope hath out of this realme, for churches most sinfully.

10. Ouer and besides in the sayd Bill,Inestimable that the P. hath here out of England, tit. 1 [...]0 repeting againe the tendering zeale, for the honor of the Church: was declared and particularly named, all the plagues whych haue iustly fallen vpon this realme, for suffering the same church to be so defaced, wyth declaration that it will daily encrease wythout redresse.

11. Wherupon,Reseruation of the church of England desired in the Parliamēt. tit. 111. with much persuasion this was desired, to helpe to reedifie the same: and the rather for that, this was the yeare of Iubiley, the 50. yeare of the kynges reigne, the yeare of ioy and gladnesse, then the whych there could be no greater.

12. The meanes howe to begyn this, was to wryte 2. letters to the Pope: the one in Latine vnder the kyngs scale, the other in French vnder the seales of the nobles, importing their particularities, & requiring redres, of the which letter of the Lordes, the effect may be seene in a like letter mentioned before, pag. 479.

13. And for a further accomplishment hereof to enact,Actes made for no money to be transported. tit. 103. that no money were caried foorth of the realme by letter of Lū bardy or otherwise, or paine of forfaiture and imprisonment, and to enact the articles hereafter ensuing.

14. The king hath heretofore by statute prouided sufficiēt remedy, and otherwise pursueth the same with the holy father the Pope, & so mindeth to do from time to time, vntill he hath obteined aswel for the matters before, as for the articles ensuing being in a maner all one.

15. That the popes collector & other straungers the kings enemies,Again [...] the Popes lyge: spies, & collectors, tit. 104. The Popes collection what it cō meth to. tit. 205. The best dignities in England, in the Cardinals. tit. 106. and onely lyger spies for English dignities, and disclosing of the secretes of the realme, may be touched.

16. That the same collectour being also receauour of the popes pence, keepeth a house in London with clerkes and officers therto, as it were one of the kings solēne courtes, transporting yearely to the Pope xx. M. markes, and most commonly more.

17. That Cardinals & other aliens remaining at Rome, wherof one Cardinall is Deane of Yorke, an other of Salisbury, an other of Lyncoln, an other archdeacon of Canterbury, an other Archdeacon of Duresme, an other archdeacon of Suffolk, an other Archdeacon of York, an other prebendary of Thame & Nassington, an other prebendary of Buckes in the Church of Yorke: Haue diuers of the best dignities of England,The Pope maintaine [...] the kings enemies with the kyngs money. tit. 207. The Popes practise in [...]ngland to make m [...] ney. tit. 101. & haue sent ouer to them yerely xx. M. marks ouer and aboue that whych English brokers lying there, haue.

18. That the Pope (to raunsome the Frenchmenne the kings enemyes, who defond Lumbardy from hym) doeth alwaies at his pleasure leuie a subsidy of the whole Clergie of England.

19. That the Pope for more gaine maketh sundry translations of all the Byshoprickes and other dignities wythin the Realme.

[Page]20. That the popes collector hath this yeare taken to hys dic the first fruits of all benefices, by collatiō or prouision.

The law of [...]21. To renue all the statutes against prouisors frō Rome, sith that the Pope reserueth all the benefices of the worlde for hys owne proper gift, & hath thys yere created 12. new Cardinals, so as nowe there are thirty, where was wont to be but 12. and all those Cardinals, except 2. or 3. are the kings enemies.

22. That the Pope in tyme, wil geue the temporall mannors of those dignities to ye kings enemies,Against the popes vsurption, tit. 112. sith he so daily vsurpeth vpon the Realme, and the kings regalities.

23. That all houses and corporatiōs of religion, who vnto the kings raigne nowe had free election of heades, the Pope hath encroched the same to hymselfe.

24. That in all legacies from the Pope, whatsoeuer: the English clergie beareth the charge of the legates,Englishe money payeth the Popes legates, t [...]t 113. No good money in the realme for the pope and Card. [...] 114. The Popes colector or proctor dri [...]n out of the realme, [...] 115. The Popes collector to be exami [...]ed. and all for the goodnesse of our money.

25. And so it appeareth, that if the money of the Realme were as plentiful as euer it was: the Collectors aforesaid, wyth the Proctors of Cardinals, would soone conuey the same.

26. For remedy heereof it may be prouided, that no suche Collector or Proctor doe remayne in Englande, on payne of lyfe and member. And that no Englysh man on the like payne, become any such Collector or Proctor, or remayne at Rome.

27. For better information hereof, and namely touchyng the Popes Collector, for that the whole clergy beyng obedient to him, dare not displease hym: It were good, that syr Iohn Strensale, parsone of S. Botulphes in Holborne, may be sent to come before the Lordes and commons of this Parliament. who beyng straightly charged, can declare much more, for that hee serued the same Collector in house 5. yeares.

English mē [...]ood asses.¶ And thus much of this bil touching the popes matters: wherby it may appere, not to be for nought that hath bene vpon vs reported by the Italians and other straungers, which vsed to call English men good Asses: for they beare all burdens that be layd vpon them.

Order takē in London against vsury, [...]. 158.Item, in the said parliament it was prouided also, that such order as is made in London against the horrible vice of vsury, may be obserued throughout the whole realme.

The commons of the dioces of Yorke complaine of the outragious taking of the Byshop and his clarkes,Complaynt against the B. of Yorke and his officers for their excelsiue [...]ing for their admissions. tit. 171 Ex Archi [...] Reg. [...]. 3. an. regni. 51. tit. 36. Against the popes pro [...]sions from Rome, ann. reg. [...]1. tit. 36 The effect of the Chā cellors Oration. for admission of priestes to their benefices.

To these recordes of the parliament aboue prefixed of the 50. yere of thys king Edward: we will adioyne also other notes, collected out of the parliament, in the yere next following, which was 51. and last yeare of this kings life and raigne, An. 1377. the 27. of Ianuary: Although in the printed boke, these statutes are said to be made at the parliament holden, as aboue in the 50. yeare whych is muche mistaken, and ought to be referred to the 51. yere, as by the recordes of the sayd yere, manifestly doth appeare.

In which Parliament, the Byshop of S. Dauids being Lord Chauncelour, making a long oration, taking his theame out of S. Paul: Libenter suffertis insipientes. &c. Declaring in the sayde Oration many thyngs, as first, in shewing the ioyfull newes of the olde kings recouerye: then declaring the loue of God toward the king and realme, in chastising hym wyth sickenesse: Afterwarde shewyng the blessing of God vpon the king, in seeing hys childrēs children: Then by a similitude of the head & members, exhorting the people as members to cōforme themselues to the goodnesse of the head. Lastly, hee turned his matter to the Lordes and the rest, declaring the cause of that assembly: that for somuch as the Frenche kyng had allyed hymselfe wyth the Spanyardes and Scottes the kyngs enemyes, whych had prepared great powers, conspiring to blot out the English tonge and name: the king therefore was willyng to haue therein their faithfull counsaile.

The cause of this parliament chiefly for the Popes vsurpation against the king.This being declared by the Bishop: Sir Robert Ashton the kings chamberlaine, declaring yt he was to moone them from the king, for the profit of the realme (the whych wordes perca [...]e lay not in the Byshops mouth, for that it touched the Pope) vz. By protesting first, that the Kyng was ready to do al that ought to be done for the pope. But for that diuers vsurpations were done by the Pope to the Kyng hys crowne, and Realme, as by particular billes in thys parliament should be shewed,Against the pope his prouisions from Rome [...]n. reg. 51. [...]it. 35 The kynges [...]swere. he required of them to seeke redresse.

In thys present parliament petition was made by the commons, that al prouisors of things from Rome, & their ministers, should be out of the kyngs protection.

Whereunto the kyng aunswered, that the Pope had promysed redresse, whych if hee did not, the lawes then should stand.

It was also in that Parliament required, that euery person of what sexe soeuer,Against the P. his disp [...]tations tit 62. being professed of any religion, continuing the habite of 15. yeares, may vpon the triail of the same in any of the kings courts, be in law vtterly forbarred of al inheritaunce, albeit he haue dispen [...]ation from the pope. Against which dispensation, is the chief grudge. whereunto the king and the lordes answered, saying, that they would prouide.

Item, in the sayde Parliament was propounded, that the statute of prouisors made at any time may be executed, and that remedy may be had agaynst such Cardinalles, as haue wythin the prouinces of Caunterbury and Yorke, purchased reseruations,By this Anteferri, that is, [...] is [...], the preeminence [...] the kyng. The popes lawe of preminer [...], which now we corruptly call premi [...]ine, deba [...]ed by the K tit. 78. wyth the clause of Anteferri, to the value of xx. or xxx. thousande Scures of golde agaynst the Popes Collector: who was wont to be an Englishman, and now is a mere French, residing at London, & conueieth yearely to the Pope xx. M. markes, or xx. M. pounde, who thys yeare gathereth the first fruites whatsoeuer. Alledging the meanes to meete wyth these reseruations and nouelries, as: to commaund all straungers to depart the Realme during the warres, that no English man to become their farmour, or to send to them any mony without speciall licence, on payne to be out of the kings protection: whereunto was aunswered by the kyng, that the statutes and ordinaunces therefore made, should be obserued.

In these rolles and recordes of such Parliamentes as was in thys kings time continued,Ex Actis parliaments in an. reg. Ed. rer [...]g. 15 tit. 24. diuers other thynges are to be noted muche worthy to be marked, and not to be suppressed in silence. Wherein the Reader may learne and vnderstand the state of the kings iurisdiction here wythin this realme, not to be straightned in those daies (although the Pope then seemed to be in his chief ruffe) as afterward since in other kings dayes was seene. As may appeare in the parliament of the 15. yeare of thys king Edward the 3. and in the 24. article of the sayde Parliament: where it is to be read,Punishment of the clergie in the temporall mens handes. that the kings officers and temporall Iustices did then both punish vsurers, an [...] impeached the officers of the Church for bribery, and for taking mony for temporall paine, probate of willes, solemnitie of Mariage. &c. al the pretensed liberties of the popish church to the contrary notwythstanding.

Furthermore, in the Parliament of the 25. yeare, appeareth:Clarkes subiect to temporall lawe. that the liberties of the clergie and their exemptions in claiming the deliuerance of men by their booke vnder th [...] name of Clerks, stode then in litle force, as appeared by one Hauketyne Honby knight: who for imprisonning one of the kings subiectes, till hee made fine of 20. li. was therefore executed, notwithstanding the liberty of the Clergie, whych by his booke would haue saued hym, but could not.

The like also appeared by iudgement geuen agaynst a priest at Notingham, for killing of hys maister.

And likewise by hanging certaine monks of Combe. Ex Parliam. An. 23. Ed. 3.

Item, in the Parliament of the 15. yeare, by apprehending of I. Stratford,The raynment of the Archb. of Cant. an. 15. Ed. 3. tit. 49. Archbishop of Canterbury, and hys arrainment: concerning which his arrainment, all things were committed to sir William of Kildisby.

Besides these truthes and notes of the kings Parliaments, wherin may appeare y• toward procedings of this king & of all his commons against the pretensed church of Rome: Thys is moreouer to be added to the commendation of the king, how in the volumes of the actes & rolles of the king appeareth. That the sayd king Edward the 3. sent also Iohn Wickleffe,Iohn Wickliffe sent with the kings Ambassadours by the K. reader then of the Diuinitie lector in Oxford, wyth certaine other Lords & Ambassadors ouer into the parts of Italy, to treat wyth the Popes Legates concerning affaires betwixt the King and the Pope wt ful cōmission: the tenor whereof here foloweth expressed. ‘REX vniuersis, ad quorum notitiam presentes literae peruenerint. &c.’

In English thus.

The King to all and singuler to whome these presentes shall come greeting. Know ye, that we reposing assured confidence in the fidelitie and wisdome of the reuerend father Iohn Bishoppe of Bangor, and other our louing and faithful subiects, M. Iohn Wickliffe, reader of the diuinitie lecture, M. Iohn Gunter Deane of Segobyen. and M. Symon Moulton doctor of the lawe, Syr William Burton Knight, M Iohn Belknappe, & M. Iohn Honnington, haue directed them as our Ambassadors and special Commissioners to the partes beyond the seas. Geuing to the sayde our Ambassadors and Commissioners, to sixe or fiue of them, of whome I will that the sayde Bishop shalbe one, full power and aucthoritie, wyth commaundement speciall, to treat and consult mildely and charitably with the Legates and Ambassadors of the L. Pope touching certaine affaires. Where upon of late we sent heretofore the[Page]sayd Bishop, and M. William Vghtred monke of Duresme, and M. Iohn Shepie to the see Apostolicall: And hereof to make ful relation of all things done and past in the sayd assembly, that all such things which may tend to the honor of holy Church and the aduauncement of our crowne and this our realme may by the assistaunce of God and the wisedome of the see Apostolicall bee brought to good effect, and accomplished accordingly. Witnes our selues. &c. at London dated the 26. day of Iuly in the 48. yeare of our raigne.

By the which it is to be noted, what good wil the king then bare to the sayd Wickleffe, and what smal regarde he had to the sinfull sea of Rome.

Of the whych Iohn wickleff, because we are now approched to his time: remaineth consequently for our story to entreat of, so as we haue heere to fore done of other lyke valiant souldiours of Christes Church before him.

¶ Iohn Wickliffe.

Here beginneth the story of Iohn WickliffeAFter all these heretofore recited, by whome (as ye haue heard) it pleased the Lord something to worke against the Byshop of Rome, & to weaken the pernitious superstition of the Friers. Nowe remayneth consequently following the course of yeares, orderly to enter into the story and tractation of Iohn Wickleffe our countreyman, and other moe of his time, and same countrey, whom the Lord (wyth the like zeale and power of spirit) raysed vp here in England, to detect more fully and amply the poison of the Popes doctrine, & false religion set vp by the Fryers. In whose opinions and assertiōs, albeit some blemishes perhaps may be noted: yet such blemishes they be, whych rather declare him to be a mā that might erre, then which directly did fight against Christ our Sauiour, as the Popes procedings and the friers did. And what doctor or learned man hath ben from the prime age of the church, so perfect, so absolutely sure, in whome no opinyon hath sometyme swarued awry?The blemishes of Wickliffe made worse then they be. And yet be the sayd articles of hys, neither in number so many, nor yet so grosse in themselues and so cardinall, as those Cardinal ennemies of Christ perchance doe geue them out to be: if his bookes whō they abolished, were remaining to be conferred wt those blemishes, which they haue wrasted to the worste, as euill will neuer sayde the best.

This is certaine and can not be denied, but that he being the publike Reader of Diuinitie in the Universitie of Oxford: was for the rude time wherein he liued, famously reputed for a great clerke, a deepe scholeman, & no lesse expert in all kinde of philosophie.The testimonie of Walden an enemy in commendation of Wickliffe. The which doth not onely appeare by his owne most famous and learned wrytings and monuments, but also by the confession of Walden hys most cruel & bitter enemy. Who in a certain Epistle wrytten vnto pope Martin the fift, sayth that he was wonderfully astonyshed at his most strong arguments, wyth the places of authority whych hee had gathered, wyth the vehemency and force of hys reasons. &c. And thus much out of Walden. It appeareth by such as haue obserued the order and course of tunes, that this wickleffe florished about the yeare of our Lord.Ann. 1371. The tyme of I. Wickliffe. 1371. Edward the third raigning in England: for thus we doe finde in the Chronicles of Caxton. In the yere of our Lord 1371. (sayeth he) Edward the third, king of England in his Parliamēt, was against the Popes clergy: He willingly harkned and gaue eare to the voices and tales of heretickes, wyth certaine of his counsel: conceiuing and folowing sinister opinions against the Clergy. Wherefore (afterward) he tasted and suffred much aduersity & trouble.Anno. 1372. And not long after, in the yeare of our Lord (sayth he) 1372. he wrote vnto the Byshop of Rome, that he should not by any meanes entermeddle any more wtin his kingdom as touching the reseruation, or distribution of benefices: and that all such by shops as were vnder hys dominion, should enioy their former and anciēt liberty, and be confirmed of theyr Metropolitanes, as hath ben accustomed in tunes past.Ex Caxtono. &c. Thus much wryteth Caxtō: But as touching the iust number of the yere and time, we will not be very curious or carefull about, at this present. Thys is out of all doubt, that at what time all the worlde was in most desperate and vile estate, & that the lamentable ignorance and darknes of God his truth had ouershadowed the whole earth: this man stepped forth like a valiant champiō, vnto whom it may iustly be applyed that is spoken in the boke called Ecclesiasticus of one Simon the sonne of Onias. Euen as the morning star being in the middest of a cloud, & as the Moone being ful in her course, and as the bryght beames of the Sunne, so doeth he shine and glister in the temple and Church of God.

Thus doth almighty God continually succor & helpe, whē all thinges are in dispaire: being alwaies (according to the Prophecye of the Psalme) a helper in tyme of need. The which thing neuer more playnely appeared, then in these latter dayes and extreme age of the Church: when as the whole state & condition (not onely of worldly things, but also of Religion) was depraued and corrupted. That like as the disease named Lethargus among the Phis [...]uons, euen so the state religion amongst the Diuines, was past al mens helpe and remedy. The onely name of Christ remayned amongest Christians, but his true & liuely doctrine was as farre vnknowne vnto the most part, as his name was cōmon vnto al men. As touching fayth, cōsolation, the end & vse of the law,A description of Wickliffes tim [...]. the office of Christ, of our impotency and weaknes, of the holy ghost, of the greatnes & strength of sinne, of true works, of grace and free iustification of liberty of a Christian man, wherein consisteth and resteth the summe and matter of our profession: there was no mention or any word almost spokē of Scripture, learning & diuinity, was knowne but vnto a few, & that in the scholes onely: & there also turned & cōuerted almost al into sophistry. In stead of Peter & Paule, men occupyed theyr time in studying Aquinas and Scotus, and the maister of sentēce. The worlde leauing & forsaking the liuely power of Gods spirituall word and doctrine, was altogether led and blinded with outward ceremonies & humaine traditions, wherein the whole scope, in a maner of all christian perfection did consist & depend. In these was all the hope of obteining saluation fully fixed: hereunto all thynges were attributed. In so much, that scarcely any other thyng was sene in the temples or Churches, taught or spoken of in sermōs, or finally intēded or gone about in theyr whole life, but only heaping vp of certain shadowed ceremonies vpon ceremonies, neither was there any end of theyr heaping.

The people were taught to worship no other thing but that which they did see, and did see almost nothing whiche they did not worship.

The Church being degenerated from the true Apostolick institutiō aboue al measure (reseruing onely the name of the Apostolick Church, but farre from the truth thereof in very deede) did fall into all kinde of extreme tyranny: where as the pouerty and simplicity of Christ was chaū ged into cruelty and abhomination of life. In stead of the Apostolicke giftes and continuall labours and trauelles, slouthfulnes & ambitiō was crept in amongst the priests. Besides all this, there arose & sprong vp a thousand sortes and fashions of straunge religions, being the onely root & well head of all superstitiō. How great abuses and deprauations were crept into the Sacramentes, at what tyme they were compelled to worship similitudes and signes of thinges, for the very things themselues: and to adore such things as were instituted and ordeined onely for memorials? Finally what thing was there,All good things defled & spotted with superstition. in the whole state of Christen religion so sincere, so sound and pure, which was not defiled and spotted with some kind of superstitiō? Besides this, with how many bondes & snares of dayly new fangled ceremonies, the sely consciences of men redeemed by Christ to liberty, were snared and snarled? In so much, that there could be no great differēce almost perceiued betwene Christianitie and Iuishnes, saue onely the name of Christ, so that the state and condition of the Iewes, might seeme somwhat more tolerable then ours. There was nothing sought for out of the true fountaines, but out of the dirty pudles of the Philistians. The christian people were wholy caried away as it were by the noses, with mere decrees and constitutions of men, euen whether as pleased the bishops to lead them, and not as Christes will did direct them. All the whole world was filled and ouerwhelmed with errours and darknesse. And no great maruell, for why the simple and vnlearned people being far from all knowledge of the holy Scripture: thought it sufficient inough for them, to know onely these things whych were deliuered them by their pastors and shepheards, and they on the other part taught in a maner nothing els, but such things as came foorth of the Court of Rome. Whereof the most part tended to the profite of their order more then to the glory of Christ.

The Christian faith was esteemed or counted none other thing then, but yt euery man should know that Christ once suffred, that is to say, that all men should know and vnderstand yt thing which the deuils thēselues also knew. Hypocrisie was counted for wonderful holines. All men were so addict vnto outward shewes,The captaines of the church seduced as well as the inferior sort. that euen they thē selues which professed yt most absolute & singular knowledge of the scriptures, scarsly did vnderstād or know any other thing. And thys euidētly did appere, not only in the common sort of doct [...]urs and teachers, but also in the very heades and captaines of the Church: whose whole religion [Page] and holines, consisted in a maner in the obseruing of dayes, meates, and garments, and such like rethorical circumstances, as of place, time, person, &c. Hereof sprang so many sorts & fashions of vestures and garments: so many differences of colours & meates: with so many pilgrimages to seuerall places, as though f. Iames at Compostella could do that, which Christ could not do at Canterbury: Or els that God were not of like power & strength in euery place, or could not be found but being sought for by running & gadding hether and thether. Thus the holines of the whole yere was trāsported and put of vnto the Lent season.Palestina denied holy for Christes walkyng there. No countrey or land was counted holy, but onely Palestina, where Christ had walked himselfe wyth his corporall feete. Such was the blindnes of yt tune, men did striue and fight for the crosse at Hierusalem, as it had bene for the chief and onely force and strength of our faith. It is a wonder to reade the monumentes of the formore times, to see and vnderstand what great troubles & calamities thys crosse hath caused almoste in euery Christian common wealth. For the Romish champions neuer ceased, by wryting, admonishing, and coūsailing, yea and by quarelling, to moue & stirre vp Princes mindes to warre & battail, euen as though the faith & beleefe of the gospell, were of small force or little effect wtout that wooden crosse. This was ye cause of yt expedition of the most noble prince K. Rich.Richard K. of England. vnto Ierusalem. Who being taken in the same iourney, and deliuered vnto the Emperour: could scarsly be raunsomed home againe, for xxx. M. markes. pag. 248. In the same enterprise or iourney,Fredericke the Emperor of Rome Fridericus the Emperour of Rome a man of most excellent vertue, was muche endamaged in the same iourney. an. 1179. And also Philip the king of Fraunce, scarsly returned home againe in safety not without great losses:Philip kyng of Fraunce. so much did they esteeme the recouery of the holy citie and crosse.

Upon this alone, all mens eyes, minds, & deuotions, were so set and bent: as though either there were no other crosse but that, or that the crosse of Christ were in no other place but onely at Hierusalem. Such was the blindnesse and superstition of those daies, which vnderstood or knew nothing but such as were outwardly sene: wheras ye profession of our religion standeth in much other higher matters and greater mysteries. what was the cause why that Urbanus did so vexe and torment himselfe? Because that Antioche with the holy crosse, was lost out of the hands of the Christians. For so we doe finde it in the Chronicles, at what time as Ierusalem with king Buido,Pope Vrbano. and the crosse of our Lord was taken, and vnder the power of Sultan: Urbanus toke the mater so greuously, that for very sorow he died.Lambert Pope. In whose place succeeded Lambertus which was called Gregory the 8. by whose motion it was decreed by the Cardinals, that (setting apart all riches and voluptuousnes) they should preach the crosse of Christ, and by their pouerty and humility first of all shuld take the crosse vpon them, & go before others into the lād of Ierusalem. These are the words of the history, wherby it is euident vnto the vigilant reader, vnto what grosenes the true knowledge of the spiritual doctrine of the gospel was degenerate and growen vnto in those daies: How great blindnes & darknes was in those dayes, euen in the first primacy, & supremacy of the bishop of Rome: as though the outward succession of Peter and the Apostles,The knowledge of the Gospell grosely expounded by the Romapistes. had ben of greater force and effect to that matter. What doeth it force in what place. Peter did rule or not rule? It is much more to be regarded that euery man should labor and study with all theyr endeuor to followe the life & confession of Peter: And that man seemeth vnto me to be the true successour of Peter, against whom the gates of hel shall not preuaile. For if that Peter in the gospell do beare the type & figure of the christian church (as all men in a maner do affirme) what more foolish or vaine thyng can there be: then thorough priuate vsurpation, to restraine and to binde that vnto one man, which by the appoyntment of the Lorde, is of it selfe free and open to so many?

The rysing vp of Wickliffe in a troublous tyme.Thus in these so great and troublous times and horrible darkenes of ignoraunce, what time there seemed in a maner to be no one so litle a sparke of pure doctrine left or remaining: This foresayd wickliffe by Gods prouidence sprang and rose vp: thorough whom, the Lord would first waken and raise vp agayne the worlde, which was ouermuch drowned and whelmed in the depe streames of humaine traditions. Thus you haue heere the time of wickliffes originall.

Wickliffe a Deuine in Oxford.Which Wickliffe after he had now by a long time professed deuinity in the vniuersity of Oxford, and perceiuing the true doctrine of Christes Gospell to be adulterate and defiled, with so many filthy inuentions of Bishops, sectes of monkes, and darke errours: And that he after long debating and deliberating with himselfe (with many secrete sighes and bewailing in hys mind the generall ignorance of the whole world) could no lōger suffer or abide the same but that he at the last, determined with himselfe to healpe and to remedy such things as he saw to be wide and out of the way. But for so much as he saw that this daungerous medling, could not be attempted or stirred wythout great trouble, neyther that these things which had bene so long tune with vse and custome rooted and grafted in mennes mindes, coulde not be sodenly plucked vp or taken away, he thought wt himselfe that this matter should be done by litle & litle. Wherfore he taking his original at small occasions, thereby opened himselfe a way or meane to greater matters. And first he assailed his aduersaries in logicall & metaphisical questiōs, disputing wt them of the first forme & fashion of things, of the increase of time, and of the intelligible substance of a creature, wt other such like sophemes of no great effect: but yet notwithstanding did not a little helpe and furnish him, which minded to dispute of greater matters. So in these matters, first began Regningham (a Carmelite) to dispute and argue against Iohn Wickliffe.

By these originals, the way was made vnto greater poynts, so that at the length he came to touch the matters of the sacraments, and other abuses of the Church. Touching whych thinges this holy man tooke great paynes, protesting (as they saide) openly in the scholes, that it was hys chiefe and principall purpose and intent: to reuoke and call backe the Church from her Idolatry to some better amendment, especially in the matter of the Sacrament of the body and bloud of Christ. But this bile or sore could not be touched wythout the great griefe and paine of the whole world. For first of all, the whole glutte of Monkes and begging Friers were set on a rage or madnes, which (euen as Hornets wyth their sharpe stings) did assayle this good man on euery side: fighting (as is sayd) for their aultars, paunches and bellies. After them the priests, and then after them the Archb. tooke the matter in hand being then S. Sudbury, who for the same cause depriued him of his benefice,Wickliffe depriued of his benefice at Oxford by S. Sudbery. Ex Chron. D. Albani. Duke of Lancaster, & Lord H, Percy, great maintayners of I. Wickliffe. which then he had in Oxford. Notwythstanding he being somwhat friended & supported by the king, as appeareth, continued and bare out the malice of the Friers, and of the Archb. all this while of his first beginning, till about the yeare of our Lorde. 1377. After whych time now to prosecute likewise of his troubles & conflict, first I must fetch about a little compasse, as requisite is, to inferre some mention of Iohn of Gaunt Duke of Lancaster the kings sonne, and Lord Henry Percy, whych were his speciall maintainers.

As yeares and time grew on, king Edward the third, which had reigned nowe about 51. yeares, after the decease of prince Edwarde his sonne, who departed the yeare before: was stroken in great age, & in such feblenes withall, that he was vnweldy through lacke of strēgth to gouerne the affairs of the realm. Wherfore, a parliament being called the yeare before his death, it was there put vp by the knights & other the burgesses of the Parliament (because of the misgouernment of the realme by certain gredy persons about the king, raking all to themselues, without seing any iustice done) that 12. sage and discrete Lordes and Pieres, such as were free from note of all auarice, shuld be placed as tutours about the Kyng, to haue the doing and disposing vnder him (6. at one time, and in their absence 6. at an other) of matters pertinent to the publike regiment.Alice Perris, the kings concubine. The K. bewitched by a woman thorough the helpe of a Fryer. Here by the way I omit to speake of Alice Perris the wicked harlot, which (as the story geueth) had bewitched the kings hart, & gouerned all and sate vpon canses herself through the diuelish help of a Frier Dominick: who by the duke of Lancaster was caused to be take, and was conuicted, & should haue suffred for the same, had not the Archb. of Cant. and the Friers (more regarding the liberty of their Churche, then the punishing of vice) reclaimed hym for their own prisoner. This Alice Perrys, notwithstanding she was banished by this Parliament from the king,The propertie of an whore. yet afterward she came againe, & left him not: til at hys death shee tooke all his rings vpon his fingers and other iewels frō him, and so fled away like an harlot. But thys of her by the way.

These 12. gouernours by the parliament aforesayd being appoynted to haue the tuition of the king,12. Gouernours assigned about the kyng. & to attend to the publike affaires of ye realme: remained for a certaine space about him, till afterward it so fel out, that they being againe remoued, all the regiment of the realme next vnder the King, was committed to the Duke of Lancaster the kings sonne: For as yet Richard the sonne of prince Edward lately departed, was very yong and vnder age.

This Duke of Lancaster had in his heart of long time conceiued a certaine displeasure against the popish clergy: [Page] whether for corrupt and impure doctrine ioyned wt lyke abhominable excesse of life,Ex Chron. Monastery Albani. or for what some other cause, it is not precisely expressed. Onely by story the cause thereof may be gessed, to rise by William Wickam bishop of Winchester. The matter is thys.

The Bishop of Winchester (as the saying went then) was reported to affirme, that the foresaid Ihon of Gaunt duke of Lācaster, was not the sonne of king Edward, nor of the Quene. Who being in trauel at Gaūt, had no sonne (as he sayd) but a daughter:A practise of the prelates against the Duke of Lancaster. which the same time by lying vppon of the mother in the bedde, was there smothered. Whereupon, the Quene fearing the kings displeasure, caused a certaine manchilde of a woman of Flaunders (borne the very same time) to be conueyed and brought vnto her in stead of her daughter aforesayde. And so brought vp the child whom she bare not, who now is called duke of Lancaster. And this (said the Bishop) did the Queene tell him, lying in extremes on her death bed vnder seale of confession: charging hym if the sayde Duke should euer aspire to get the crowne, or if the kingdome by any meanes should fall vnto hym, he then should manifest the same, & declare it to the worlde, that the sayde Duke of Lancaster was no part of the kings bloud, but a false heire of the king. This slaunderous report of the wicked Byshop, as it sauoureth of a contumelious lie, so seemeth it to proceede of a subtile zeale toward the Popes religion, meaning falshoode. For that the foresayd Duke by fauouring of Wickliff, declared hymselfe to be a professed enemy against the Popes profession. Whych thing was then not vnknowen, neyther vnmarked of the Prelates and Byshops then in Englande. But the sequele of the story thus followed.

Thys slanderous vilany of the Byshops report being blased abroad, and comming to the Dukes eare: he therwt being not a litle discontented (as no maruell was) sought againe by what meanes he coulde, to be reuenged of thys forenamed Bishop. In conclusion, the Duke hauing now al the gouernment of the realm vnder the king his father, in hys own hand: so pursued ye byshop of Winchester, that by acte of parliament he was condemned and depriued of al his temporal goods,W. Wickham B. of Wint. depriued. which goods wer assigned to prince Rich. of Burdeur, the next inheritour of the crowne after the king, and furthermore inhibited the said bishop not to approch nere to ye court by 20. miles. Further as touching thys bishop, the story thus procedeth. Not lōg after in the yeare of our Lord. 1377. a Parliament was called by the meanes of the Duke of Lancaster, vpon certaine causes & respects: in which parliament great request, and sute was made by the cleargy for the deliueraunce of the B. of Winchester. At length whē a subsidie was asked in the kyngs name of the clergy, and request also made in the kings behalfe for spedy expedition to be made for the dissoluing of ye parliament, the Archb. therfore accordingly conuented the bishops for the tractation thereof. To whō the B. wt great lamentation cōplained for lack of their felow and brother B. of Wint. Whose iniury said they, did derogate to the liberties of the whole church:Byshops holde together. Liberties of the Church a great matter. And therfore denied to ioyne themselues in tractation of any such matters, before al the members together were vnited wt the head: And (seing the matter touched them altogether in common, as well him as thē) would not otherwise do. And seemed moreouer to be moued against ye Archb. for that he was not more stout in the cause, but suffered him so to be cited of the duke.

B of Win [...]. sent for to the conuocation.The Archb. although hauing sufficient cause to excuse himselfe, wherefore not to send for him (as also he dyd) because of the perils which might ensue therof: yet being enforced & persuaded therunto, by the importunitie of the bishops, directed downe his letters to the foresaid bishop of wintch, willing hym to resort vnto the conuocation of the clergy. Who being glad to obey the same, was receyued wt great ioy of the other bishops. And at length by yt meanes of Alice Perris, the kings paramor, aboue mētioned, (geuing to her a good quantity of mony) the sayd Winchester was restored to his temporalities againe.

I. Wickliffe sent for by the Duke of Lancaster.As the Bishops had thus sent for wintch. the Duke in the meane time had sent for Iohn Wickliffe: who as is saide, was then the diuinity reader in Oxford, and had cō menced in sondry actes and disputations, contrary to the forme and teaching of the Popes church in many things: who also for the same had bene depriued of his benefice, as hath bene afore touched. The opinions which he began in Oxford, first in his lectures, and sermōs to entreat of, and wherfore he was depriued were these. That the Pope had no more power to excommunicate any man, then hath an other. That if it be geuē by any persō to the pope to excō municate, yet to absolue the same is as much in the power of an other priest, as in hys. He affirmed moreouer, yt neyther ye king nor any temporall Lord could geue any perpetuity to the church, or to any ecclesiasticall person: for that when such ecclesiasticall do sinne, habitualiter, continuing in the same still, the temporal powers ought and may meritoriously, take away from them, that before hath bene bestowed vpon thē.Example [...] W. Rufus. And that he proued, to haue bene practised before here in England by Williā Rufus. which thing (sayd he) if he did lawfully, why may not the same also be practised now? if he did it vnlawfully, then both the church erre (sayth he) & doth vnlawfully in praying for him.Ex hosie. Monastery D. Albani But of his assertions more shall follow (Christ willing) hereafter. The story which ascribeth to him these assertions being taken out (as I take it) of yt monastery of S. Albons addeth withall: that in his teaching and preaching he was very eloquent, but a dissembler (saith he) and an hipocrite. Why he surmiseth him to be an hypocrite, the cause was this:

First, because he resorted much to the orders of the begging Friers, frequenting and extolling the perfection of their pouerty.

Secondly, because he and his felowes vsually accustomed in their preaching to go baretoote, and in simple russet gownes.

By this I suppose, may sufficiently appeare to the indifferent, the nature and condition of Wickliffe, how far it was frō the ambitiō & pride,The slaunderous pene of Polydore which in the slaundrous pen of Polydore Virgil, reporting in his 19. book of him, that because he was not preferred to higher honors and dignities of the church (conceiuing therfore indignation agaynst the clergy) became theyr mortall enemy. How true this was, he onely knoweth best, that rightly shall iudge both y• one and the other.

In the meane time,Wickliffe falsly charged with ambition by Polydore. by other circūstaunces & partes of his life, we may also partly cōiecture what is to be thoght of yt mā. But howsoeuer it was in him either true or false: yet it had bene Polidors part, either not so intemperatly to haue abused his pen, or at least to haue shewed some greater authority and ground of that his report. For to follow nothing els but flying fame, so rashlye to defame a man whose life he knoweth not, is not the part of a faythful story writer.

But to returne from whēce we digressed.Wickliffe beginneth to touch the matter of the sacramēt Beside these his opinions and assertions aboue recited, with other mo, which are hereafter to be brought in order: He began also then something nearely to touch the matter of the Sacrament, prouing that in the sayd Sacrament, the accidences of bread remayned not without the subiect, or substaunce: both by the holy Scriptures, and also by the authoritye of the doctors, but specially by such as were most aunciēt. As for the latter writers, that is to say such as haue written vpon that argumēt vnder the thousand yeres since Christes time, he vtterly refused: saying, that after these yeares Sathan was losed & set at liberty. And that since that time the life of man hath bene most subiect and in danger of errors: the simple and playne truth to appeare and consist in the Scriptures, wherunto all humam traditions whatsoeuer they be, must be referred, and specially such as are set forth & published now of late yeares.The latter writers of the Church to be misdoubted. This was the cause why he refused the latter writers of decretals, leaning only to the Scriptures & auncient doctors: most stoutly affirming out of them that in the Sacramēt of the body which is celebrate, with bread the accidēce not to be present with out the substaunce.The accidē ces not to be in the sacrament without the substance. That is to say, that the body of Chryst is not present without the breade, as the common sorte of Priestes in those daies did dreame, As for his arguments what they were: we wyll shortly at more oportunity by Gods grace, declare them in an other place. But herein the trueth (as the Poet speaketh very truely) had gotten Iohn Wickeliffe great displeasure and hatred, at many mens handes: and specially of the Monkes and richest sort of Priestes.

Albeit through the fauor and supportation of the duke of Lancaster, and Lord Henry Percy, he persisted hitherto in some meane quiet against their woluish violence & eruelty: Till at last about the yeare of our Lord. 1376. the Byshops still vrging and inciting their Archbishop Symon Sudberye, who before had depriued him, and afterward prohibited him also not to stirre any more in those sorts of matters: had obteined by processe and order of citation to haue him brought before them. Whereunto both place and time for him to appeare after theyr vsuall forme was to him assigned.

The Duke hauing intelligence that Wickliffe his client should come before the Bishops, fearing that he being but one, was to weake agaynst such a multitude: calleth to him out of the orders of Friers, foure Bachelers of Diuinity, out of euery order one, to ioyne them with Wickliffe also for more surety. When the day was come assigned to [Page] the said Wickliffe to appeare, whiche day was Thursday, the 19. of February: Iohn Wickliffe accompanied with the foure Friers aforesayd, and with them also, the Duke of Lancaster, and Lord Henry Percy, Lord Marshal of England, the said Lord Percy also going before them to make rowme and way wherewith wickliffe should come.

Thus wickliffe (through the prouidence of god) being sufficiently garded,Ex host. Monarchs. D. Albans ex accommodato [...]. Math. Archsepis. [...]ant. was comming to the place where the Bishops sate: whome by the way they animated and exhorted not to feare nor shrink a whit at the company of the bishops there present, who were all vnlearned (said they) in respect of him. For so proceede yt wordes of my foresaid author, whom I follow in this narration: neither that he shold dread the concourse of the people, whom they would themselues assiste and defend, in such sort as he should take no harme. With these wordes, and with the assistaunce of the nobles: wickliffe in hart encouraged, approcheth to yt church of S.Striuing for the Lordes to passe by the people. Paule in London. where a mayne prease of people was gathered to heare, what shold be sayd & done. Such was there the frequencie and throng of the multitude, that the Lordes (for all ye puissance of the high Marshall) vnneth with great difficulty could get way through. In so much,W. Courtney Bishop of London. The wordes of the B. of London to the L. Percy that the bishop of London (whose name was William Courtney) seeing the stir that the Lord Marshal kept in the Church, among the people, speaking to yt Lord Perry, sayd: that if he had knowne before what maistries he would haue kept in the church, he would haue stopped hym out, from comming there.

At which wordes of the Byshop, the Duke disdayning not a little, aunswered to the Byshop agayne, and sayd: that he woulde keepe such maisterie there, though he sayd nay.

At last, after much wrastling they pierced through and came to our Ladies chappell. Where the Dukes and Barons were sitting together with the Archbishops & other Bishops.I. Wickliffe bid to sitte downe before the Byshops. Wickliffe denied by the Byshop of London to sit downe Strife betweene the L. Marshall and Byshop of London. The people set in a sti [...]re Strife betweene the Duke of I ā ca [...]er & B. of London. The B. ouergoeth the Duke in [...]coulding. Before whome the foresayd Iohn Wickliffe according to the maner, stode before thē, to know what shold be laid vnto him. To whome first spake the Lord Percy, bidding him to sit downe, saying: that he had many things to answer to, and therfore had need of some softer seat. But the bishop of London cast eftsoones into a fumish chase wt those words, sayd: he should not sit there. Neither was it sayd he: according to law or reason, that he which was cited there to appeare to answere before his ordinary, should sit downe during the time of his aunswere, but shold stād. Upon these words a fire began to heat & kindle betweene them. In so much that they began to rate and to reuile one the other, that the whole multitude therewith disquieted, began to be set on a hurrey.

Then the Duke taking the Lord Percies part wyth hasty wordes began also to take vp the bishop. To whom the Bishops again nothing inferiour in reprochful checks and rebukes, did render & require not onely to him as good as he brought: but also did so far excell him, in this rayling arte of scolding, that to vse the words of mine author, Erubuit Dux quòd non potuit praeualere litigio. i. that the Duke blushed and was ashamed, because he could not ouerpasse the Bishop in brawling and rayling, and therefore fell to playn threatning, manasing yt bishop, that he would bring down the pride not onely of him, but also of all the prelacie of Englande: And speaking moreouer vnto him: Thou (sayd he) bearest thy self so brag vpon thy parentes,This B. of London was W. Courtney, sonne to the Earle of Deuonshire. which shall not be able to helpe thee: They shall haue enough to do to helpe themselues. For his parentes were the Earle and countesse of Deuonshire. To whom the byshop again aunswered, that to be bold to tell truth, his confidence was not in his parentes, nor in any man els, but onely in God in whō he trusted.The Duke [...]eateneth to draw out their B. by the heare out of the Church. Londiners take part with their Byshop. Then ye Duke softly whispering in the care of him next by him, sayd that he woulde rather plucke out the Bishop by the heyre of his head out of the Church, then he would take this at his hand. This was not spoke so secretly, but that the Londiners ouerheard him. Wherupon being set in a rage, they cryed out, saying: that they would not suffer theyr bishop so cōtemptuously to be abused. But rather they woulde loose their liues, then that he should so be drawen out by the heyre. Thus that councell being broken with scolding and brawling for that day, was dissolued before 9. of the cloke. And the Duke with the Lord Percy went to the Parliament. Where the same day, before dinner a bill was put vp in the name of the king by the Lord Thomas Wostock,Petitions put vp in the Parliament against the Citie of Lō don. and Lord Henry Percy, that the Cittie of London shoulde no more be gouerned by a Mayor, but by a Captayne, as in times before. And that the Marshall of England shold haue al the adoe in taking the Arestes within the said Citty, as in other citties beside, with other petitions moe, tending to the like derogation of the liberties of London. which bill being read, standeth vp Iohn Philpot Burgesse then for the cit [...]y, saying to thē which read the bill, that that was neuer seene so before: & adding moreouer that the Mayor woulde neuer suffer any such things, or other arest to be brought into the citty, with mo such wordes of like stoutnes.

The next day following, the Londiners assembled thē selues in a councell, to consider among them vpon the Bill for chaunging the Mayor,Hasty counsaile of the Lōdiners. and about the office of the Marshall, also concerning the iniuries done the day before to theyr Bishop.

In which meane time they being busy in long consultation of this matter, sodenly and vnawares entred in the place two certaine Lordes, whether to come to spy, or for what other cause the author leaueth it vncertayne, the one called Lord Fizwalter: the other Lord Guy Brian. At the first comming in of thē, the vulgare sort was ready forthwith to flee vppon them, as spies, had not they made theyr protestation with an othe, declaring that their comming in was for no harme toward them. And so were compelled by the citizens to sweare to the city their truth and fidelity, contrary to the which othe if they shoulde rebell, contented to forfeit whatsoeuer goods and possessions they had within the citie.

This done,The Oration of Lord Fi [...]walter to the Londiners. thē began the Lord Fizwalter in this wise to perswade and exhort the Citizens: first declaring how he was bound and obliged to them and to theyr Citty, not for the othe onely now newly receiued, but of old and ancient good will from his great graundfathers tyme. Beside other diuers dueties, for the which he was chiefly bound to be one of their principall fautors: for so muche as what so euer tended to their damage and detriment, redounded also no lesse vnto his owne, for which cause he coulde not otherwise chuse, but that as he did vnderstand to be attempted against the publike profite and liberties of the Cittye, he must needs communicate the same to them. who vnlesse they with speedy circumspection do occurre and preuent perils that may and are like to ensue, it would turne in the end to theyr no small incōmoditie. And as there were many other thinges, whiche required their vigilant care and diligēce, so one thing therr was, which he could in no wise but admonish them of: which was this, necessary to be cō sidered of them all, how the Lord Marshall Henry Percy in his place within himselfe had one in ward and custody, whether with the knowledge, or without the knowledge of them, he coulde not tell: this he coulde tell, that the sayd Lord Marshall was not alowed any suche ward or prison in his house, within the liberties of the Citty. Which thing if it be not seeke to in time, the example therof being suffered, would in fine breede to such a preiudice vnto their customes and liberties, as they shoulde not hereafter, when they would reforme the iniurie thereof.

These words of the Lord Fizwalter were not so soone spoken,The Citizens of Lōdon breake vp the L. Peters house at Sauoy. but they were as soone taken of the rash Citizens, who in al hasty fury running to their armour & weapons, went incontinently to the house of the Lord Percy, where breaking vp the gates, by violence they tooke out the prisoner, & burned the stockes wherein he sate, in the midst of London. Then was the Lord Percy sought for (whome sayth the story) they woulde doubtlesse haue slayne if they might haue foūd him. With their bils and iauelins, al corners and priuy chambers were searched, beds & hangings torne a sunder.Gods prouision in sauing his seruantes. But the Lord Percy (as God would) was then with the Duke, whome one Iohn Yper the same day with great instance had desired to dinner. The Londiners not finding him at home, and supposing that he was wyth the Duke at Sauoy, in all hasty heat turned their power thither,The house of the Duke of [...]ā caster searched of the Londiners. running as fast as they could to the Dukes house. Where also in like maner they were disapoynted of their cruell purpose. In yt meane while as this was doyng, cō meth one of the Dukes men rūning post hast, to yt Duke & to the Lord Percy, declaring what was done. The Duke being then at his oysters, without anye further tarying, and also breaking both his shinnes at the forme for haste, tooke boate with the Lord Percy, and by water went to Kingstone,The Duke and L. Percy fiye to the Prince. where then ye princesse with Richard the yong Prince did lye. Who there declared vnto the Princesse all ye whole matter, cōcerning the outrage of the Londiners as it was. To whom she promised againe, such an order to be taken in the matter, as shoulde be to his contentation. At what time the commons of London, thus as is sayd, were about the Dukes house at Sauoy, me [...]teth with thē a certain priest, who marueling at the sodain rage & concourse, asked what they sought. To whome aunswere was geuen agayne of some, that they sought for the Duke and Lorde Marshall, to haue of them the Lord Peter de la Mare, whom they wrongfully had deteined in prison. To this the Priest aunswered agayne more boldly then oportunely. That [Page] Peter (sayd he) is a false traytour to the king, and worthy long since to be hanged.A priest in the Duke of Lancasters house cruelly killed. At the hearing of these words, the furious people with a terrible shoute cryed out vpon him, that he was a traytour and one that tooke the Dukes part and so falling vpon him with theyr weapons striued who might first strike at him. Who after they had wounded him very sore, so being wounded they had him into prison, where within few dayes vpon the sorenes of his wounds he dyed.

Neither would the rage of the people thus haue ceased had not the bishop of London leauing his dinner come to them at Sauoy, and putting them in remembraunce of the blessed tyme (as they terme it) of Leut, had perswaded them to cease and to be quyet.

The Londiners seeing that they could get no vantage against the Duke:The villany of the Londiners against the Duke. who was without theyr reach: To bewreke theyr anger they tooke hys armes, whiche in most despitefull wise, they hanged vp in the open places of ye city in signe of reproch, as for a traitour. In so much that when one of his gentlemen came through the Citty with a plate conteyning the Dukes armes, hanging by a lace about his necke the cittizens not abiding the sight therof, cast him frō his horse, and pluckt his scutchine from him, had were about to work the extremitie against him, and not the mayor rescued him out of theyr handes, and sent him home safe vnto the Duke his mayster. In such hatred was then the Duke among the vulgar people of London.

After thys, the princesse vnderstanding the hartes and broyle of the Londiners set against the foresaid Duke,The message of the princesse to the Londiners. sent vnto London 3. Knightes, syr Albred Lewer, sir Symon Burle, and sir Lewes Cliffort, to entreat the citizens to be reconciled with the Duke. The Londiners answered: that they for the honour of ye princesse, would obey and do with all reuerēce, what she would require. But this they required & enioyned the messēgers to say to the Duke, by word of mouth, that he should suffer the byshop of Winchester afore mentioned and also the Lord Peter de la Mare, to come to their aunswere, & to be iudged by theyr pieres. Wherby eyther they might be quite if they were giltles: or otherwise, if they be found culpable, they might receaue occording to theyr desertes after the lawes of the realme. What griefe and displeasure the Duke conceiued and reteyned in his minde hereof: Agayne what meanes & sute the Londiners for their part made to the old king for their liberties: What rymes and songes in London, were made agaynst the Duke: Howe the Bishops at the Dukes request were mooued to excōmunicate those malicious slaunderers:The Duke reuenged of the Londiners. And moreouer, howe the Duke at last was reuenged of those contumelies & iniuries: How he caused them to be brought before the king: How sharply they were rebuked for their misdemeanour, by the worthy oration of the Lord Chamberlayne, Robert Aston in the presence of the king, Archbishops, Byshops, with diuers other states, the Kinges children, and other nobilities of the realme: In conclusion how the Londiners were compelled to this at length, by the common assent, and publike charges of yt citty, to make a great taper of waxe, whiche with ye Dukes armes set vpon it, shoulde be brought with solemne procession to the church of S. Paule, there to burne continually before the Image of our Lady:The Londiners caused to beare a Taper of waxe in procession, in honour of the Duke. And at last, how both the sayd Duke and the Londiners were reconciled together, in the beginning of the new king, with the kisse of peace, in the same reconcilement publikely denounced in the church of Westminster, and what ioy was in the whole citty therof: These because they are impertinent, and make to long a digressiō from the matter of Wickliffe, I cut off with breuitie, referring the reader to other historyes, namely of S. Albones, where they are to be found at large.

As these aforesayd for breuitie sake I passe ouer, so will I not be long and yet cannot omitte that,A story of the Byshop of Norwich. which happened the same tyme and yeare, to the Bishop of Norwich, to ye intent that this posteritie now may see, to what pryde the clergy then of the Popes Church was growne to. The same time as this broyle was at Lōdon,Example of pride in the popes clergie. the Bish. of Norwich a litle after the time af Easter comming to the towne of Lennam, belonging to his Lordship: being not contented wt the olde accustomed honour due vnto him, & vsed of his predecessours before in the same town, required moreouer with a nue and vnused kind of magnificence to be exalted: In so much, that when he saw the chiefe Magistrate or Mayor of that towne to go in the streetes with his officer going before him, holding a certayne wand in his hand tipped at both endes with black horne,The courtesie of the townesmen toward the Byshop. as the maner was: He reputing himselfe to be Lord of that towne (as he was) and thinking to be higher then the highest, commaunded ye honour of that staffe due to the Mayor, to be yelded & born before his Lordly personage: The Mayor or Bailiffe, with other the townesmen, courtuously answered to him again that they were right willing and contented with all theyr hartes to exhibite that reuerence vnto him, and woulde to do, if he first of the king and counsaile coulde obtayne ye iustome, and if the same might be induced after any peaceable way with the good willes of the commons and body of ye town: Other els, sayd they, as the matter was dangerous so they durst not take in hand any such newe alteration of ancient customes and liberties least the people (whiche is alwayes inclinable and prone to euill) do fall vpon them wt stones, & driue them out of the towne. Wherefore kneeling on theyr knees before hym, and humbly they besought him that he would require no such thing of them: that he would saue his owne honour and their liues, who otherwise if he intended that way,The sto [...] answere [...] the Byshop to the township. were in great daunger. But the bishop youthfull and hauty, taking occasion by their humblenes, to swell the more in himselfe, answered that he woulde not be taught by their counsaile, but that he wold haue it done, though all the commons (whome he named Ribals) sayd nay. Also rebuked the Mayor and his brethrē for mecockes and dastardes, for so fearing the vulgar sort of people.

The citizens perceauing the wilfull stoutnes of the bishop, meekly answering againe, sayde, they minded not to resist him, but to let him doe therin what he thought good, onely desired him that he would licēce them to depart, and hold them excused for not wayting vppon him, & conducting hym out of the town with that reuerence which he required. For if they should be seene in his company, all the suspicion thereof would be vpon them, and so should they be all in daunger, so much as theyr liues were worth. The Byshop not regarding their aduise and counsaile, commaunded one of hys men to take the rod borne before the Mayor, & to cary ye same before him. Which being done, & perceaued of the commons: the Byshop after that maner went not farre, but the rude people rūning to shut ye gates came out with their bowes, some with clubbes and staues soome with other instrumentes,The towne of Lennam riseth against the Bishop. some wt stones, & let driue at the Bishop and his men, as fast as they might: in suche sort, that both the bishop & his horse vnder him with most part of his men were hurt & wounded. And thus the glorious pride of this iolly prelate, ruffling in hys new scepter, was receaued and welcomed there. That is, was so pelted wt battes and stones, so woūded with arrowes and other instrumentes fit, for such a skirmishe, yt the most part of his men, with hys mace bearer, & all running away frō him, the poore wounded bishop was there left alone, not able to keepe hys old power, which went about to vsurpe a new power more thē to hym belonged.Pride will haue a fall. Power vsurped will neuer stand. Thus at is cōmō ly true in al, so is it wel exemplified here, which is commō ly sayd, and as it is commonly seene, that pride will haue a fall, and power vsurped will neuer stand. In like maner if the Citizens of Rome, following the example of these Lē nam men, as they haue the like cause, and greater to doe by the vsurped power of theyr Byshop, would after the same sauce handle the pope,The vsurped power of the pope would haue a bridle. and vnscepter him of hys mace and regalitie which nothing pertaineth to him: They in so doing both should recouer theyr owne liberties, with more honour at home, and also win muche more commendation abroad Ex chron. mon. D. Albani.

This tragedy with all the partes thereof, beyng thus ended at Lennam,Anno. 1377. The death of K. Edw. whiche was little after Easter (as is said) about the month of April. an. 1377. the same yeare vpon the 12. day of the moneth of Iune next after, dyed the worthy and victorious Prince king Edward the 3. after he had raygned yeares 51. A prince no more aged in yeares thē renoumed, for many snguler & heroicall vertues, but principally noted and lauded for his singuler meekenes & clemency toward his subiects and inferiors, ruling them by gentlenes and mercy, without all rigour or austere seueritie. Among other noble and royall ornamentes of his nature, worthely & copiously set forth of many, thus he is described of some, which may briefly suffice for the comprehē sion of all the rest.The commēdation of K. Edward. Orphanis erat quasi pater, afflictis compatiens, miseris condolens, oppressos releuans, & cunctis indigentibus impendens auxilia opportuna. That is. To the Orphans he was as a father, compacient to the afflicted, mourning with the miserable, relieuing the oppressed, and to all them that wanted an helper in time of neede. &c. But chiefly aboue all other thinges, in this Prince to be commemorate in my mynde, is thys: that he aboue all other Kinges of this Realme vnto the time of king Henry the eight was the greatest brideler of the popes vsurped power and outragious oppressions during all the time of whiche king, neyther the Pope could greatly preuayle in thys Realme, and also Iohn Wickliffe was maintained with fauour and ayde sufficient.

[Page]But before we close vpp the story of this king: there commeth to hand that which I thought not good to omit a noble purpose of the king in requiring a viewe to be taken in all his dominions of all benefices and dignities ecclesiasticall remayning in the handes of Italians and Alious with the true valuation of the same directed down by commission in the time of king Richard the second wherof the like also is to be found: the tenour of which commission of king Edward I thought here vnder to set down for worthy memory.

The king directed writtes vnto all the Byshop's of England in this forme.

Anno. 48. Edward. tertij. EEdward by the grace of God king &c. To the reuerend father in Christ. N. By the same grace Bishop of L. greeting.

Beyng willing vpon certayn causes to be certified what and how many benefices aswell Archdeaconries & other dignities as vicaradges personages Prebendes and Chappels within your dioces be at this present in thandes of Italions and other strangers, what they be of what valour, and how euery of the sayd benefices be called by name. And how much euery of the same is worth by the yere, not as by way of Taxe or extent, but according to the true valor of the same: likewise of the names of al & singuler such strangers being now incombentes or occupying the same and euery of thē: moreouer the names of all them, whether Englishmen or Straungers, of what state or condition soeuer they be whiche haue the occupacion or disposicion of any such benefices with the fruites and profites of the same in the behalfe or by the authoritie of any the foresayd Straungers by way of ferme, or title or procuration or by any other wayes or meanes whatsoeuer, and how long they haue occupyed or disposed the same: and withall if anye the sayd straungers bee nowe residents vppon any benefices: commaunde you as wee heretofore commaunded you that you sende vs a true certificat of all and singuler the premisses into our high Court of chauncerie vnder your seale distinctly and openly on this side the feast of thascention of our Lord next comming without farther delay: returning vnto vs this our writte withall.

Witnesse our selfe at Westminster 16 day of April in the 48. yeare of our Reigne of England, and ouer Fraunce the 35. yeare.

BY vertue hereof certificat was sent vp to the king into his chauncerie out of euery dioces of England of al such spiritual liuings as were then in the occupation eyther of Priors Aliens or of other straungers whereof the number was so great, as being all set downe would fill almost halfe a quyer of paper. Whereby may appeare that it was highe time for the king to seeke remedie herein, either by treatie with the Pope or otherwise: considering so great a porcion of the reuenewes of his realme was by this meanes conueyed awaye and employed either to the reliefe of his enemies, or mayntenaunce of the forreners: Amongst whiche number, the Cardinals of the courte of Rome lacked not their share. As may appeare by this which followeth.

Couentrie and Lychfield.The Lord Fraunces of the title of S. Sabyne, Priest and Cardinall of the holy Church of Rome doth hold and enioy the Deanry of the Cathedrall Church of Lichfield whiche is worth in the iurisdiction of Lichfield fiue hundreth marks by the yeare. And ye Prebend of Brewood, & the personage of Adbaston to the same Deanry annexed, which prebend is worth by the yeare foure score marks and the personage twenty pound, which deanry with the prebendes & personage aforesayd hee hath holden and occupyed by the space of 3. yeres. And one maister de in gris a strāger as proctor to the saide Cardinall doth hold and occupy the same Deanry with other ye premisses with thappurtenances by name of Proctor during the yeares aforesayd, and hath taken vp the fruites and profites, to the sayd Cardinall, dwelling not in the Realme.

Norwytch.L. William Cardinall of S. Angelo, a straunger doth holde the Archdeaconrye of Suff. by vertue of prouision Apostolicall, from the feast of S. Nicholas last past, he is not resident vppon his sayd Archdeaconry. And the sayd Archd. together with the procuratiōs due by reason of the visitation is worth by yeare Lxvi.li.xiii.s.iiii.d. And maister Iohn of Helinington. &c. doth occupy the seale of thosficiall of the said Archdeaconry, &c.

Surren.L. Reinnald of S Adriane Deacon Cardinall: hath in the said County the personadge of Godalmonge, worth by yeare xl. pound, and one Edward Teweste doth ferme the sayd personadge for ix. yeares past.

Ebor.The L. Anglicus of the holy Church of Rome prieste and Cardinall, a straunger was incumbent & did holde in possession the Deanry of the Cathedrall Churche of Yorke from the 11. day of Nouember Anno. Dom. 11366. and is yearely worth according to the true valor thereof iiij.C.li. and maister Iohn of Stoke Canon of the sayd Churche, doth occupy the said Deanry and the profites of the same in the name or by the authoritie of the sayd L. Deane &c. But the said Deane was neuer resident vppon the sayd Deanry since he was admitted thereunto.

Item. L. Hewgh of our Lady in Deacon and Cardinall a straunger doth possesse the Prebend of Dristild in the sayd Church of Yorke from the 7. day of Iune Ann. Do. 1363. from whiche day. &c. Iohn of Gisbourne, and George of Conpemanthorpe &c. doe occupy the said Prebend worth by yeare. C.li. the sayd L. Hewgh is non Resident vpon the sayd Prebend.

Item. L. Simon of the Title of S. Syxt priest and Cardinall, &c. doth possesse the Prebend of Wystow in the sayd Churche of Yorke worth by yeare C.li. And the foresaid maister Iohn of Stoke doth occupy the foresayd Prebend and the profites thereof &c. But the sayd Lord Symon is not resident vpon the said Prebend.

Item. L. Frauncisce of the Tytle of S. Sabyne Priest and Cardinall, a straunger doth possesse the Prebend of Stransall in the sayd Church of Yorke worth by yeare C. markes. And mayster William of Merfield. &c. doth accupy the sayd Prebend. &c. but the sayd L. Fraunces is not resident vpon the sayd Prebend.

L. Peter of the title of S. Praxed priest and Cardinall a straunger doth hold the Archdeaconry of York, worth by yeare C.li.Sarisbu. and M. William of Mecfeld &c. for fermers.

The Deanry of the cathedral church of Sar with churches and chappels vnderwritten to the same Deanry annexed doth remayne in ye hands of L. Reginald of the title of S. Adrian deacon and Cardinall and so hath remayned these 26. yeares and is neuer resident his protector is Laurence de ingris a straunger & is worth by yeare CCLiiii.li. xiij.s.iiij.d.

Richard Bishop doth hold vycaradse of Meere to the sayd Deanry annexed and hath holden the same, for xix. yeares, worth by yeare. xl.li.

Robert Codford fermer of the Churche of heightredbury to the same annexed worth by yeare l.li.The Deanry of Salisbury.

The Church of Stoning and the chappell of Rescomp to the same Deanry annexed worth by yeare lxx. markes.

The Chappell of herst to the same Deanry annexed worth by yeare xl.li.

The Chappell of wokenhame to the same Deanry annexed worth by yeare xxxvi.li.

The Chappell of Sanhurst worth by yeare xl.s.

The Church of Godalininge to ye same Deanry annexed in the dioces of Winchester worth by yeare. xl.li.

The dignitie of Treasorer in the Church of Sar.Treasorer of the Church of Sar. with Church and Chappels vnderwritten to the same annexed is in ye hāds of L. Iohn of ye title of S. Mark priest & Cardinall and hath so contained 12. yeares who was neuer resident in the same, worth by yeare Cxxxvi.li.xiij.s.iiij.d.

The Church of Figheldon to the same annexed worth by yeare. xxvj.li.xiij.s.iiij.d.

The church of Alwardbury with the chappell of Putton, worth by yeare. x li.

The Prebend of Calue to the same Treasorer annexed, worth by yeare. C.li.

The Archdeaconry of Berck. in the Cathedrall Church of Sarisbury, with the the church of Mordon to the same annexed, is in the hands of Lord William of the title of S. Stephen, who was neuer resident in the same: worth by yeare. viij. score markes.

The Archdeaconry of Dorset in the Church of Sarisbury with the Church of Gissiche to the same annexed in the handes of L. Robert of the title of ye xij. Apostles priest and Cardinall, and is worth by yeare. Ciij. markes.

The Prebende of Woodforde and Wyuelefforde in the Church of Sarisbury, is in the handes of the Robert Cardinall aforesayd: and is worth xl. markes.

The Prebend of Heiworth in the Church of Sarisbury is in the handes of the L. Cardinall of Agrisolio, who is neuer resident, and is worth by yeare. lxxx.li.

The Prebend of Netherbarnby and Beinynster in the Church of Sarisbury one Hewgh Pelgrini a stranger d [...]d hold xx. yeares and more, and was neuer resident in the same worth by the yeare viij. score markes.

The church Prebendary of Gillinghame in the noonery of Salisbury lately holden of L. Richard now Byshop of Elye is in the hanhs of the Lord Peter of the title of S. Praxed priest and Cardinall &c. worth by the yeare lxxx.li.

L. William of the holy Churche of Rome Cardinall a straunger doth hold the archdeaconry of Canterbury and is not Resident the true valor of all the yearely fruites,Canterbury. Rentes and profites is worth seuen hundreth Florens.

The L. Cardinall of Caunterbury is Archdeacon of Welles & hath annexed to his Archdeaconry the churchesBath & Welles. [Page] of Hewish Berwes, and Sowthbrent which are worth by yeare with their procuration of visitations of the sayd Archdeaconry. C threescore pound.

Item. the L. Cardinall is treasorer of the church of wels, and hath the moyty of the church of mertock annexed therunto worth by yeare lx.li.

Item. the Lord Cardinall of Agrifolio is archdeacon of Tawnton in the church of wels, and is worth by yeare wt the procurations and the Prebend of Mylinerton to the same annexed Lxxx.li.

Like maiter is also found in the time of king Richard the 2. vpon what occasion it is vncertayne: But as it seemeth by Recorde of that time, A new Pope being come in place he would take no knowledge of anye matter done by his predecessors that might anye way abridge his commoditie. And therefore this king was forced to beginne a new as may appeare by this following.

An. 2. Rich. 2.L. Cardinall of Agrifol. is prebendary of the Prebend of Soringhame together with a portion of S. Marye of Stowe to the same annexed, the fruits whereof by commō estimat be worth by yeare Clxv.li.The Archdeaconry of Stowe. Maist. Iohn Uicar of Coringhame and mayster Robert person of Ketelthorpe and W. Thurly be Fermoures.

L. Cardinall Albanum is Prebendary of the Prebend of Sutton ye fruites whereof be commonly esteemed worth by yeare CCCC. markes. Roger Skyret of Buckinhame and William Bedeford of Sutton do farme the same Prebēd. The L. Cardinal Blandacen is Prebendary of ye prebend of Nassington worth by estimacion CCC. markes.The Archdeaconry of Northampt. Robert of Nassington and Iohn sonne of Robert of Abbethorpe do occupy the same Prebend.

L. Cardinal Nonmacē is parson of Adderbury worth by estimacion C.li. Adam Robelyn clerke is his proctor and occupyeth the same.

L. Cardinall of S. Prebendary of Thame worth yearely by common estimacion CC.In the Archdeaconry of Oxen. markes. Iohn Heyward and Thomas a lay man doe occupye the same Prebend.

In the Archdeaconry of Brick.L. Peter de Yeuerino Cardinall is Prebendary of Aylesbury worth yearely by common estimacion lxxx. marks. Holy Duse of Alesbury doth occupy the same Prebend.

The Cardinall of S. Angeli hath the Archdeaconry of Suff.In the diocesse Norwitch. and is worth by yeare by common estimation a hū dreth markes.

L, Cardinall Neminacem Treasorer of the Church of Sar. hath the Archdeaconry of Sar. the Church of Figheldon to his dignity annexed which is let to farme to Grace late wife of Edmunde Sawyne deceased paying yearely 1. markes, he hath also in the same Archdeaconry and coū tye the sayde Churche of Alwardburye with the Chappels of Putton and Farle to the same annexed which is let to ferme to the L. Pryor of the house of Ederose for ye yerly rent of xxiii.li.In the diocesse of Sar. he hath also the Prebend of Calne in the said Archdeaconry and County worth by yeare. C.ll. and fermour therof is Raymunde. Pelegrini.

L. Cardinall of Agrifolio. hath the Archdeaconrye of Berck. worth by yeare 120. markes and remayneth in hys owne handes. Item he hath the Prebende of worth, worth by yeare a hundreth pound Raymund Peregrine is fermour there.

L. Cardinall Gebanen hath the Prebendes of Wodford and Willeford Countye of Wiltshyre lett to ferme to Iohn Bennet of Sar. worth by yeare xl. markes.

Lord Andomar de Rupy is Archdeaconry of Caunterbury to the which Archdeacon belong the Church of Lymin within the same Dioces worth by yeare after the Taxation of the tenth. xx.li.. The Churche of Tenham worth by yeare after the sayd taxation Cxxx.li.vi.s.viii.d. [...]he Churche of Hakington neere Caunterbury worth by yeare xx. markes. The Churche of S. Clement in Sandwitche worth by yeare after the taxation aforesayd viij. markes.In the diocesse of Canterbury. The church of Saint Mary in Sandwich worth by yeare viiij. pound of the whiche the sayd Archdeacon receaueth onely vi. markes. The profites of all which premisses S. William Latimer knight hath receaued together with the profites arising out of the Iurisdiction of the Archdeaconry worth by yeare. xx.li.

In the diocesse of Yorke.Anglicus of the Church of Rome priest and Cardinall hath the deanry of the Cathedrall Churche of Yorke worth by yeare CCClxxiij.li.vi.s.viii.d. And the Prebende of Southcane, valued yearely at C.lx. markes.

L. Cardinall Gebauen doth hold the churche of Wermouth,In the diocesse of Durham. and Archdeaconry of Durhame worth by yeare CC. marks. And Iohn of Chambre and Thomas of Harington of Newcastell bee the fermors and proctours of the sayd Cardinall.

Ex Bundello Breuium Regis de An. 2. Rich. 2. parte. 1.

King Richard the second.

AFfter king Edward the third succeeded hys sonnes sonne Richard the second beyng yet but yong,K. Richard. 2. of the age of eleuen yeares: who in the same yeare of his fathers decease in great pompe and solemnitie was crowned at Westminster, an 1377. who following his fathers steppes, was no great disfauorer of the way & doctrine of wickliffe: albeit at the first beginning, partly through the iniquitie of tyme partly through the popes letters, he could not doe that he would. Nothwithstāding something he did in that behalf, more perhaps then in the end he had thanke for of the Papistes, as more (by the grace of Christ) shall appeare. But as times do chaunge, so changeth commonly the cause and state of man. The bishop nowe seeing the aged king to be taken away, during ye time of whose olde age all ye gouernment of the realme depended vpon the Duke of Lancaster. And now the sayd Byshops agayne seeing the said Duke, with the Lord Percy, the Lord marshall to geue ouer their offices, and to remayne in their priuate houses without intermedling, thought now the time to serue them,The bishops take [...]atage of tyme. to haue some vauntage against Iohn wickliffe, who hetherto vnder the protectiō of the foresayd Duke, and Lord Marshall had some rest and quiet. Concerning the story of whiche Wickliffe, I trust (gentle reader) it is not out of thy memory what went before pag. 427. how he being brought before the Byshops, by the meanes of the Duke and Lord Henry Percy, the councell was interrupted, and brake before ix. of the clocke. By reason whereof, Wickliffe at that tyme escaped without anye further trouble. Who not withstanding being by the bishops forbid to deale in that doctrine any more, continued yet with his fellowes going barefoot, and in long frise gownes preaching dilligentlye vnto the people. Out of whose sermons these articles most chiefelye at that time were collected.

That the holy Eucharist after the consecration,The first article col [...]ccted out of Wickliffe [...] sermons. is not the very body of Christ, but figurally.

That the churche of Rome, is not the head of all churches more then any other churche is: Nor that Peter hath anye more power geuen of Christ, then anye other Apostle hath.

Item, that the Pope of Rome hath no more in the keyes of the Church, then hath any other within the order of Priesthoode.

Item, if God be: the Lordes temporall may lawfullye and meretoriously take away theyr temporalties from the churchmen offending, habitualiter.

Item, if any temporall Lord doe know the Churche so offending, he is bound vnder payne of damnation, to take the temporalties from the same.

Item, that the Gospell is a rule sufficient of it selfe to rule the life of euery christian man here, without any other rule.

Item, yt all other rules vnder whose obseruances, diuers religious persōs be gouerned, do ad no more perfection to the gospell, then doth the white colour to the wall.

Item, that neyther the Pope nor any other Prelate of the church, ought to haue prisons wherin to punish transgressours.

Beside these articles,The articles of Iohn Wickliffe sent to the pope. Pope Gregory the [...]. Wickliffe called before the Archbishop of Cant. diuers other conclusions afterward were gathered out of hys writings and preachings by the byshops of England, which they sent diligently to Pope Gregory at Rome: where the sayde articles being red and perused, were condemned for hereticall and erroneous by 23. Cardinals.

In the meane time the Archb. of Cant. sending foorth hys citations, as is aforesayd: called before hym the sayde Iohn wickliffe in the presence of the Duke of Lancaster, and Lord Percy, who vpon the declaration of the Popes letters made, bound him to silence, forbidding him not to entreat any more of those matters. But then through the disturbaunce of the Bishop of London and the Duke, and lord Percy that matter was soone dispatched, as hath bene aboue recorded, pag. 427. And all thys was done, in the daies & last yere of king Edward the 3. and pope Gregory the eleuenth.

The next yeare folowing,Anno. 1378. which was the yeare of our Lord 1378. being the first yere of king Richard the second. The sayd Pope Gregory taking hys time, after the death of king Edward,Edmunde Stafforde bringer of the Popes Bull. sendeth his bull by the hands & meanes (peraduenture) of one master Edmund Stafford, directed vnto the vniuersity of Oxford, rebuking thē sharply, imperiously and like a Pope, for suffring so long the doctrine of Iohn Wickliffe to take roote, and not pluckyng it vppe wyth the crooked cicle of their Catholike doctrine. Whych [Page] Bull when it came to be exhibite vnto their handes,The masters of Oxford doubt whether to re [...]ue or re [...]t the Popes Bull. by the Popes messenger aforesayd: the proctors and maysters of the Uniuersitie ioyning together in consultation, stood lōg in doubt deliberating with themselues, whether to receiue the Popes Bull with honour, or to refuse and reiect it wyth shame.

I cannot here but laugh in my minde to behold the authours of this story whom I follow: what exclamations, what wondrings and maruels, they make at these Oxford men, for so doubting at a matter so playne, so manifest of it selfe, (as they say) whether the popes Bull sent to them frō Rome was to be receaued or cōtrary. Which thing to our monkish writers seemed then suche a prodigious wonder, that they with blushing cheekes are feyne to cut of the matter in the middest with silence.

The copy of this wilde Bull, sent to them from the Pope, was this.

Gregory the Bishop, the seruant of Gods seruaunts, to his welbeloued sonnes, the Chauncellour and Vniuersitie of Oxford, in the diocesse of Lincolne greeting, and Apostolical benediction.

WE are compelled not onely to meruell,The Popes mad Bull sent to Oxford. but also to lament that you considering the Apostolicall seate hath geuen vnto your vniuersitie of Oxford so great fauour and priueledge and also for that you flow as in a large sea in the knowledge of the holy Scriptures, and ought to be champions and defenders of the ancient and Catholicke fayth, (without the which there is no saluation) by your great negligence and slouthe, will suffer wylde cockle, not onely to grow vp among the pure wheate of the florishing field of your Vniuersitie, but also to wake more strong and choke the corne. Neither haue ye anye care (as we are enformed) to extirpe and plucke the same vp by the rootes, to the great bleblemishing of your renowmed name, the perill of your soules, the contempt of the Church of Rome, and to the great decay of the auncient fayth. And further (which greueth vs) the encrease of that filthy weed was more sharpely rebuked & iudged of in Rome then in England where it sprang. Wherefore let there be meanes sought by the help of the faithful, to roote out the same. Greuously it is come to our eares,The Pope coplayning of Iohn Wickliffe. that one Iohn Wickliffe, parson of Lutterworth in Lincolne dioces, a professour of diuinitie (would god he were not rather a maister of errours) is runne into a kinde of detestable wickednes, not onely and openly publishing, but also vomiting out of the filthy dungeon of his brest, diuers professions false and erroneous conclusions, and most wicked and damnable heresies. Whereby he might defile the faythfull sorte, and bring them from the the right path headlong into the way of perdition ouerthrow the state of the Churche, and vtterly subuert the secular policy. Of which his mischieuous heresies, some seem to agree: (onely certayne names and termes chaunged) with the peruers [...] opinions, and vnlearned doctrine of Marcelius of Padua, & Iohn of Gandune, of vnworthy memory: whose bookes were vtterly abolished in the realme of England,Marsilius [...]atauinus, Ioan, de Ganduno, outed. by our predecessour of happy memory Iohn 22. Which kingdome doth notonely florishe in power, and aboundance of faculties, but is much more glorious and shyning in purenes of fayth: Accustomed alwayes to bring forth men excellentlye learned in the true knowledge of the holye scriptures, ripe in grauitie of manners, men notable in deuotion, and defenders of the Catholicke fayth. Wherefore wee will and commaunde you by our writing Apostolicall, in the name of your obedience, and vpon payne of priuation of our fauour, indulgences and priueledges graunted vnto you and your vniuersitie, from the sayd see Apostolicall: that hereafter ye suffer not those pestilent heresies, that those subtile and false conclusions and propositions, misconstruing the right senses of fayth and good workes (how soeuer they terme it, [...] or what curious implication of wordes soeuer they vse) any longer to be disputed of, or brought in question: Least if it be not withstoood at the first, and plucked vp by the rootes, it might perhaps be to late hereafter to prepare medicins when a greater number is infected with the cō tagion. And further, that ye apprehend immediately or cause to be apprehended the sayd Iohn Wickliffe,Here the wilde Bull striketh. and deliuer him to be deteyned in the safe custodie of our well beloued brethren, the Archbishop of Caunterbury, and the byshop of London or eyther of them. And if you shall finde any gaynesayers, corrupted wyth the sayde doctrine (whiche God forbid) in your sayd vniuersitie wythin your iurisdiction, that shall obstinately stand in the sayd errours: that then in lyke manner ye apprehend them, and committe them to safe custodie, and otherwise to doe in this case as it shall appertayne vnto you: So as by your carefull proceedynges herein, your negligence past concernying the premisses, may now fully be supplyed and recompensed with present diligence. Whereby you shall not onely purchase vnto you the fauour and beneuolence of the seate Apostolicall, but also great reward and merite of almightie God.

Yeuen at Rome at S. Maries the greater. xi. Kalend. of Iune, and in the seuenth yeare of our consecration.

¶Beside this Bull sent to the Uniuersitie of Oxford,Simon Sudburle Archb. of Cant. W. Courtney bishop of London. the sayd Pope Gregory directed moreouer his letters the same tyme to the Archbyshoppe of Canterbury Symon Sudbury: to the Byshoppe of London named William Courtney, with the conclusions of Iohn Wickliffe therein inclosed, commaūdyng them, by vertue of those his letters Apostolicall, and straitly enioyning them to cause the sayd Iohn Wickliffe to be apprehended; and cast in prison: And that the king and the nobles of England should be admonished by them, not to geue any credite to the saide Iohn Wickliffe, or to his doctrine in any wise. &c.

¶Beside this Bill or Bull of the Pope, sent vnto the Archbyshop of Cāterbury and to the Byshop of London,Three sundry letters of the pope to one person, about one matter. bearyng the date. 11. Kalend. Iuni. and the 7. yeare of the raigne of the Pope: I finde moreouer in the sayd story, two other letters of the Pope concernyng the same matter, but differyng in forme, sent vnto the same Byshops, and all hearyng the same date both of the day, yeare, and moneth of the raigne of the sayd Pope Gregory. Whereby it is be supposed, that the Pope either was very exquisite and solicitous aboue the matter, to haue Wickliffe to be apprehēded which wrote three diuers letters to one person, and all in one day, about one businesse: or els that he did suspect the bearers thereof, the scruple wherof I leaue to the iudgement of the Reader.

Furthermore beside these letters writtē to the Uniuersitie, and to the Byshops, he directeth also an other Epistle bearyng the same date vnto kyng Edward (as one of my stories sayth) but as an other sayth, to the kyng Richard, whiche soundeth more neare to the truth, forasmuch as in the 7. yeare of Pope Gregory the xi. which was the yeare of our Lord. 1 [...]78. Kyng Edward was not aliue. The copy of his letters to the kyng here followeth.

The copy of the Epistle sent by the Byshop of Rome to Richard kyng of England, to persecute Iohn Wickliffe.

VNto his welbeloued sonne in Christ, Richard the most noble kyng of England health. &c.

The kyngdome of England which the most highest hath put vnder your power and gouernaunce,The Popes letter to King Richard agaynst I. Wickliffe. beyng so famous and renowmed in valiancy and strength, so aboundaunt and flowyng in all kynde of wealth and riches: but much more glorious resplendent and shynyng through the brightnesse and clearenesse of all godlynesse and fayth: hath accustomed alwayes to bryng forth men endued with the true knowledge and vnderstandyng of the holy Scriptures, graue in yeares, feruent in deuotion, and defenders of the Catholicke fayth: The which haue onely directed and instructed their own people through their holesome doctrine and preceptes into the true path of Gods commaundementes, but also as we haue heard by the report and information of many credible persons (to our great grief & hart sorow) that Iohn Wickliffe Parson of Lutterworth, in the Dioces of Lincolne, professor of diuinitie (I would to God he were no author of heresie) to be fallen into such a detestable and abhominable madnes: that he hath propounded and set forth diuers and sundry conclusions full of errours and cōteinyng most manifest heresie, the which do tende vtterly to subuert and ouerthrow the state of the whole Churche. Of the whiche, some of them (albeit vnder coloured phrase and speache) seeme to smell and sauour of peruerse opinions, and the foolishe doctrine of condemned memory of Marsilius of Padua, and Iohn of Ganduno, whose bookes were by Pope Iohn the 22. our predecessour, a man of most happy memorye reproued and condemned. &c.

¶Hetherto gentle reader, thou hast heard how Wickliffe was accused by the Byshop. Now you shall also heare the Popes mighty reasons and argumentes, by the which he did confute him to the kyng. It followeth.

Therefore, for so much as our Reuerend brethren the Archbishop of Canterbury, and the Byshop of London haue receiued a speciall commaundement from vs by our authoritie,Here is prisoning but no teaching. to apprehend and committe the forenamed Iohn Wickliffe vnto prison, and to transporte his confession vnto vs: If they shall seeme in the prosecution of this their businesse to locke your fauour or helpe, we require and most earnestly desire your maiestie euen as your most noble predecessors haue alwayes bene most earnest louers of the Catholicke fayth (whose case or quarell in this matter is chiefly [Page] handled) that you woulde vouchsafe euen for the reuerence of God, and the fayth aforesayd, and also of the Apostolicke seat, and and of our person, that you will with your helpe and fauour, assist the sayd archbishop and all other that shall goe about to execute the sayd busines. Wherby besides the prayse of men, you shall obtayne a heauenly rewarde and great fauour and good will at our hand, and of the sea aforesaid. Dated at Rome at S. Mary the greater, the 11. Kal. of Iune, in the 7. yeare of our Byshoprick. an. 1378.

The Articles included in the popes letters whiche he sent to the Bishoppes, and to the king against Wickliffe, were these as in order do follow.

The conclusions of Iohn Wickliffe exhibited in the conuocation of certayne Bishops at Lambeth.

ALl the whole race of mankinde here on earth besides Christ, hath no power simply, to ordayne that Peter and all his ofspring should politickely rule ouer the world for euer.

2. God cannot geue to any man for him and hys heyres anye ciuill dominion for euer.

3. All writinges inuented by men, as touching perpetuall heritage, are impossible.

4. Euery man being in grace iustifiyng, hath not onely right vnto the thing, but also for his time hath right in deede aboue all the good thinges of God. Certayne conclusions of Iohn Wickliffe.

5. A man cannot onely ministratoriously geue any temporal or continuall gift, eyther as well to his naturall sonne, as to his sonne by imitation.

6 If God be, the temporall Lordes may lawfully and meritoriously take away the riches from the Church, when they do offend habitualiter.

7. We know that Christes Vicar cannot, neyther is able by hys Bulles, neyther by his owne will and consent, neither by the consent for his colledge, eyther make able or disable any man.

8. A man cannot be excommunicated to his hurt or vndoyng, except he be first and principally excommunicate by himselfe.

9. No man ought, but in Gods cause alone, to excommunicate, suspend, or forbid, or otherwise to proceede to reuenge by anye ecclesiasticall censure.

10. A curse or excommunication doth not simply binde, but in case it be pronounced and geuen out agaynst the aduersarye of Gods law.

11. There is no power geuen by any example, eyther by Christ or by his Apostle, to excommunicate any subiect, specially for the denying of any temporalties, but rather contrariwise.

12. The disciples of Christ haue no power to exact by anye ciuill authoritie, temporalties by censures.

13. It is not possible by the absolute power of God, that if the Pope or any other Christian, doe pretend by any meanes to bynd or to lose, that thereby he doth so bynde and loose.

14. We ought to beleue that the Vicar of Christ, doth at suche tymes onely bynde and loose, when as he worketh conformably by the law and ordinaunce of Christ.

15. This ought vniuersally to be beleued that euery priest righly and duely ordered, according vnto the law of grace, hath power according to his vocation, whereby he may minister the sacramentes, and consequently absolue any man confessing hys faulte, being contrite and penitent for the same.

16. It is lawfull for kinges (in causes licenced by the lawe) to take away the temporalties from the spiritualty, sinning habitualiter, that is, which continue in the custome of sinne, and will not amend.

17. Whether they be temporall Lordes or any other men whatsoeuer they be, which haue endowed any Churche with temporalties: It is lawfull for them to take away the same temporalties, as it were by way of medicine, for to auoyd sinne, notwithstanding any excommunication or other ecclesiasticall censure, for so much as they are not geuen but vnder a condition.

18. An ecclesiasticall minister, and also the Byshop of Rome may lawfully be rebuked of his subiectes, and for the profite of the Church, be accused eyther of the Clergy or of the Laitie.

These letters with the articles inclosed being thus receiued from the pope, the bishops tooke no litle hart, thinking and fully determining with themselues and that in open profession, before their prouinciall Councell, that all maner respectes offeare or fauour set apart, no person neither high nor low should let them, neither woulde they be seduced by the intreaty of any mā, nor by any threatnings or rewards, but that in this cause they would execute most surely vpright iustice and equitie: yea albeit presēt danger of life should follow therupon. But these so fierce brags, & stout promise, with the subtile practises of these Byshops, which thought them so sure before: the Lord (against whō no determination of mans counsaile can prenayle) by a small occasion,The story brags of the Byshops ouerthrowne did lightly confound & ouerthrowe. For the day of examination being come: a certayn personage of the princes court, & yet of no great noble byrth, named Lewes Clifford, entring in among the Byshops: commaunded them that they shold not proceed with any diffinitiue sentence against Iohn Wickliffe.Wickliffe againe called before the Byshops. Lewes Clifford. With which wordes all they were so amased and their combes so cut, that (as in the story is mentioned) they became so mute and speachlesse, as men hauing not one word in their month to answere. And thus by the wonderous worke of God his prouidence, escaped Iohn Wickliffe the second time out of the Byshops hands, and was by them clearely dismissed vppon his declaration made of his articles as anone shall follow.

Moreouer here is not to be passed ouer, how at the same tyme,Iohn Wickliffe againe deliuered from the Byshops. and in the sayd Chappell of the Archb. at Lamheth, where the byshops were sitting vpon Iohn Wickliffe, the story writing of the doing therof, addeth these wordes, saying: Non dico ciues tantùm Londinenses, sed viles ipsius ciuitatis se impudenter ingerere praesumpserunt in eandem capellam, & verba facere pro eodem, & istud negotium impedire, confisi, vt reor, de ipsorum praemissa negligentia praelatorum. &c. That is, I say not onely, that the Citizens of London, but also the vile abiectes of the Citty, presumed to be so bold in yt same Chappell at Lamheth, where the Byshops were sitting vppon Iohn Wickliffe: both to entreat for him, and also to let and stoppe the same matter trusting as I suppose, vpon the negligence which they sawe before in the Byshops. &c.

Ouer and beside, here is not to be forgotten, how ye sayd Iohn Wickliffe, the same time of his examination, offered and exhibited vnto the Bishops, in writing a protestation, with a declaration or exposition of his owne minde, vpon the sayd his articles, the effect whereof here followeth.

The protestation of Iohn Wickliffe.

FIrst I protest (as I haue often before done) that I doe minde and intend with my whole hart (by the grace of God) to be a true Christian,The protestation of Iohn Wickliffe. and as long as breath shal remayne in me, to professe and defend the law of Christ. And if it shall happen that through ignoraunce or otherwise, I shall fayle therein. I desire my Lord God of pardon & forgeuenes. And now againe as before also, I do reuoke and make retractation, most hūbly submitting my selfe, vnder the correction of our holy mother ye church. And for somuch as the sentence of my fayth, whiche I haue holden in the scholes and els where, is reported euen by children, & more ouer, it is caried by children euen vnto Rome: Therefore left my deare beloued brethren should take any offence by me, I wil set forth in writing the sentēce and Articles, for the which I am nowe accused and impeached: the whiche also euen vnto the death I will defend. As I beleeue all Christians ought to doe, and specially the Bysh. of Rome and all other priestes and ministers of the Church. For I do vnderstand the conclusions after the sense and maner of speaking of the scriptures and holy doctours, the whiche I am ready to expound: And if they shall be found contrary vnto the faith, I am ready to reuoke and speedily to call them backe agayne.

An exposition vpon the conclusions of Iohn Wickliffe, exhibited by him to the Byshop.

ALl the race of mankinde, here in earth beside Christ, hath no power simply to ordayne, that Peter. &c.

This conclusion of it selfe is euident,Exposition of Iohn Wickliffe vpon his cō clusions. for as much as it is not in mans power to stop the cōming of Christ to hys finall iudgement, but he must needes come, according to ye article of our Creede, to iudge both the quick and the dead. And then (as the scripture teacheth) shall surcease all ciuill and politicke rule here, I vnderstand the temporall and secular dominion, pertaining to men here dwelling in this mortall life. For so doe the Philosophers speake of ciuill dominion. And although the thing which is terminable, & hath an end, is called sometimes perpetuall: yet because in holy scripture, and in vse of the Church, and in the bookes of Philosophers most commonly that is takē to be perpetuall, which hath no ende of tyme hereafter to come: according to the which sense, the Church singeth Gloria Patri. &c. nunc & perpetuum. I also after the same signification do take here this woorde (perpetually) and so is this conclusion consonant to the principles of the Scripture, that it is not in mans power to ordayne the course and voyage of the Church, here perpetually to last.

2. God can not geue to any man. &c.

¶ To the second conclusion I aunswere, vnderstanding [Page] ciuil dominion,Exposition of the secōd conclusion. as in the conclusion before. And so I hold, that God, first by his ordinate power cannot geue to any person ciuil dominion here for euer: Secondly, by his absolute power it is not probable for hym so to doe. For so much as he cānot euer detaine his spouse in perpetual prison of thys life, nor alwayes deferre the finall beatitude of hys Church.

3. To the third conclusion. Many wrytings or chartes inuented by men, as touching perpetual hereditage ciuile, be vnpossible.

The verity of this conclusion is incident. For we must not canonize all maner of Charts, what soeuer, as Catholicke, or vniuersal: for then it were not lawful by any meanes to take away or sequester thyngs geuen by Charte or charter, when any doth vniustly occupye the same. And so, if that stand confirmed and ratified by the fayth of the Churche, great occasion thereby should be ministred to men so chartered, to trust to their temporall chartes, and so might grow thereby much libertie and licence to sinne. For like as by what supposition euery truth is necessary: so by the same supposition, euery false thyng is possible, as it is playne by the testimony of Scripture, & of holy Doctours speakyng of necessitie of thynges to come.

Ingratia gratisicante finaliter.4. Euery man beyng in grace iustifying finally, hath not onely right vnto the thyng, but also for his tyme hath right in deede, ouer all the good thynges of God.

The veritie hereof is euidēt, by holy Scripture Math. 24. Where veritie promiseth to euery mā entryng into his ioy: verely (sayth he) I tell you, he shall set & place him ouer all the goodes he hath.Note here he speaketh onely of the right of things in the country [...] come: and a [...]t in this exile. For the right and title belōgyng to the cōmunion of Saintes, in their countrey (he meaneth in the kingdome of heauen) Fundatur obiectiuè super vniuersitatem bonorum Dei: That is: Hath his relation, as vnto his obiect, to all the goodes and possession of God.

5. A man can but onely ministratoriously, geue any temporall dominion or gift perpetuall, as well to his owne naturall sonne, as to his sonne by imitation.

It is euidēt. For euery mā ought to recognise himselfe in all his workes and doyngs, as an humble seruaunt, and minister of God. As the wordes of Scripture doth teach vs. Let a man so esteeme of vs as the ministers of Christ. Yea so Christ himselfe did teach his chief Apostles to minister, but in their countrey the Saints shall geue vnto their felow brethren the dominion of their goodes vt pater de suis corporibus & bonis eis inferioribus in natura accordyng to the wordes of Luke. 6. They shall geue you and put into your bosomes a good measure and perfect, well filled and heaped vp, and runnyng ouer.

6. If God be, temporall Lordes may lawfully and meritoriously take away the goodes of fortune from the Church when they do offend, habitualiter.

This conclusion is correlatiue with the first. Article of our fayth: I beleue in God the father almighty. &c. Where I vnderstand this word (may) in this conclusion after the maner of autentique Scripture, which sayth & graunteth: that God is able, of these stones to rayse vp children to Abraham, for otherwise all Christian Princes were heretiques. For this conclusiō, thus stādeth the reason: If God be, he is omnipotēt: & if he be almighty, he is able to commaunde the Lordes temporall so to do: & if he way so commaunde, thē may they lawfully so take away such goods. &c. And so by the vertue of the same principle, Christian Princes haue practised the sayd sentence vpon the Church mē heretofore, as did William Rufus. &c. But God forbid that any should beleue hereby my intention to haue bene, that secular Lords may lawfully take away what goodes soeuer and by what meanes soeuer, by their owne naked authority at theyr pleasure: but only by the authority of the church may so do, in cases and forme limited by the law.

7. We know that it is not possible that the vicare of Christ is able by his pure Bulles. &c.

This is manifest by the Catholique faith, for asmuch as the Church doth fully beleue that the abling of any mā, ought first to procede and come of God: wherfore, no man being Christ his vicar, hath any power in this matter, but onely as vicar in the name of the Lord so far forth as he is enabled of the Lord, to notify vnto the church whom God hath enabled. Wherfore if any mā do any thing not as vicar in the name of the Lord, whom he ought to forethinke to be his author and head: It is a presumption of Lucifer, for so much as Christ by his Apostle sayth. 1. Cor. 3. all our hability or sufficiency cōmeth of God. And so consequently, it commeth not purely by the ministerie of hys Uicarship, that he is inabled, but the ablenesse or vnablenesse of him being the Uicar of Christ, commeth to hym an other way from aboue.

8. A man can not be excommunicate to his hurt or vndoing, except he be excommunicate first and principally, of himselfe.

It is euident, forasmuch as all such excommunication ought to procede & begin originally of his owne sin which is damnified: wherupon Augustine sayth De verbis Domini, Sermone 51. Doe not thou conculcate thy selfe, and man ouercōmeth thee not. And moreouer the faith of the church doth teach, quòd nulla ei nocebit aduersitas, si nulla dominetur iniquitas, that is to say. No aduersitie shall hurt, if no miquitie haue the vpper hand. And yet notwithstanding, euery excommunication for many causes is also to be reared, although that the excommunication of the Churche to the humble man being excommunicated, be not damnable but wholesome.

9. No man ought but in Gods cause alone to excommunicate, suspende.&c.

It is cleare, for asmuch as euery iust cause is the cause of God, whose respect ought chiefly to be wayed and pondered. Yea the loue of the person excommunicate ought to surmount the zeale of reuengement, and the desire of all temporall goodes whatsoeuer, for otherwise he that doeth excommunicate, doth damnify himselfe. To this 9. conclusion notwithstanding it is congruent, that a Prelate may excommunicate in the cause also of man, so that his principal respect in so doing be had to y• iniury done to his God, as appeareth 13. quaest. 4 Inter querelas.

10. No curse or excommunication can binde simply, but in case it be geuen out against the aduersary of Christes lawe.

And it appeareth thus, because that God doth bynde simply euery one that is bound, who cannot excommunicate but onely for trāsgression of his law. Whereunto it is consonant notwithstanding, that the censure of the Church doth not binde simply, but secondarely in that case and respect, as it is denounced against the aduersary of the members of the Church.

11. There is no example of Christ which geueth power to hys disciples to excommunicate any subiecte (especially for denying of any temporalties) but contrary.

Which is thus declared by the fayth, whereby we beleue that God is to be beloued aboue all thynges, and our neighbour and enemy are to be beloued aboue all tēporall goodes of this world necessaryly, for the law of God cannot be contrary vnto it selfe.

12. The disciples of Christ haue no power by any ciuill coaction, to exact temporall things by their censures.

This appeareth by the fayth of the Scripture. Luke 23. Where Christ did forbid hys Apostles ciuilly to raigne or to beare any lordship. The kings (sayth he) of the Gentiles beare rule ouer them, but you not so. And after thys sense it is expounded of S. Bernarde, of S. Chrysostome, and other holy men: which conclusion notwithstanding, yet may they exact temporal things by ecclesistical cēsures incidently, if case be that it appertaine to the reuengement of their God.

13. It is not possible by the absolute power of God, that if the Pope or any other Christian doe pretende to binde or loose at their pleasure, by what meanes soeuer, that thereby hee doeth so binde and loose.

The contrary of this cōclusion will destroy the whol [...] Catholicke fayth, importyng no lesse but him to be a blasphemer whiche so vsurpeth such absolute power of the Lord. And yet by this conclusion I entend not to derogate from the power of the Pope or of any other Prelate of the Churche, but that he may by the vertue of the head so bynde and lose. But doe vnderstand the conditionall of this negative (to be impossible) after this sense: that it cannot bee that the Pope or any other Prelate of the Church can pretend by himselfe to bynde or lose (how and after what maner he lyst himselfe) except in such sorte, that hee doe in deede so bynde and lose before God as he doth pretend to doe.

14. We ought to beleue, that the vicare of Christ doeth at suche times onely binde and loose, when as hee worketh conformably by the lawe, and ordinaunce of Christ.&c.

The reason thereof is thys, because otherwise it is vnlawfull for hym so to do, except he should do it in the vertue of that law, and so consequently, vnlesse it be cōformable to the law and ordinaunce of Christ.The power of all priestes toward God equall. Ordo sacerdotaelis non susci [...]it maius & minus. Potestas ordinis. Potestasregiminis.

15. To this conclusion, this ought vniuersally to be beleeued, that euery Priest rightly and duely ordered, hath power according to hys vocation,&c.

¶ The reason heereof is this, because yt the order of priesthode in his owne nature and substance, receaueth no such degrees, either of more, or of lesse. And yet notwtstanding, the power of inferiour Priests, in these daies be vpon due consideration restrained, and some times againe in time of extreme necessity released. And thus according to the Doctours, a Prelate hath a double power, to wit, the power of order, & the power of iurisdictiō or regimēt. And according [Page] to this second power, the Prelates are in an higher Maiestie, and regiment.

16. It is lawfull for Princes and Kynges (in cases by the law limited) to withdraw temporall commodities, from Church men abusing the same, habitualiter.

The reason therof is playne for that temporall Lordes ought rather to leaue to spirituall almes, which bryngeth with it greater fruite, then to corporall almes the case so standyng, that some tyme it were a necessary work of spirituall almes, to chastise such Clerkes by takyng from them their temporall liuinges, which vse to abuse the same to the damnifyeng both of their soule and body. The case, which the law doth limite in this matter, were the defect of correctyng his spirituall head or elles for lacke of correctyng the fayth of the Clerke which so offendeth,16. q. 7. filijs. as appeareth. 16. q. 7. filijs. Dist. 40. cap. Si Papa.

Whether they be temporall Lordes, or any other men whatsoeuer, which haue endued any Church with temporalities.&c.

The truth thereof is euidently sinne, for that, nothyng ought to stoppe a man frō the principall workes of charitie necessarily, because in euery action and worke of man is to be vnderstand a priuy condition necessary of God his good will concurring with all, as it is in the ciuill law de c. Conradi cap. 5. in fine collat. x. And yet God forbid, that by these wordes occasion should be geuen to the Lordes temporall to take away the goodes of fortune from the Church.

18. An Ecclesiasticall minister, yea the Byshop of Rome may lawfully be rebuked of his subiectes, and for the profite of the Church be accused, either of the Clergie, or of the laytie.

The proufe of this is manifest hereby, because the sayd Byshop of Rome is subiect to fall into the sinne agaynst the holy Ghost, as may be supposed, sauyng the sanctitude, humilitie and reuerence due to such a Father. For so long as our brother is subiect vnto the infirmitie of fallyng, he lyeth vnder the law of brotherly correction. And when the whole Colledge of Cardinals may be slouthfull in ministryng due correction for the necessary prosperitie of the Churche: it is apparent that the residue of the body of the Churche, which possibly may stand most of lay men, may wholesomely correct the same accuse and bryng him to a better way. The possibilitie of this case is touched. Dist. 40. Si Papa. If the Pope doe erre from the right fayth. &c. For like as such a great fall ought not to bee supposed in the Lord Pope without manifest euidence: so agayne such an obstinacie ought not to be supposed in hym, possibly beyng fallen, but that bee will humbly receaue the wholesome medicine of his superiour, correctyng him in the Lord. The practise of whiche conclusion also is testified in many Chronicles. Farre be it from the Church of Christ that veritie should be condemned, which soundeth euill to trāsgressours and other slouthfull persons, for then the whole [...]ayth of the Scripture were in a damnable case.

Thus Iohn Wicklesse in geuyng his Exposition vnto his foresayd propositions and conclusions, as is aboue prefixed, through the fauour and diligence of the Londoners, either shifted of the Byshops, or elles satisfied them so: that for that tyme he was dismissed and scaped clearely away, onely beyng charged and commaunded by the sayd Byshops, that he should not teach or preach any such doctrine any more, for the offence of the lay people.

Thus this good man beyng escaped from the Bishops, with this charge aforesayd, yet notwithstandyng, ceased not to proceede in his godly purpose, labouryng and profityng still in the Church as he had begon.

The death of Pope Gregorie. 11.Unto whom also (as it happeneth by the prouidence of God) this was a great helpe and stay, for that in the same yeare, or in the begynnyng of the next yeare folowyng, the foresayd Pope Gregory xi. whiche was the styrrer vp of all this trouble agaynst hym, turned vp hys heeles and dyed.V [...]banus. 6. Pope. After whom insued such a schisme in Rome, betwene two Popes, and other succeedyng after them, one striuyng agaynst an other: that the schisme thereof endured the space of. xxxix. yeares, vntill the tyme of the Councell of Constaunce.

A schisme in Rome.The occasioner of whiche schisme first was Pope Urbane the 6. who in the first begynnyng of hys Popedome was so proude and insolent to his Cardinals, and other, as to Dukes, Princes, and Queenes, and so set to aduaunce his Nephew and kyndred, with iniuries to other Princes that the greatest number of his Cardinalles and Courtyours by litle and litle shronke from him, and set vp an other Frenche Pope agaynst hym, named Clement, who reigned xi. yeares. And after hym Benedictus the 13. who reigned yeares 26. Agayne of the contrary side after Urbanus the sixth succeeded, Boniface the ninth, Innocentius the viij. Gregorius the xij. Alexander the fift, Iohn 13.

¶ Papae, | yeares. | month. | ¶ Antipapae. | yeares.
Vrbanus. 6. | 11. | 8. | Clement. | 11
Bonifacius. 9. | 14. | 9. | Benedictus. 13. | 26.
Innocentius. 8. | 2. | 0. |  |
Gregorius. 12. | 2. | 7 |  |
Alexander 5. | 0. | 11. |  |
Iohannes. 13. | 5. | 10 |  |

As touching thys pestilent & most miserable schisme, it would require heere an other Ileade to comprehend in order all the circumstaunces and tragicall partes thereof, what trouble in the whole Church, what partes taking in euery Countrey, what apprehending and imprysoning of priests & prelates, takē by land and sea, what sheddyng of bloud did folow therof. How Ottho duke of Brunsewyke & Prince of Tarentum, was taken and murthered. Howe Ioane Queene of Hierusalem and Sicilia his wife, who before had sent to Pope Urbane, beside other gifts at hys coronation, xl. M. Duckets in pure gold: after by the sayd Urbane was committed to prison, and in the same pryson strangled. What Cardinalles were racked, and miserably wythout all mercy tormented on gibbettes to death, what slaughter of men, what battails were fought betwene the two Popes,Was not here a ioly agreement? whereof 5000. on the one side were slaine, beside the number of them which were taken prisoners. Of the beheading of 5. cardinals together after long tormēts, and how the bishop Aquilonensis, being suspected of pope Urbane, for not riding faster with the Pope, his horse being not good, was there slaine by the Popes commaundement, sending his soldiours vnto him, to slay him, and cut hym in peeces. All whych things, with other diuers moe acts of horrible cruelty, happening in the time of thys abhominable schisme, because they are aboundantly discoursed at full, by Theodorike Niem, who was neare to the sayde Pope Urbane,Theodo. [...] a Niem. d [...] schisma [...]. and present at all his doings: therefore as a thing needlesse, I here pretermit, referring them who couet to be certified more amply herein, vnto the 3. bookes of the sayd Theodorike aboue mentioned.

About the same time,Rebellion in England by Iacke Strawe. Simon the Archb. beheaded. W. Courtney Archb. of Cant. also about 3. yeres after, there fel a cruell dissention in England, betwene the common people and the nobilitie, the which did not a little disturbe and trouble the common wealth. In thys tumult, Symon of Sudbury Archbyshop of Canterbury, was taken by the rustical & rude people, and was beheaded. In whose place after, succeeded William Courtney, which was no lesse diligent then his predecessor had ben before him, in doing his diligence to roote out heretickes. Notwithstanding, in the meane season Wickleffes secte increased priuely, and daily grewe to greater force,Barton Chauncelour of Oxford. Anno. 1380. vntill the time that William Barton Uicechancellor of Oxford, about the yeare of our Lord 1380. had the whole rule of that vniuersitie: who callyng together 8. monastical doctors, and 4. other, with the consent of the rest of hys affinitie, putting the common seale of the vniuersitie vnto certaine wrytings: he set foorth an Edict, declaring vnto euery man, and threatning them vnder a greeuous penaltie, that no men should be so hardie, hereafter to associate thēselues wyth any of Wickliffs fautors or fauourers: and vnto Wickliffe himselfe, he threatned the greater excommunication, and farther imprisonment, and to all his fautors, vnles that they after 3. dayes canonical admonitiō or warning, or as they cal it, peremptory, did repent & amend.An edict against the Wicliuistes. The which thing whē Wickliffe vnderstood, forsaking the pope & all the clergy, he thought to appeale vnto the kings maiestie: but the Duke of Lancaster comming betweene, forbad hym that he shoulde not heereafter attempt or begin any such matters, but rather submit himselfe vnto the censure and iudgement of his ordinary. Whereby Wickliffe being beset wyth troubles and vexations, as it were in the middest of the waues, he was forced once againe to make cōfession of his doctrine: in the whych his confession, to auoid the rigor of things, he aunswered as is aforesaide, making his declaration, and qualifying his assertions after such a sorte, that he did mitigate and asswage the rigor of hys enemies.

The next yere after,Anno. 1382. whych was 1382. by the commandement of William Arch. of Cant. there was a conuocation holden at London, where as Iohn Wickliffe was also commanded to be present. But whether he there appeared personally, or not, I find it not in story certainly affirmed. The mandate of the Archb. Wil. Courtney (sent abrode for the conuenting together of this councell) heere followeth vnder wrytten, truely copied out of his owne registers.

Memorandum,The mandate of the Archb. that where as well amongest the nobles as commons of this realme of England, there hath a certain brute ben spread of diuers cōclusions both erroneous, [Page] & also repugnant to the determination of the Church which tend to the subuersion of the whole Church, and to our prouince of Canterburie,Ex Registro Archb. W. Courtney. and also to the subuersion of the whole realme, being preached in diuers & sundry places of our sayd prouince, generally, commonly, & publikely: We William by Gods permission Archbishop of Canterbury, Primate of all England, and Legate of the sea Apostolicall, beeing minded to execute our office and duetie heerein: haue conuocated or called together, certaine our fellow brethren & others a great many, as well Doctours and Bachelers of diuinitie, as doctours of the Canon and ciuil law, and those whome we thought to be the most famous men, skilfullest men. and men of soundest iudgemēt in religion, that were in all the realme, whose names here vnder ensue. And the same being (the 17. day of the month of May) in the yere of our Lord 1382. in a certaine chamber within the territories of the priory of the friers preachers of London before vs and our foresayd fellow brethren assembled, then and there personally present: After that the sayd conclusions (the tenour whereof here vnder ensueth) were opēly proponed, and distinctly and plainly read: We burdened our foresayd fellow brethren, doctours, and bachelers, in the faith wherin they stode bound to our Lorde Iesus Christ, and as they would aunswer before the hygh iudge in the day of iudgement, that they shuld speake their opinions touching the sayde conclusions, and what euery of them thinketh therein.

And at length, after good deliberation had vppon the premisses, the foresaid our brethren the bishops, doctours, & Bachelers, reassembled before vs the 21. day of the same moneth in the foresayd chamber, the foresayde conclusions being againe and againe repeated and plainly read: by vs and by the common consents of vs all it remaineth published and declared, that some of the said conclusions are hereticall, and other some erroneous and contrary to the determination of the Church, as heereafter most manifestly shall appeare. And for as much as by sufficient information we finde & perceiue, that the sayd conclusions in many places of our sayde prouince, haue bene as is sayde, bothe taught & preached: and that diuers other persons do hold and maintaine the same, and be of heresie vehemently and notoriously suspected: haue thought good as wel generally as specially, to send out thys processe vnder wrytten.

¶ The names of the Iurers were these.

IN primis viij. Bishops, Canterbury, Winchester, Durram, Exeter, Herforde, Sarum, Rochester, and Fryer Botlesham. B.

Item 3. friers preachers, Syward, Parris, Langley.

Item 4. minorites, Foluile, Carlel, Frisley, Bernwel.

Item, Augustine Friers. foure. Ashborne, Bowkyn, Woldley, Hornyngton.

Item, Carmelites 4. Glanuile, Dis, Loney, Kynnyngham.

Item, Monkes 4. Wels, Ramsey, Bloxam, Marton.

Item, doctours of the Canon and Ciuill lawe 14. Appelby, Waltrom, Baketon, Chadesden, Tregision, Stow, Blaunchard, Rocombey, Lidford, Welbourne, Flayneburgh, Motrum, Brandon and Prophet.

Item, Bachelers of Diuinitie 6. Humbleton, Pickweche, Lindlow, Wich, Chiselden, Tomson.

The Articles of Iohn Wickleffe heere aboue specified, wherof some were 10. which were by these Friers cōdemned as heretical, y• rest as erroneous: here in order follow, and are these. Although it may be thought, that some of them were made worsse by their sinister collecting, then he ment them in his owne workes and wrytings.

¶ The articles of Iohn Wickliffe, condemned as hereticall.

1. THe substance of material bread & wine, doth remaine in the Sacrament of the aulter after the consecration.

2. The accidents, doe not remaine wythout the subiect in the same Sacrament, after the consecration.

3. That Christ is not in the Sacrament of the altar truly and really, in hys proper and corporall person.

[...]This article eyther is slanderously reported, or els can hardly be defended.

4. * That if a Byshop or a Priest be in deadly sinne, hee doth not order, consecrate, nor baptise.

5. That if a man be duely and truely contrite & penitent: all exteriour and outer confession, is but superfluous and vnprofitable vnto hym.

6. That it is not found or stablished by the Gospell, that Christ did make or ordaine masse.

7. If the pope be a reprobate and euil man, & consequently a member of the deuill: he hath no power by any maner of meanes geuen vnto him ouer faithfull Christians, except peraduenture it be geuen him from the Emperour.

8. That since the time of Urbane the 6. there is none to be receaued for Pope, but to liue after the manner of the Greekes, euery man vnder his owne law.

9.

He meaneth church goods not to be so peculiar to ministers but that they may be taken away if they so deserue.

To be against the Scripture, that ecclesiasticall ministers should haue any temporall possessions.

¶ The other Articles of Iohn Wickleffe, condemned as erroneous.

10 THat no Prelate ought to excommunicate any man, except he knew him first to be excōmunicate of God.

11. That hee which doeth so excommunicate any man, is therby himselfe either an hereticke or excommunicated.

12. That a Prelate or Bishop excommunicating any of the clergy, which hath appealed to the king or to the counsel, is thereby himselfe, a traytor to the king and realme.

13. That all such which do leaue of preaching or hearyng the worde of God or preaching of the Gospell, for scare of excōmunication: they are already excommunicated, and in yt day of iudgement, shalbe counted as traytors vnto god.

14. That it is lawful for any man, either deacon or priest, to preach the word of God, without the authority or licēce of the Apostolicke sea or any other of his Catholickes.

15.

This article peraduenture was not so straightly ment of him as it wa [...] gathered of thē as is aforesayd.

That so long as a man is in deadly sinne, he is neyther Byshop nor Prelate in the Church of God.

16.

This article expounde [...] the ix. article aboue.

Also that the temporal lordes, may according to theyr owne will and discretion, take away the temporall goodes from the Church men, whensoeuer they do offend.

17. That tenthes are pure almose, and that the Parishioners may for the offence of their curates, deteine and keepe them backe, & bestow them vpon others, at their own wil and pleasures,

18. Also, that all speciall praiers applied to any priuate or particular person, by any Prelate or religious man: do no more profite the same parson, then generall or vniuersall prayers doe profite others, whych be in lyke case or state vnto hym.

19. Moreouer, in that any man doeth enter into any priuate religion, whatsoeuer it be, hee is thereby made, the more vnapt and vnable to obserue and keepe the commā dements of God.

20. That holy men which haue instituted priuate Religions, whatsoeuer they be (as well such as are indued and possessed, as also the order of begging Friers, hauing no possessions) in so doyng, haue greeuously offended.

21. That religious men, beyng in their priuate religions, are not of the Christian Religion.

22. That Friers are bounden to get their liuing, by the labour of their handes and not by beggyng.

23. That whosoeuer doth geue any almose vnto Friers, or to any begging obseruaunt, is accursed or in daūger therof.

¶ The letter of the Archbyshop directed to the Byshop of London, agaynst Wickleffe and his adherentes.

WIlliam by Gods permission Archbyshop of Canterbury,A letter of the Archb. of Cant. against Wickliffe. Metropolitane of all England, and of the Apostolicall sea Legate:

To our reuerend brother by the grace of God Byshop of London, salutation. The Prelates of the Churche ought to be so much the more vigilant and attentiue about the charge of the Lordes flocke committed vnto them: how much the more they shall vnderstand the Wolues beyng clothed in sheepes apparell, fraudulently to goe about to woory and scatter the sheepe. Truly, by the continuall cry and bruted fame (which it greeueth me to report) it is come to our knowledge: that although by the canonicall sanctions, no man beyng forbidden or not admitted, should either publickely or priuily without the authoritie of the Apostolicall sea or Byshop of that place, vsurpe or take vpon him the office of a Preacher: Some notwithstandyng, such as are the children of damnation, beyng vnder the vale of blynde ignoraunce, are brought into such a dotyng mynde, that they take vppon them to Preache, and are not affrayde to affirme and teach diuers and sundry propositions and conclusions here vnder recited, both hereticall, erroneous, and false, condempned by the Church of God: and repugnaunt to the decree of holy Churche, whiche tend to the subuertyng of the whole state of the same, of our prouince of Canterbury, and destruction and weakenyng of the tranquilitie of the same: and that as well in the Churches, as in the streetes, as also in many other prophane places of our sayd prouince, generally, cōmonly, and publikely, do preach the same, infecting very many good Christians, causing thē lamentably to wāder out of the way, & frō the catholick Church, without which [Page] there is no saluation. We therfore considering, that so pernicious a mischiefe whych may creepe amongest many, wee ought not to suffer, and by dissimulation to passe ouer, which may with deadly contagion slea the soules of men, least their bloud be required at our hands: are willing so much as God wil permit vs to do, to extirpate the same. Wherefore, by the counsaile and consent of many of our brethrē and Suffraganes, we haue conuented diuers and sundry Doctours of Diuinitie, as also professours and other Clerkes of the Canon and Ciuill lawes, the best learned wythin the Realme, and of the most soundest opinion and iudgement in the Catholicke faith, to geue their opinions and iudgements cō cerning the foresayde conclusions.Had ye tryed them by the truth, you shuld haue found thē otherwise. But for as much as the sayde conclusions and assertions: being in the presence of vs, and our fellowe brethren and other conuocates, openly expounded, and diligently examined, and in the end found by common counsaile and consent, as wel of them as of vs, and so declared that some of those conclusions were heretical, and some of them erroneous & repugnant to the determination of the Church, as here vnder are described: Wee will and commaund your brotherhoode, and by vertue of holy obedience straightly enioyne, all and singular our brethren and Suffraganes of our body and Church of Canterbury, that with all speedye diligence you possible can, you likewise enioyne them (as we haue enioyned you) and euery of them. And that euery one of them in their Churches & other places of their Citie and Dioces, doe admonish and warne, and that you in your Church and other Churches of your Citie and Dioces, do admonish and warne, as we by the tenor of these presents, do admonish and warne the first time, the second time, and the third time: and yet more straightly doe warne, assigning for the first admonition one day, for the second admonition an other day, & for the third admonition canonicall and peremptorie, an other day: That no man from hence forth of what estate or cōdition soeuer, do hold, preach or defend the foresayd heresies and errors or any of them: nor that hee admitte to preach any one that is prohibited or not sent to preach, nor that he heare or hearken to the heresies or errours of him or any of them, or that he fauour or leane vnto hym either publiquely, or priuely: But that immediatly he shonne hym as he would auoide a Serpent putting forth most pestiferous poison,Druta Fulmina. vnder paine of the greater curse, the which we commaund to be thundered against all and euery one which shalbe disobedient in this behalfe, and not regarding these our monitions, after that those 3. dayes be past which are assigned for the canonical monition, and that their delay, fault or offence, committed require the same: That then according to the tenour of these wrytings, wee commaund both by euery one of our felowe brethren & our Suffraganes in their Cities and Dioces, and by you in your City and Dioces (so much as belongeth both to you and them) that to the vttermost, both ye and they cause the same excommunications to be pronounced.He that killeth you, shal thinke he doth God good seruice. And furthermore, wee will and commaunde our foresayd felowe brethren, and all & singular of you a part by your selues, to be admonished, and by the aspersion of the bloud of Iesus Christ we likewise admonish you: that according to the institution of the sacred Canons, euery one of them in their Cities & Dioces, bee a diligent inquisitour of this hereticall prauitie: and that euery one of you also in your Cities and Dioces,Yea rather for the honour of your pope, and destruction of Christian fayth. be the like inquisitor of the foresayd heretical prauitie: And that of such like presumptions they and you carefully and diligently inquire, and that both they and you (according to your dueties and office in this behalfe) wyth effect do procede against the same, to the honor and praise of his name that was crucified, and for the preseruation of the Christian faith and Religion.

Here is not to be passed ouer, the great miracle of gods diuine admonition or warning: for when as the Archbyshop and suffraganes, with the other Doctours of diuinitie, and lawyers with a great company of babling Friers, & religious persons were gathered together to consult, as touching Iohn Wickleffes bookes, and that whole secte: When as they were gathered together at the Gray fryers in Lōdon, An earthquake what time Wickliffe was examined. Ex chron. mon. Albanensii. to begin their busines, vpon S. Dunstons day after dinner, about 2. of the clocke the very houre & instant yt they should go forward with their businesse: a wonderfull and terrible earthquake fell, through out al England: wherupon, diuers of the suffraganes being feared, by the strange and wonderfull demonstration, doubting what it shuld meane, thought it good to leaue of from their determinate purpose. But the Archbyshop (as chiefe captaine of that army, more rash and bold then wise interpreating the chaunce which had happened, cleane contrary to an other meaning or purpose, did confirme & strengthen their harts and minds, which were almost daunted with feare, stoutly to proceede and go forward in theyr attempted enterprise. Who then discoursing Wickliffes articles, not according vnto the sacred Canons of the holy Scripture, but vnto theyr owne priuate affections and traditions, pronounced and gaue sentence, that some of them were simply and plainely hereticall, other some halfe erroneous other irreligious, some seditious, and not consonant to the Church of Rome.

Item, Determi [...] tion vpon the a [...]ticles of Wickl [...]e the 12. day of Iune, in the yeare aforesaid, in the chamber of the Friers preachers: the foresayd M. Robert Rigges Chauncelor of the vniuersitie of Oxford, & Thomas Brightwell professors of diuinitie, beyng appoynted the same day and place, by the foresayde reuerend father in God Archbyshop of Canterbury: appeared before hym, in the presence of the reuerend father in God, Lord William, by the grace of God Byshop of Winchester, and diuers others doctours and bachelers of Diuinitie and of the Canon and ciuill lawe, whose names are before recited. And first the sayd Chauncelor by the said Lord Archb. of Cant. being examined what his opinion was touching the foresayd articles: Publiquely affirmed and declared, that certaine of those conclusions were hereticall, and certaine erronious, as the other doctors and clerks afore mentioned had declared: And then immediately next after hym, the foresaid Thomas Brightwel was examined, which vpon some of the conclusions at first somewhat staggered, but in the end being by the sayd Archbishop, diligently examined vpon the same, did affirme and repute the same to be hereticall and erroneous, as the foresayd Chancelor had done. An other Bacheler of Diuinitie also there was named N. stammering also at some of those conclusions, but in the end affirmed that hys opinion therein was, as was the iudgement of the foresayd Chauncelour and Thomas as is aboue declared. Whereuppon, the sayde Lord Archb. of Cant. willing to let and hinder the perill of such heresies & errours: Deliuered vnto the foresayd Chauncelour there being publiquely read his letters patents, to be executed, the tenour whereof in these wordes doth folow.

WIlliam by the grace of God Archb. of Cant. primate of all England,A letter of the Archb. of Cant. to the Chauncelour of Oxford. and Legate of the Apostolicall see: To our welbeloued sonne in Christ the Chancelor of the vniuersitie of Oxford, within the diocesse of Lincolne, greeting, grace and benediction. The prelates of the Church, about the Lordes flocke committed to their charge, ought so much to be more vigilāt as that they see the wolfe clothed in sheepes attire fraudulētly go about to worow and scatter the sheepe. Doubtles, the common fame & brute is come vnto our eares. &c. Vtin mandato praecedenti. We will therefore and commaunde, straightly enioyning you, that in the Church of our blessed Lady in Oxforde, vpon those dayes the which accustomably the Sermone is made, as also in the schooles of the sayde Vniuersitie vppon those dayes the Lectures be read, ye publish and cause by others to be published to the clergie and people, as well in their vulgare tounge, as in the Latine tounge, manifestly and plainly without any curious implication, the same hereticall and erronious conclusions, so repugnant to the determination of holy Church, as is aforesayd: to haue bene & be condemned, and which conclusions also we declare by these our letters to be vtterly condemned: And that farthermore you forbid, and canonically admonish, and cause to be admonished, as we by the tenour of these presents doe forbid and admonish you, once, twise, and thrise, and that peremptorily: that none hereafter hold, teach, preach, or defende the heresies and errours aboue sayde, or any of them eyther in schoole or out of schoole by any sophistical cauillation or otherwise: or that any admit to preache, heare, or hearken vnto Iohn Wyckliffe, Nicholas Hereford, Philip Reppindon Chanon reguler, or Iohn Ayshton, or Laurence Readman, which be vehemently and notoriously suspected of heresie, or els any other whatsoeuer, so suspected or defamed: or that either priuely or publiquely, they either aide or fauoure them or any of them, but that incontinently they shunne and auoide the same as a Serpent which putteth foorth moste pestiferous poyson. And farthermore, we suspend the sayd suspected persons from al scholasticall acte, till such time as they shall purge themselues before vs in that behalfe, and that you denounce the same publiquely, by vs to haue bene and be suspended, and that yee diligently and faithfully inquire, of all their fautours and fauourers, and cause to be inquired throughout all the haules of the sayde vniuersitie. And that when you shall haue intelligence of their names & persons,Make sure worke. that yee compell all and euery of them to abiure their outragies by Ecclesiasticall Censures and other paines Canonicall whatsoeuer vnder paine of the greater curse, the whych against al and singular the rebellious in thys behalfe, and disobeying our monitions wee pronounce: so that their fault, deceit, and offence in thys behalfe, deserue the same (the sayde monition of ours being first sent) which in this behalfe we exteeme and allowe Canonicall, that then and agayne accordyng to the effect of these our letters. &c. The Absolution of all and singular such, whych shall incurre the sentence of thys instrument by vs sent foorth (whych God forbidde) Wee specially reserue vnto oure selues: exhortyng you the Chauncellour by the aspersion of the bloud of IESVS CHRIST, that to the vttermost of your power hereafter you doe your indeuoure, that the Clergie and people [Page] being subiecte vnto you, if there be whych haue strayed from the Catholique faith by such errours, may be brought home againe, to the laud and honour of his name that was crucified, and preseruation of the true faith. And further our will is, that whatsoeuer you shal do, in the premisses in maner & forme of our processe in this behalfe, to be had and done: that you for your parte, when you shalbe required thereunto, plainly & distinctly do certifie vs by your letters patents, hauing the tenour hereof.

The conclusions and articles here mentioned in thys letter, are aboue prefixed. Of which some were cōdemned for hereticall, some for erroneous.

After this, within fewe daies the foresayd Archbyshop W. Courtney, directed down his letters of admonition to Robert Rigge commissary of Oxford, for the repressing of thys doctrine. Which yet notwithstanding both then, and yet to this day (God be praised) doth remaine. The copie of his monition to the Commissary here out of hys owne Register, foloweth.

¶ The monition of the Archbyshop, vnto the foresayd Chauncellour.

Another letter of the Archb. to the Commissary of Oxford.IN Dei nomine Amen. Where as we William by the permission of God Archbyshop of Canterbury Lorde Primate of England and Legate of the Apostolicall sea, by the consent of our suffraganes, haue caused to be assembled together diuers clerkes both secular and regular of the vniuersitie of Oxford, wythin our prouince of Canterbury and other Catholicke persons to informe vs of, and vpon certaine conclusions heretical and erroneous generally and commonly preached and published in diuers places of the sayd prouince of Canterbury to the subuersion of the whole state of the Church, and our sayd prouince: And also mature deliberation had vpon the same: by the common counsaile of the said our suffraganes & their conuocates, it was declared, that certain of the sayde conclusions, to haue bene and be condemned, some for heretical, and some for erroneous, and notoriously repugnāt to the determinatiō of the church, which we also our selues haue declared to be damnable: And haue vnderstode by credible information, and partly by experience that thou Robert Rigge, Chancelor of the vniuersity aforesaid, hast & doest incline partly to the foresaid damnable conclusions, whome also we in thys part haue partly suspected, doest intend to molest these our Clerkes aboue specified, & others adhering vnto vs in this behalf, as they ought to do: through thy subtill and sophisticall imaginations, sondry & manifold wayes, therfore we admonish thee M. Robert Chauncelour aforesaid, the first, second, and third time, and peremptorily: that thou doest not greue, let, or molest, iudicially or extraiudicially, apertly or priuely, or cause to be greued, let and molested, or procure directly or indirectly, by thy selfe, or any other, as much as in thee lieth to be greued, the foresayd Clerks secular or regular, or such as fauor them in the premisses, in their scholastical acts or in any other condition whatsoeuer. And that thou suffer none. hereafter to teach, maintaine, preach, or defend any such heresies or errours in the sayde Vniuersitie, either within or wythout the scholes: Neither that thou do admit I. Wickliffe, Nicholas Herford, Philip Repindon, Iohn Ayshton, or Laurēce Redman, which are vehemently and notoriously suspected of heresie, or any other so suspected or defamed, vnto that office of preaching. But that thou denounce the sayd persons to be suspended, whom we haue suspended from all scholastical act, whilest they cleare their innocencie in this part before vs, vnder the paine of the greater curse, which we here in these wrytings denounce against thy person if thou shalt not obey those our admonitions, with effecte, as thy crime, subteltie and offence in this behalfe shal require according to this our admonition premised, which we repute in thys parte for canonicall, as well then as now, and now as wel as then, reseruing the absolution of this sentence excommunicatorie, if it happen to light vpon thee, as (God forbid) specially vnto our selues. Testified with the handes of the Iurers, aboue in the page 410. before specified.

¶ The examination of Nicholas Herford, Philip Repingdon, and Iohn Ayshton.

THe 18. day of the month and yere aforesaid in the chamber of the preaching Friers afore mentioned, before the foresayde Archb. in the presence of diuers Doctours and Bachelers of Diuinitie, and many Lawyers both Canon and Ciuil, whose names are vnder written: appeared M. Nich. Herford, Philip Repingdon, & Iohn Ayshton Bachelers of diuinity. Who after a corporal oth taken to shew their iudgements vpon the cōclusions aforesayd, were examined seuerally eache one by himselfe, before the Archb. Who there required day and place to deliberate vpon the conclusions aforesayd, and to geue their answere vnto the same in wryting. And also required to haue a copie of the sayde conclusions to be deliuered vnto them. The which copy,M. Iohn As [...]eton examined. the sayd Nicholas & Philip (being openly read vnto them) receiued. Also the foresayd M. Iohn Ayshton lykewise was examined, and iudicially admonished by the said Archbishop by vertue of his othe, that hee setting aside all sophisticall words & suttelties, he fully and plainly would say his minde vpon the conclusions aforesayd. And being asked moreouer by the said Archbishop whether he would haue a further day to deliberate vpon his answers, as the foresaid Nicholas and Philip had before: said expresly that he would not, but would answer presently to those cōclusions.The answere of Iohn Asheton. And so for finall aunswere sayde, as concerning all these conclusions (containing them all together) that hys iudgement was in this behalf to hold his peace. Wherfore the foresaid Archbishop reputing the saide Iohn herein to be suspected, admonished him in form of words as foloweth: We admonish thee Iohn Ayshton, whome we repute to be defamed, & notoriously suspected of heresie, the first, the second, and third time: that in our prouince of Canterbury hereafter, thou do not preach publickely or priuately wtout our speciall licence, vnder paine of the greater curse, which we denoūce here by these presents against thy person, if thou obey not our monitions, for nowe as for then. And consequently, for as much as the sayd Iohn being asked of the Archb. confessed that hee had heard before of the publication of the Archbyshops Mandate, wherein was inhibited yt no person prohibited or not sent,M. Asheton monished again to appeare. should preach hereafter: the foresayde Archb. assigned to him Friday next folowing, which was the 20. day of the same moneth, after dinner to appeare before hym, either at Lamheth, or in the same place: to say for himselfe, wherefore he myght not be pronounced for an heretick, & for such a one to be denounced through hys whole prouince. Also the said Archbishop assigned to the foresaid Nicholas and Philip, the saide day & place to answer peremptorily, and to say fully & plainly to the conclusions aforesayde, all sophistication of woordes and disputation set a part.

¶ The names of the Friers that sate vpon them.

Friers preachers 7.

Thom. Barnwel,

William Swynherd,

William Pitworth,

Tho. Whatley,

Laurence Grenham,

Iohn Leigh,

Iohn Haker.

Carmelites 3.

Walter Dish,

Iohn Kinningham,

Iohn Louey.

Augustine Frier.

Thomas Ashborne Doctour.

In the 20. day aforesaid of the said month of Iune,xx. of Iune. the yere and place aboue prefixed, before the foresayde Archbyshop, sitting in his tribunall seat, in the presence of diuers Doctours of Diuinitie, and lawyers, both Ciuil and Canon: personally appeared M. Nicholas Herford, & Phillip Repindon,Hertford & Repington appear. Bachelers of Diuinity, and Iohn Ayshton maister of Arte. Where, the foresaid Nicholas and Philip, being required by the sayd Archb. to answere and say fully and plainly their iudgements vppon the conclusions prefixed, whereunto the sayde Archbyshop had assigned to the sayd Nicholas and Philip the same terme: did exhibite to the sayd Archbyshop there iudicially sitting, certaine aunsweres in wryting contained, after the maner of indēture, the tenour whereof here vnder is contained, and after the same forme answered to the sayd conclusions. The tenour of which Indenture containing the foresaide conclusions vnto them moued as afore, foloweth in these wordes.

¶ The protestation of Nicholas, Philip, and Iohn, with their Articles and aunsweres to the same.

WE protest here as before, publikely in these presēts: that we intend to be humble and faithful children to the church and holy scripture,The protestation of Hereford, and Asheton exhibited to the Archb. and to obey in all things the determinations of the Church. And if it shall chaunce vs at any time which god forbid, to swarue from this our intention, we submit our selues humbly to the correction of our reuerend father Lorde Archbishop of Cant. and primate of all England: and of all other, which haue interest to correct such swaruers. This protestatiō premised, thus we answere to the conclusions aforesayd.

That the substance of material bread and wine, remaineth in the Sacrament of the aulter after consecration.

After the sense contrary to the Decretall, beginning Firmiter credimus, we graunt that it is heresie.

[Page]That the accidents doe not remaine wythout the subiect after consecration of the Sacrament.

Articles with the answeres.A [...]ter the sense contrary to that Decretall Cum Marthe, We graunt that it is heresie.

That Christ is not in the sacrament, the selfe same truly and really in hys owne corporall presence.

Although this conclusion as the words stand sound to be probable and intelligible: yet in the sense cōtrary to the decretal in Cle, Si dudum. We graunt that it is heresy. And briefly concerning this whole matter of the Sacrament of the aulter as touching also all other thyngs, we professe that we will both in worde and sense, holde wyth the holy Scripture, with the determination of the holy church and sayings of the holy Doctours.

Obstinatly to affirme that it hath no foundation in the Gospell that Christ ordained the Masse.

We graunt that it is heresie.

That God ought to obey the deuill.

In this sense that God in hys owne person or essence, ought to obey the deuil with the obedience of necessity.

We graunt that it is heresie.

If a man be duely contrite, that all externall confession is to him superfluous and vnprofitable.

We graunt that it is heresie.

If the Pope be a reprobate & an euill man, and consequētly a member of the deuil: He hath no power ouer the faithful of Christ, giuē to him of any, vnleast it be of Cesar.

We graunt that it is heresie.

That after Pope Urbane the 6. none is to be receyued for Pope, but that wee ought to liue after the maner of the Grecians vnder our owne lawes.

We graunt that it is heresie.

To say that it is against the holy Scripture for ecclesiasticall persons to haue temporall possessions.

If obstinacie be ioyned withall: wee graunt that it is heresie.

That no Prelate ought to excommunicate any man, vnles he know him before to be excommunicate of God.

We graunte that it is an errour. Understandyng thys knowledge to meane an experimental knowledge: so that heerewith may stand the Decree of the Church. 11. q. 3. Nemo Episco.

That he which doth so excommunicate, is thereby an hereticke or excommunicate.

After the sense agreeing wt the other before, we graunt to be an errour.

That a Prelate excommunicating a clerke, whych appealeth to the king or counsell of the realme, in so doing is a traitor to God, the king, and the realme.

We graunt it is an errour.

That they whych leaue off to preache, or to heare the word of God & the gospel preached, for the excommunication of men, are excommunicate: and in the day of iudgement shalbe counted for traytors to God.

Understanding this cōclusion vniuersally so, as scripture and lawes do vnderstand such indefinit propositiōs: We graunt it is an errour.

To affirme that it is lawful for any Deacon or Priest, to preach the word of God without the authority of the sea Apostolique or catholique Byshop, or of any other whose authority he knoweth sufficient.

We graunt it is an errour.

To affirme that there is no ciuile Lord, no Bishop nor Prelate whilest he is in mortall sinne, wee graunt it is an errour.

That temporall Lordes may at their pleasure take away the temporal goodes from Churches offending habitualiter: We graunt it is an error, after this sense that they may so take away temporall goodes of the churches wythout the cases limited in the lawes of the Church and kingdomes.

That the vulgar people may correct the Lordes offending at their pleasure: vnderstanding by thys word may, that they may do it by the law: We graunt it is an errour, because that subiectes haue no power ouer theyr Lordes,

That tithes be pure almes, and that parishioners may for the offences of their Curates detaine the same and bestow them to others at theyr pleasure: vnderstanding by thys word may, as before, to may, by the lawe: we graunt it is an errour.

That special praiers applied to any one person by prelates or religious men, do no more profit then the general praiers, if there be no let by the way to make them vnlike: Understanding thys conclusion vniuersally negatiuely, & vnderstanding by special prayers, the prayers made vpon special deuotion and general praiers of general deuotion: then after this sense, no such special prayers applied to any one person, by special orators do profite more specially the said person, then general praiers doe, which are made o [...] y• same and for the same persons, we graunt it is an errour.

He that geueth almes to the friers, or to any frier that preacheth, is excommunicate both he that geueth, & he that taketh: Understanding thys proposition vniuersally or conditionally as is aforesayd: We graunt to be an errour.

That who so entreth into any priuate religiō what so euer, is thereby made more vnapt and vnmete to obey the commaundements of God: We graunt it is an errour.

That such holy men as did institute any priuate religions whatsoeuer, as well of secular hauing possessions, as of friers hauing none, in so instituting did sinne: Understanding thys reduplitatiuely or vniuersally: Wee graunt it is an error. After thys sense, that what Saint soeuer dyd institute priuate religiōs, instituting the sayd religion vpon that consideration as they did, did sinne.

That religious men liuing in priuate religiōs, be not of the religion of Christ: Understanding the proposition vniuersally as is aforesayd: We graunt it is an errour.

That friers are bound to get their liuings by the labor of their handes and not by begging: Understanding this propositiō vniuersally as before: We graūt it is an errour.

These things haue we spoken reuerend father & Lord, in all humility, vnder your gracious supportation and benigne correction, according to our abilities & slender capacities for this present (the honor of god, the verity of our belief, and safe cōscience in all poynts reserued) more humbly yet beseeching you: that if any other thing there be that semeth meete vnto your excellency & discretion to be more or otherwise said & spoken: that your gracious fatherhood would vouchsafe to informe vs as children by the sacred scriptures by the determination of the church, or authoryties of the holy Doctours. And doubtles with redy wils, and obedient mindes we wil consent and agree vnto your wholsom doctrine. May it therfore please your fatherhode right reuerende in God, according to ye accustomed maner of your benignity, fauourably to accept these our wordes and sayings, forasmuch as the foresayde conclusions were neuer by vs either in scholes affirmed, or els in Sermons publikely preached.

¶ Further examinations and procedings against the foresayd Nich. Herford, Phillip Reppindon, and Io. Aishton.

WHen all these answers were made vnto the said lord Archb. of Canterb. the sayde Nicholas and Phillip,Farther examination [...] against the sayd Nic. Phil. and Iohn. Nic. Herford. Phil. Repington. Iohn Asheton, examined. 20. Iunij. an. 2382. for that they aunswered not vnto the meaning and words of the first conclusion expresly: but contrary to the sense of the decretall Firmiter credimus, were there iudicially examined what their sense and meaning was, but they wold not expresse the same. Then was it demaunded of them according to the sense of the same conclusion declared on the behalfe of the sayd Lord of Cant. whether the same materiall bread in numero, whych before the consecration is laid vpon the aulter, remaine in the proper substance and nature, after the consecration in the Sacrament of the aulter, and likewise of the wine? To this the said Nicholas & Phillip aunswered, that for yt time they could say no more therein, then that they had already aunswered, as is afore alledged in writing. And for that vnto the sence and wordes of the second conclusion they aunswered not fully and expresly, but in a sence contrary to the Decretall Cum Marthe, beyng asked what was ye meaning, would not expresse the same. Therfore it was demanded of them according to the sense of the same conclusion, declared in the behalfe of the sayde Lord of Caunterbury, whether those corporall accidences which formally were in the bread and wine before the cō secration of them: after the consecration were in the same bread and wine, or els were subiected in anye other substaunce? To this they aunswered, that better to answere, then before in theyr writinges they already had, for that time they could not. To the meaning also and wordes of the third conclusion, for that they aunswered not playnly and expresly, but in sense contrary to the decretall in the Clementines Si dudum, being asked what was that sense and meaning, woulde not declare the same: Wherefore it was then demaunded of them according to the sense of the same conclusion, declared on the behalfe of the sayd Lorde of Canterbury. Whither the same body of Christ whiche was assumpted of the Uirgine, be in the sacrament of the aulter, secundum se ipsum, euen as he is really in carnall substance, proper essence, and nature. To this they aunswered, that for that time they could say no more then that they had sayd, as before is specified in writing.

[Page]Furthermore, to the sense and text of the sixt conclusion, for that they aunswered not fully and expresly, beyng asked whether God ought any maner of obedience to the Deuill or not: they said yea, as the obedience of loue, because he loueth him, and punished him as he ought. And to proue that God ought so to obey the deuill, they offered themselues to the fire.

To the 11. conclusion, for that they aunswered not expresly, being asked whither a prelate might excommunicate any man being in the state of grace: said yea.

Unto the 20. cōclusion, for that they answered not fully, simply, and expresly, being demaunded whether special or genenerall prayers did most profit, and were of greater force? They would not say but that speciall.

Unto the last conclusion, for that they aunswered neyther simply nor expresly, and being demanded particularly, whether any frier were bounde to get his liuing wyth his manuall labour, so that it might not be lawfull for them to liue by begging? They would make no aunswere at all.

After that, the foresaid Lord Archb. of Cant. demaunded of all the foresaid Doctors,The iudgement of the [...]to [...]s vp [...] these [...]. what their iudgement was touching the answeres that were made vpon all & singuler such conclusions. All which doctors and euery of them seuerally, sayd: ye there all the answeres geuen vnto the first second, third, and sixt cōclusions (as is before recited) were insufficient, hereticall and subtill, and that all the answeres made specially to the tenth, ninth, and last conclusions, as is aboue mentioned: were insufficiēt, erroneous and peruerse. Whereupon the Lord sayd Archbishop of Caunterbury, considering the sayd aunsweres to be hereticall, subtill, erroneous and peruerse, accordingly as the said Doctors (as is aforesayd) had wayed and considered: admonished the said Nicholas and Phillip sufficiently▪ vnder these forme of wordes.

The name of Christ being called vpon: we William by Gods permission,Admonition and citaon of the Archb. against the [...]minates. Archbishop of Canterbury, Metropopolitane of al England, and Legate of the Apostolique see, and through all our prouince of Caunterbury, Inquisitor of all heretical prauitie: do sufficiently and lawfully admonish and cite you Nicholas Herford and Phillip Repingdon professors of Diuinitie, hauing this day and place assigned you by your own consent and our prefictiō, peremptorily to answere and to say, fully and playnely your opinions touching these conclusions wherunto we do referre you (all subtill, sophisticall, and Logicall wordes set apart) being therunto sworne, cited, & commanded: Which thyng to do, without cause reasonable or any licence geuen thereunto, you neither haue bene willing nor are willing, nay rather ye contemptuously refused to aunswere to some of those conclusions before vs iudicially, according to the effect of our monition, citation and commaundement before sayd. But for that, ye haue aunswered vnto some of them heretically, and to other some erroneously, although not fully, we admonish and cite you once, twice, and thrice, and that peremtorily: that plainely and fully (all subtile, sophisticall and logicall wordes set apart) you and euery of you answer vnto the same conclusions, and vnto that sense and meaning by vs limitted: vnder the payne that otherwise such conclusions deserue by you confessed, and that for the same conclusions you ought to haue.

Which admonition being made and done, for that the foresayd Nicholas and Phillip woulde make none other answere: The said Lord archbish. of Caunterbury concluded that busines, prefixing and assigning vnto the foresayd Nichalas and Phillip 8. dayes space,An other day assigned for the examinates to [...]ppeare. that is to say, vntill the 27. day of the same month: And that then they shoulde appeare before the sayd Lord Archbishop of Canterbury whersoeuer within the same his prouince of Caunterbury hee shoulde fortune to be, to heare his decree that shoulde be made in that behalfe. This done, the foresayd Archbish. of Caunterbury, monished and cited lawfully and sufficiently, Iohn Aishton vnder the the tenour of these wordes following.

Pr [...]cesse [...]ade by the Archb. aga [...]nst Iohn Asheton.In the name of God: we William by Gods permissiō, Archb. of Cant. Primate of all England, Legate of the see Apostolicall, and through all our prouince of Cant. of all heretical prauitie chiefe Inquisitour: do monish & cite thee, Iohn Asheton maister of arte, and student in diuinitie appearing before vs, iudicially to say and speake the playne veritie touching these conclusions to the which we doe referre thee: and to the which we haue caused thee to sweare, laying thy hand vpon a booke: as being also otherwise by vs admonished and commaunded to keepe this daye and place by vs appointed, for the third time peremptorily, to propone such reasonable cause (if thou hast any) wherefore thou oughtest not to be pronounced an hereticke. And sufficiently and lawfully we monish and cite thee, the first, second and third time, and that peremptorily, that thou, fully and playnely (all subtill, sophisticall, and logicall wordes for apart) doe aunswere vnto the same conclusions, vnder the payne that vnto such conclusions belong & on thy part confessed, and that thou for suche conclusions oughtest to suffer whiche monition,I. Asheton seuerally examined. being thus premised: The sayde Archbishop read the first conclusion, and of the sayd Iohn inquired what was his opinion and meaning therein, and hereupon he said his minde conce [...]ning the foresayd monition. Then, the foresaid Iohn Asheton being often required by the archbishop that he woulde aunswere in the [...]a [...]me tongue to [...] questions whi [...]h were demaunded of him,The Archb. and his Friers d [...]e flee the English tongue for the people. because [...] lay people that stood about him: he crying out into the Englishe tongue, vttered friuolous and approbrious [...] to [...] and excite the people against the sa [...] Archbishop as it should seem. Neyther did he vnto the fi [...]st con [...]lusion nor vnto any of these other conclusions, effectually and pertinently seeme to them to aunswere: but rather by the subtilties, & shiftes, saying oftentimes and as expresly as Luke said, it was sufficiēt for him to beleue as the holy Church beleued. Then the said Archbishop examined him vpon the first conclusion touching ye Sacrament of the an [...]r: whether, that after the wordes of consecration, there remayneth materiall bread particular bread,Whether materiall bread remaineth the sacrament. or vniuersall bread? He sayde the matter passed his vnderstanding, and therefore said the woulde in that forme and maner aunswere and otherwise not. But amongest other things, he spake in deriding wise vnto the said Archb. against this worde Materiall, saying, you may put that in your purse if you haue any. Whereupon the said Archbishop, calling that an vnwise and foolishe aunswere as the rest of the doctors did (of whome mention was made before) rather for that he was a graduat in the schooles, farther proceeded against the said Iohn Asheton in this wise.

And thou Iohn Asheton monished and commaunded by vs as is aforesayd, after thine oth taken: without anye reasonable cause or any other other licence, neither wouldest thou nor yet will, but refused and yet doest contemptuously, to aunswere vnto such conclusions before vs, iudicially according to our monition & commandement aforesad doe hold all such conclusions by thee confessed, & thee the foresaid Iohn with all thy said conclusions, conuicted. And therfore we do pronounce and declare by sentence geuing, that thou Iohn Ashton cōcerning those cōclusions, which by vs with good deliberation of diuers prelates our suffraganes, and also diuers and sondry professours of diuinitie, and other wise men and learned in the lawe according to ye Canonicall sanctions, being condemned and declared for an hereticke and hereticall: to haue bene and still is, an hereticke, and thy conclusions heretical. And as touching thy other conclusions by vs hertofore counted erroneous, and for erroneous condemned: we doe pronounce and declare sententially by these our writinges, that both thou hast erred and doest erre.

Upon the same 20. day of Iune in the yeare and place aboue recited:M. Tho. Hilman suspected to be a fauourer of I. Asheton. The 20. day of Iune. the foresaid Lord of Caunterbury being desirous, as he pretended to be informed by Thomas Hilmā bacheler of diuinitie there being present and somewhat fauouring the said M. Iohn Asheton what his iudgement & opinion was touching ye foresaid conclusions: prefixed and assigned vnto the said Thomas (for that time demaunding the same deliberation and day) 8. dayes after, that is to say, the 28. of the said month:Dayes geuen to Tho. Hilman to answere. that he appeare before the Bishop of Cant. wheresoeuer within his said prouince of Canterbury, he should then happen to be, to declare playnely and fully what his iudgement and opinion was, touching the foresaid conclusions. Ex Regist W. Courtney.

The names of Friers and Doctors assistent at the examination aforesaid.

Friers Obseruantes, Botlesham B. of Nauaton, frier Iohn Langley, William Suard.

Friers of Dominickes order, Iohn Kyngham, Iohn Louey, Peter Stokes, Walter Dish.

Friers Carmelites, Thomas Ashburn, Baukine, Robert Walbey.

Doctors and Fryers Augustines, M. Iohn Barnet, M. Thomas Backton, M. Iohn Blanchard, M. Iohn Shillingford, M. Lydford, M. Thomas Southam.

The Friday next following,28. day of Iune. an. 1312. that is to say, the 28. day of Iune: the foresaid M. Nicholas, Phillip, and Thom. Hilman, appeared before the said Archb. and lord Inquisitour of Canterbury, in the chappell of his manor of Otfurd, in [Page] the Dioces of Canterbury, there sitting in his Tribunall seat. To whom the sayd bishop of Canterbury saying, that for because at that time he had not the presence & assistence of the doctors in diuinitie, and of the Canon and ciuil law: He continued the sayd busines touching the sayd Nicholas Phillip,The 1. day of Iuly, an 1312. and Thomas, in the same state wherin thē it was till Tewesday next & immediately ensuing: that is to say, the first day of Iuly, the yeare of the Lord abouesayd, and prefixed vnto the said Nicholas, Phillip, and Thomas Hilman the same day to appeare before him, wheresoeuer within his prouince of Caunterb. he should then chaunce to be, to do that whiche vppon the sayd 28. day, they were purposed to doe together or a part.

Which Tuesday being come, the foresaid Archb. in the chiefe house of his Churche at Canterbury, before the houre of 9. with the doctours, whose names are vnder conteined and other Clerkes a great multitude: Expected the foresaid Nicholas, Phillip, and Thomas, long [...]ime by the bedle calling them and looking after them. who neuerthelesse appeared not before two of the clocke after dinner the same day, continuing the foresayd busines in the pristine state til the same houre. At which houre the foresaid Archbishop of Cant. hauing assistentes, the doctors, & clerkes, vnder recited: examined the foresayd maister Thomas Hilman, thē and there iudicially appearing, what his opiniō was touching the foresayd conclusions: who at them and the meaning of them somewhat stammering, at last, to all and singuler the same conclusions then to him red and expounded thus aunswered.The answere of Tho. Hilman. I suppose and iudge all & singuler those conclusions lately condemned by my Lord of Canterbury that now is, together with the coūsaile and consent of hys clerkes, to be hereticall and erroneous, euē as the same my Lord of Caunterbury, and other doctours of Diuinitie of the Canon and ciuill law, by common consent & counsaile haue supposed and thought. And that the same (being for hereesies and errours as before is sayd condemned) doe as much as in me is condemne: protesting that I will holde and affirme the contrary of those cōclusions, & in the same sayth liue and dye.Nic. Hereford and Phil. Repington for not appearing excommunicated. Then sayd the archbishop of Caunterbury, then & there sitting as Tribunall or iudge, pronouncing the said maisters Nicholas and Phillip (long in court called before and taried for, and yet not appearing) guilty of contumacy and disobedience: excommunicated them for the penaltie of this their cōtumacie, in tenor of these words following.

We William by the grace of God archbishop of Caunterbury, Primate of Englande, Legate of the Apostolicall see, and thorough all our prouince of Canterbury, of al hereticall prauitie chiefe Inquisitour:Excommunication pronounced by the Archbishop. Do pronounce maister Nicholas Herford, and maister Phillip Repingdon, professours of diuinitie, hauing this day and place by our prefiction appoynted to heart & decree in this busines of hereticall prauitie (being in Court by our Bedle long called & taried for, and yet not appearing) to be stubburne and disobedient persons: and for the penalty of this their contumacie, we do excommunicate them and either of them by these presentes.

* The denouncing of the excommunication agaynst Nicholas Herford, and Phillip Reppington.

The 12. day of Iuly. an. 1382. Excommunication to be denounced at Paules crosse.WIlliam by Gods permission Archb. of Caunterb. &c. To our beloued sonne in Christ, whosoeuer he be, yt this instaunt sonday shall preach at Paules crosse in London, Salutatiō, grace and blessing. For asmuch as we prefixed a certaine competent day and place to maister Nicholes Herford, and maister Phillip Reppingtō, Canon Regular of the Monastery of our Lady of Leicester, beyng Doctours of Diuinitie and of heretical prauitie, vehemētly suspected: After certayne aunsweres not fully made, but impertinently and nothing to the purpose, as also hereticall and erroneous: In diuers places of our said prouince commonly, generally, and publikely taught and preached, and therfore that they should iudicially appeare before vs, to doe & to receaue peremtorily in that behalfe, what thing soeuer the quallitie of that busines shoulde moue vnto vs: and that we haue for their contumacie in not appearing before vs at that day and place iudicially appoynted as right therein required: We by these presentes commaund & commit vnto you, firmely enioyning you, that when all the multitude of people shalbe gathered together to heare your sermō: that in the day and place appoynted, you publikely and solemnly denoūce the foresaid Nicholas & Phillip, holding vp a crosse, and lighting vp a candle, and then throwing downe the same vpon the ground, to haue bene so and in such maner excommunicated and still be.

Fare ye well.

In our Manour house at Lambeth, the 13. day of Iuly, the yeare of our Lord. 1382. and first yeare of our translation.

* The Citation agaynst the sayd Nicholas and Phillip.

WIlliam by the grace of God. &c. To our welbeloued sonne M. Robbert Rigge chauncellour of the Vniuersitie of Oxford salutation &c. For as muche as we haue prefixed a competent day and place to M Nicholas Heerford, and M. Phillip Reppington &c. as before. We straightly charge and commaund you that you publiquely and solemnly denounce in the church of our Lady, and in the scholes of the Vniuersity, the foresayd Nicholas and Phillip, to haue bene by vs excommunicated and still is. And that you further cite or cause to be cited peremptorily, the foresayd Nicholas and Phillip, that they and euery of them appeare before vs within 15. dayes after the date of this citation, wheresoeuer it shall fortune vs, within our sayd prouince of Caunterbury then to be: To heare and see how we meane to proceed against them, and euery of them concerning the foresayd hereticall and erroneous conclusions, according to the forme of retroactions and quallitie of the busines in this behalfe had and vsed. And that both of the day of the receipt of this present citation, of the maner and forme thereof, or if that you shall apprehend by personall citation the sayd Nicholas and Phillip or either of them, or whither they shall be absent and hide themselues, as of euery thing els which in this behalfe you shall thinke meete to be done: that betweene this and the feast of S Laurence, you clerely certifie vs by your letters patentes contayning the effect of these thinges.

Fare ye well.

At our Manour of Lambeth the 13. day of Iuly, the yeare of our Lord. 1382. and first yeare of our translation.

* The names of the Doctours and Fryers assistentes at this sitting.

Seculars, M. William Blankpayne. M. Wil. Barton.

Friers Carmelits, Robert Euery prior, Iohn Reningham, prior, and Iohn Lunne.

Friors Minors, William Barnwel, Iohn Ryddin, and William Brunscombe.

Friers Augustines, Iohn Court, Patrington, Tomson and Reepes.

Against this blind excommunication of the said archb. the parties excommunicate,The excommunication of Herforde & Repington, denoū ced at Pauls crosse. commēced and exhibited their appeale vnto the bishop of Rome. Which appeale of theirs as insufficient, or rather to him vnpleasaunt, the said archbishop vtterly reiected (as might oftētimes ouercommeth right) proceeding in his preconceaued excommunication against thē, and writing moreouer his letters to hym that should preach next at Paules crosse, as is aforesaid, to denounce and to publishe openly the said Nicholas Herford, and Phillip Repington to be excommunicate, for that not appearing and theyr terme assigned.Xiij. day of Iuly. anno. 1382. Other letters of the Archb. sent to the Ch [...] cellour of Oxford. Which was in the 13. day of the month of Iuly.

Which archbishop moreouer the said yeare, month and day aforesaid, sent also an other letter to M. Rigge Commissary of Oxford, straightly enioyning and charging him not onely to denounce the sayd sentence of excommunication, and to geue out publique citation against them, but also to make dilligent search and inquisition through all Oxford for them, to haue them apprehended and sent vp to him, personally before him to appeare, at a certain day prescribed for the same. Wherby may appeare howe busie this Bish. was in disquieting & persecuting these poremē, whō rather he should haue nourished and cherished vs his brethren. But as his labour is past, so his reward will follow at what day the great Archbishop of our soules, shall iudicially appeare in his tribunall seat, to iudge both the quick and the dead.

The archb. yet not contented with this,Hitherto no lawe to burne any man for religion. doth moreouer by all meanes possible, sollicite the king to ioyne withall, the power of his temporall sword, for that he well perceaued, that hitherto as yet the popishe Clergy had no authoritie sufficient by any publique law or Statute of thys land to proceede vnto death against anye person whatsoeuer, in case of Religion, but onely by the vsurped tyranny and example of the court of Rome. Where note (gentle reader) for thy better vnderstanding the practise of the romish prelates in seeking the kinges help to further their bloudy purpose against the good saintes of God.The K. circumuented by the archbyshop. Which king being but young and vnder yeares of ripe iudgement partly enduced or rather seduced by importune suite of the foresayd [Page] Archbishop, partly also eyther for feare of the Bishoppes (for kings cannot alwayes doe in their realmes what they will) or els perhaps entised by some hope of subsidie to be gathered by the Clergy was contented to adioyne his priuate assent (such as it was) to the setting downe of an ordinaunce which was in deede the very first lawe that is to be found made against Religion and the professors thereof bearing the name of an Acre made in the Parliament holden at Westminster Anno. 5. Rich. 2.The first law to be [...]and practised by the clergy for burning the professours of religion. An. 5. R. sec [...]nd [...]. This statute was made by the clergie without consent or knowledge of the commons. where among sundry other Statutes then published and yet remayning in the printed bookes of Statutes, this supposed Statute is to be found Cap. 5. & vltimo. as followeth.

Item forasmuch as, it is openly knowne that there be diuerse euill persons within the realme going from county to countie and from Towne to Towne in certayne habites vnder dissimulation of great holinesse and without the licence of the ordinaries of the places or other sufficient authoritie, preaching dayly not onely in Churches & churchyardes, but also in markets, fayres, and other open places where a great congregation of people is (diuers sermons contayning heresies and notorious errours to the great emblemishing of Christen fayth and destruction of the lawes, and of the estate of holy Churche to the great perill of the soules of the people and of all the realme of England as more plainly is found and sufficiently proued before the reuerend father in God the Archbishop of Caunterbury and the bishops and other prelates maisters of Diuinitie, and doctors of Canon & of ciuil law, and a great part of the clergy of the said Realme specially assembled for this great cause, which persons do also preach diuers matters of slander to engender discorde and discention betwixt diuers estates of the said realme as well spirituall as temporall, in exciting of the people to the great perill of all the Realme, which preachers cited or summoned before the ordinaries of the places thereto: aunswere of that whereof they be impeached, they will not obey to their sommons & commandementes, nor care not for their monitions nor censures of the holy Church, but expressely despise them. And moreouer by their subtile and ingenious wordes doe drawe the people to heare theire Sermons, and doe mayntayne them in their errours by strong hand and by great rowtes It is ordayned & assented in this present parliament,Note that this statute was repealed afterwardes at the instance of the commons. that the kinges commissions be made and directed to the Sheriffes and other ministers of our soueraigne Lord the king or other sufficiēt persons learned, and according to the certifications of the prelates therof to be made in the Chauncery from time to time to arest all such preachers, and also their fautours, mayntaynours, and abbertours, and doe hold them in arrest and strong prison till they wil iustify to them according to the law and reason of holy Church. And the king will and commaund that the Chauncellour make such commissions at all times that he by the Prelates or any of them shalbee certified and thereof required as is aforesaid.

An examination of the foresayd supposed Statute and of the inualiditie therof.

WHich supposed statute for as muche as it was the principall ground whereuppon proceeded all the persecution of that time, it is therefore not impertinent to examine the same more perticularly, wherby shall appeare that as the same was fraudulently and vnduly deuised by the Prelates onely: so was it in like maner most iniuriously and vnorderly executed by them. For immediately vpon the publishing of this lawe, without further warrant eyther from the king or his councell, commissions vnder the great seale of England were made in this forme. Richard by the grace of God &c. No vsuall wordes of warrant affixed to thi [...] cōmission. vt patet act pag. 541. Witnesse my self at Westminster the 26. day of Iune in the sixt yeare of our raigne. Without more wordes of warrant vnder written such as in like cases are both vsuall and requisite. Viz. per ipsum Regem: per Regem & Concilium: or per breue de priuato Sigillo: all or any of which wordes being vtterly wanting in this place as may be seene in the kinges Recordes of that time: it must therfore be done eyther by warrant of this foresayd Statute, or els without any warrant at all. Whereupon it is to be noted, that wheras the said Statute appointed the commissions to be directed to the Sheriffe, or other ministers of the kings, or to other sufficient persons learned for the aresting of suche persons: the sayd commissions are directed to the Archbishop and his Suffragans, being as it appeareth parties in the case, autorising thē further without either the wordes or reasonable meaning of the sayde Statute to imprison them in their owne houses or where els pleased them.

Besides also what maner of law this was, by whome deuised and by what authoritie the same was first made and established iudge by that that followeth. Viz.

In the Utas of S. Michell next following at a parliament summoned and holden at Westminster the sixt yeare of the said king, among sondry petitions made to the king by his commons, whereunto he assented, there is one in this forme. Articl. 52.

Item,The petition of the [...] for the [...] the f [...]r [...] sayd statute. prayen the commons, that wheras an Estatute was made the last parliament in these wordes. It is ordayned in this present Parliament that commissions from the king be directed to the Sheri [...]fes and other ministers of the king or to other sufficient persons skilfull, and according to the certificates of the Prelates thereof to be made vnto the Chauncerie from time to time to arest all suche preachers & theyr fautoures maintenors and abbettours. And them to deteine in strong prison, vntill they will iustifie themselues according to reasō, & law of holy church. And the king willeth and commaundeth that the Chauncellor make such commissions at all times as shalbe by the prelates or any of them certified and thereof required as is aforesayd.The statute repealed. The which was neuer agreed nor graunted by the commens: but what soeuer was moued therein was without their assent. That ye said statute be therfore disanulled. For it is not any wise their meaning yt either thēselues, or such as shal succeed thē,The K. ratifieth the repeale. shalbe further iustified or bound by the Prelates, then were their ancesters in former times whereunto is answered, il pl [...]ist aa Roy. 1. ye king is pleased.

Hereby notwithstanding the former vniust lawe of Anno. 5. was repealed, and the fraude of the framers therof sufficiently discouered: yet such meanes was there made by the prelates, that this acte of Repeale was neuer published nor euer fithence imprinted with the rest of the statutes of that Parliament. In so much as the sayd Repeale being concealed, like commissions and other proces were made from time to time by vertue of the sayd Basterd statute aswel during al the raign of this king as euer sithence against the professors of religion: As shall hereafter by the grace of God appeare in the second yeare of king Henry the fourth, where the Clergy pursued the like practise. And now againe to the story of our Oxford Diuines, and of the Archbishop to whom the king writeth his letters patents first to the Archbishop then to the Uicechauncellor of Oxford in forme as followeth.

The kinges letters patentes to the Archbishop.

RIchard by the grace of God king of England and Lord of Ireland:The kings letter against the sauorers of Wicklisse. To all those to whome these present letters shall come, greeting. By the petition of the reuerend [...]ather in God, William Archb. of Caunterbury, Primate of England exhibited vnto vs, we right well vnderstand: That diuers and sondry conclusions very contrary to wholesome doctrine and redounding both to the subuersion of the Catholike fayth, the holy Church, and his prouince of Cant. in diuers and sundry places of the same of his prouince haue bene openly and publiquely preached, although damnably preached. Of the which conclusions, some as heresies, other some as errours haue bene condemned: but not before good and mature deliberation first therein had and vsed, and by common counsaile of the said Archbishop, his suffragans and many doctors in diuinitie and other clerkes and learned men in the holy Scriptures, were sententially and holesomely declared. Whereupon the sayd Archbishop hath made his supplication vnto vs: that both for the coertion and due castigation of such as shall henceforth of an obstinate minde preach or mayntaine the foresaid conclusions that we would vouchsafe to put to the arme and helping hand of our kingly power. We therefore moued by the zeale of the catholicke faith, whereof we be and will be defendours, and vnwilling that any such heresies or errours shoulde spring vp within the limites of our dominion: Geue and graunt speciall licence and authoritie by the tenour of these presentes, vnto the foresayd Archbishop,The 16. day of Iune. and 1302. and to his Suffraganes, to arest and imprison either in their owne prisons or any other, all and euery such person and persons as shall either priuely or apertly preach and mayntayne the foresayd conclusions so condemned, and the same persons so imprisoned there at their pleasures to detayne, till such time as they shall repent them and amend them of suche hereticall prauities, or els shall be of suche arestes by vs and our counsaile otherwise determined and prouided. Further charging and commaunding all and singuler our liegemen ministers, and subiectes, of what state and condition so euer they be, vpon their fidelitie & allegeance wherin they stand bound to vs that by no meanes they eyther fauour, counsayle, or helpe the preachers or els mayntayners of the sayde conclusions so condemned or their fauourers, vpon payn and forfaiture of all that euer they haue: But that they obey and humbly attend vpon the said Archbishop, his Suffraganes, and ministers in the execution of these presentes, so that due and manifest publication agaynst the foresaid conclusions and their mayntayners, [Page] without any perturbation may be done and executed, as for the defence of our Realme and catholike fayth shalbe thought most meete and requisite. In witnesse wherof, we haue caused these our letters patentes to be made.

Witnesse our selfe at Westminster the 16. day of Iune, and 6. yeare of our reigne.

* The kinges letters patentes to the Uicechauncellour.

An other letter of the K. to the Uicechancellor.THe king: To the Chauncellour and the procuratours of the vniuersitie of Oxford which now be, or for the time being shall be: Greeting. Moued by the zeale of christian fayth, where of we be and alwayes will be defenders, and for our soules health induced thereunto, hauing a great desire to represse, and by condigne punishmēt to restraine the impugners of the foresaid fayth, which newly and wickedly go about and presume to sow their naughty and peruerse doctrine within our kingdome of England, and to preach and hold damnable conclusions so notoriously repugnant and contrary to the same faith, to the peruerting of our subiectes and people as we vnderstand: Before they any further proceed in their malicious errours, or els infect others: We haue by these presentes appoynted you to be inquisitour generall (all the chiefe diuines of the sayd vniuersitie being your assistents) and the same likewise to be done of all and singular the Graduates, Diuines, & lawyers of the same vniuersitie. And if they shall know any which be of the iurisdiction of the sayd vniuersitie of Oxford, whiche be probablie of them to be suspected in the fauour, belyefe, or defence of anye heresie or errour, and especially of any of the conclusions publiquely condemned by the reuerend Father, William Archbishop of Canterbury, by the Counsaile of his Clergye, or els of any other conclusion like vnto anye of them in meaning or in wordes: and that if henceforth you shall finde any that shall beleue: fauoure, or defend anye of the foresayd heresies or errours or anye other suche like, or els which shall be so bolde to receaue into their houses and Innes Maister Iohn Wickliffe, M. Nich. Herforde, M Phillip Repingdon, or M. Iohn Asheton, or anye other noted by probable suspicion of anye the foresayd heresies or erroures, or any other like vnto them in meaning or in worde: Or that shall presume to communicate with anye of them, or els to defend or fauour anye of suche fauourers, receauers communicantes and defendours: within 7. dayes after the same shal appeare and be manifest vnto you, to banish and expell them from the Uniuersitie and towne of Oxford, till such time as they shall declare their innocency before the Archbishop of Caunterbury for the time being, by manifest purgation. So notwithstanding, that such as be compelled to purge themselues, you certifie vs and the sayd archbishop vnder your seales, frō time to time within one month that they be such maner of men. Commaunding furthermore, that thorough all the halles of the sayd vniuersitie, ye cause dilligently to be searched and inquired out of hād: If any man haue any book or tractation of the Edition or compiling of the foresayd M. Iohn Wickliffe, or Nicholas Herford: and that when and whersoeuer ye shall chaunce to finde any such booke or tractation, ye cause the same to be arested and taken, and vnto the foresayd Archbishop within one month (without correction, corruption, or mutation, whatsoeuer) word for word, & sentēce for sentence, to be brought and presented And therefore we straightly enioine and command you, vpon your fidelitie and allegeaunce wherein ye stand bound vnto vs, and vpon payne of forfaiture of all and singuler your liberties and priuilegies of your sayde vniuersitie, and of all that euer you haue besides: that you geue your diligent attendance vpō the premisses, and that well and faythfully you execute the same in maner and forme aforesayd. And that you obey the foresayde Archbishop, and his lawfull and honest mandates, that he shall thinke good to direct vnto you in this behalfe, as it is meete ye should. And we geue in charge vnto the Uicechauncellour and Mayor of Oxford for the time being, and to all and singuler our Sheriffes,The 13. day of Iuly. an. 1382. An other sharp letter of K. Rich. sent to Oxford agaynst Wicklirfe and his fellowes. The effect of the kings letter briefly comprehended. vndersheriffes, Bayliffes, and subiectes, by these presents: that they ayde, obey, and be attendaunt vpon you in the execution of the premisses. In witnes whereof, &c.

Witnesse the King at Westminster, the 13. day of Iuly, the sixte yeare of hys raigne.

Besides these letters patentes the said young King moued by the vnquyet importunitie of the Archb. sendeth moreouer an other special letter to the Uicechancellor and proctors of the Uniuersitie of Oxforde. Wherein vnder a pretensed zeale of defence of Christian fayth, he straightlye and sharply enioyneth & assigneth them (for the vtter abolishing of those conclusions & opinions) to make a generall Inquisition through the whole vniuersitie as wel for the parties aforesaid, Iohn Wickliffe. Nicholas Herford, Phillip Repington, Iohn Ashton, & such other, as also for al other whō they know or iudge to be suspected of yt doctrine, or to be mayntayners, receauers, and defenders of foresayd parties, or their conclusions any maner of way, to the intent that they being so apprehended through their diligent search, may be w'in 7. dayes of their admonitions expulsed the vniuersitie, and cited vp to the archb. of Cant. before him to appeare, and to stand to their answers. Willing moreouer and commanding the said vicechauncellor & proctors with other regents their assiters, that if any person or persons in any house, hall, or colledge, or in anye other place shalbe found to haue any of theyr books, or treatises compiled by the sayd Iohn Wickliffe. Nicholas Herford &c. they will cause without delay ye sayd person or persons, The persons with their bookes to be arested. with theyr bookes to be arested and attached, & presented within one month, without correction, corruption, or mutation, to the foresayd Archbishop, vpon their fayth and allegeance, as they will auoyd the forfaiture of all and singuler the liberties and priueledges to the vniuersity apertayning. And that they will be obedient to the Archb. aforesayd in the ordering hereof, and all other his iniunctions to be obeyed in all thinges lawfull and honest. Beuing moreouer in these our letters charge and commaundement to the Mayor, Bayliffes and other the inhabitants of Oxford, to be assistant and attendant vnto the foresayd vicechancelor and proctors, touching the execution of the premises, The 14. day of Iuly. an. 1382. bearing the date of the fourteenth day of Iuly: which was the yeare of our Lord. 1382.

* Matters incident of Robert Rigges, Uicechauncellor of Oxford. Nicholas Herford, and Phillip Repington, with other.

THe vicechauncelor the same time in Oxforde was M. Robert Rigges.Rob. Rigs Uicechauncellour of Oxford. The 2. proctors were Iohn Huntman, & Walter Dishe, who then as farre as they durst, fauoured the cause of Iohn Wickliffe and yt side. In so much yt the same time and yeare, which was an. 1382. when certaine publicke sermons should be appoynted customably at yt feast of the Ascention, and of Corpus Christi, to be preached in the cloyster of S. Frideswyde (now called Christs church) before the people, by the vicechanceller aforesayd & the proctoures (the doinges thereof the vicechauncellor aforesaid and proctors had committed to Phillip Repington, and N. Her. so yt N. Her.Ni. Herford preaching on the Ascension day, defended Wickliffe. shold preach on ye Ascention day, and Repington vpō Corpus Christi day) First Herford beginning was noted to defend Iohn Wickliffe, opē ly to be a faythful, good, & innocent man: for the which no small adoe with outcries was amongst the Fryers. This Herford, after he had long fauoured & mayntayned Wickliffes part, grew first in suspicion amongst the enemies of the truth. For assoone as he began somewhat liberally and freely to pronounce & vtter any thing which tended to the defence of Wickliffe, by and by the Carmelites, and al the orders of religion were in his top, and laid not a few here sies vnto his charge, the which they had strayned here and there out of his sermons, & had cōpyled together in a certaine forme, by the handes of a certayne notaries, through the industry & diligence of one Peter Stokes a Carmelite a kind of people prone & ready to all kinde of mischiefe,Repington first Chanō of Leicester, after B. of Lincolne. vprores, debate, and discention. After this the feast of Corpus Christi drue neare, vppon which day it was looked for that Repington should preach. This man was a Canon of Leicester, & had before taken his first degree vnto Doctorship: who preaching the same time at Bradgate for the same Sermon he became first suspected, and hated of the Pharisaicall broode of the Fryers. But through the great amd notable dexteritie of his wit, (which all men did behold and see in him) accompanied with like modesty and honesty: he did so ouercome, or at the least asswage thys cruelty and persecution whiche was towardes him, that shortly after,Repington commensed Doctor. by the consent of the whole fellowship, he was admitted doctour. Who as soone as he had taken it vpon him, by and by he stepped forth in the schooles, and began immediately to shewe forth and vtter, that whiche he had long hidden and dissembled. Protesting opēly, that in all morall matters, he would defend Wickliffe. But as touching the sacrament he woulde as yet hold his peace, vntill suche time as the Lorde shall otherwise illuminate the hartes and mindes of the clergye.

Nowe the day of Corpus Christi aforesayd approching neare, when the Fryers vnderstood that this man should preach shortly, fearing least that he would rub the galles of their religion, they conuented with the Archb. of Cant. that the same day a little before that Phillip shold preach: Wickliffes conclusions which were priuately condemned, should be openly diffamed in the presence of the whole vniuersitie.Peter Stokes standerd bearer to the papists. The doing of which matter, was committed to Peter Stokes Fryer, stonderd bearer and chiefe champion of that side against Wickliffe.

There were also letters sent vnto the commissary, that [Page] he shoulde helpe and ayde him in publishing of the same conclusions, as is before declared.

These thinges thus done and finished, Repingdon at the houre appointed proceeded to his sermon. In ye which sermon among many other thinges, he was reported to haue vttered these sayinges, or to this effect

Notes of the Sermon of Repington.That the Popes or Byshops ought not to be recommended aboue temporall Lordes.

Also that in morall matters he woulde defend maister Wickliffe as a true Catholicke doctor.

Moreouer that the Duke of Lancaster was very earnestly affected and minded in this matter, and would that all such should be receaued vnder hys protection: Besides many thinges moe which touched the prayse and defence of Wickliffe.

And finally, in concluding his sermon, he dimissed the people with this sentence: I will (sayd he) in the speculatiue doctrine, as appertayning to the matter of the sacrament of the au [...]ter, keep silence and hold my peace, vntill such time as God otherwise shall instruct and illuminate the hartes of the Clergie.

When the sermon was done, Repington entred into Saint Frideswides Church, accompanied with many of his friendes: who, as the enemies surmised, were priuilye weaponed vnder their garmentes, if need had bene. Frier Stokes the Carmelite aforesayd, suspecting all this to be against him, and being afrayd of hurt, kept to himself wtin the sanctuary of the church, not daring as then to put out his hed. The Vicechauncellor and Repington, friendly saluting one an other in the church porch, sent away the people, and so departed euery man home to his owne house. There was not a little ioy thorough the whole vniuersitie for that sermon,The vniuer [...]e reioy [...]th. but in the meanetime, the vnquiet & busie Carmelite, slept not his matter. For first by his letters he declared the whole order of the matter vnto the archbishop exaggerating the perils and daungers that he was in, requiring and desiring his helpe and ayd, pretermitting nothing, wherby to moue & stirre vp the archbishops minde, which of his owne nature was as hote as a toste as they say,Whether the Lordes temporall were to be prayed for before the P. and Byshops. The Fryer derided and mocked in the scholes. and ready inough to prosecute the matter of his owne accord, though no man had prickt him forward thereunto. Besides all this (3. dayes after) with a fierce and bold courage, the sayd Fryer breathing out threatninges and heresies agaynst them, tooke the way vnto the schooles: mynding there to proue, that the Pope and the Bishops ought to be prayed for before the Lordes temporall. Whiles thys Frier was thus occupyed in the schooles, he was mocked and derided of all men, and shortly after he was sent for by the Archbishop to London: whom immediately after, the Vicechauncellor & Brightwell followed vp, to purge and cleare themselues and their adherentes from the accusations of this Frier Peter. At the length they being examined vpon Wickliffes conclusions yt were condemned: they did all consent, that they were worthily condemned. The Vicechauncelor being afterward accused for the contempt of the Archbishops letters, when as he perceaued & sawe, that no excuse would preuayle to auoyd that daunger, hū bling himselfe vpon his knees, he desired pardon. The which when he had now againe (as is aforesaid) albeit very hardly obtayned: By the help of the Bishop of Winchester, he was sent away agayn with certayne commandementes, and suspencions of heretickes. Then began the hatred on eyther part somewat to appeare and shew, and specially all men were offended,Religious [...]en first causers of this trouble. and in the toppes of these Friers and religious men, vpō whom whatsoeuer trouble or mischiefe was raysed vp, they did impute it as to ye authors and causers of the same. Amongest whome there was one Henry Crompe, a monke Cistertion, a well learned deuine, which afterward was accused by the Byshops of heresie, He at that time was openly suspected by the Commissary,H. Crompe first an accuser of other, after accused himselfe for heresie. because in his lectures he called the heretickes Lolardes, from his actes (as they terme them) in the schoole. Then he comming by and by vp to London, made his complaynt vnto the Archbish. and to the kinges councell.

Whereupon he obtayning the letters of the king, and of his counsaile, by the vertue therof (returning againe to the vniuersity) was released & restored again to his former state: the wordes of whiche letter here followeth vnder written.

* The copy of the kinges letter.

The kynges letter to the Vicechauncelor and proctors of Oxford. THe king to the Vicechauncellour and procuratoure of the Vniuersitie of Oxforde, greeting.

Where as we of late vnderstanding by the grieuous complaynt of Henry Crompe monke and regent in deuinitie within the sayd vniuersitie, howe that he, being assisted by the reuerend father in God the Archb. of Cant. and by other clerkes and deuines in the Citty of London, Henry Crompe complayneth to the kings counsell of the most secular maisters of Oxford. to proceede in thee condemnation of certayne conclusions erroneous and hereticall, hath bene therfore molested by you: And that you through sinister suggestion of some aduersaryes (pretending the peace of the sayd vniuersitie) to haue bene broken by the sayde Henry in his last lecture: did therefore call him before you to appeare and answere: and for his not appearing, did therefore pronounce him as obstinate, and conuicte of peace breaking: also haue suspended the sayd Henry from his lectures, and all scholasticall actes. And whereas we, by our writte did call you vp for the same, to appeare and aunswere before our counsayle, vnto the premisses: so that all thinges being well tryed and examined by the sayd counsayle, it was found and determined, that all your processe agaynst the sayd Henry, was voyde and of none effecte: and commaundement geuen, that the sayd Henry shoulde be restored and admitted agayne to his former lectures and scholasticall actes. and to his pristine state as you knowe. To the intent therefore that this decree aforesaid shoulde be more duely executed of your part, we heare by these presentes straightly charge and commaund you: That you speedily reuoking agayne all your processe against the sayd Henry in the vniuersitie aforesayd, with all other that followed thereof: doe admitte and cause to be restored agayne the sayd Henry to his scholasticall actes, his accustomed lectures and pristine estate, without all delay according to the forme of the decree and determination aforesayd. Enioyning you moreouer and your commissaries or deputies and your successoures, and all other maisters regent and not regent, and other presidentes, officers, ministers, and scholers of the vniuersitie aforesayd, vpon your faith and legeance you owe vnto vs that you doe not impeache, Henry Crompe, Peter Stokes, Carm. Steuen Packington Carm. restored by the King to their scholasticall actes. molest, or greeue, or cause to be greued (any maner of way, priuy or apertly) the sayd Frier Henry for the causes premised, or Frier Peter Stokes Carmelite, for the occasion of his absence from the vniuersitie, or Fryer Stephen Packingtō Carmelite, or any other religious or secular person fauouring them, vpon the occasion of any eyther word or deed whatsoeuer, concerning the doctrine of maister Iohn Wickliffe, Nicholas Herford and Phillip Repindon, or the reprose and condemnation of their herefies and erroures, or the correction of their fauourers But that you doe procure the peace, vnitie and quiet, within the sayd vniuersitie, and chiefly betweene the religious and secular persons: and that you with all diligence nourishe, encrease, and preserue the same to the vttermost of your strength And that you in no case omitte to doe it accordingly, vppon the forfaytures of all and singular the liberties and priuiledgies of the vniuersitie aforesayd.

Witnesse my selfe at Westminster the 14. day of Iuly.

Mention was made, as you heard a little before, how M. Rigges Vicechancellor of Oxford, comming vp wyth M. Bryghtwell to the archb. of Cant. was there straightly examined of the conclusions of Wickliffe, Where he notwithstanding through the helpe of the B. of Wint. obtayned pardon, and was sent away agayn with commaundementes and charges, to seeke out all the fauorers of Iohn Wickliffe. This commaundement being receaued, Nicholas Herford,Herford & Repington fled to the Duke of Lancaster. and Phillip Repington (being priuily warned by the sayd Vicechauncellor) in the meane season cōueied them out of sight, and fled to the Duke, of Lācaster for succour & help, but the Duke whether for feare, or what cause els, I cannot say, in the end forsooke his poore and miserable clientes.Letters of the Archb. to the Vicechancelor. Letters of the Archb. to the B. of London. Rob. Braybroke B. of London.

In the meane time, while they were fled thus to the Duke, great search and inquisition was made for them to cite and to apprehend them where so euer they might be found. Wherupon, the archb. of W. Courtney directed out his letters first to the Vicechauncellor of Oxford, then to the Bishop of London named Rob. Braybroke [...] charging them not onely to excommunicate the sayd Nicholas and Phillip, within their iurisdiction, and the sayd excommunication to be denounced likewise throughout all the dioces of his suffraganes:The 14. day of Iuly. an. 1382. but also moreouer, that dilligent search and watch should be layd for them, both in Ox [...]orde and in Londō, that they might be apprehended: requiring moreouer by them to be certified agayne, what they had done in the premisses. And thys was written the 14. day of Iuly. an 1382. Ex Regist.

Vnto these letters receaued from the archbishop, dilligent certificat was geuen accordingly, as well of the Byshop of London his part, as also of the Vicechauncello [...], the tenour whereof was this.

* The letter certificatorie of the Vicechauncellor to the Archbishop.

The letter of Rob. Rigges Vicechauncelor to the Archb. TO the reuerend father in Christ, Lord William Archbishop o Caunterbury Primate of all England, and Legate of the Apostolique[Page]see, Rob. Rigges professour of diuinitie, and Vicechancellor of the vniuersitie of Oxforde, greeting with due honour.

Your letters bearing the date of the 14. of Iuly I haue receaued: By the authoritie wherof, I haue denounced and caused to be denounced effectually, the foresayd Nicholas and Phillip, to haue bene and to be excommunicate publikely and solemnly in the Church of S. Mary: and in the schooles, and to be cited also personally, if by any meanes they might be apprehended, according as you commaunded. But after dilligent search layd for them of my part to haue them personally cited and apprehended, I coulde not finde neyther the sayd M. Nicholas, not M. Phillip: who haue hyd or conuayed themselues, vnknowing to me, as here is well knowne. Whereof I thought here to geue signification to your Fatherhoode. The 25. day of Iuly. an. 1382. Herford & Repington repulsed from the Duke of Lancaster.

Sealed and testified with the seale of mine office.

From Oxford the 25. of Iuly.

In y• meane time Nicholas Herford, and Repington being repulsed of the Duke, and destitute (as was sayde) of his supportation, whether they were sent, or of theyr owne accorde went to the archbish. it is vncertayne. This I finde in a letter of the foresayd archbishop, contayned in his register:The 23. day of October. Repington released by the Archb. I. Aisheton reconciled by the Archbishop. that Repington the the 23. day of October the same yeare 1382. was reconciled agayne to the Archbishop and also by his generall letter was released and admitted to his scholasticall actes in the vniuersitie. And so was also Iohn Ashton, of whom (Christ willing) more shall follow hereafter. Of Nicholas Herford all this while I finde no speciall relation.

In the meane time, about the 23. of the month of September the sayd yeare,A parliament summoned. The 15. of October. 1382. the king sent his mandate to the Archbishop for collecting of a subsidie and to haue a conuocation of the clergie sommoned, against the next parliament, which should begin the 18. day of Nouember. The Archb. likewise on the 15. day of October, directed his letters monitorie (as the maner is) to Robert Braybroke bishop of London, to geue the same admonition to al his suffraganes and other of the Clergie within his prouince for the assembling of the conuocatiō aforesayd. All which done and executed, the parliamēt begon being holden at Oxford the 18. day of Nouember,The conuocation of S. Fride [...]de in Oxford. The 18. day of Nouemb. where the conuocation was kept in the Monastery of Frideswide in Oxforde. In the which conuocation, the Archbishop with the other bishops there sitting in their Pontificalibus, declared two causes of that their present assembly, whereby (sayth he) to represse heresies, which began newly in the realme to spring, and for correcting other excesses in the Churche. The other cause (sayd he) was to ayde and support the king with some necessary subsidie of mony to be gathered, whiche thus declared, the conuocation was continued till the day following which was the 19. of Nouember.

The 19 day of Nouemb. anno. 1382.At the sayd day and place, the Archbishop with the other Prelates assembling themselues as before: The archbishop after the vsed solemnitie, willed the procuratoures of the clergy appoynted for euery dioces, to consult within themselues, in some conuenient seuerall place, what they thought for theyr partes touching ye redresse of thinges, to be notified and declared to him and to his brethren. &c.

Furthermore, forsomuch (sayth he) as it is so noysed through all the realme, that there were certayn in the vniuersitie of Oxford, which did hold and mayntayne conclusions (as he called them) heretical and erroneous condemned by him,Rob. Rigge displaced from Vicechauncellorship. and by other lawyers and doctours of Diuinitie. He therfore assigned the bishops of Saram, Herford and Rochester, with William Rugge then Vicechauncellour of the Vniuersitie of Oxford (for belike Robert Rigge was then displaced) as also William Berton, and Iohn Midleton Doctors:Inquisitiō made at Oxford. geuing them hys full authoritie wyth cursing and banning, to compell them to search and to enquire with all diligence and wayes possible, ouer all & singular whatsoeuer, eyther Doctors, Bachellers, or schollers of the sayd vniuersitie, which did hold, teache, mayntaine and defend, in schooles or out of schooles, the sayd cō clusions heretical (as he called them) or erroneous, and afterward to geue certificat truely and playnly touching the premisses.The 24. day of Nouēb. an. 1382 And thus for that day the assembly brake vp to the next, and so to the next, and the third being monday, the 24. day of Nouember. Ex. Regist. W. Courtney.

On the which day, in the presence of the Prelates and the clergy in the chapter house of Saint F [...]ideswide, came in Phillip Repington (otherwise called of the brethren afterward Rampington) who their abiured the conclusions and assertions aforesayd, in this forme of wordes as followeth.

The abiuration of Philip Repington. In Dei nomine Amen. I Phillip Repington, Canon of the house of Leicester, acknowledging one catholique and Apostolick sayth do curse and also abiure all heresie, namely these heresies and errours vnder written, condemned & reproued by the decrees canonicall, and by you most reuerend father, touching which hitherto I haue ben [...] dissamed: condemning moreouer & reprouing both them and the authors of them, & doe confesse the same to be catholically cō demned: And sweare also by these holy Euangelics, which here I hold in my hand, and do promise, neuer by any perswasions of men, nor by anye way hereafter, to defend or hold as true, anye of the sayd conclusions vnder written: but do & will stand and adhere in all thinges, to the determination of the holy Catholicke Church, and to yours, in this behalfe. Ouer and besides, all suche as stand contrary to this fayth, I doe pronounce them with their doctrine & followers worthy of euerlasting curse. And if I my selfe shall presume at any time to hold or preach any thinge contrary to the premisses.Philip [...] pington a [...] ter hi [...] [...] iuration [...] ca [...] a t [...] rible per [...] cutor. I shall be content to abide the seueritie of the Canons. Subscribed with mine owne hand, & with mine own accord. Phillip Repington. And thus the sayd Rampington was discharged, who afterward was made Byshop of Lincolne, and became at length the most bitter and extreme persecutor of this side, of al the other bishops wtin the realm, as in proces hereafter may appeare.

After the abiuration of this Repington,A short time my Lord, [...] a mā in o [...]e for en [...]o [...]e to learne a faith aga [...] his cōscience The abiu [...]ation of I [...]h [...] Aisheton. Ex chron. Monast. D. Albans. I. A [...]heton. immediately was brought in Iohn Ayshton, student of Diuinitie: who being examined of those conclusions, and willed to say hys mynde, aunswered: that he was to simple and ignoraunt, and therefore would not, and could not answere any thing clearely or distincktly to those conclusions. Wherupon, the Archb, assigned to him Doctor W. Rugge the Vicechauncellour, and other deuines such as he required himselfe to be instructed in the mistery of those conclusions against the after no one: who then appearing again after dinner before the archbishop and the Prelates, did in like sort and forme of wordes abiure as did Repington before.

Of this Iohn Ayshton we read, that afterwarde by Tho. Arundell Archb. of Cant. he was cited and condemned,The Londiners open the dore where the Archb. [...]ate against Ioh. Aisheton. but whether he dyed in prisō, or was burned, we haue yet no certainty to shewe. This is certayne by the playne wordes of the chronicle of S. Albans, that when the arch. with his doctors and fryers [...]ate in examination vpon this sayd Iohn Ashton, in London: the Londiners brake open the dore of the conclaue, ipsum (que) Archiepiscopum in ciuitate sedentem impediuerunt, cum processum fecissit contra Iohannē Ashton. &c. That is and did let the Archbishop himselfe sitting in the Citty of London, when he woulde haue made processe agaynst Iohn Asheton. an. 1382. And thus muche of Iohn Asheton.Ni. Herford would not appeare. N. Herforde appealed from the Archb. Ni. Herford cast in prison. Herford escapeth out of prison.

As touching Nicholas Herford during the time of this conuocation, he did not appeare: and therefore had the sentence of excommunication. Agaynst which he put hys appeale from the archb. to the king and his Counsaile. The Archb. would not admit it, but finding stayes and stoppes caused him to be apprehended and enclosed in prison. Notwithstanding through the will of God, and good meanes he escaped out of the prison returning agayn to his former exercise, and preaching as he did before, albeit in as couert and secret maner as he could. Whereupon the Archbishop thundring out his boltes of excōmunication agaynst him, sendeth to al pastors and ministers, willing thē in al churches, and all festiuall dayes, to diuulge the sayd his excommunication against him, to al men. Writeth moreouer and sendeth speciall charge to al and singular of the laity, to beware that theyr simplicity be not deceaued by his doctrine, but that they like Catholicke children will auoyd him, and cause him of all other to be auoyded.

Furthermore, not contented with this, addresseth also his letters vnto the king, requiring also the ayde of his tē porall sword to chop of hys neck, whō he had already cast down. See and note reader, the seraphicall charitie of these priestly prelates towardes ye poore redemed flock of Christ And yet these be they whiche washing theyr handes wyth Pylate, say and pretend: Nobis non licet interficere quenquā. It is not our partes to kill any man. The copye of the letter written to the king, is this.

The letter of the Archbishop to the king.

The cruell letter of the Archb. against Nic. Herford to the kyng. TO the most excellent prince in Christ, &c. William &c. greeting in him by whom kinges do reigne, & princes beare rule.

Vnto your kingly celsitude by the tenour of these presentes we intimate, that one M Nich. Herford D. of diuinitie, for his manifest contumacie and offēce in not appearing before vs being called at the day and place assigned, therefore is inwrapped in the sentence of the greater curse, publiquely by our ordinary authoritie. And in the same sentence hath continued nowe forty dayes, & yet still continueth with indurate hart, wickedly contemning[Page]the keyes of the Church, to the great perill both of his soule, and to the pernitious example of other. For so much therefore, as the holy mother the church hath not to do or to proceed any further in this matter: we humblye desire your kingly maiestye, to direct out your letters for the apprehending of the sayd excommunicat according to the custome of this realme of England, This [...]s not to seeke againe that which is lost by the rule of Ezechiel. wholsomely obserued and kept hetherto: to the intent, that such whome the feare of God doth not restrayne from euill, the discipline of the secular arme may bridle and plucke backe from offending. Your princely celsitude the Lord long continue.

From Lambeth the 15. of Ianuary.

To this letter of the Archb, might not the king (gentle reader) thus aunswere agayne, and aunswere well?

Prosopopoia. What the kyng might haue aunswered agayne. YOur letters with your complaynt and requestes in the same conteyned, we haue receiued and well considered. For the accomplishing wherof, ye shall vnderstand that as we are readely bent to gratify and satisfy your minde in this behalfe on the one side: so we must beware agayne on the other, that our authoritye be not abused either to oppresse before we know, or to iudge before we haue tryed. Wherfore for so much as you in your letters do excite and sharpen the seuere discipline of our seculer sword, agaynst one Nich. Herford, for his not appearing before you: and yet shewing in the sayd your letters no certaine cause to vs what you haue to charge him withall: we therfore following the exā ple of Alexander Magnus, or rather the rule of equity in opening both our eares indifferently, to heare as well the one part, as the other do assigne both to him, when as he may be found, & to you whē you shal be called a terme to appeare before vs. To the intēt that the controuersy betwene you and him, stāding vpon points of religiō, being tried by the true touchstone of Gods holy word due correction indifferently may be ministred according as the offence shall be founde. In the meane time, this we cannot but something maruell at in your sayde Letters: First, to see you mē of the Church and Aungels of peace to be so desirous of bloud. Secondly, to consider you again so fierce in prosecuting the breach of your lawe: and yet so colde in pursuing the breache of the expresse law of God and his commaundementes. Thirdly, to behold the vnstable doublenesse in your proceedings, who pretending in your publick sentence, to become as intreaters for them to vs in the bowels of Iesus Christ, that we will withdraw from them the rigour of our seuerity, and yet in your letters you be they which most set vs on. If not appearing before you▪ be such a matter of contumacy in case of your lawe, that is in no case to bee spared: what shoulde then our Princely discipline haue done to men of your calling: Henry Spencer Bishop of Norwich, being at Cant. was sent for by our speciall commaundement to come to our speach, denyed to come, and yet we spared him. Iohn Stratforde Archbyshop your predecessour, being required of our progenitour king Edward the third to come to him at Yorke, would not appeare: by the occasion whereof, Scotland the same time was lost, [...] yet was he suffered. The like might be sayd of Robert Winchelsey in the dayes of king Edwarde the first, and of Edmunde Archb. of Cant in the daies of K. Henry 3. Stephen Langhton was sent for by K. Iohn to come, Bishops of Cant, appeared not before theyr kyngs, and yet they were not persecuted. he came not. The like cōtumacy was in Becket toward K. Henry. 2. Also in Anselme toward K. Henry. 1 All these for theyr not appearing before their princes, ye do excuse, who notwithstanding might haue appeared without daunger of life. This one man for not appearing before you, you think worthy of death: whose life you would haue cōdemned notwithstanding, if he had appeared. It is no reason if the Squirill climing to the tree from the Lyons clawes, would not appeare, being sēt for to be deuoured: that the Eagle therfore should seise vpon him without any iust cause, declared agaynst the party. Wherfore according to this, and to that aforesayde when he shall appeare, and you be called, and the cause iustly wayed, due execution shall be ministred.

And thus farre concerning Nicholas Herforde, & the other aforesayd, but all this meane while what became of Iohn Wickliffe it is not certaynly known. Albeit so farre as may be gathered out of Waldē, it appereth that he was banished, and driuen to exile. In the meane time it is not to be doubted, but he was aliue during all this whyle, wheresoeuer he was as by his letter may appeare, which he about this time wrote to Pope Vrbane the 6. In the which letter he doth purge himselfe, that being commaū ded to appeare before the Pope at Rome, he came not: declaring also in the same a brie [...] confessiō of his fayth. The copy of which Epistle here followeth.

¶ The Epistle of Iohn Wickliffe sent vnto Pope Vrbane the 6. An. 1382.

The Epistle of I. Wickliffe to pope Vrbane. VErely I do reioyce to open and declare the fayth which I do holde vnto euery man. And specially vnto the Bish. of Rome, the which for so much as I doe suppose to be sound and true, he will most willingly confirme my sayd fayth, or if it be erroneous amend the same.

First I suppose, that the Gospell of Christ, is the whole bodye of Gods law, and that Christ which did geue that same law hymselfe, I beleue him to be a very man, and in that poynt, to exceed the law of the Gospell, and all other partes of the Scripture. Agayne I do geue and holde, the Bishop of Rome, for so much as he is the Vicare of Christ here in earth, to be bound most of all other men vnto that law of the Gospell. For the greatnesse amongest Christes Disciples, did not consist in worldly dignity or honours but in the neare and exact following of Christ, in his life and maners: wherupon I do gather out of the hart of the law of the Lord, that Christ for the time of his pilgrimage here, was a most poore man, abiecting and casting of all worldly rule and honour, as appeareth by the Gospell of Math. the 8. and the 2.. Corinthians. 8. chapter.

Hereby I do fully gather, that no faythfull man ought to follow, The true disciples of Christ seeke no honor. neither the Pope himselfe, neither any of the holy men, but in such poynts, as he hath folowed the Lord Iesus Christ. For Peter and the sonnes of Zebede by desiring worldly honour, contrary to the folowing of Christes steppes did offend, and therfore in those errors, they are not to be folowed.

Hereof I do gather, as a Coūcell, that the Pope ought to leaue vnto the secular power, all temporall dominion and rule, & therunto effectually to moue and exhort his whole Clergy: for so did Christ, and specially by his Apostles. Wherfore, if I haue erred in any of these poyntes, I will most humbly submitte my selfe vnto correction euen by death if necessitye so require: And if I coulde labor according to my will or desire in my owne person, I would surely present my selfe before the Bishop of Rome: but the Lorde hath otherwise visited me to the cōtrary, and hath taught me rather to obey God then men. Fo [...] so much then, as God hath geuē vnto our Pope, iust and true Euangelicall instinctions, we ought to pray, that those motions be not extinguished by any subtle or crafty deuise.

And that the Pope and Cardinals, be not moued to doe anye thing, contrary vnto the law of the Lord. Wherefore let vs praye vnto our God, that he will so stirre vp our Pope Vrbane the sixt as he began, that he with his Clergye may folow the Lorde Iesus Christ, in life and maners: and that they may teach the people effectually, and that they likewise may faithfully folow them in the same. And let vs specially pray, that our Pope may bee preserued from all maligne and euill counsell, as which do know that euill and enuious men of his householde would geue him. And seing the Lord will not suffer vs to be tempted aboue our power, much lesse then will he require of any creature to do that thing which they are not able, forsomuch, as that is the playne condition and maner of Antichrist.

Thus muche wrote Iohn Wickliffe vnto Pope Vrbane:The Pope occupied so in schismaticall warres that he had no leysure to other matters. but this pope Vrbane otherwise termed [...]urbanus was so hote in his warres against Clement the Frenche Pope his aduersary, that he had no leasure, and lesse lyst, to attend vnto Wickliffes matters. By the occasion of which schisme, God so prouided for poore Wickliffe, that he was in some more rest & quietnes. Cōcerning which schismaticall wars of these popes, for as much as we haue here entred into ye mention therof, it shall not be unpertinent frō the order of our story, disgressyng a litle from the matter of Iohn Wickliffe, to touch something of the tragical doings of these two holy popes striuing for the triple crowne: to the intent that the Christian reader (iudging by their fruits and proceedings) may see and vnderstand what difference is betweene these popes, and Christ and his Apostles. For though in the story of the Gospel it is read,Difference betweene the Apostles and the Popes in striuing for preeminence. Ann. 1383. The Pope set to warre. that certaine of the disciples did striue which shuld be the greater, yet neither do we read that one of them tooke euer weapō against the other: and moreouer in the sayd story of the Gospell it doeth appeare, that they in so striuing as they did, were therefore sharpely rebuked of our Sauiour Christ, & were taught by him an other lesson.

About the beginning of the next yeare folowing, which was an. 1383. Pope Vrbane settyng all his study howe to represse and cōquere the contrary Pope his aduersary, being then at Auinion (seing al his other means to sayle, and that his crosse keyes coulde doe no good) tooke to hym the sword of Romulus, & set vpō him with open warre. And first deuising wt himselfe whom he might best chuse for hys chief champion: thought none meeter for such affaires thē Henry Spenser beyng then Bishop of Norwich, a young and a stout Prelate, more fitter for the camping cure, then for the peaceable church of Christ, as partly also might appeare before by his acts done at Lēuam in striuing for the Mayres Mace, mētioned before, pag. 428. Vnto this byshop of Norwich, the Pope had sent his bulles about this [Page] tune, to Cro [...]sy whosoeuer would go wt him into Fraūce, to destroy the Antipope which named himselfe Clemēt, & to make warre agaynst all those that took his part. Which Bulles, for that they gaue vnto him such great authority, he caused to be published in the Parliamēt house, & caused the copyes of the same to be sent all about, & to be set vp & fastened vpon all the church dores & monastery gates that al men might read thē. In the which Buls these priuiledges were graunted, the copy whereof here foloweth.

1. In primis,

The very fruites of Antichrist.

that the sayd Bishop of Norwich may vse his sword against the Antipope, & all his adherents, fauorers, and cou [...]ellers, and with violence put them to death.

2. Item, that he hath full power to inquire of all & singular such schismatikes, and to put them in prison: & to confiscate all their goods moueable and immoueable.

3. Item, that he hath power and authority to depriue all lay men that are such schismatikes of all maner secular offices whatsoeuer, and to geue theyr offices to other fit and conuenient persons.

4. Item, that he may depriue all such clerks, and declare them to be schismatickes, and in this behalfe to geue & bestow their benifices either with cure or without cure, their dignities personages or offices, to other persōs more meet for the same.

5. Item, he hath power & authority ouer lay persōs that are exempt, and Clerkes both secular and regular, yea although they be Friers mendicantes, or maisters & professors or other houses or hospitals of S. Iohns of Ierusalem, or S. Mary of Flaunders, or professours of what orders soeuer els.

6. Item, he hath power to dispense with what secular Clerkes soeuer▪ being beneficed either with cure or without cure; and also with such as haue dignities, personages or offices, being regulars either exēpt or not exempt, that euery one of them may be absent with him from their dignities & benefices, &c. vnder the stāderd of the crosse, without licence of any of thier Prelats required, and yet to receiue and take the intire cōmodities of their benefices, as though they had bene personally resident vpon the same.

7. Itē, there is graunted to all that passe the seas in this quarel, either at their own expenses or at the expēses of any other, full remission of their sins: & as large priuileges are graūted to all those that go ouer the sea with him, as to any that pay their mony, or go to fight for the holy land.

8. Also, all such as with their proper goods & substaunce shall geue sufficient s [...]ipend to able souldiors, at the discretiō of the foresayd Lord Bishop mustered, or by any other his deputy, although he himselfe be not personally at this busines aforesaid: yet shall he haue like remission, & indulgēce, as they which haue bene personally with him in this expedition.

9. Itē, all they are pertakers of this remissiō, which shal geue any part of theyr goods to the sayd Bishop to fight agaynst the sayd schismatikes.

10. Item, if any shall chaūce to dye in the iourny, that are souldiors vnder the sayd standard of y• crosse, or els before the quarell by some meanes be finished: shall fully & wholy receiue the sayd grace, and shalbe partakers of the foresayd remission and indulgence.

11. Item, he hath power to excommunicate, suspend, and interdict what persons soeuer be rebellious or disturbers of him in ye execution of his power & authority committed vnto him: of what dignity, state, degree, preheminēce, order, place, or cōditiō soeuer they shalbe: whether they shall be either of regal, queenly, or imperial dignity, or of what dignity els soeuer either ecclesiasticall or mundane.

12. Item, he hath power and authority to compell and inforce what religious persons soeuer, to appoynt them and send them ouer Sea, if it seeme good to him: yea although they be professors of the Friers mendicants, for the execution of the premisses.

¶ The Popes absolution by the Bishop pronounced.

BY the authority Apostolicall to me in this behalfe committed, we absolue the A.B. from all thy sinnes confessed with thy mouth, and being contrite with thy hart, and wherof thou wouldst be cōfessed if they came vnto the memory: & we graunt vnto thee, plenary remission of all maner of sinnes,Christes passion hath here no place. and we promise vnto thee thy part of the reward of all iust men, and of euerlasting saluation. And as many priuileges as are graunted to them that go to fight for the holy land, we graunt vnto thee: & of all the prayers & benefites of the church the vniuersall Synode, as also of the holy Catholicke Church, we make thee partaker of.

This couragious or rather outragious bishop armed thus with the Popes authority, and prompt with his priuilegies, in the yeare aforesayd. 1283. about the time of lēt, came to the Parliament, where great consultation & contention, & almost no lesse schisme was about the voiage of this Popish Bishop in the Parliament, thē was betwene the Popes themselues. In the which Parliament many there were, which thought it not safe to commit the kings people & subiectes, vnto a rude and vnskilfull Priest. So great was the diuersity of iudgements in that behalfe, that the voiage of the sayd Bishop was protracted vnto the saterday a [...]ore Passion Sonday. In the which Sonday was song the solemne Antheme Ecce crucem Domini, fugite partes aduersae. That is, Beholde the crosse of the Lord: Flye away all you aduersaries. After which Sonday, the partyes so agreed amongest themselues by common decree, that the Bishop should set forward in his voiage, hauing to him geuen the fiften which was graunted to the king in the Parliament before. Which thinges thus concluded in the Parliament, this warlike Bishop preparing before all thinges in a readinesse set forwarde in his Pope holye iourney. Who about the moneth of May, being come to Canterbury, and there tarying for the winde, in the Monastery of S. Augustin, receiued a writ from the king that he should returne to the king, and to know further of hys pleasure. The Bishop fearing that if he turned agayne to the king, his iourny should be stayd, and so all his labor & preparance lost with great derision and shame vnto him: thought better to commit himselfe to fortune with that litle army he had, then by tarying to be made a ridicle to his aduersaryes. Wherfore, he sent word backe agayne, to the king, that he was now ready prepared, well forward on his iourny. And that it was not expedient now to protract the time for any kinde of talke which peraduenture should be to no maner of purpose: and that it was more conuenient for him to hasten in his iournay to Gods glory, & also to the honor of the king. And thus he calling his men vnto him, entred forthwith the seas, & went to Calis: where he wayting a few dayes for the rest of his army, after the receipt of them, tooke his iourny first to the towne of Grauenidge which he besieged, so desparatly without any preparaunce of engines of warre or counsell, or of politicke men skilfull in such affayres: that he seemed rather to flye vpon them, then to inuade them. At lenth through the superstition of our men, trusting vpon the Popes absolution, he so harishly approched the walles and inuaded the enemies, that a great number of them were pitiously slayn with shot & wild fire: till at the end (the inhabiters being oppressed and vanquished) our men entred the town with their Bishop, where they at his commaundement destroiyng both man, woman and childe, left not one aliue of all them,O blo [...]ines of Antichrist. which remayned in the whole town. Sic (que) crucis beneficio factum, vt crucis hostes ita delerentur, quòd v [...]us ex eis non remansit: That is. And so it came to passe by the vertue of the crosse, that our men croysed so preuayled against the enemies of the crosse,Ex Chron. Mon. D. Albani in vita Ru [...] ▪ [...]. that not one of them remained aliue. Ex Chron. Mon. D. Albani.

From Grauenidg this warlike Bishop set forward to Dunkyrke, where not long after the Frenchmen meeting with him, ioyned with them in battell: in which battell (if the story be true) 12. thousand of the Frenchmen were slain in the chase, and of our men but seuen onely missing. It would require a long tractatiō here to discourse all thing done in these popish warres. Also it would be no lesse ridiculous to view & behold the glorious temerity of this new vpstart captain. But certes, lamētable it is to see the pitifull slaughter & murther of Christs people, by ye meanes of th [...]se pitilesse Popes, during these warres in Fraūce: As when the Bishop comming frō Dunkirke to the siege of Ypres a great number of Englishmen there were lost, and much mony consumed, and yet nothing done effect, to the great shame and ignominy of the Bishop. Agayne, after, the siege of Ypres (thus with shame broke vp) the sayd bishop proceeding with a small power, to fight with ye frēch kinges ca [...]e, contrary to the counsell of his captaynes, which counted him rash & vnskilfull in his attempt, was fayne to breake company with them, whereby part of the army wēt vnto Burburgh, & the bishop with his part returned to Grauenidg, which both townes shortly after were besieged by the french army, to the great losse both of the English and French men. In fine, when the Byshop could keepe Grauenidg no longer, the sayd Bishop with his croysies, crossing the seas, came home agayne as wise as he wēt, & thus making an end of this Pontificall war, we will returne agayne from whence we digressed, to the story and matter of Iohn Wickliffe.

Which Iohn Wickliffe returning againe within short space, either frō his banishment, or from some other place [Page] where he was secretly kept, repayred to his parish of lutterworth, where he was parson, there quietly departing this mortall life, slept in peace in the Lord, in the begynning of the yeare 1384. vpon Siluesters day.

Here is to be noted the great prouidēce of the Lord in this man, as in diuers other: whom the Lord so long preserued in such rages of so many enemies, frō all their handes, euen to his olde age. For so it appeareth by Thomas Walden, writing agaynst him in his tomes entituled: De Sacramentis contra Wicleuum, Waldenus [...]. tomo de Sacramentis. that he was well aged before he departed: by that which the foresayd Walden writeth of him in the Epiloge speaking of Wickliffe, in these wordes: Ita vt cano placeret, quod iuueni complacebat. &c. That is: so yt the same thing plesed him in his old age, which dyd please him being young. Whereby seemeth that Wickliffe liued, till he was an olde man, by this report. Such a Lord is God, that whom he will haue kept, nothing can hurt.

This Wickliffe, had written diuers and sundry workes, the which in the yeare of our Lord 1410. were burnt at Oxford, the Abbot of Shrewsbury being then Commissary, and sent to ouersee that matter. And not onelye in England, but in Boheme, likewise the bookes of the sayde Wickliffe were set on fire, by one Subincus Archbishop of Prage, who made diligent inquisition for the same, and burned them: The number of the volumes, whiche he is sayd to haue burned most excellently written, and richly adorned with bosses of golde,The number of Wicliffes bokes came to 200. volumes. Eneas Syl [...]ius. and rich coueringes (as Eneas Siluius writeth) were aboue the number of two hundreth.

Ioannes Cocleus in his booke De historia Hussitarū, speaking of the bookes of Wickliffe, testifyeth: that he wrot very many bookes, sermons and tractations. Moreouer the said Cocleus speaking of himselfe, recordeth also: that there was a certaine Bishop in England which wrot vnto him declaring, that he had yet remayning in his custodye two huge and mighty volumes of Iohn Wickliffes workes, which for the quantity therof might seme to be equal with the workes of S. Augustine. Haec Cocleus.

Amongest other of his Treatises I my selfe also haue found out certayne, as de censu & veritate scripturae. Item, De Ecclesia. Item, De Eucharistia confessio Wickleui, whiche I entend hereafter: the Lord so graunting; to publish abroad.

As concerning certayne aunsweres of Iohn Wickliffe which he wrote to king Richard the 2. touching the right and title of the king, and of the Pope: because they are but short, I thought here to annexe them. The effect whereof here foloweth.

¶ Iohn Wickliffes aunswere vnto K. Richard the second, as touching the right and title of the king and the Pope.

IT was demaunded, whether the kingdom of England, may lawfully in case of necessity, for his own defence, deteyne and kepe backe the treasure of the kingdome, that it be not caried away to forreine & straunge nations, ye pope himselfe demaunding and requiring the same vnder pain of censure, and by vertue of obedience.

Wickliffe setting a part the minds of learned mē, what might be sayd in the matter, either by the canon law, or by the law of England or ye ciuil law, it resteth (saith he) now onely to perswade and proue, the affirmatiue part of this doubt, by the principles of Christes law. And first I proue it thus, Euery natural body hath power geuen of God to resist agaynst his contrary, and to preserue it selfe in due estate, as the Philosophers knew very well.

In somuch, that bodyes without life, are indued with such kinde of power (as it is euidēt) vnto whom hardnes is geuen to resist those thinges that woulde breake it, and coldnes to withstād the heat that dissolueth it. Forsomuch then, as the kingdome of England (after the maner and phrase of the Scriptures) ought to be one body: & the clergy with the communalty, the members thereof, it seemeth that the same kingdome hath such power geuē him of god, and so much the more apparaunt: by how much the same body is more precious vnto God, adorned with vertue & knowledge. For somuch thē as there is no power geuē of god vnto any creature: for any end or purpose: but that he may lawfully vse the same to that end and purpose: It followeth that our kingdome may lawfully keep backe and deteyn theyr treasure, for the defence of it selfe, in what case soeuer necessity do require the same.The bookes of Wicliffe. The Popes riches is but the almes of good mē.

Secondarily, the same is proued by ye law of y• gospell. For ye Pope cannot challenge y• treasure of this kingdom, but vnder the title of almes, & consequētly vnder the pretence of ye works of mercy, according to the rule of charity.

But in case aforesayd, the title of almes ought vtterly to cease, Ergo, the right and title of chalenging the treasure of our Realme shall cease also in the presupposed necessitie.Necessitie taketh away th [...] Popes almes. For so much as all charitie hath his beginning of himselfe, it were no worke of charitie, but of meere madnes, to send away ye treasures of ye realme vnto forreine natiōs, wherby the Realme it selfe may fall into ruine, vnder y• pretence of such charitie.

It appeareth also by this, that Christ the head of the Church, whom all Christen Priests ought to follow: liued by the almes of deuoute women. Luke. 7.8. He hungred and thyrsted, he was a straunger, and many other miseries he sustained, not onely in his mēbers, but also in his owne body, as the Apostle witnesseth, Cor. viii. He was made poore for your sakes, that through his pouertie, you might be rich wherby, in the first endowīg of the Church, what soeuer he were of the Clergy that had any temporall possessiōs, he had the same by forme of a perpetuall almes, as both writinges and Chronicles do witnesse.

Whereupon S. Barnard, Note well the saying here of Bernard. declaring in his 2. booke to Eugenius, that he could not chalenge any secular dominion by right of succession, as being the vicar of S. Peter, writeth thus: that if S. Iohn should speake vnto the pope himselfe, as Barnard doth vnto Eugenius, were it to be thought that he would take it patiently? But let it be so, that you do challenge it vnto you, by some other wayes or meanes: but truely by any right or title Apostolicall, you can not so doe. For how could he geue vnto you that, which he had not himselfe? That which he had he gaue you, that is to say, care ouer the Church, but did he geue you any Lordships or rule. Harke what he sayth: Not bearing rule (sayth he) as Lordes in the Clergy, but behauing your selues as examples to the flocke. And because thou shalt not thinke it to be spoken only in humility, and not in verity, marke the word of the Lord him selfe in the Cospell. The kinges of the people do rule ouer them, but you shall not do so.

Here Lordship and dominion, The pope must leaue his lordship or els Apostleship, let him chuse whether. is plainely forbidden to the Apostles: and darest thou then vsurpe the same? If thou will be a Lord, thou shalt lose thine Apostleship, or if thou wilt be an Apostle, thou shalt lose thy Lordship. For truely thou shalt depart from the one of them. If thou wilt haue both, thou shalt lose both, or els thinke thy selfe to be of that number, of whom God doth so greatly complayne, saying: They haue raigned, but not through me. They are become Princes, and I haue not knowne it. Now if it do suffice thee to rule with the Lord, The maner of the Apostles. thou hast thy glory, but not with God. But if we will keepe that which is forbidden vs, let vs heare what is sayd: he that is the greatest amongest you (sayth Christ) shalbe made as the least, and he which is the highest, shalbe as the minister: and for example, set a childe in the middest of thē. So this then is the true forme and institution of the Apostles trade. Lordship and rule is forbidden, ministration and seruice commaunded.

By these wordes of this blessed man whom the whole Church doth reuerence and worship,How the pope ought to occupy the Church goods. it doth appeare that the Pope hath not power to occupy the Church goodes as Lord therof, but as minister, and seruaunt, and proctor for the poore. And would to God that the same proud & greedy desire of rule & Lordship, which this seat doth chalenge vnto it; be not a preamble to prepare a way vnto Antechrist.The way to obtaine the kingdome of Christ. For it is euident by the Gospell, that Christ through his pouerty, humility, & suffering of iniury, got vnto him the children of his kingdome.

And moreouer, so farre as I remember, the same blessed mā Barnard in his 3. booke writeth also thus vnto Eugenius: I feare no other greater poyson to happen vnto thee, then greedy desire of rule and dominion.

This Wickliffe albeit in his life time, had many greeuous enemies, yet was there none so cruell vnto him, as ye Clergy it selfe. Yet notwithstanding he had many good frends, men not onely of the base and meanest sort, but also nobility, amongst whom these mē are to be nūbred: Iohn Clēbon, Lewes Clifford, Richard Sturius, Thomas Latimer, William Neuell,I. Cle [...]bon, Lewes Clifford, Rich. Sturius. Tho. Latimer, W. Neuell, Ioh. Mountegew. The Earle of Salisbury. The penance of the Earle of Salisbury. Bohn Mountegew, who plucked downe all the Images in his Church. Besides all these, there was the Earle of Salisbury, who for contēpt in him noted towardes the Sacrament, in carying it home to his house: was enioyned by Radulph Ergom Bishop of Salisbury, to make in Salisbury a crosse of stone, in which all the story of the matter should be writtē, and he euery Friday during his life to come to the crosse barefoot and barehead in his shyrt, & there kneling vpon his knees: to do penance for his fact. Ex Chron. Mon. D. Albani in vita. Ric. 2.

The Lōdiners at this time somewhat boldly trusting to the Maiors authority, who for that yeare was Ihon of Northamptō: Took vpō them the office of the Bishops, in punishing the vices (belonging to Ciuill law) of suche persons as they had found and apprehēded in committing both fornication and adultery. For first they put the womē [Page] in the prison which amongst thē then was named Doliū. And lastly bringing them into the market place, wher euery man might behold them, & cutting of their goldēlockes from theyr heads: they caused them to be caryed about the streets, with bagpipes and trumpets blowne before them to the intent they should be the better knowne & their cō panyes auoyded: according to the maner then of certayne the eues that were named Apellatores, (accusers or pechers of others that were guiltles) which were so serued. And wt other such like opprobrious and reprochfull contumelyes did they serue the men also that were taken with them in cōmitting the forenamed wickednesse and vices.T [...]e fruites of g [...]od and true doctrine. Here the story recordeth how the sayd Londiners were incouraged hereunto by Iohn Wickeliffe and others that folowed hys doctrine to perpetrat this act, in the reproch of the Prelats being of y• clergy. For they sayd, that they did not so much abho [...]re to see the great negligence of those to whom that charge belonged, but also their filthye auarice they did asmuch detest: which for gredynes of money were choked wt bribes and winking at the penaltyes due to such persons by the lawes appoynted, suffered such fornicators and incestuous persons fauourably to continue in their wickednes. They sayd furthermore, that they greatly feared, least for such wickednes perpetrated within the city and so apparantly dissimuled: that God would take vengeance vpō thē & destroy their city. Wherfore they said, that they could do no lesse then to purge the same: least by the sufferaunce thereof, God would bring a plague vpon them, or destroy thē with the sword,Ex Chron. Monast. D. Albani. or cause the earth to swallow vp both them and theyr City. Haec ex Chron. Mon. D. Albani.

This story (gentle Reader) albeit the author therof whom I folow, doth geue it out in reprochfull wise, to the great discōmendation of the Lōdyners for so doing. Yet I thought not to omitte, but to commit the same to memory, which semeth to me rather to tend vnto ye worthy cōmendation both of the Londiners that so did: & to the necessary example of all other Cityes to follow the same. After these things thus declared, let vs now adioyne the testimoniall of the Vniuersity of Oxford, of Iohn Wickliffe.

* The publicke testimony geuen out by the Vniuersity of Oxford, touching the commendation of the great learning and good life of Iohn Wickliffe.

VNto all and singular the Children of our holye Mother the Church, to whom this present Letter shall come: the Vicechauncellor of the Vniuersity of Oxford with the whole congregation of the Maisters,Ex tomo operū. Ioan. Husse fol. v [...]t. wish perpetuall health in the Lord. Forsomuch, as it is not commonly seene, that the Actes and Mmonumentes of valiaunt men, nor the prayse and merites of good men should be passed ouer and hidden with perpetuall silēce, but that true report and fame should continually spread abroad the same in straunge & farre distant places, both for the witnes of the same, and example of others: Forsomuch also as the prouident discretion of mans nature being recompensed with cruelty, hath deuised and ordayned this buckeler and defence, against such as do blaspheme and slaunder other mens doings, that whensoeuer witnes by word of mouth can not be present, the penne by writing may supply the same.

Hereupon it followeth, that the speciall good will and care which we bare vnto I. Wickliffe, sometime childe of this our Vniuersity, and professor of Diuinity: mouing and stirring our minds (as his maners and conditions required no lesse) with one mind, voyce and testimony,Great learning ioyned with good life and godlines. we do witnesse all his conditions & doings throughout his whole life, to haue bene most sincere & commē dable: whose honest maners and conditions, profoundnes of learning, and most redolent renowme and fame, we desire the more earnestly to be notified & known vnto all faithful, for that we vnderstand the maturity and ripenesse of his couuersation, his diligent labors and trauels to tend to the prayse of God, the helpe & sauegarde of others, and the profite of the Church.

Wherefore we signify vnto you by these presents, that his cō uersatiō (euen frō his youth vpwards, vnto the time of his death) was so praise worthy and honest, that neuer at any time was there any note or spot of suspition noysed of him. But in his aunswering, reading, preaching and determining, he behaued himselfe laudably, and as a stout and valiaunt champion of the fayth: vanquishing by the force of the Scriptures, all such who by theyr wilfull beggery blasphemed and slaundered Christes Religion.The bones of Wickliffe were not yet commā ded by the coū cel of Const. to be burned. Ex [...] tomo operum I. Hussi fol. vit. Neither was this sayd Doctor conuict of any heresy, either burned by our Prelates after his buriall. God forbidde that our Prelates should haue condemned a man of such honesty, for an hereticke: who amongest all the rest of the vniuersitye, had written in Logicke, Philosophye, Diuinitye, Moralitye, and the Speculatiue art without peere. The knowledge of which all & singular things, we do desire to testify and deliuer forth: to the intent, that the fame and renowne of this sayd Doctor, may be the more euident and had in reputation amongest them, vnto whose handes these present letters testimoniall shall come.

In witnes wherof, we haue caused these our letters testimonial to be sealed with our cō mon seale.

Dated at Oxford in our congregation house, the fift day of October in the yeare of our Lord. 1406.

The testimony and wordes of Maister Iohn Hus, as touching maister Iohn Wickliffe.

VErely,The testimony and iudgement of M. Iohn Hus conc [...] ning Iohn Wickliffe. as I do not beleue neither graūt that M. Iohn Wickliffe is an horeticke: so do I not deny, but firmly hope that he is no hereticke: For so much as in all matters of doubt I ought, as neare as I can, to chuse the best part. Wherfore I surely trust, that M. I. Wickliffe is one of the number of thē which are saued. The words of Christ moneth me therunto, saying Math. 7. Doe ye not iudge that ye be not iudged, & Luke the 6. Do not condemn, & ye shal not be condemned: and the wordes of the Apostle. 1. Cor. 4 Do ye not iudge before the Lord himselfe do come, ye which shall opē those things that are hid in darknes, to manifest the priuities of all hartes.

Secondly, the loue and charity which I ought to bear vnto my neighbor (louing him as my selfe) doth moue me thereunto. Luk. 10.

Thirdly his good fame & report moneth me, the which he hath of the good Priests, of the vniuersity of Oxford, & not of the wicked, & commōly of the vulgar sort, although not of the couetous, proud, and luxurious Prelates.

Fourthly, his owne workes & writings doe stirre me therunto, by the which he goeth about wt his whole indeuor, to reduce all men vnto the law of Christ, & specially y• clergy: that they shoulde forsake the pompe & dominion of this world, and with the Apostles lead the life of Christ.

Fiftly, his owne protestations, which he doth oftentimes vse in his sentences, often repeating the same, doth not a litle moue me.

Sixtlye, his earnest desire and affection which he had vnto the law of Christ, doth not a litle allure me therunto, disputing of the verity therof, the which cannot fayle in any one iote or title.Lib. de sen [...] su & veritate scriptura per l. Wickleuū. Whereupon he made a booke of the verity of the holy Scripture, approuing euen vnto the vtter most, the trueth of Gods law.

Wherfore it were too foolish a consequēt to say, that because the number of the Prelates and clergy in England. Fraunce, and Boheme do coūt Iohn Wickeliffe for an hereticke,True iudgement standeth not vpon number and multitude. that therfore he is an heretick. &c. Like as the reason for burning of the bookes, for it is written in the first booke of Machabees first chapter: that they did burne the books of the Lord, tearing them in peeces, and whosoeuer was founde to haue kept any bookes of the Testament or will of the Lord, or the which obserued and kept the lawe of the Lord, they were by the kinges commaundemen put to death. If then the burning of these bookes by wicked men did argue or proue the euilnesse of the books, thē was the law of God euill and nought.

So likewise the burning of S. Gregories bookes, and diuers other sayntes and good men, should argue & proue that they were euill & naughty men.Burning of bookes proueth not by and by an hereticke. Wherupon as it doth not folow, that because the Bishops, Scribes, and Phariseis, with the elders of the people, condemned Christ Iesus as an heretick, that therfore he is an heretick: So likewise doth it not follow of any other man. The Byshops, maisters of diuity, monkes and prelates condemned thys man as an hereticke.A false consequent reproued by I. Chrisostome. Ergo he is an hereticke. For this consequēt is reproued by Iohn Chrisostom, which was twise condemned as an hereticke by the Bishops and the whole clergy. Likewise S. Gregory in his bookes, was condemned by the Cardinals.

By like proofe also as they affirme M. Iohn Wickliffe to be an hereticke:Iohn Duke of Lancaster defender of I. Wickliffe. Iohn Duke of Lācaster (a man of worthy memory and progenitor of Henry king of Englande) should also be an hereticke. For the sayd Duke defēded, fauored, and greatly loued M. Iohn Wickliffe, Ergo, the sayd Duke is or was an hereticke, the consequent is good. The Minor is well knowne vnto the Englishmen. The Maior appeareth in the Canon, where it is sayd, he which defendeth an hereticke. &c.

But these thinges set apart, I demaund of the aduersary, whether M. Iohn Wickliffe be damned for euer or no? If he say that he is damned because he is an hereticke:I. Wickliffe proued no heretick. I propounde this vnto him, whether M. Iohn Wickeliffe whiles he liued held any false doctrine cōtrary to the holy Scripture: If he do affirme it, let him then shew what doctrine it is, and afterward declare that he held it obstinatly: And he shall finde, that in his bookes he alwayes wrote most commendable protestations agaynst obstinacye and [Page] stifneckednesse. And by and by after, M. Iohn Stokes in his intimation sayth, that M. Iohn Wickliffe in Englād, is counted for an hereticke. This seemeth also false by the letter testimoniall of the Vniuersity of Oxforde: vnto the which there is more credit to be geuē, then vnto him. And this shall suffise for this present.

Now as we haue declared the testimony of the Vniuersity of Oxford, & of Iohn Hus, concerning the praise of Iohn Wickliffe: It followeth likewise, that we set forth and expresse the contrary censure and iudgementes of his enemies, blinded with malicious hatred and corrupt affections against him: especially of the Popes Councel gathered at Constance,The councell of Cō stāce against I. Wickliffe. proceeding first in condemning hys bookes, then of his articles, and afterward burning of his bones. The copy of which theyr sentēce geuen against him by that counsell here foloweth.

* The sentence geuen by the Councell of Constance, in condemning the doctrine and 45. Articles of Iohn Wickliffe.

THe most holy and sacred councell of Cōstance,The sentēce of the councell of Constāce against I. Wickliffe. making and representing the catholick Church for the extirpation of this present schisme, and of all other errors and heresies, springing and growing vnder the shadow and pretence of the same: and for the reformation and amendment of the Church, being lawfully congregate and gathered together in the holy Ghost, for the perpetuall memory of the time to come.

We are taught by the acts and historyes of the holy fathers, that the catholicke fayth without the which, as the holy Apostle S. Paule saith, it is vnpossible to please God hath bene alwayes defēded by the faythfull and spirituall souldiors of the Church, by the shield of fayth, agaynst the false worshippers of the same fayth, or rather peruerse impugners: which through their proud curiosity will seeme to know more, and to be wiser then they ought to be, & for the desire of y• glory of ye world, haue gone about oft times to ouerthrow the same. These kindes of warres and battelles haue bene prefigured to vs before in those carnall warres of the Israelites agaynst the Idolatrous people. For in those spirituall warres the holy catholick Church, through the vertue & power of fayth, being illustrate [...]) the beames of the heauenly light, by the prouidēce of God, and being holpen by the helpe and defence of the Saints & holy men, hath alway continued immaculate, & (the darcknes of errours, as her most cruell enemyes being put to flight) [...]he hath most gloriously triumphed ouer all. But in these our daies, the old and vnclean enemy hath raysed vp new cōtētions & strifes, that the elect of this world might be knowne, whose Prince and captayne in time past was one Iohn Wickliffe a false Christian. Who during his life time, taught and sowed very obstinatly many articles, cō trary and agaynst the Christian Religion,The dialoge and trialoge of I. Wickkliffe. and the Catholicke fayth. And the same Iohn Wickliffe wrote certayne bookes which he called a Dialogue, & a Trialogue, besides many other treatises and works, the which he both wrot and taught, in the which he wrot the aforesayd, and many other damnable & execrable articles: The which his books for the publication and aduauncement of his peruers doctrine, he did set forth opēly for euery man to read. Wherby beside many offēces, great hurt & damages of soules, hath ensued in diuers regions & countryes, but specially in the kingdomes of England and Boheme. Against whom the maisters and Doctors of the Vniuersities of Oxforde and Prage, rising vp in the truth and verity of God, according to the order of schooles, within a while after did reprooue and condemne the sayd Arcicles.

Moreouer,The bookes of Wickliffe cōdemned to be burned. the most reuerent fathers the archbishops, and bishops, (for that time present) of Cāterbury, Yorke, and Prage, Legats of the Apostolick sea, in the kingdome of England and Boheme, did condemne the bookes of the sayd Wickliffe to be burnt. And the sayd Archbishoppe of Prage, commissarye of the Apostolicke sea, did likewise in this behalf determin & iudge. And moreouer he did forbid, that any of those bookes whiche did remayne vnburned, should not be hereafter any more reade. And agayne these things being brought to the knowledge & vnderstanding of the Apostolicke sea, aud the generall councell: The Bishop of Rome in his last Councell, condemned the sayde bookes, treatises and volumes, commaunding them to be openly burned. Most straightly forbidding, that any men which should beare the name of Christ, should be so hardy either to keep, read, or expound any of the sayde bookes or treatises, volumes, or workes, or by any meanes to vse or occupy them: either els to alledge thē opēly or priuely, but to their reproofe & infamy. And to the intent that this most daūgerous and filthy doctrine should be vtterly wiped away out of the Church,Words of authoritie without due probation. he gaue commaundemēt through out al places: that the Ordinaries should diligētly enquire and seeke out by the Apostolick authority and Ecclesiasticall censure, for all such bookes, treatises, volumes, & workes. And the same so being found, to burne & consume thē with fire: prouiding withall; that if there be any such foūd, which will not obey the same: processe to be made agaynst them, as agaynst the fauourers and mayntayners of heresies. And this most holy Synode hath caused the sayd 45. Articles to be examined and oft times perused,Aske my fellow if I be a theefe. by manye most reuerend fathers of the Church of Rome, Cardinals Bishops, Abbots, maisters of diuinitye and Doctours of both lawes,So we hear you say. besides a great number of other learned men: the which Articles being so examined, it was found (as in truth it was no lesse) that many, yea a great number of thē to be notoriously for heretical reproued and condemned by the holy fathers: other some not to be Catholick, but erroneous: some full of offence and blasphemy: Certayn of thē offensiue vnto godlye eares and many of thē to be rashfull and seditious. It is found also, that his bookes do contain many Articles of like effect and quality, and that they doe induce and bring into the Church, vn [...]oūd and vnwholesome doctrine, contrary vnto the fayth and ordinance of ye Church.Vnholsome, because they teach against the pompe of the pope. So thought the souldiours perpetually to keep downe Christ from rising. O merueilous sacred Synode. Wherefore in the name of our Lorde Iesu Christ, this sacred Synode, ratefying and approuing the sentēces and iudgements of the Archbishops & counsell of Rome: do by this theyr decree and ordinance, perpetually for euer more condemne and reproue, the sayd Articles and euery one of them, his bookes which he intituled his Dialogue and Trialogue, & all other bookes of the same author, volumes, treatises & workes, by what name so euer they bee entituled or called, the which we wil here to be sufficiently expressed and named. Also we forbid the reading, learning, exposition, or alledging of any of the sayd bookes, vnto all faythfull Christians, but so farreforth as shall tend to the reproofe of the same:Rub a galde horse on the backe and he will winse. At Rome &c. neither barrell better hearing. Though the sepulchre be watched Christ will rise. forbidding all and singular Catholick persons vnder the payn of curse, that from henceforth they be not so hardy openly to preach, teach, or holde, or by any meanes to alledge the sayd Articles or any of them, except (as is aforesayd) that it do tend vnto the reproofe of them: commaunding all those bookes, treatises, works, and volumes aforesayd to be openly burned, as it was decreed in the Synode at Rome, as is afore expressed. For the execution wherof duely to be obserued and done, the sayd sacred Synode doth straitly charge & commaund the ordinaries of the places, diligently to attend & looke vnto the matter, according as it appertayneth vnto euery mās duty, by the Canonicall lawes and ordinaunces.

What were these articles here condemned by this coū cell, collected out of all his workes, and exhibited to y• sayd Coūcell, to the number of 45. The copy of them foloweth vnder written.

* Certaine other Articles gathered out of Wickeliffes bookes by his aduersaries, to the number of 45. exhibited vp to the Councell of Constance, after his death, and in the same councell condemned.

BEsides the 24. Articles aboue mentioned,Other articles of Wickliffe to the number of 45. condemned by the councell of Const. there were other also gathered out of his books, to ye number of 45. in all, which his malicious aduersaryes peruersly collecting, and maliciously expounding, did exhibite vp to the Coūcel of Constance: which to repeat all, though it be not here needfull, yet to recite certayn of them as they stand in that Councell it shall not be superfluous.

25. All such as be hyred for temporall liuing to pray for other, offend and sinne of simony.

26. The prayer of the reprobate preuayleth for no man.

27. Halowing of Churches, confirmation of children, the Sacrament of orders, be reserued to the Pope & Bishops onely for the respect of temporall lucre.

28. Graduations, and Doctorships in Vniuersities and Colledges as they be vsed, cōduce nothing to the church.

29. The excommunication of the Pope and his Prelates, is not to be feared, because it is the censure of Antechrist.

30. Such as foūd & build Monasteries, do offend & sinne, and all such as enter into the same be mēbers of the deuil.

31. To enrich the Clergy, is agaynst the rule of Christ.

32. Siluester the Pope, & Constantine ye Emperor were deceiued in geuing & taking possessions into the Church.

33. A Deacon or Priest my preach the word of God with out the authority of the Apostolick sea.

34. Such as enter into order, or religion monasticall, are therby vnable to keep Gods commaundements, and also to atteine to the kingdome of heauen except they reurne from the same.

[Page]35. The Pope with all his Clergye, hauing those great possessions as they haue, be heretiques in so hauing, & the secular powers in so suffering them do not well.

36. The Church of Rome is the sinagoge of Sathan, neither is the Pope immediately the vicare of Christ, nor of y• Apostles.

37. The Decretals of the Pope be Apochripha and seduce from the sayth of Christ, and the Clergy that study them, be fooles.

38. The Emperor and secular Lordes be seduced, which so enrich the Church with such ample possessions.

39. It is not necessary to saluation to beleue the church of Rome to be supreme head ouer all Churches.

40. It is but folly to beleue the Popes pardons.

41. All othes which be made for any cōtract or ciuill bargayne betwixt man and man, be vnlawfull.

43. Benedict, Fraunces, Dominicke, Bern, with all such as haue bene patrons of priuate religion, except they haue repented, with such also as haue entred into the same: be in a damnable state, and so from the Pope to the lowest Noues they be all together heretickes.

Besides these Articles to the number of 45. condemned (as is sayd) by the Counsell of Constance: Other articles also I finde diuersly collected or rather wrasted out of the bookes and writinges of Wickliffe:W. Wodford, Tho. Walden, Tyssingtō, writers against I. Wickliffe. some by William Wodford, some by Walden, by Frier Tyssington & other, whom they in theyr bookes haue impugned rather thē cō futed. In the number of whom, William Wodford especially findeth out these Articles, and writeth agaynst the same, to the number of 18. as here vnder follow.

1. The bread remayneth in his owne substaunce,

Articles against Wickliffe by W. Woodford.

after the consecration therof vpon the aultar, and ceaseth not to be bread still.

2. As Iohn was figuratiuely Helias, and not personally, so the bread figuratiuely is the body of Christ, and not naturally. And that without all doubt, this is a figuratiue speach, to say: this is my body, as to say: This Iohn, is [...]elias.

3. In the Decree, Ergo Berengarius, the Courte of Rome hath determined that the Sacrament of the holy Eucharist, is naturaly true bread.

4. They which do affirme, that the infantes of the faythful departing without the Sacrament of baptisme, are not to be saued: be presumptuous, and fooles in so affirming.

5. The administration of the Sacrament of confirmatiō, is not onely reserued to the Bishops.

6. In the time of S. Paule, onely two orders of Clerkes did suffice in the Church: Priests, and Deacons. Neither was there in the time of the Apostles any destinction of Popes, Patriarches and Archbishops, and Bishops, but these the Emperors pride did finde it out.

7. Such as in times past either for couetousnes of temporall lucre, or of hope of mutuall succour by kindred, or for cause to excuse their lust (although they dispayred of issue) were maryed: were coupled together, not by true Matrimony.

8. The causes of diuorcement, either for spirituall consanguinity or for affinity, be not foūded in Scripture, but are onely ordinaunces of men.

9, These words, I will take thee to wife, are rather to be taken in con [...]ract of matrimony, then these wordes I doe take thee to wife. And the contract with any party by the words of the future tence, ought not to be frustrate for the contract with any party afterward made, by the words of the present time.

10. There be 12. disciples of Antechrist, Popes, Cardinals, Patriarches, Archbishops, Bishops, Archdeacons, Officials, Deanes, Monkes, Chanons, Friers, and Pardoners.

11. In the booke of Numbers the 18. chapter & in Ezechiell. 44. chapter it is commaunded simply, that neither the Priestes of Aaron, nor the Leuites should haue any part of inheritance with other tribes, but should liue meerly of tithes and oblations.

12. There is no greater hereticke or Antechrist, then that Clerke which teacheth that it is lawfull for Priestes and Leuites of the law of grace, to be indued with temporall possessions. And if there be any heretickes, Apostates, or blasphemers, these Clerkes be such.

13. It is not onely lawfull for the Lords temporal to take away goods of fortune from the Churchmen, sinning vsually: but also are bounde so to doe, vnder payne of eternall damnation.

14. He that is the more humble and more seruiceable to the Church, and more enamoured with the loue of Christ, he is in the church militant, the greater and the more nearest Vicar of Christ.

15. If corporall vnction or aneling were a Sacrament (as now it is fayned to be) Christ and his Apostles would not haue left the ordinaunce thereof vntouched.

16. Vnto the true dominion secular, is required vertuous life of him that ruleth.

17. All thinges that happen, doe come absolutely of necessity.

18. Whatsoeuer the Pope or his Cardinalles can deduce clearely out of the Scripture: that only is to be beleued, or to be done at their monitiō: & whatsoeuer otherwise they do commaund is to be condemned as hereticall.

Besides this W. Woodford afore mentioued, diuers other there were which wrote agaynst these articles of Wicliffe aforesay,Tra [...]atus frat. W. W [...]dford conti a trialogū Wickleus. maynteyning the Popes part, as seemeth for flatterye, rather then following any iust cause so to doe, or shewing forth any reason or learning in disprouing the same. Notwithstanding, on the contrary part some there were againe both learned and godly, which taking ye part of Wickliffe, without all flattery, defended the most of the sayd articles, openly in scholes and other places, as appereth by the works of Iohn Hus: who in his publicke determinations in the vniuersity of Prage, stoode in defence of the same agaynst all his aduersaryes. As partly is here to be seene in these tractations vnder folowing.

¶ THE PVBLICK DEFENCE of certayne Articles of Iohn Wickliffe, in the first Act before the whole Vniuersity of Prage, in Charles Colledge

¶ The determination of I. Hus vpon the xiiij. Article of Wickliffe as touching the preaching and hearing of the word of God, made in the yeare of our Lord. 1412.

FOr so much as to condemne the trueth wittingly or without reasonable examination doth tende to greate daunger of saluation,The whole Vniuersitie is against the iudgement of the doctours which condemned the 45. articles. as the Lord sayth. Luke the sixt, doe ye not condemne, and ye shall not be condemned: Therefore to auoyd this great daūger, the Vniuersity of Prage, and the whole communalty there of the Rector Masters, Doctors, Bachelers and Studentes, in theyr generall assembly, not agreeing to the condemnation pronounced by the Doctors in theyr councell house, requireth of the sayde Doctors a reasonable proofe of theyr condemnation, and that they should by scripture, authority or infallible reasō proue the falsehead of euery those fiue and forty Articles. The which being once done,August. lib. de doct. ch [...]. lib. 2. the sayd Vniuersity will agree to the sayd condemnation as iust: For the Vniuersity doth well know, that as Augustine sayth, in the end of his second booke of Christian doctrine: That what so euer a man doth learne besides the holy scriptures, if it be hurtfull, there it is condemned: If it be profitable, there it is founde. And when a man hath founde all thinges therein which he hath profitably learned els where, he shall much more aboundantly finde those thinges which are found in no place els, but are learned in the maruelous deapth, and maruellous profoundnesse of those most sacred Scriptures onely.

Thus writeth Augustine:Grego. moral, lib. 23. And Gregory in his three & twenty booke of Moralles, sayth thus, God in the holye scripture hath comprehended whatsoeuer thing may happen vnto any man, and in the same hath, by the examples of those which are gone afore, taught them which are to come, how to reforme theyr liues. Whereby it appeareth that if euery of the fiue and forty Articles conteyneth in it wholly the thing that is false and vntruth, the same is either playnelye or darckly condemned in the holye Scriptures.

Secondly it followeth by the sentence and minde of this holy man that if the condemation of the fiue and forty Articles be profitable, the same is founde in the holy scriptures. And where as agayne Saynt Augustine writeth vnto Saynt [...]ierome in his [...]ight Epistle and the ninth Distinction. I (sayth he) haue learned to attribute this honor and reuerence vnto those writers onely which are called Canonicall, that I dare affirme none of them to haue erred in theyr workes or writinges. As for all other writers I doe so read them that although they abound wyth ueuer so much holynesse, or excell in doctrine, I do not by and by thinke it true because they themselues do so iudge: [Page] but if they can by other Canonicall Authors or probable reasons perswade or proue that they doe not degresse frō the trueth.

Also the sayd Augustine in his booke De vnico Baptismo Lib. 2. sayeth thus: Who doeth not knowe or vnderstande that the holy canonicall scripture to be contayned in hys owne bondes and limittes, and the same to be preferred before all other letters and decrees of Bishops. &c. And a litle after he hath the like saying: as for the letters of other Bishops, which haue bene written or be written (after the Canon. being confirmed) they may lawfully be reprehended and reproued both by the word of them that be more skilfull in that matter, and also by the auncient authority of other Bishops, or by the prudēce and wisedome of such as be better learned, or more expert, or els by generall coū sels if it so chaunce that they in any poynt haue erred and gone a stray from the sincere truth.

By these sayings of S. Austen and other like. &c. The Vniuersity of Prage hath concluded and determined that they will not receiue the condemnation of the fiue and forty Articles made by the Doctors in their councel house as iust and true, except they which condemned them, will proue theyr condemnation by the holy Scriptures and probable reasons vpō euery of the fiue and forty Articles.

Wherefore for the dew examination of the foresayd cō demnation, whether it be effectuall or no, we will at thys present take in hand the fouretenth Article of the number of the fiue and forty, which Article is this.

They which leaue of preaching and hearing of y• word of God for feare of excommudication of men,T [...]e 14. article of I. Wickliffe. are alreadye excommunicate, and in the day of iudgement shalbe counted the betrayers of Christ.

This Article conteineth first that all priests omitting the preaching of the word of God for feare of the excommunication of men they are already excommunicate.The defēce of this 14. Article.

Secondly, it conteineth that all such as doe omitte the hearing of the word of God, for feare of excommunicatiō, are already excommunicated.

Thirdlye that both these sortes of men in the daye of iudgement shalbe counted traitors of Christ.The preaching of the Gospel cō maunded of God.

As concerning the first poynt, it is presupposed that the preaching of the word of God, is commaunded vnto the Apostles and theyr followers, as it appeareth in Mathew the tenth, where it is sayd. Iesus sent his xii. Disciples, commaunding them and saying goe and preach, that the kingdome of heauen is at hand. Also in the last of Mathew, and the tenth of Luke. Whereupon, Peter the Apostle of Christ, acknowledging this precept and commaundement for himselfe and for the other Apostles and successors in the 10. of the Actes, sayth thus, he commaunded vs to preach and to testifye, that it is he which is ordayned of God the iudge both of the quicke and the dead. This commaundement also, the other Apostles did acknowledge, & specially the chosen vessell pronouncing vnder a great threatning in the first Corinthians 9. chap. Wo be vnto me if I do not preach the Gospell. And Pope Nicholas considering that great threatning in 43. Distinction, sayeth: the dispensation and distribution of the heauenly seade is commaunded and enioyned vnto vs. Woe be vnto vs, if we doe not sow it abroode or if we hold our peace. Whiche thing when as the vessell of election did feare and cry out vpon, how much more ought all other inferiours to feare and dread the same. To the same purpose doth S. Gregory write in his pastorall in the distinction.Gregorius. Dis [...]. 44. cap. Si [...] rector. Sit rector. It is also euident by many other doctours and holy men as by S. Augustine, Hierome, Isidore, Bernard, whose words it were here to long to rehearse.

As touching the second poynt that the hearing of the word and law of God,The hearing of the word commaunded by God is commaunded vnto the people it is euident both by the olde and new law, for it is sayd in the 28. of the Prouerbes, he that turneth away his eare & will not heare the law of God, his prayer shall be cursed. And our Sauior rebuking the Scribes and Pharesyes concludeth thus in the 8. of S. Iohn saying, he that is of God heareth Gods word: But forsomuch as you are not of God therfore you heare not his word.

Thirdly it is to be noted that excommunication is a seperation from the Communion,Excommu [...]ication. the 11. Question 3. Nihil & cap Canonica. And 27. question, first, Viduas. 34. Question 3. Cum sacerdos. And this excommunication is double that is to say, either secret or manifest. The secret excommunication is, whereby a man is seperated from the misticall body of Christ, and so from God through sinne according vnto the 59. Psalme. Your iniquities haue made seperation betwene your God and you. And with this excommunicatiō doth the Apostle excommunicate euery man which doth not loue the Lorde Iesu Christ. Saying in the first Corinth. and the last Chapter. If any man do not loue the Lord Iesu Christ,Excommunication double. let him be accursed. The manifest and apert excommunication may be deuided into a manifest excommunication by God: Whereof it is spoken. Math. 25. go ye curied. &c. And often times els in the lawe of God: Also into a manifest excommunication by men, whereby the Prelate doth either iustly or vniustly cast out any man from the participation of the Communion of the Church. Whereof this shall suffise at this present.

Then as touching the first part of the article,The probation of the first part. it is thus argued. &c.

Whosoeuer forsaketh or leaueth the commaundemēts of God vndone, they are excommunicate of God. But the Priestes which leaue of the preaching of the word of God for feare of ye vniust excommunication of men do leaue the cōmaundement of God vndone. Ergo those Priests which do leaue of preaching of the word of God are excommunicated of God.

The first part of this Article is true: The maior appereth by the Psalme. Cursed be they which doe decline and swarue from thy preceptes. The Minor is euident by the first proposition which proueth that the preaching of the word of God, is the commaundemeut of God enioyned vnto those Priestes and ministers: Whereupon the saying of our Sauior, Mathew 15. is spoken vnto them. Wherefore do you transgresse the commaundements of God for your owne traditiōs, preaching the word of God for feare of vniust excommunication and so dishonouring the Father Christ and the mother the holy Church.

It is thus confirmed all they which do omit or let slip any maner of worke, principally and straightly enioyned them of the Lord Iesu Christ, vnder the cloake and coulor of grace for feare of any excommunication of men, they are already excommunicate. But Priestes and specially Curates admonished by the spirit of God, leauing of the preaching of the word of God for feare of the excommunication of men, they omit and leaue of for feare of the same excommunication a work principally and straitly enioyned vnto them of the Lord Iesus Christ, vnder the cloake and coulor of grace: Ergo, Priestes and specially Curates and such as be admonished and warned by the spirite of God, omitting the preaching of the word of God for feare of excommunication, are excommunicate. The consequence is well known. The Maior appeareth by the Psalme, Cursed be they which do decline and goe away from the commaundements. The Minor is also euident, agayne by the first suposition.

Item, if the apostles of Christ had left of the preaching of the word of God for feare of the excōmunication of men which the Lord did foreshewe vnto them in the 16. of S. Iohn,The Apostles did not obey no wicked inhibition. saying. They shall excommunicate you out of their Sinagoges. They had bene excommunicated of God. Ergo, by like euidence the Priestes and Ministers of Christ, being inspired with the same spirite to preach and declare the word of God, if they leaue it vndone for feare of the excommunication of men: They are alreadye excommunicate. The consequent dependeth vpon a similitude. And the Antecedent is euident, for if the Apostles had left of preaching for feare of excommunication, they had broken the commaundements of God. And consequētly had bene accursed. Wherefore they willing to obserue and keepe the commaundementes of God, and to put of the excommunication of men, sayde vnto the hye Priestes, Elders and Scribes at Ierusalem, to Annas, Cayphas, to Iohn and Alexander, and al other of the kindred of the Priests which were gathered together and commaunded them that they should not preache nor teach in the name of Iesu: If it be iust in the sight of God, that we shoulde rather obey you then God, that iudge you? Acts 4. and in the 5. of the Acts, they sayde vnto them: we ought rather to obey God then man. By this saying of the Holy Ghost, it is concluded that the Priestes and ministers o [...] Christ, inspired by the holy Ghost to preach the word of God,Anacletus. Dist. xliiij. ought rather obey the holy Ghost then those which shall prohibite and commaund them to the contrary, and to suffer the excommunication of men patiently. Whereupon [...]. Anacl [...]tus spake very well in this, as it is writ [...]ē distinction 43. We know (sayth he) that many doe goe about to mol [...]st and trouble the Doctors and Teache vs to this end that they might vtterly destroy them, and fulfull theyr owne prope [...] lus [...]es & desires: yet notwithstanding the said Doctors as much as in them lyeth ought not to depart or goe backe from theyr good doinges and intent, knowing assuredly that blessed are they which suffer persecution for righteousnesse sake. Thus much writeth he: And the reuerēd Bede (vpon these words: Ye shall finde an Asse tyed vp, and an he fole with her, lose her and bring her vnto mee, & if any man say any [Page] thing vnto you, say ye that the Lord hath need of them) writeth thus. Here it is mistically commaunded vnto the Doctors and Teachers, that if any aduersity do let or hinder, or any man doe prohibite or stop, that sinners cannot be losed from theyr bondes or snares, and be brought vnto the Lord, by the confessiō of theyr fayth that they notwithstanding shoulde not leaue of preaching but constantly & boldly affirme and say that the Lord hath need of such, to edify & build agayne his Church. For so did the Apostles: so likewise ought all the humb [...]e and meeke Ministers of Christ to do.Hieronim [...] ad R [...]sticum. And S. Hierome writing vnto Rusticus the Bishop of Narbone saith thus, Let no Bishop frō hencefore be puffed vp or enflamed with ye enuy of deuilish tēptation, if the Priestes nowe and then do exhort and teache the people or preache openlye in the Churches, or as it is sayd do blesse the people. For vnto him which shoulde deny vnto me the doing hereof, I would say in this maner: He that will not that Priestes shoulde doe those thynges which they are commaunded by God, let him say that he is greater and aboue Christ, by the which wordes S. Hierome doth openly declare, that Priestes are commaunded to exhort and teach the people and to preach in the Churches. Secondly that a Bishop denying or forbidding the same to be done, specially the Priestes or Ministers being apt men there vnto is extolled aboue Christ. And therfore consequently is not to be obeyed or heard in his doinges.

Item,If the pope be an heretike the godly Bishops may preach against him. admit that the Pope be an Heretique and teach peruerse and contrary doctrine vnto the holy scriptures, and that the Bishop be a catholicke man vnto whom the Pope geueth in commaundement that he shall not suffer no man to preach contrary to his opinion. As it happened in Pope Leo and Saynt Hillary the Bishop, adding this also that the Bishop doe execute the Popes commaundement vnder payne of excommunication, this notwithstā ding if the Catholicke Priestes, learned in the law of God do leaue of preaching against the Popes heresies for feare of excommunication of men they are already excommunicate. The which thing is euident for so much as they are accursed through the consent of theyr scilence, as S. Isidor sayth 11. Question. 1. He that doth consent vnto sinners or defendeth a sinner, he shall be cursed both before God and man, and shalbe punished with a most seuere rebuke, and in the 7. Question. 4. Omnis, It is sayde without he that doth neglect to amend that which he may correct committeth no lesse fault then he which had before offended, for not onely they which do cōmit the offence, but also they which consent thereunto, are iudged partakers thereof. In lyke case Priests which do not preach agaynst the heresy which the Pope teacheth, are dum dogges not able to open their mouthes or barcke agaynst the Woolfe which will kill the sheep of Iesus Christ: Ergo, how can it then be otherwise but they must needes be betrayers of the sheepe of theyr owne shepheard.

Item, let it so be that the Bishop with the chiefe Prelates be an aduouterer or otherwise an open offender and that he together with his Prelates doe commaund vnder payne of excommunicatiō,Albeit the chief priests be adulterers yet ought the ministers to preach against adultery. that none be so hardy to preach agaynst adultery, in such a case they which do omitte theyr duety in preaching against adultery for feare of excommunication of men, are already excommunicated of God. Ergo the first part of the Article is true. The Antecedent is proued, for our sauior in the 8. of Marke sayth thus. He that acknowledgeth me and my wordes in this wicked and adulterous generation, the sonne of man shall also acknowledge and confesse him when he shall come in the glorye of his Father with his Aungels. Therefore he that shall cō fesse Christ and these wordes of Christ Math. 5. you haue heard, that it was sayd to them in olde time, thou shalt not commit adulterye: But I say vnto you, that euery one, which shall beholde a woman to lust after her, he hath already committed adultery, with her in his heart: Hee I say that shall confesse these thinges, before an adoulterous Bishop, with his chiefe Prelates, the which perchaunce are the wicked and adoulterous generation, the sonne of man shall also acknowledge him, when he shall come in ye glory of his Father, and so consequently is he blessed. Cō trary wise he which for the feare of excōmunication of men will not confesse Christ and his words, before the sinneful and adoulterous generation, is accursed. The consequent holdeth by the wordes of Christ. Luk. 9. He that is ashamed of me and my wordes, him shall the sonne of man be ashamed of, when he shall come in his maiesty, and in the glory of his Father and his holy Aungels, pronouncing that which is spoken Math. 25. Verely, I say vnto you, I know you not, go you cursed into euerlasting fire.

Also our Sauiour Iesu Christ,The example of Christ. did not omitt or leaue of the preaching of the kingdome of God, for any pretended excommunication of the Bishops, Scribes and Pharisies: So likewise his true and humble Priestes, ought not to omit theyr preaching, for any pretensed excommunication of men, the consequent holdeth by the saying of Christ. Iohn. 15. be ye mindfull of the words which I haue spoken vnto you, the seruaunt is not greater then his master: If they haue persecuted me, they will persecute you also. The Antecedent is apparant by the saying of Saynt Iohn in his 9. chapter. Euen now the Iewes had conspired, that whosoeuer did confesse him to be Christ, shoulde be excommunicate. And likewise Iohn. 7. Whether did any of the Princes or rulers, or any of the Phareseis beleue in him. But this people which knoweth not the law are accursed.

Also the humble and iust ministers of God,The obedience of christian priests towarde their Prelates. ought not vnder payne of sinne to cease from the fruitfull preaching of the law of God for any vniust excommunicatiō, or vnlawfull commaundement, and it is proued thus: the humble and iust ministers of Christ, ought to obey theyr Prelates, in such thinges as are not contrary to God: as all the holy Doctors, and such as are learned in the Lawe of God, do wholy with one consent affirme. And forsomuch, as an vniust excommunication, and vnlawfull commaū dement, are agaynst God, therefore the iust and true ministers of God, ought not to obey such vnlawfull excommunication, and commaundements, and consequently ought not to cease for them, from the fruitefull preaching of the Gospell of our Lord Iesu Christ. But ought boldely and gladly to preach the same. For so muche, as the Lord doth comfort them in the 5. of Mathew, saying thus, blessed and happye are ye, when as men doe curse you, and persecute you, and speake all kinde of euill against you, making lies and slaunders vpon you, for my sake, reioyce and be glad, for great is your reward in heauen.

Also euery Minister hauing power geuen him from aboue,The power of preaching to edification ought not to ce [...]se. to preach the Gospell, he hath the same geuen vnto him for the edefying of the Church, and not for the destruction of the same.

As the Apostle saith 2. Corinth. 10. But euery one, leauing of the preaching of the Gospell, for feare of any pretensed excommunication of men, he shoulde frustrate the power geuē him, for the edefying of the Church. And therfore in so doing should sinne agaynst God and his church: And consequently ought rather to chuse, not to cease from preaching, for [...]eare of any such excommunicatiō, least that he be excommunicate of our Lord Iesu Christ.

Item,The preaching of the Gospell is not to bee left of for al the pope [...] prohibition. set case that the Pope doth commaūd that there shall be no preachinge in any place, then the Ministers of Christ, leauing of theyr preaching, for feare of the Popes curse, are already excommunicated of God. It is euident, for so much as they haue neglected the commaundement of God for the commaundement of men. And this case is possible: For by what reason the Pope may commaunde vnder payne of excōmunication that there shalbe no preaching in any place, neither in the parish Churches, by the same reason, he may command that no man should preach in any place.

The first part is euident by the prohibition of Pope Alexander, who in his bull, did prohibite to preach ye word of God, vnto the people in Chappels, although the sayde Chappels were confirmed by the priuiledge of the Sea apostolicke. The which Bull, the Lord Subincon Archbyshop of Prage, with his Canons, obteyned. By these aforesayd, the first part of the Article is euidēt, which is this that all Priestes omitting the preaching of the woorde of God, for feare of the excommunication of men, are already excommunicate.

The seconde part of the Article is this,The second part of the article. that all they which doe omitte, the hearing of the woorde of God, for feare of the excommunication of men are alreadye excommunicate.

And it is proued thus, all such as neglect the cōmaundementes of God, are excommunicate. But they whiche neglect the hearing of the word of God, for the excommunication of men, are they which neglect the commaundementes of God. Therfore they which omit the hearing of the word of God for the excommunication of men are already excommunicate.

The Maior, is apparant by the 118. Psalme. Cursed be they which decline from thy commaundementes. And the Minor is euident, by the second supposition, which sayth, that the hearing of the word of God is commaunded vnto the people.

This is confirmed,Meanes necessary vnto saluation are not to be omitted. al such as omit the necessary mean vnto saluation, are excommunicate: but such as omitte the hearing of the woorde of God for the excommunication by men, be such as do omit the necessary mean vnto saluation. [Page] Therefore, in so doing they are excommunicate: The consequent is playne: The Maior is made euidēt by this: That all suche as do omit the necessary meane vnto saluation doe also neglect theyr saluation, and so are out of the way of saluation, and be excommunicated of God. The Minor appeareth hereby that to heare the word of God is the meane more necessary vnto saluation, as the apostle doth proue in his 10. chapter to the Romains. How sayth he, shall they beleue on him, whō they neuer heard of? And how shal they heare without a preacher? And by & by after the Apostle inferreth vnto the purpose. That sayth commeth by hearing, and hearing by the word of God.

Item, what so euer is done contrary vnto conscience, doth edefy vnto eternall damnation:A mā ought to doe nothing against his conscience. As it is said, as touching the restitutiō of the spoyled goods. Chap. Literas porro: But to omit the hearing of the word of God, for feare of excommunicatiō of men, is a thing which is done against conscience. Therefore to omit the hearing of the worde of God for excōmunication, doth edefy vnto eternal damnatiō. And therfore cōsequētly ought not to be done, for feare of any excommunication: Wherfore a woman being iudged vnto a man, whom she knoweth to be within the degrees of cōsanguinity, which Gods law hath prohibited, ought not to obey that iudgement least that she offend against God: but meekly & patiently to sustain ye excommunication, as it appereth in the chapter before alledged: So likewise all true christians ought rather then to offend agaynst God, meekly to suffer the excōmunication of men, thē to omit the hearing of the word of God. To this purpose also, serueth that which is spoken in the 11. quest. 3. He that feareth the omnipotēt God, will not presume by any meanes to do any thing contrary vnto the gospell or apostles, either contrary vnto the Prophetes, or the institutions of y• holy fathers. By these premises, the 2. part o. this article is manifest, that all such as do omit, the hearing of the word of God, for feare of excommunication of men, they are already excommunicated.

And forsomuch, as all christians, being of lawfull age, not repenting at ye end,The profes of the third parte. shalbe counted, in a maner as traitors of Christ, in the day of iudgement, because that they were vnfaythfull seruauntes of Christ. Therefore they which through feare omit the preaching & hearing ye word of God, for the excommunication of men, shall be counted as trayers of Christ, and shall render account therof, vnto the Lord: whereupon Chrisostome, touching both those sorts in the 41,Chrisostom in his xli. Homely. Homely, shewing how the Lord woulde haue some to be teachers, and other some to be disciples: sayth thus. For vnto those which he would haue to be teachers, he speaketh thus by his Prophet Esay: Ye priestes, speak in the harts of the people, for if ye priestes do not manifest all the truth vnto the people, they shall rēder accoūt therof at the day of iudgemēt. And likewise if the people do not learne the truth they shal also geue an account at ye day of iudgemēt. It is also made more euidēt by him, vpō the tenth of Mathew. Do not feare them which kill the body, least that through the feare of death, you do not frely speak that which you haue heard, neither boldly preach that vnto all mē, which you alone haue heard in your eares. So yt hereby alone it is euidēt, that not onely he is a betrayer of the truth, which transgressing the truth, doth openly speak lyes in the stead of truth: But he also, which doth not freely pronounce or doth not freely defend the truth,Chrisostom although he was excommunicate yet he did preach. which he ought boldly to defēd, is also a traytor vnto the truth. For like as the Priest is a debter to preach the truth which he hath heard of the Lord: euē so the lay man is bound to defend the truth, which he hath heard of the minister approued by the scriptures, which if he do not, then is he a traytor vnto the truth. For stedfast beliefe, with the hart preuayleth vnto righteousnes, the confession which is made with the mouth, helpeth vnto saluation. Thus much writeth Chrisostome: Who together with the people meekely bearing the excommunication of the Bishops freely preached truth, and the people heard him, and so by hys word and his workes he freely taught the truth, least he should be a Traytor vnto the truth, & consequently be counted as a Traytour vnto our Lord Iesu Christ, in the day of iudgement. And thus the third part of the Article aforesayde, is manifest.

¶ The defension of the xv. Article of Iohn Wickliffe by Iohn Husse.

The xv. article of Wickliffe.IT is lawfull for any Deacon or Priest, to preach the worde of God without the authority of the Apostolicke Sea, or of his Catholickes.

Fir I vnderstand here, by the authority of the Apostolicke Sea,The confirmation of the article properly his speciall consent, authorising. And likewise I vnderstand by authority of the Bishop, a speciall consent of the Bishop, authorising the sayde Deacon or Priest to preach.

Now as touching the truth of this Article, I thus argue, like as after matrimony once complete, the man and wife may lawfully without any speciall licēce of the Pope or Bishop,Euery man being lawfully called of the church ought to preach the word of God without the Popes lycence. procreate carnall children: So likewise Deacons or Priestes by the motion of God through the Gospell of Iesu Christ may lawfully without any speciall licence either of the Pope or Bishoppe generate spirituall children. Ergo, this Article is true and the antecedent is thus proued. For as it is an acceptable worke vnto God for man and wife without the speciall licence of the Pope or Bishop to generate carnall children, so it is acceptable vnto him, that Deacons or Priests by the motion of God through the Gospel of Iesu Christ, should lawfully generate spirituall children without the speciall licence of the Pope or of any other Byshop, Ergo, the assumptio is true.

But if any man wil deny this similitude, let him shew the diuersitye. Yea seing it is worse not to receiue, or to choake the seed of Gods word, then the carnall seed: So contrarywise, is it better to receiue and sow abroad that seed of the word of God whereby children might be raysed vp vnto God, then to receiue or geue such seede, whereby carnall children may be gotten. Whereupon our Sauiour in the 10. of Mathew sayth thus: whosoeuer doth not receiue you, neither heareth your wordes, wype of the duste from your feete, verelye I say vnto you that in the daye of iudgement, it shalbe more better vnto the Lande of Sodome and Gomer then to that City.

Also a Deacon or Priest being sturred by the spirite of Iesus Christ may preache the word of God without the speciall licence of the Pope or Bishop. Ergo, it is lawful for him so to do. The consequent is thus manifest, for so much as the spirite of God moo [...]ing the Deacon or Priest vnto the preaching of the Gospell, is of greater force then anye prohibition of Pope or Bishop inuented by man: Ergo, according vnto the rule of the Apostles they ought infallibly to be obediēt vnto the spirit of Christ which doth so moue them therunto, and rather to obey God then man. Actes. 5. Also by like reason as Heldad and Medad vpon whom the spirit of God did rest, did lawfully prophecy without requiring any licence at Moyses handes, as it is written. Numery. 11. by the same reason may the meeek minister of Christ, vpon whom the spirite of God doth rest, without the requiring any licence, either of the Pope or Bishoppe, may lawfully preache the worde of God vnto the people. And would to God in this behalfe all Prelats had the spirite of Moyses,God graunt that al the people may prophecye. for it is sayd: Numeri. 11. That when as Heldad and Medad were prophesying in the tentes, a childe ranne vnto Moises and tolde him, saying, Heldad and Medad do prophecye in the Tentes, and by and by Iosue the sonne of Nunne the seruaunt of Moyses which he had chosen out amongst many, (sayd) my maister Moises forbid them, and he sayd, why enuiest thou for my sake, would God that all the people could prophecy, and that the Lord would geue them his spirite. O woulde to God the Pope and Bishops had the affection which this holye man the frend of God had. Then would he not prohibite the meeke Deacons and Ministers of Iesus Christ, to preach the Gospell of Iesus Christ. The like affection had the blessed man Gregory which in his 22. booke of Morals writeth vpon these wordes of Iob. And I haue afflicted the soule of his husbandmen, he sayth thus, the husbandmen of this earth are these, which being set in small authority, with as feruent desire as they can, and with as great labor as they may, doe worke by the preaching, of grace to the erudition of the holy Churche, the which husbandmen of this world not to afflict, is not to enuy their labors and doinges: neither ought the ruler of the Church, albeit he doe chalenge vnto himselfe alone the title of preaching, through enuy gainesay others which do preach truely and vprightly. For the godly mind of the pasture which seketh not his owne glory amongest men, desireth to be holpen, the which thing also the faythfull preacher doth wish, if it might by any meanes, be brought to passe, that the trueth which he alone cā not sufficiētly expresse, all mēs mouthes might declare.

Wherefore when as Iosue woulde haue resisted the 2. which were prophecying in the host, why doest thou enuy (sayd he) for my sake, for he did not enuy that good in other which he himselfe had, this writeth S. Gregory.The course of the worde of God ought not to be stopped.

Also the meeke ministers of Christ haue by a speciall gift of God, knowledge and minde to preach the Gospell, but neither is it lawfull for the Pope or Bishop or any other [Page] man to let or hinder them, least thereby they should let the word of God, that it haue not his free course. Ergo, this article is true, for the king doth not so much rule ouer the goods of his subiects, no not of his owne sonnes, but yt they may geue almes to whom they will: muche more the bishop hath not so great authority ouer the knowledge of the meeke minister, with his other giftes of God, but that he may frely vnder the title of spirituall almes frely preach the gospell vnto the people. Ergo, forasmuch it should seme straunge that a Bishop should forbid any man to geue any corporall almes to the poore that are a hūgred, much more straūge and maruelous would it be, if that he should prohibite the spirituall minister of Christ to geue spirituall almes, by the preaching of the gospell of the word of God.

Item no catholicke man ought to doubt, but that a man able for the purpose is more bounde to teache them which are ignoraunt, to councell & comfort the weake in spirit, to correct such as are vnruly, to forgeue those that do thē wrong, thē to do any other work of mercy, forsomuch then as he that hath sufficient, is bound vnder paine of dā nation to geue corporall almes as it appeareth Math. 25. much more he which is able, is bound to doe spirituall almes. And this alms S. Barnard writing vnto Eugenius in his 3. book perceiued to be very necessary for the Bishop of Rome,Bernarde. where as he said thus: I feare no greater poysō, nor greater sword or mischiefe will happen vnto thee, thē this vnsatiable desire of dominion. With what face then cā the faythfull minister withdraw or keepe back, the spirituall almes from the Pope and any other, euen without the speciall licence of the Pope or of the Bishop, which licence through the far distance from the Pope, the ministers can not so easily obtaine or come by. For all prohibition of anye Prelate beeing broken through necessitye is not to be blamed. 11. Quest. 3. Intercessor, and also in the chapter folowing.

Item, all authoritye of preaching geuen vnto deacons and Priestes in theyr consecration were but vayne, except that in [...] of necessitye without any speciall licence they might pr [...]ach the gospell. It is euident, forsomuch as it is not lawfull for them to vse that authority, by their aduersary without a speciall licēce. Ergo, it is geuē them in vain. The consequent is euident by the common saying of the Philosopher, that power is but vayne, wherof proceedeth no vse of action. But forsomuch as this Article doth as it were depend vpon the article before passed, therefore this shall suffice,Obiection. spoken therof at this present.

But agaynst the affirmations o [...] both these Articles, this is obiected, out of the 16. quest. 1. All faythfull people, and specially all priests deacons and all others of the clergy, ought to take heede that they doe nothing without the licence of theyr bishop. It is also obiected out of the 5. book of Decretals, Titulo de hereticis cap. cū ex iniuncto. Where it is no man ought to vsurp to himself, indifferētly the office of preaching, forsomuch as the Apostle sayth, how shall they preach except they be sent. Where as also Innocentius doth declare,The answeres to the obiection. that it is not sufficiēt for a man to say, that he is sent of God to preach except he do shew the same. As touching the first poynt, the Glose doth sufficiently aunswere vpon this word without licence, that is to be expounded, sayth he, without generall licence: the which is obtayned and geuen, when as a bishop doth appoynt any priest to gouern the people. For therby (sayth he) it semeth a bishop is thought to geue him generall power to minister vnto the people and to rule the church. Thus much in the glose. And to the same end and purpose it is sayd in the 7. quest. 1. chap. Episcopi Bishops or Priestes, if they come vnto the church of an other Bishop, for to visite the same, as it is said,What it is falsly to vsurpe the office of a preacher. glose. 1. in honore suo. Let them be receiued in their degree, and desired as well to preach the word, as to do any other consecration or oblation. Secondly it is to be noted, yt which is uery wel spoken in ye same place, no man ought to vsurpe vnto himselfe the office of preaching, as a thing indifferent. For to vsurpe, is vnlawfully to vse any thing: ergo, the same deacon or priest, doth then vsurpe the office of preaching as indifferētly,Who is a true minister of the church. who liuing viciously, cō trary vnto the law of Christ, or being ignorant of the law of God, doth preach either for gayne, or couetousnes of lyuing, either for his belly or dainty life, or for any vaynglory, but he whiche doth liue according vnto the lawes of Christ, & being moued with the affection of sincere charity intending purely the honor of God and the saluatiō of him selfe & his neighbors, doth preach no lyes nor vayne iests or other things not authorised, but only the law of Christ, & the minds of ye holy doctors. And he that doth so preach, necessity occationing or mouing him therunto, in case there be no Pope or Bishop, or in case possible to withstand the preaching of heretickes, or false preachers, he in so doing doth not vsurpe the office of preaching, and in suche case there is no doubt but he is sent of God, and this doth also answere vnto that, which is consequently sayd, that if any man will peraduēture craftely answere, that such preachers are inuisibly sēt of God, although not visibly of mē, when as that inuisible sēding of God is much more better thē the visible sending of men: A man may reasonably answere therunto, that forsomuch as that interuall sēding is secret, it is not sufficient for a man onely to say that he is sent of God, forsomuch as euery hereticke may so say, but he ought to proue the same his inuisible calling, by ye working of some miracle, or by some speciall testimony of the scripture.

Here it is to be noted,Foure kynds of sending or calling. according to S. Augustine in his 65. booke of quest. vnto Orosius, that there is 4. kindes of sending. The first is from God onely, whereof we read in Moises & other, which were inspired by God. And this kinde sending, loseth from the daunger of the statute: so that he whom the spirit of God hath enspired, this prelate geuing thankes, may proceed vnto a better life. Wherupō Pope Urbane sayd 19. quest. 2. There be (sayd he) 2. lawes ye one publick the other priuate.The cōmon lawe. The publick law is that which is confirmed in writing by ye holy fathers, such as is the canon law: which is only geuen for transgressions: As for example, it is decreed in the canons, that none of ye clergy shall go frō one bishoprick vnto an other, without ye letters commendatory of his bishop, the which was ordeined onely for offēders, that no infamed persons should be receiued of any bishop. For they were wont when they could not celebrate or do their office vnder their owne Bishopricke, to go vnto another: which now is forbidden by the lawes and precepts.The priuate lawe. The priuate law is that which by ye instruction of the holy Ghost, is written in ye hart as the Apostle speaketh, of many, which haue ye law of God, written in their hartes. And in an other place: Forsomuch as the Gentiles haue not the law of God, but naturally doe those thinges,Priuate law that is the secrete and inward working of gods spirite in the heart. The wordes of pope Vrbane. which are of the law, they are lawes vnto thēselues. And afterward he sayth, ye priuate law is much more worthy, then the publicke law. For the spirit of god, is a law: And they which are moued by the spirit of God, are led by the law of God: And who is he, that can worthely resist agaynst the holy Ghost? Whosoeuer therfore is led by the spirit of God, albeit his bishop do say him nay, let him go freely by our authority, for ye law is not appointed for the iust man, for where as the spirit of God is, there is liberty, and if ye be led by the spirite of God, ye are not vnder the law.

Beholde here it is affirmed, that the sending by God, through inspiration, is not bound vnder ye bondage of the law, for that law is more worthye then the publicke law. Secondly that the law is made for transgressors & offenders, and not for the iust. Thirdly, that whosoeuer is ledd by the spirite of God, although his Bishop stand agaynst him, he may proceed vnto a better life. Wherby it is euidēt that a deacon or priest, disposed to preach, and being led by the spirit of God, he may freely preach the gospell of christ without the spiritual licence of his bishop. It is euidēt for somuch as it is good, that a deacon or priest, do liue well & preach fruitfully. Ergo, he may proceede from idlenes vnto the labor & office of preaching, and so vnto a better life.

But where as it is sayde afore,Euery man may pretēd to be sent of God, immediately. that for so much as the inward sending or calling is secret, therfore it is not sufficient for a man, barely to affirme onely, ye he is sent of god, when as euery heretick may so say, but it is necessary, that he do confirme & proue his inuisible sending, by the working of some miracle, or by some speciall testimony of ye scripture.Two kinde of preachers Here is to be noted, that there are 2. kindes of preachers, some true preachers of our sauior Christ, & other seducers of Antechrist. The first sort following the mayster Christ, teach the people in truth: The other sort, being of a corrupt minde, and reprobate touching faith, resist against ye verity. And through couetousnes, by their fained words do make marchandise of the people: And these mē do geue & shal geue miracles, as our sauior saith, Math. 24. There shall arise false Christs, and false prophets, the which shall shew great signes and wonders, in so much that euen the elect thēselues, if it were by any meanes possible, shoulde be brought into error. And the apostle in [...]he 2. to the Thes. 2. as touching their head Antechrist, writeth thus, whose comming shalbe according to ye operation of sathan with al power and signes, false miracles, seducing vnto iniquity, those which do perish, because they haue not receiued ye charity and loue of truth, that they might be saued: Therfore will the Lord send vpon them the operation of error, that they shall geue credit vnto lies. That all such as haue not belued the truth, but consent vnto wickednes, should be iudged: Behold, how expressely our Sauior by himself, [Page] and by his Apostle doth teach vs, how the disciples of Antechrist, with theyr head,Of the signes and wonders of Antichrist. should shine through their great signes and wōders: But the true disciples of Christ, shall not so do, in the time of Antechrist. For as S. Isidor sayth in his first book, 22. De summo bono: Before that Antechrist shall appeare, all vertues and signes shall cease from the Church, that he may the boldlier persecute the same, as an abiect. For this profit, shall all miracles and signes cease, vnder Antechrist, that thereby the patience of the holy mē might be known, and the lightnes of the reprobate, which are offēded, may be opened, & also that the cruelty of ye persecuters shuld be made more scare. Thus writeth S. Isidor, & S. Gregory in his 24. booke of Morals,Why true miracles shall cease vnder Antechrist. sayth: For why by a terrible examination of Gods secret dispēsatiō, shall all signes of vertue, or power be takē away from the holy church, before that the Leuiathan appeare, in y• most wicked and damnable man, whose shape, he doth take vpon him. For prophecy is hidden, the gift of healing is takē away, the vertue of lōg abstinēce, is deminished, ye words of doctrine is put to silence, and the wonderfull workes of miracles are extinguished, which things, nothing can vtterly take away: but onely the dispensation of God. But this dispēsatiō, is not so openly & manifoldly declared, as it hath bene in times past, the which also is done by a maruelous dispensation, that through one onely thing, both Gods loue & iustice should be fulfilled. For a while ye power of miracles, being taken away, the holy church appereth the more abiect and forsaken, and the reward of good men doth cease, which reuerēced the same for the hope of heauē ly riches, & not for any present signes: And that the minds of euill men agaynst the same, might yt sooner be knowne, which neglect to folow ye inuisible thinges, which ye church doth promise, whiles they be led with visible signes.

Forsomuch then, as the humility of the faithfull is, as it were destitute of the multitude, and appering of signes, by the terrible working of Gods secret dispensation, wherby mercy is geuē vnto the good and iust, wrath heaped vpō the euill. For so much then it is truely said, that before this Liuiathan, shall playnely and manifestly come, pouerty shall go before his face, for before that time, ye riches of miracles shalbe taken away from the faythfull. Then shall that auncient enemy, shew himselfe agaynst them, by open wonders: That as he is extolled through signes & wonders, so shall he the more manly be vanquished of ye faythfull, without any signes or miracles. Also, in his 16. booke vpon this word,Iob. xxiiij. which the blessed man Iob sayde, who shall reprehend his way before him, or who shall cast in his teeth, what he hath done, whilest he did speake of the body of all euill, he sodenly connected his speach vnto the head of all the wicked,The discription of Antichrist out of S. Gregory. for he did see, that toward the end of the world Sathan should enter into man whom the scripture calleth Antechrist, he shalbe extolled with such pride, he shall rule with such power, he shal be exalted with such signes, & wonders, vnder the pretence of holmes, that his doing can not be cōtrolled of mē, for somuch, as his signes & tokens are ioined with power, & terror, & with a certain shew of holynes. Wherfore he saith who shall controll his wayes before him, what man is he, that dare once rebuke or check him, whose looke or countenaunce, is he afeard of? But notwithstanding, not onely Enoc & Elias the which are brought as ample for his exprobation, but also all the elect do argue & reproue his way, whiles that they do contemne and by the force and power of their minde, resist his malice: But for somuch as this thing is not done by their owne power or strength, but by Gods helpe and grace, therfore is it very well sayd, who shall argue or reproue his waies before him who but onely God? By whose help the elect are ayded, and made able to resist.

And a little after, vpon the same booke of Iob Gregory saith, in so much as holy men do withstād his iniquity: It is not they thēselues which do so rebuke his wayes, but it is he, thorowe whose helpe they are strengthened. Also, in his second booke, he sayth: now the holy Church doth not regarde,The proofe of holynes. but despise the signes and miracles of the heretikes if they do any: for so much as ye Church doth sufficiently vnderstand, that it is no kind of holynes: for why, ye prose of holines, is not to make signes or wōders, but to loue euery man as him selfe, to thinke truely of the very true God, & to thinke better of thy neighbor then of thy selfe: for trew vertue & holynes, cōsisteth in loue, and not in shewing of miracles. This ye veretie declareth, saying: hereby shall all men know yt ye are my disciples, if ye loue one an other, but he saith not, yt hereby mē shal know yt ye are my disciples, because ye worke miracles, but contrary wise: if ye loue one an other, declaring plainly therby, that it is not miracles, but the mere charitie & loue of God, which maketh vs the seruants of God. Wherefore the chiefe testimony of being Gods disciple, is to haue the gift of brotherly loue. This thorow out doth S. Gregory write, and often times in other places, he speaketh verye much of miracles, howe that they shall cease amongst the iust, and abound amongst the wicked.

Also Chrisostome in his lv. Homily,Signes common and indifferent to the ministers of Christ and Antichrist. sayth thus, it is a common & an indifferent woorke betwene ye ministers of God & the ministers of the deuil, to cast out deuils, but to confesse ye trueth and to worke righteousnes, is the onely worke of the saints and holy men, therefore whomsoeuer thou doest see casting out of deuils, if he haue not the confessiō of the trueth in his mouth, neyther righteousnes in his hands, he is not a man of God, but if thou doest see a man openly confessing & declaring the truthe and doing iustice, although he do not cast out no deuils, yet he is the man of God. And it followeth: let vs know that like as at the cōming of Christ, before him, ye Prophets, and with him thapostles wrought miracles thorow the holy ghost, for such as the thing is which is sturred, such sent & sauor wil proceede frō the same. He writeth also vpon ye beginning of Mathew. The whole world did maruel & wōder at three things, yt Christ rose againe after his deth, yt flesh ascendeth into heauē,The principal miracles. & that he did conuert ye whole world by his xi. apostles: There is iiii. causes which wrought the same. That is to say, ye contempt of riches or money. The dispising of pomp and glory. The seperation of thē selues from all worldly occupation and busines, and the pacient suffering of tormentes. Thus much writeth Chisostome, also saint Isydore in his first booke and xxv. cha. De summo bono, writeth thus, like as in the apostles the maruelous effect & power of works was much more cō mendable then the vertue of their signes, euen so now in ye Church is it much more better, to liue wel thē to worke any signes or miracles.The cause why the church now worketh not miracles. And the cause why that the church of God doth not at this present worke miracles as it did in the time of the Apostles, is this. That it was necessary at that time that the worlde should beleue miracles, and nowe at this present euery faithful beleuer ought to shine with good workes, for to this end were signes & miracles then outwardly wrought, that their sayth thereby might be inwardly strengthned and stablished, for what soeuer faithfull man he be that seketh to worke miracles, he seeketh vaine glory to be praysed of mē, for it is written, miracles are signes and tokens vnto the infidels, & misbeleuers, and not vnto the faythfull. Thus muche wryteth Isidore.

Item Saint Augustine in his Booke of cōfession sayth thus,A great miracle to loue a mans enemie. there is no greater miracle amongst mē, thē to loue our enemies. By these wordes of these holy men, a man may easely gather that both in our dayes and in the time to come, ye disciples of Antichrist both do & shall more florish and shewe thēselues by strannge signes & miracles, thē the disciples of Christ, according to ye saying of our sauior Iesu Christ. There shall rise vp amongst you false prophets which shall worke straunge miracles. Secōdly, it is approued, that they are greater & straūger miracles, to confesse ye truth & to do iustice, then to worke any other kind of miracle. Thirdly, it is gathered therby, that what soeuer minister or deacon doth loue his enemies, contemneth riches, despiseth the glorye of the worlde, and flyeth frō al worldly troubles, meekely sustaineth & suffreth most terrible and cruel threatnings and strokes for ye gospel sake, he worketh miracles, hauing thereby a testimony and witnesse, that he is the true disciple of Iesu Christ. And it is euident by the saying of our sauior Iesu Christ. Mathew.The true miracles of Christes ministers. V. Let your good workes so shine before men: yt they may see your good works & glorify your father which is in heauen. And likewise Iohn x. Trust vnto your good workes, wherevpon Saint Gregory in his first booke of Dialoges, wryteth thus: the estimation of a true life, consisteth in ye vertue of his workes, and not in ye shewing of signes, whereby it is fourthly concluded, by yt which is aforesaide, that it is a more effectual testimony and witnes for a priest or a deacon, that he is sent of God to confesse ye truth and follow Christ in the aforesayde vertues then to cast out deuils, or to do any other miracles. As it is euidēt by the saying of Chrisostome before alleged, whomsoeuer thou doest see to cast out deuils, if the cōfession, or acknowledging of the trueth be not in his mouth, neither righteousnesse nor iustice in his handes, he is not a man of God. This is also confirmed by the wordes of Christ. Math. 7. Many shall say vnto me in that day, Lord, Lord, haue not we prophecyed in thy name: haue not we cast out Deuils in thy name: and haue not we also wrought many great wonders and miracles in thy name? Then I will aunswere & say vnto them, forsomuch as I haue not knowne you any time, depart frō me ye workers of iniquity, & as [Page] touching ye second part, Chrisostom saith: If you see a mā confessing & preaching ye trueth, & working righteousnes, although he do not cast out deuils he is a man of God.

Hereby it appeareth that euery deacō, priest, or minister confessing the truth,The testimony of a true priest. and working iustice, hath a perfect & sure testimony that he is sent of God, & that it is not necessary for him to approue this his sending by ye working of any miracle, in stead of working righteousnes, neyther by any testimonial, the which should plainely declare hint by name, that he was sent of the Lord to preach.

The first part appeareth manifest, by that which is alreadye spoken, that all miracles in the time of Antichrist shal cease in the elect.

The second part is also euident, for so much as none of the present preachers, can shew by the scripture of yt lawe of God, that he is specially named therevnto.

And likewise do I also affirme & say, as touching all preachers which shal come hereafter, that they are not named by name: But let no man here obiect Enoc & Elias, which were auncient preachers, & prophecied by the holy spirit of God. And it is apparent, that like as it is not a cause sufficient to proue, that this priest or deacon is sent of God to preache, because he woorketh miracles, so is it not a cause sufficient to proue, that he is not sent of God to preach, because he doth no miracles, but to confesse the truth, to worke righteousnes, to contemne ye world with the glory therof, paciently to suffer rebukes is a sufficient testimony for any priest or deacon hauing knowledge of ye lawe of God, freely to preach the gospell of Iesus Christ. For so much as in such case he is sent of God, & this is the sending which the Apostles speaketh of in ye x. Romains. How should they preach without they be sent? Wherevpō yt glose of S. Augustine writeth thus. These things serue to set forth gods grace, declaring that all our goodnesse, is preuented of grace.

For be sayth, beleefe cōmeth of hearing, hearinge commeth of preaching, & preaching by the sending of God, so that altogether holly cōmeth out of the fountain of grace, & preaching truly, cōmeth of sending. This hath the glose how shal they then preach, without they be sent of God? And this is euidēt, that the first & principall sending is frō God alone, as it is proued by Moises.

The second sending is both from God & mā, as by the example of Iosue & others, which were sent both by God and the rulers to preach.

The third sending is from man alone, the which is not founded in ye lawe of God, but in mens traditions, which they rather esteeme.

The fourth sending which hath but the name onely, is proper to them, which of themselues vnworthely vsurpe the office of preaching, as those false prophets, of whō god speaketh in yt xxiii. of Ieremy, I did not send them, & they ran. I spake not vnto them, and they prophecied. If they had continued in my counsels, & had declared my wordes vnto my people. I would haue conuerted thē from their ruill waies, & wicked imaginatiōs, & our sauior speaketh of these Prophettes in Mathew, saying, There shall arise false Prophets. And peter his true vicar in his second Epistle, and second chapter prophecying vnto ye faithful beleuers in Christ, speaketh thus of thē: There were amōgst the people false Prophets, as there shalbe amongst you also maisters of lies, thorow whom the truth shalbe blasphemed and slaundered. And that he might the better instruct the people to knowe them, he addeth that they shall go about wt fained wordes, for couetousnes sake, to make merchaundice of you.

The difference betweene the ministers of Christ and Antichrist.Wherefore euery faithful man, diligently waying these things in his minde, may now easely perceiue how great a nomber of false Prophets there be, thorowe whom the Christian truth is blasphemed. And all couetous dealyng is exercised, & these are they which freely preach lies. But the hūble & true ministers of Christ, wheresoeuer they do apneare, by & by they are persecuted, whereby ye prophecie of yt Apostle is verified, which is written in the second Epistle to Timothe the iij. All men sayth he which desire to liue godly, shall suffer persecution, but ye euil men & seducers shal prosper in their wickednes running dayly more & more into al kinde of errours. The wicked haue now so much preuailed yt they do preache lies, making heretikes of the faithfull christians, neyther is there any man yt dare prohibet them their lying, so that they doe not preache agaynst the byces of the prelates. Howe then can you say that Antichryst is not exalted aboue all that which is called God,The ministers of Antichrist do cloke the vices of their prelates suppressing downe the members of Christ in his office, fortefying and fostring his members in lying? Therefore the trew and faithfull disciples of Christ ought to stand ready girt about their loynes, and shewes vpon their feete in defence of the Gospell, takinge the sworde in hand, which is the word of God. Ephes. 6. And to fight agaynst the craftes of Antichrist, who goeth about vtterly to extinguish ye true preaching of the Gospell of our Lord Iesu Christ.

¶ The Second disputation in the Vniuersity of Prage, vpon the 17. Article of Iohn Wickliffe, most fruitfull to be read, prouing by 24. reasons out of the Scriptures, how that Princes and Lordes temporall, haue lawfull authority and iurisdiction, ouer the spiritualty and Church men, both in taking from them, and correcting their abuses, according to their doinges and desertes.

TO the honour of almighty God, and of our Lord Iesu Christ, both for the trying out of truth, and the profit of holy mother the church, according to the congregation of our Vniuersitye of Prage, which auoyding alwayes to doe that shall be preiudiciall to the trueth, hath differred to geue theyr consent vnto the condemnation of the 45.The condenation of the xlv articles lacketh re [...]son, and the [...]efore is not to be allowed. Articles, wishing euen vnto this present, sufficient probation to be geuē of the condemnation of the said Articles, and perticulerly of euery one of them. Whereupon the sayd Vniuersity, doth alwayes require due proofe of the same, for so much as Pope Damasus in his Canon distinction 68. chapter. Chorepiscopi, sayth thus. That it is necessarye that what so euer thing standeth not by due reason, should be rooted out, whereby it appeareth that the condemnation of the 45. Articles, if it stand not with proofe and sufficient demonstration for euery Article; it is necessary to be rooted out.

But if any man wil obiect and say, that to require a reason of euery thing is to derogate From Gods deuine power. Vnto this obiection Maister William doth answere himselfe in his Philosophy, the first booke almost at the end, where he entreating of the place, in Genes. 2. God made man of the slime of the earth &c. hath these wordes: For in what poynt (sayth he) are we contrary to the holy scriptures, if we seeke by reason to declare, Wherfore any thing is done, which is sayd in the scriptures to be done, for if that a wise man should say that a thing is done, and do not declare how it is done: And another manne speaketh the very selfe same thing, & declareth how it is done what cōtrariety is there? But forsomuch as they themselues, know not the force of nature, to the intent that they might haue all men partakers with them of their ignoraunce, they would haue no man to enquire it out. But they would haue vs beleue as ignoraunt people, neither to seeke any reasō of our belief, that the Prophecy might be fulfilled, such as the people is, such shall be the priest. But we truely do say, that in all thinges a reason is to be sought, if it may by any meanes be found. But if that any man doe stay at any thing, which the scripture doth affirme, let him commit the same vnto fayth, & vnto the holy ghost. For Moises sayth, if the Lambe cannot be eaten, let it not be by and by consumed in the fire: But let him first call hys neighbor, which dwelleth next house vnto him, and if they also be not sufficient to eat the Lamb, then let it be burned in the fire: So likewise when as we go about to seeke any thing as touching the Godhead, and that we be not able of our selues to comprehēd the same,An Allegory vpon the Paschall Lambe. let vs call our neighbor which dwelleth next house vnto vs: That is to say, let vs seeke out such a one, as dwelleth in the same catholicke sayth with vs, and if then, neither we, neither yet he be able to comprehend the same, let it then be burned with the fire of fayth.

But these men, albeit they haue many neighbours dwelling neare vnto them, yet for very pride, they will not call any mā vnto them, chusing rather to continue still ignorant, thē to aske any question. And if they do know any man to enquire for his neighbor in such case, by & by they cry out vpon him, as an hereticke. Presuming more vpon their own heads, then hauing confidence in their wisedom. But I exhort you geue no credit, vnto their out ward appearance, for already it is verified in thē which the satyricall Poet sayth, no credit is to be guen vnto the outward shew for which of them all is it that doth not abound with most strame full and detestable vices? And in another place he sayth. They are very daynty of their speach, and haue great desire to keep silence. And thus much hath maister Wilhelmus. Let all such here whom this parable doth touche. For I with the rest of the maisters, bachelers and studentes of our vniuersity considering how heard a matter the condemnation of the 45. articles of Wickliffe without reason is, and how greuous a thing it were, if we should thereunto consent, do call together my neighbors, the doctors of this Vniuersity, & all others which would obiect any thing agaynst the same, that we might presently finde out the reason of the comdē nation of this Article, concerning the taking away the temporalityes from the Clergy.

Notwithstanding I do professe that it is not my intent,A protestation whereby he giueth lite vnto the [...]ider, how [...] propo [...]tion afore [...]d is to be [...]nderstan [...]ed, and addeth that the goods of the clergie is not vtterl [...] to be taken away, but in case they do abuse the [...]. The 17. article proued by 44. arguments. like as it is not the meaning of the vniuersity, to perswade that Princes [Page] or seculer Lordes should take away the goods from the cleargie when they woulde, or howe they woulde, and conuert them to what vse they list. But our whole intent is, diligently to search out whether this article, as touching the taking away of temporallities from the cleargie may haue in it any true sence, whereby it may be defended without reproofe Wherefore this article being the 17. in the nombre of the 45. is propounded vnder thys fourme. The Lordes temporall may at their owne will and pleasure, take away the temporal goodes from the cleargy, if they doe offend, and therein continue: It is thus prooued. The kings of the old Testament toke away the temporall goods at Gods commandement from the cleargie. That is to say from the priestes offending. Therefore the kings also of the new Testament, at Gods cō mandement, may do the like. When as the priests of the new law do offend. The consequent dependeth vpon a similitude. And the antecedent is euident. First it is prooued by Salomon in the 3. of the kings 2. chapter. Which Salomon deposed Abiathar the hygh priest, because hee had toke part with Adonias, the brother of Salomon, to make him king, without the aduice either of Dauid, or of Salomon him selfe which ought to raigne: And set vp Sadoc the priest in the place of Abiathar, because he had not consented with Abiathar vnto Adonias, as it is writtē in the 3. boke of kings 1. chapter. Where it is sayde, Adonias the sonne of Agithe, exalted himselfe, saying: I will raigne, and made vnto him selfe chariotes and horsemen, and 40. men which should runne before him: neyther did his father rebuke him at any time, saying: Wherefore hast thou don this? For he was very comely being second sonne, next to Absolon, and his talke was with Ioab the sonne of Saruia and Abia [...]har the priest, which toke part with Adonias. But Sadoc the priest, and Banaias the sonne of Ioaida and Nathan the Prophet, and Semei, and Serethi, and Felethi, and all the power of Dauids host, were not on Adonias part.

This was the cause of the deposing of Abiathar, because hee toke part with Adonia, that he shuld be king against Salomon the eldest sonne of king Dauid, wherefore it is wrytten in the thirde boke and second chapiter of the kings. The king sayd vnto Abiathar the priest, goe your wayes vnto Anatoth thine owne fielde, for thou art a man of death, but this day I will not slay thee, because thou hast caried the Arke of the Lorde before my father Dauid, and diddest labour in all things wherein my father laboured. Then did Salomon cast out Abiathar, that hee should be no more the priest of the Lord, that the word of the Lord might be fulfilled which he spake vpon the house of Hely in Sylo.

Beholde the most prudent king Salomon, according to the wisdome which was geuen him of God, did exercise hys power vpon the sayd priests, putting him out of his priesthode, & setting in his place Sadoc the priest this was a greater matter thē to take away the temporalities. If then in the law of Christ whych nowe raigneth ouer vs, a byshop, should likewise rebell against the true heire of the kingdome, willing to sette vp another for king, why shoulde not the king or his heire, haue power in like case, to take away the temporalities from him so offending?

1. Nabuchodonozor.Item, it is also euident by the king Nabuchodonozor whych had power geuen him of God, to lead away the children of Israel with their priests and Leuites, into the captiuity of Babylon, as it is wrytten 4. booke of the kings 25. chapter.

3. Iosias.Item it is red in the 4. boke of kings and 12. chapter. How that Iosias the most godly king of Iuda according to the wisdō which God had granted him, toke away all the consecrate vessels, which Iosaphat, Ioram, and Ochosias, his forefathers kings of Iuda had consecrated, and those which hee himselfe had offered, and all the treasure that could be found in the temple of the Lord, and in the kings pallace, and sent it vnto Azahel king of Syria, & he departed from Ierusalem. Marke how this most holy king exercised hys power, not onely in taking away the temporalities of the priests, but also those things which were consecrate in the temple of the Lord, to procure vnto the common wealth, the benefite of peace.

4. Ezechias.Item, in the 4. boke and 18. chapter of the kings, it is wrytten howe that the holy king Ezechias tooke all the treasure that was found in the house of the Lord, and in the kings treasurie, & brake downe the pillers of the temple of the Lorde, and all the plates of gold which he himselfe had fastned therupon, and gaue them vnto the king of the Assyrians, yet was hee not rebuked of the Lorde therefore, as hee was for his other sinnes, as it appeareth in the 2. boke of Paral. 32. chapter, for so much then as in time of necessity, all things ought to be in common vnto Christians, it foloweth then that the seculere Lordes in case of necessitie, in many other common cases, may lawfully take away the mooueable goodes from the cleargie, when they do offend.

Item, it is also read in the 12. of Mathewe, that the disciples of Iesus for to slake their hunger vppon the Saboth day, pulled the eares of corne, and did eate them, and the Pharisies rebuked them therefore, vnto whome Christ aunswered. Haue ye not read what Dauid did,5. Dauid. when hee was hungry, and those that were wyth him, howe he entred into the house of the Lorde, and did eate the shew breades, which it was not lawfull for hym, neither for them that were with hym to eate, but only for the priests. This story is written in the 1 boke of the kings and 21. chapter. And the commandement in the 12. of Deuteronomie. Whereby it appeareth that it is lawfull in time of necessitie to vse any thing, bee it neuer so much consecrate.Case of necessitie. Otherwise children by geuing their moueables to the consecration of any temple, shoulde not be bound to helpe their parents, which is contrary and against the Gospel of S Mathew in the 16. chapter: whereas our Sauiour sharply rebuked the Pharisies, that for their owne traditions they did transgresse the commaundement of God.

Item, Titus and Vespasian seculer princes had power geuen them of God 24. yeares after the Lordes Ascension to take away the temporallities from the priestes whych had offended agaynst the Lordes holy one. And thereby also berest them of their liues, and it seemeth vnto many they did,6. Titus and Vespasian. and might worthely doe the same according to Gods good wil and pleasure. Then forsomuch as our priests in these dayes may transgresse and offend as much, and rather more against the Lordes annoynted, it followeth that by the pleasure of God, the seculer Lordes, may likewise punyshe them for their offence.

Our sauiour being king of kings, and high bishop wyth hys disciples did geue tribute vnto Cesar, as it appeareth Mathewe 17. and commaunded the Scribes and Pharisies to geue the lyke 7 vnto Cesar Mat. 22. Whereby hee gaue example vnto all priestes that shoulde come after hym to render tribute vnto their kinges,The example of Christ paying of tribute. S. Ambrose minde. whereupon blessed S Ambrose in his 4 boke vppon these wordes in the 5. of Luke, (cast out your nettes) wryteth thus. There is an other kinde of fishing amongst the Apostles, after which manner the Lord commanded Peter only to fish, saying, cast out thy hoke, and that fish, which cōmeth first vp, take hym. And then vnto the purpose he sayth. It is truely a great & spirituall document, wherby all Christian menne are taught, that they ought to be subiecte vnto the higher powers, and that no man ought to thinke that the lawes of a king here on earth are to be brokē. For if the sonne of God did pay tribute, who art thou so great a man, that thinkest thou oughtest not to pay tribute? He payed tribute which had no possessions: and thou which daily seekest after the luker of the world, why doest thou not acknowledge the obedience and duetie of the worlde? Why doest thou thorowe the arrogancie of thy minde exault thy selfe aboue the worlde, when as thorowe thine owne miserable couetousnesse, thou art subiect vnto the worlde? Thus writeth S. Ambrose, and it is put in the 11. quest. 1. Magnum quidem. He also wryteth vppon these wordes in the 20 of Luke, shewe me a pennie,Christ commanded tribute to be payd vnto themperour. whose Image it hathe, if Christ had not the Image of Cesar, why did hee pay any tribute? He gaue it not of hys owne, but rendred vnto the worlde, that which was the worldes: And if thou wilt not be in daunger of Cesar, possesse not those things which are the worldes, for if thou hast richesse, thou art in daunger of Cesar.

Wherefore if thou wilt owe nothing vnto any earthly king, forsake all chose things, and followe Christ If then all ecclesiasticall ministers, hauing richesse, ought to be vnder the subiection of kings, and geue vnto them tribute: It foloweth that kings may lawfully by the authoritye which is geuen them, take away theyr temporallities from them.

Here vpon S. Paule acknowledging him selfe to be vnder the iurisdiction of the Emperour, appealed vnto Cesar, as it appeareth Actes 25.

I stand sayth he,Paule appealed to themperour. S. Ambrose there in the viij. distin. at Cesars iudgement seat, there I ought to be iudged Whereupon in the 8: distinction, chapter quo iure. S. Ambrose alleageth, that all things are lawfull vnto the Emperour, & al things vnder his power. For the confirmation wherof, it is said Daniel second chapter, the God of heauen hath geuen vnto thee a kingdome,Daniel. 2. strength, Empire, and glory, and all places, wherein the children of men do dwell, and hath geuen into thy power, the beastes of the field, and fowles of the aire, and set all things vnder thy subiection.

Also in the 11. question and 1. He sayeth, if the Emperour require tribute, we do not denie that the landes of the Church shall pay tribute, if the Emperour haue neede of our landes, hee hath 9 power to chalenge them, let him take them, if hee will, I doe not geue them vnto the Emperour, neither doe I denie them. Thys wryteth S. Ambrose, expresly declaring that the seculare Lorde hath power at hys pleasure to take away the lands of the Church, and so consequently the seculer Lords haue power at their owne pleasures to take away the temporal goodes from the Ecclesiasticall ministers, when they doe offend.

Item S. Augustine wryteth, if thou sayest, what haue we to do wyth the Emperour. But nowe as I sayde, wee speake of mannes lawe.10. S. Augustine. The Apostle would be obedient vnto the kings, and honor them, saying. Reuerence your kings: and doe not say what haue I to doe with the king? What haste thou then to doe wyth possessions. By the kings law the possessions are possessed, thou hast said, what haue I to doe with the king: but doe not say, what hath thy possessions to doe wyth the king? For then haste thou renounced the lawes of menne, whereby thou diddest possesse thy landes. [Page] Thus wryteth S. Augustine in his 8. distinction, by whose wordes it is manifest that the king hath power ouer the churche goodes, & consequently may take them away from the clergie, transgressing or offending.

Item in his 33 Epistle vnto Boniface, hee sayeth, what sober man will say vnto our kings,11. Magistrats, keepers of both lawes. care not you in our kingdome, by whome the church of the Lorde is maintained, or by whome it is oppressed, it partaineth not vnto you, who will bee eyther a religious man, or who will be a church robber? Vnto whome it may be thus answered. Doeth it not pertaine vnto vs in our kingdom, who will either liue a chast life, or who will be an vnchast whoremonger? Beholde this holy man sheweth heere howe that it is the duety of kings,The duetie of kyngs to punish the clery. 12. to punish suche as are robbers of Churches, and consequently the proud clergy when as they do offend.

Item, hee wryteth in the 33. quest. 7. si de rebus. The seculare Lordes may lawfully take away the temporall goodes from heritickes, and for so much that it is a case greatly possible that many of the cleargie are vsers of Simonie, and thereby heretickes: Therefore the seculare Lordes may very lawfully take away their temporallities from them. For what vnworthy thyng is it sayeth Saint Augustine, if the Catholickes doe possesse according vnto the will of the Lorde, those thynges whych the heretickes helde? For so muche as this is the worde of the Lorde vnto all wycked men.Math. 21. Mathew 21. the kingdome of God shall be taken away from you, and geuen vnto an nation, whiche shall doe the righteousnesse thereof, is it in vaine whych is wrytten in the 11. chapter of the booke of Wisedome?Sapien. 11. The iust shall eat the labours of the wicked.

And whereas it may bee obiected as touching the desire of other mennes goodes,An obiection of the desire of other mens goods Saynte Augustine aunsweareth that by that euidence the seuen nations, whyche did abuse the lande of promesse, and were driuen out from thence by the power of God, may obiecte the same vnto the people of God, whyche inhabite the same. And the Iewes them selues from whome accordynge vnto the woorde of the Lorde, the kingdome is taken away and geuen vnto a people, whiche shall doe the woorkes of righteousnesse maye obiecte the same vnto the Churche of Christ, as touching the desire of other mennes goodes, but Sainte Augustines aunswere is thus.

Wee, sayeth he, doe not desire another mannes goodes, for so much as they are oures by the commandement of him, by whom all things were made. By like euidence the clergie hauing offended, their temporall goodes are made the goodes of others, for the profite of the church,S. Augustine. 4. question. 4. to this purpose also, according to S. Augustine, serueth the 14. question 4. vnto a misbeleeuer, it is not a halfepennie matter, but vnto the faithfull is a whole worlde of richesse, shal we not then conuince al such to possesse an other mans goodes, which seemed to haue gathered great richesse together, and know not howe to vse them, for that truely is not an others, whych is possessed by right, and that is lawfully possessed, whych is iustly possessed, and that is iustly possessed, which is well possessed. Ergo, all that is euell possessed is another mannes, and he doth ill possesse it, which doth euell vse it.

If then anye of the cleargie doe abuse the temporall goodes, the temporall Lordes maye at theyr owne pleasure, accordynge vnto the rule of charitie take away the sayde temporall goodes from the cleargie so transgressing. For then according to the allegation aforesayde, the cleargie doeth not iustly possesse those temporall goodes, but the temporall Lordes proceadyng according to the rule of charitie: Doe iustly possesse those temporallities, for so muche as all things are the iust mannes. 1. Corrinth. 3. chapter.1. Cor. 3. All thynges sayeth the Apostle are youres. Whether it be Paule or Apollo, or Cephas, eyther the worlde, eyther life, or death, or thynges present, or thynges to come, for all thynges be youres, you be Christes, and Christe is Goddes. Also 23. quest. 7. Quicunque.By Gods lawe cuncta iustorum esse dicuntur. It is wrytten. Iure diuino omnia sunt iustorum. The woordes of Sainte Augustine in that place, ad Vincentium, be these: Who so euer sayeth hee, vppon the occasion of this law or ordinaunce of the Emperour doeth molest or persecute you, not for loue of any charitable correction, but onely for hatered and malyce to doe you displeasure, I holde not wyth hym in so doyng.

And althoughe there is nothyng heere in thys earthe, that any manne may possesse assuredly, but eyther hee must holde it, by Goddes lawe, by whyche cuncta iustorum esse dicuntur: that is, all thynges be sayde to pertayne to the possession of the iuste: or else by mannes lawe, whych standeth in the kinges power to sette and to ordaine. &c. Hereby the woordes of Augustine alledged. Yee see all thinges belong to the possession of the iust, by Goddes lawe.

13. The clergy subiect vnto themperour and king by meanes of their possessiōs.Item, for so muche as the cleargie by meanes of their possessions are in daunger of the Emperor and King: It followeth that if they doe offend, the Emperour or King, may lawfully take away their possessions from them. The consequent dependeth on thys poynte, for so much as otherwise they were not in subiection vnder the Emperour or king, and the antecedent is manifest by the 11. question and 1. Parag. His ita respondetur. Where as it is specified in Latine thus. [His ita respondetur, clerici ex officio Episcopo sunt suppositi, ex possessionibus praediorum imperatori sunt obnoxij, ab Episcopo vnctionem, decimas, & primitias accipiunt: ab imperatore vero praediorum possessiones nanciscuntur:] that is to say. The cleargie by meanes of their office are vnder the Byshoppe, but by reason of theyr possessions they be subiect vnto the Emperour: Of the Byshoppe they receiue vnction, tithes and first frutes of the Emperour, they receiue possessions. This then it is decreed by the Emperiall lawe, that liuelyhoodes should be possessed, whereby it appeareth that the cleargie by the possession of their liuelyhodes are in daunger of the Emperour, for hym to take away from them, or to correcte them accordyng to their deseruings, and to haue the controllement of them, as it shall seeme good vnto hym.

Item,14. Vsers of Simony are punished by the ciuyll magistrate. the temporall Lordes may take away the temporallities from such as vse Simonie, because they are heretickes. Ergo, thys Article is true.

The antecedent is manifest, for so much as the secular Lordes maye refuse suche as vse Simonye, and punishe them except they doe repent. For by the decree of Pope Paschasius in the first and laste question it appeareth,Paschasius in i. q [...]uit. cap. pater. that all suche as vsed Simonie, were to be refused of all faythfull people, as chiefe and principall heretickes, and if they doe not repent after they be warned, they are also to bee punyshed by the externe power. For all other faultes and crimes, in comparyson of Simonie, be counted but light, and seeme small offences.

Where vppon the glose expounding the same text,The l [...]itie corre [...] of the [...]. sayth that by thys woorde externe, is vnderstande the laietie, whyche haue power ouer the cleargy, besides the Church, as in the 17 distinct. [Non licuit, & 23 quest. 5. principes.] Whereby it is euident that the temporall Lordes may take away the temporall goodes from the cleargie when as they doe offende.

Item,Gregory writeth to the French Queene. Saint Gregorie in the Register vppon hys 7. booke 9. Chapiter, wryteth thus vnto the Frenche Queene. For so much as it is wrytten that ryghteousnesse healpeth the people, and sinne maketh them myserable: then is that kingdome counted stable, when as the offence whyche is knowen, is soone amended.

Therefore,Wicked priestes the destruction of the people. for so muche as wicked priestes are the cause of the ruyne of the people, (for who shall take vppon hym, to bee intercessour for the sinnes of the people, if the priest which ought to intreate for the same, haue committed greater offences) and vnder youre dominions the priestes doe liue wickedly and vnchastly: therfore that the offence of a few myght not tourne to the destruction of manye, wee oughte earnestly to seeke the punyshment of the same. And it followeth, if wee doe commaunde any personne, wee doe sende hym foorthe, wyth the consent of your authoritie, who together wyth other Priests, shall diligently seeke out, and according vnto Goddes worde correct and amende the same. Neyther are these things to be dissimuled, the whyche wee haue spoken of, for hee that may correcte any thyng, and doeth neglect the same wythout all doubte, he maketh hym selfe pa [...]taker of the sinne or offence.

Therefore foresee vnto your owne soule, prouide for youre neuewes, and for suche as you do desire to raigne after you, prouide for your countrey, and wyth diligence prouide for the correction and punishment of that sinne, before our creatoure doe stretch out hys hand to strike.

And in hys next Chapter, hee wryteth vnto the French king, what so euer you doe vnderstande, to pertaine eyther vnto the honoure and glorye of oure God, to the reuerence of the church, or to the honour of the priestes, that doe you dilligently cause to bee decreed and in all poyntes to be obserued. Wherfore once againe wee doe mooue you,S. Gregory to the fréch kyng. that you commaunde a Synode to be congregate, and as wee wrote lately vnto you, to cause all the carnall vices whyche raigneth amongest your Priests, and all the wickednesse and Simonie of your Byshoppes, whyche is moste harde to be condemned and reprooued: vtterly to bee banished oute of your kyngdome, and that you wil not suffer them to possesse anye more substaunce vnder your dominion, then Goddes commaundement doeth allowe.

Beholde howe carefully blessed Gregorye doeth exhort the Queene and the Kyng to punishe the vices of the cleargie, leaste through theyr negligence they shoulde be partakers of the same: and howe they ought to correct their subiectes. For as it is conuenient to be circumspect and carefull against the outward enemies, euen so lykewyse ought they to bee agaynste the inwarde ennemyes of the soule. And lyke as in iuste warre agaynste the outwarde ennemyes, it is lawefull to take away theyr goodes, so long as they contynue in theyr malyce, so also is it lawefull to take away the goods of the cleargie, being the inward ennemy. The consequent is prooued thus, for so much as the domesticall enemies are most hurtfull.

Item, it is thus argued, if God bee, the temporall Lordes may meritoriously and lawfully take away the temporall goodes [Page] from the Cleargie, if they doe offende. For thys poynt lette vs suppose that we speake of power, as the true autentike scripture doth speake. Matt. 13. God is able euen of these stones to raise vp children vnto Abraham.

Whereupon it is thus argued, for if God be, he is omnipotent, and if he so be, he may geue like power vnto the seculer Lordes. And so consequētly they may meritoriously and lawfully vse the same power. But least that any man may obiect that a profe made by a strange thing is not sufficient, it is therefore declared howe that the temporal Lords haue power to take away their almes bestowed vpon the church. The church abusing the same, as ie shall be proued heereafter. And first thus, it is lawfull for kings in cases limitted by the lawe to take away the moueables from the clergie when they do offend, it is thus proued. For the temporall Lordes are most bound vnto the workes of greatest mercy most easie for them, but in case possible, it shuld be greater almes, & easier temporal dominion, to take away their almes frō such as build therewithal vnto eternal damnation, through the abuse therof, then to geue the saide almes for any bodely reliefe, Ergo the assumption is true.

Whereuppon first this sentence of the law of Christ in the 2. Thes. 3. is noted whereas the Apostle wryteth thus. When we were amongst you, wee declared this vnto you, that he that would not worke should not eate. Wherefore the law of nature doth licence al such as haue the gouernance of kingdoms, to correct the abuse of the temporalities which wold be the chief cause of the destruction of their kingdoms: whether the tēporall Lords or any other had endowed the Church with those temporalities or not. It is lawful for them in some case to take away the temporalities as it were by way of phisicke to withstand sinne, notwithstanding any excommunication or other Ecclesiasticall censure. For so much as they are not endowed, but only with cōditiō therunto anexed.

Heereby it appeareth that the condition annexed to the endowing or enriching of any church, is that God shuld be honoured, the which condition if it once fail the contrary taking place, the title of the gift is lost: and consequently the Lord which gaue the almes ought to correct the offence. Excommunication ought not to let the fulfilling of iustice,When and howe the title of any gift is lost. Secondly according to the Canon lawe. 16. quest. 7. This sentence is noted where it is thus spoken as touching the children neuewes and the most honest of the kindred of him which hath builded or endowed any church. That it is lawful for them to be thus circumspect, that if they perceiue the priest doe defraude any part of that which is bestowed, they should either gently admonish or warne him, or els complaine on him to the bishop, that he may be corrected. But if the bishop him selfe attempt to do the like, let them complaine of him to his Metropolitane, and if the Metropolitane do the like, let them not defer the time, to report it in the eares of the king. For so saith the canon. Let them not deferre to report it in the eares of the king. To what ende I pray you? but that he shuld do correction, neither is it to bee douted but that correction doeth more appertaine vnto he king in this poynt for their goods wherof he is chiefe Lord by a substraction proportional, according to the fault or offence.

Item it is thus proued. It is lawful for the seculer Lords by their power to do correction vpon the clergy by some kind of fearfull discipline appertaining to their seculer power. Ergo, by like reason it is lawful for them by their power to do such correction, by all kind of fearful discipline pertaining vnto their seculer power.It is lawfull for the ciuil rulers to cone [...]t the cleargie. For so much then as the taking of their temporalities is in kinde of fearful discipline pertaining vnto the seculer power: It foloweth that it is lawfull for them therby to doe such correction. And consequently it followeth that the truthe is thus to be prooued. The consequent is euident and the antecedent is proued by Isidore 23 quest. 5. Principes. Where it is thus wrytten. There shuld be no seculer powers within the church, but onely for thys purpose, that whatsoeuer thing the priests or ministers cannot bring to passe by preaching or teachings the seculer powers, may command the same by the terror and feare of discipline: For oftētimes the heauēly kingdom is profited and holpen by the earthly kingdom, that they which are in the church and do any thing contrary vnto faith and discipline by the rigour of the princes, may be troden downe. And that the power of the rulers may lay that discipline vpon the neckes of the proude and stifnecked, which the vtility and profit of the church can not exercise or vse.

Item all things that by power ought to worke or bring to any perfect ende by the reasonable measuring of the meane thereto; it may lawfully vse by power, the substraction or taking away of the excesse and the addition of the want of the meanes according as shall be conuenient or meete for the measure to be made. For so much then as the seculer Lordes ought by their power to prouide for the necessary sustentation of the Christian clergie by the reasonable measuring of their temporalties whych they are bounden to bestow vpon the Christian cleargie, it followeth that they may lawfully by their power vse the taking away or putting vnto of those temporallities according as shall be conuenient for the performance of that reasonable matter.

Item, it is lawfull for the clergie, by their power to take away the sacramentes of the Church from the laitie customably offending forsomuch as it doeth pertaine to the office of the Christian ministers by their power to minister the same vnto the lay people. Wherefore, for so much as it doeth pertaine vnto the office of the laitie, according vnto their power to minister, and geue temporallities to the clergie of Christ, as the Apostle sayeth. 1. Cor 9. It followeth that it is also lawfull for them by their power to take away the temporallities from the clergie, when they do customably sinne and offend.

Item, by like power may he which geueth a stipende or exhibition withdraw and take away the same from the vnworthy labourers, as hee hath power to geue the same vnto the worthy labourers, for so much then as temporallities of the clergie, are the 20 stipendes of the laitie: it followeth that the lay people may by as good authority, take away the same again from the clergy, which will not worthely labour, as they might by their power bestowe the same vpon those, which would worthely labour according to the saying of the Gospel. Mat. 21 The kingdome shalbe taken away from you, and geuen vnto a people which shall bring foorth the frutes thereof.

Item, it is also lawfull for the secular Lordes, by their power to chastice and punish the lay people when they do offend, by taking away of their temporalties, according to the exigēt of their offence, forsomuch as the lay people are subiect vnder their dominion.21 Wherefore the clergy being also subiect vnder the dominion of the seculer Lordes, as appeareth Rom. 13. and many other places, it is euident that it is lawfull by their power to punish the cleargie, by taking away of their temporalities, if their offence do so deserue.

Item, the true and easie direction of the cleargie vnto the life of Christ and the Apostles and most profitable vnto the laity: that the cleargie shuld not liue contrary vnto Christes institution, semeth to be the taking away of their alms, and those things which 22 they had bestowed vppon them. And it is thus proued, that medicine is most apt to be laide vnto the sore, whereby the infirmitie might soonest be holpen, and were most agreeable vnto the pacient: Such is the taking away of the temporallities. Ergo, this article is true: The minor is thus proued, for so much as by the aboū dance of temporallities the worme or serpent of pride is spronge vp, where vppon vnsaciable desire and lust is inflamed, and thereby proceedeth all kinde of gluttonie and lecherie. It is euident in this poynt, for so much as the Temporallities being once taken away, euery one of those sinnes is either vtterly taken away, or at the least diminished, by the contrary, vertue induced and brought in: It semeth also most pertinent vnto the laity, forsomuch as they ought not to lay violēt hāds vpon their ministers or to abiect the priestly dignity, neither to iudge any of the cleargy in theyr open courts: It semeth also by the law of cōscience, to pertain vnto the lay people, for so much as euery man which worketh any worke of mercy, ought diligently to haue respecte vnto the habilitie of them that he bestoweth his almes vpon, least that by nourishyng or helping loyterers, hee be made partaker of his offence. Wherevpon if a priest doe not minister of their spiritualties, as Hostyensis teacheth in his 3. booke, of their tithes, first frutes and oblations, that the people ought to take away the almes of their tithes from them.

Item, it is confirmed by the last chapiter of the 17. question, 23 out of the decre of rents appropriate vnto the church, quicun (que) Whereas the case is put thus, that a certaine man hauing no children, neither hoping to haue any, gaue all his goodes vnto the church, reseruing vnto him selfe the only vse and profites therof: it happened afterward that he had children, and the bishop restored againe his goodes vnto him, hoping not for it. The bishop had it in his power, whether to rēder again or no, those things which were geuen him, but that was by the lawe of man, and not by the lawe of conscience. If then by the decree of the holy doctoure S. Augustine in his sermone of the life of the cleargie Aurelius the Byshop of Carthage had no power by Gods lawe to with holde that which is bestowed vppon the churche, for the necessitie of children, by the which law the wanton, proud, and vnstable clergy being more then sufficiently possessed, and enriched, do detain and keepe backe the temporallities to the detrement and hurt of their owne state, and of the whole Militant churche, the seculare patrones being thereby so impouerished that they are compelled by penurie to robbe and steale to oppresse their tenants, to spoile and vndoe others, and oftentimes by very necessitie are driuen to beggerie.

Item, suppose that a priest and minister, howe greuously so euer 24 he doe offend by what kinde or signe of offence so euer it be, as it was in the bishop Iudas Iscarioth of the religious monk Sergius, of Pope Leo the hereticke, and many other priests, of whom the scripture and chronicles make mention, and daily experience doeth teache vs the same: It is euident that as it is supposed, the priestes in the kingdom of Boheme greuously offending, it is the kings part, forsomuch as he is supreme head next vnder God, and Lorde of the kingdome of Boheme, to correct and punish those priests. And for so much as the gentillest correction, & punishmēt [Page] of suche as be indurate in their malice, is the casting away of their temporal goods, it followeth, that it is lawful for the king to take away temporallities. Wherfore it shuld seme very maruelous and strange, if that priests riding about, shuld spoile virgins, violently corrupt & defile honest matrones, if in such case it were not lawful for them to take away their armors, weapons, horses, gunnes and swordes from them. The like reason were it also, if they had vnlawfully conspired the death of the king, or that they woulde betray the king vnto hys ennemies.

28 Item, whatsoeuer any of the clergy doth require, or desire of the seculer power, according vnto the law & ordināce of Christ, the seculer power ought to performe & graunt the same. But the clergy being letted by riches, ought to require helpe of the seculer power, for the dispensation of the said riches. Ergo the seculer power ought in such case by the law of Christ, to take vpon them the office or duty of getting, keping, & distributing all such manner of riches, the Minor is heereby proued, that no man ought to haue riches, but to that end, that they be helps, preferring & helping vnto the office which is appoynted of God. Therfore in case that seculer possession doe hinder the cleargy from their duetie. The secular power ought to take it away, for so did the Apostles, Actes 6. saying, it is not lawfull for vs to leaue the worde of God vntaught, and to minister to Tables.

And thus hetherto hath Iohn Hus prosecuted Wyckleffs articles, with long arguments and reasons, the which were to long a trauaile, neither agreable for this place, to alledge all the whole order of his reasons and profes, which he vsed in that desputatiō, aboue the nomber of 20. more besides the testimonies of all the wryters before recited, the which hee alledgeth out of the scriptures, decretals, S. Ambrose in his boke of offices, S. August in his 5. boke & 5. quest. and also vnto Macedo, Isydore, the councell of Nice, Greg his 11. quest. Bernard vnto Eugenius in his 3. booke, and out of Lyncolniensis 61. Epistle, besides many other moe. The sum of al which testimonies tend vnto this end, that he might vtterly take away all earthly rule & dominion from the clergy, and to bring them vnder the subiection and censure of kings & Emperors, as it were within certaine bonds, the which is not onely agreable vnto equity and Gods word, but also profitable for the cleargy themselues. Hee teacheth it also to be necessary, that they shuld rather be subiect vnder the seculer power, then to be aboue them, because that els it were dangerous, lest that they being intangled with such kinde of busines, they should be an easier pray vnto sathan, and soner trapped in his snares. And therby it should come to passe that the gouernance & principality of al things being at the length brought into the hands of the clergy, the lawful authority of kings & princes shuld not only be geuen ouer vnto them, but in a maner as it were growe out of vse: specially for so much as already in certaine kingdoms and common wealths, the ecclesiastical power is growen vnto such height, that not only in Boheme, but also almost thorowout al the common welths, they do occupy the 3. or at least the 4. part of the rents and reuenues. And last of al, he alleageth the exāple of Greg. and of Mauritius, & afterwarde the prophecy of Hildegardis wryting in this manner.Hildegardis.

As the Ecclesiastical ministers do willingly receiue rewarde and praise of kings & rulers for their good deedes: So also ought they when they do offend willingly suffer and receiue punishmēt at their hands for their euil doings. The consequent holdeth thus, forsomuch as the punishment mekely and hūbly receiued for hys offence doth more profit a man, then his praise receiued for any good work.Gregorius ad Maurium. Wherupon S. Greg. wryteth thus vnto Mauritius the Emperor when he did persecute him, saying: I beleue that you do please almighty God so muche the better, in so cruelly afflicting me, which haue ben so euel a seruaunt vnto him. If then thys holy Pope did so humbly and mekely, without any offence suffer thys affliction of the Emperor, why should not any of the clergy, when they do offend, mekely sustaine punishment, at the kings or rulers hands, vnder whom he is boūden to be subiect? When as the true vicar of Christ sayth the 1. of Peter and 2. chap. Be ye subiect vnto euery creature for Gods cause, whether it bee vnto the kyng, as most excellent, or vnto the rulers, as men sent of God, for the punishing of the wicked, and to the praise of the good, for so is the good will of God.

Pope Leo submitteth himself vnto the Emperour Ludodicus.Wherupon Pope Leo, leaning vnto thys rule, submitted him self vnto Ludouicus the Emperour, as it is wrytten the 2. quest. 7. Vnder these words: if we haue done any thing incompetently, or that we haue not obserued the vpright path and way of equitie amongst subiects, wee will amende the same, either by your owne iudgement, either els by the aduise or iudgement of those whych you shal appoynt for that purpose. For if we which ought to correct and punish other mens fauts, doe commit more greuous our selues, we are not then the disciples of the trueth (but as with sorow we speake it) we shalbe aboue al other, the masters of error.

And in the 10. distinction hee wryteth thus, as touching the obedience vnto the Emperour, as concerning the precepts and commandements of our Emperors, and our predecessors bishops (the which the glose nameth Emperors, which are annoynted after the manner of Bishops) to be obserued & kept vnbroken, wee do professe our selues by all meanes possible, as much as in vs lieth; or that wee may and can by the helpe of God preserue and kepe them both nowe and euer. And if peraduenture any man do informe, or hereafter shall informe you otherwise, know you him assuredly, to be a lier and slaunderer.

Marke how this deuout and holy Pope, calling the Emperors bishops, submitted himself according to the rule of S. Peter the apostle vnder the obedience, and also punishment of the Emperor. Wherfore then should not the clergy of the kingdome of Boheme submit themselues vnder the obedience of their king, for Gods cause,The tyranny & pryde of the cleargie. for to be punished if they do offende, and not onely submit themselues vnto the king, but also vnto the rulers, and not onely vnto the rulers, but vnto euery other creature? For by how much they do so humble, and abase themselues in this world for Gods sake, so much the more shal they be exalted with him, but what is the let therof, but only pride wherby Antichrist doeth exalt hym selfe aboue the most humble and meeke Lord Iesu Christ?

Also it semeth to appere by that which is aforesayd vpon the taking away of the temporallities out of the prophecie of Hildegardis the virgin,The Prophecy of Hildegardis. the which he wryteth in his bokes vnder Eugenius the Pope in the councel of Treuerse approued & allowed by many bishops of France, Italy, & Almany, which were there present, whereas also S. Bernard himselfe was present, the which virgin prophecying, spake in this manner. The kings & other rulers of the world, being stirred vp by the iust iudgement of God shall set themselues against them & run vpon them saying, we wil not haue these men to raigne ouer vs with their rich houses, & great possessions, and other worldly riches, ouer the which we are ordeined to be Lords and rulers, and how is it mete or comely that those shauelings with their stoles and chisils shuld haue more soldiers or more, or richer armour or artillery then we? So is it not connenient that one of the clergy should be a man of warre, neither a soldier to be one of the clergy. Wherefore let vs take away from them, that which they do not iustly, but wrōgfully possesse. And immediatly after shee sayeth thus: The omnipotent father equally deuided all things: that is to say, the heauens he gaue vnto heauenly creatures, and the earth vnto the earthly. And by thys meanes was there a iust deuision made betweene the children of men, that the spiritualty shuld haue such things as belongeth vnto them, and the secular people, such things as are mete & necessary for them, so that neither of these 2. sorts shuld oppres eche other by violēce, for God doth not cōmand that the one sonne or child should haue both the cloke and the cote, and the other should go naked, but he willed that the one shuld haue the cloke, and the other the cote. Wherefore the seculer sort ought to haue the cloke for the greatnesse of their worldly cares, and for their children, which daily increase and multiply. The cote hee geueth vnto the spiritualty, that they shuld not lacke clothing, & that they should not posses more then necessity doth require. Wherfore we iudge and thinke it good that al these aforesaid be deuided by reason & equity. And whereas the cloke and the cote are both found, there the cloke be taken away, & geuen vnto the nedy, that they do not perish for lacke or want. These aforsaid spake the virgin Hildegardis, plainly for shewing the taking away of the tēporalities from the clergy by the seculer Lords, and shewing for what cause they shall be so taken away. And what manner of deuision shalbe made of those thinges that are taken away, that they be not consumed, and spent vnprofitably.

For so much as mention is heere made of Hildegardis, it shall not seme impertinent, moued by the occasiō hereof to geue forth vnto the reader such things as we haue found in certen olde volumes, touching her prophecie of the comming of certaine false Prophets, onely meaning as it seemeth, the begging friers, whych sprang vp shortly after her time. The tenour wherof is this, worde for word, as we finde it wrytten.

In those daies,Hildegardis prophecying of Fryers & mō [...]s there shall rise vp a people without vnderstanding, proud, couetous, vntrusty, and deceitfull, the which shall eat the sinnes of the people, holding a certaine order of folish deuotion, vnder the fained cloke of beggery, preferring themselues aboue all other, by their fained deuotion, arrogant vnderstanding, and pretended holines, walking without shamefastnes, or the fear of God, inuenting many new mischiefs being strong & stout, but this order shalbe accursed of al wise men, and faithful Christians, they shal cease from labour, and geue them selues ouer vnto idlenes. Chusing rather to liue thorow flattery, thē by begging. More ouer they shall together study, howe they may peruersly resist the teachers of the trueth. And slay them together wyth the noble men, how to seduce and deceiue the nobility, for the necessitie of their liuing and pleasures of thys worlde, for the Deuill will graft in them foure principall vices: that is to say, flatterie, enuie, hypocrisie and slaunder. Flatterie, that they may haue large giftes geuen them. Enuie, when they see giftes geuen vnto other, and not vnto them. Hypocrisie, that by false dissimulation, they maye please men Detraction, that they may extoll and commend them selues, and backbite others, for the praise of menne and seducing of the simple. Also they shall instantly preache wythout deuotion or example of the Martyrs, and shall detract the seculer princes, [Page] taking away the sacraments of the church from the true pastors, receiuing almes of the poore, diseased, and miserable, and also associating them selues with the common people, hauing familiaritie with women, instructing them howe they shall deceiue their husbandes and friendes by their flatterye and deceitfull wordes, and rob their husbandes to geue it vnto them, for they will take all these stollen and euill gotten, and say, geue it vnto vs, and we will pray for you, so that they beyng curious to hide other mens faultes, doe vtterly forget their owne, and alas, they will receiue all thinges of rouers, pickers, spoylers, theeues and robbers, of sacrilegious persons, vserers, adulterers, Heretikes, Schismatikes, Apostataies, whores and baudes, of noble men, periurers, merchantes, false iudges, souldiours, tyrantes, princes, of such as liue contrary to the law, and of many peruers and wicked men, following the persuasion of the deuil, the sweetnes of sinne, a delicate and transitory life, and fulnes euen vnto eternall damnation. All these things shall manifestly appeare in them vnto all people, and they day by day, shal waxe more wicked and hard hearted, & whē as their wickednes and disceits shalbe found out, then shall theyr gifts cease, and then shal they go about their houses hungry, & as mad dogs loking down vpon the earth, & drawing in their necks as doues, that they might bee satisfied with bread, then shall the people crye out vpon them. Woe be vnto you ye miserable children of sorow, the worlde hath seduced you, the deuil hath brideled your mouthes, your flesh is frayle, and your heartes without sauour, your mindes haue bene vnstedfast, and your eyes delighted in much vanitie and folly, your daintie bellies desire delicate meates. Your feete swift to runne vnto mischief, remember when you were apparantly blessed, yet enuious, poore but rich, simple, mightie deuout flatterers, vnfaithfull betrayers, peruerse detracters, holy hipocrites, subuerters of the truth, ouermuch vpright, proude, vnshamefast, vnstedfast teachers, delicate marters, confessours for gaine, meeke slaunderers, religious, couetous, humble, proud pitifull, hard harted liers, pleasant flatterers, peace makers, persecutors, oppressors of the poore, bringing in new sects newly inuented of your selues, mercifull, wicked, louers of the world, sellers of pardons, spoylers of benefices, vnprofitable orators, sedicious cōspirators, dronkards, desirers of honor, maintainers of mischiefe, robbers of the worlde, vnsaciable, preachers, men pleasers, seducers of women, and sowers of discorde, for Moyses the glorious prophet, spake very well of you in his song. A people without coūcel or vnderstanding, would to God they did know, vnderstand and foresee the end. You haue builded vp an high, and when you could ascend no hier, then did you fall euen as Symon Magus, whom God ouerthrew, and did strike with a cruel plage, so you likewise thorowe your false doctrine, naughtines, lies, detractions and wickednes, are come to ruine, and the people shall say vnto them goe yee teachers of wickednesse, subuerters of the truth, brethren of the Sunamitie, fathers of heresies, false apostles, which haue fained your selues to followe the life of the Apostles, and yet haue not fulfilled it in no part, sonnes of iniquitie, we wil not follow the knowledge of your waies, for pride & presumption hath deceiued you, and insaciable cōcupiscence hath subuerted your erroneous hearts. And whē as yet would ascēd hier thē was mete or comely for you, by the iust iudgement of God, you are fallen backe into perpetual opprobry and shame. Thys blessed Hildegardis whose prophecy this is, flourished about the yeare of our Lord a 1546. as it is wrytten in Martins chronicles.

Hugo de sacramentis part. 2.Also Hugo in his second boke of sacraments, in the 2. parte, 3. chapter and 7. sayth, the laity forsomuch as they entermedle wyth earthly matters necessary vnto an earthly life, they are the least part of the body of Christ. And the clergy for so much as they doe dispose those things which pertaine vnto a spirituall life, are as it were the right side of the body of Christ, and afterward interpreting both these partes him selfe, he sayeth: A spirituall man ought to haue nothing, but such as pertaineth vnto God, vnto whom it is appoynted to be sustained by the tithes and oblations whych are offered vnto God: But vnto the Christian and faithfull laietie, the possession of the earth is graunted, and vnto the cleargie the hole charge of spiritual matters is committed, as it was in the old Testament. And in his 7. chapter he declareth howe that certaine things are geuen vnto the Church of Christ, by the deuotion of the faithfull, the power and authority of the seculer power reserued, least there might happen any confusion: For so much as God him selfe cannot alow no disordered thing. Wherupon oftētimes the worldly princes do graunt the bare vse of the church, and oftentimes vse and power to exercise iustice, which the clergy cannot exercise by any Ecclesiasticall minister, or any one person of the clergy. Notwithstāding they may haue certain lay persōs, ministers vnto that office. But in such sort sayeth he, that they do acknowledge the power which they haue to come from the seculer prince or ruler, and that they do vnderstand their possessions can neuer be alternate away from the kings power, but (if that necessity or reason doe require) the same possessions in all such case of necessity do owe him obeisance and seruice. For like as the kings power ought not to turne away the defence or sauegarde which he oweth vnto other: so likewise the possessions obtained and possessed by the clergy, according to the duty and homage which is due vnto the patronage of the kings power cannot by right be denied. Thus much wryteth Hugo:

In the third acte the same yeare, after the feast of S. Vitis, as touching Tithes. &c.
¶ Tithes are pure almes.

VPon this article it is to be noted, that for so much as almes is a worke of mercy, as S. Augustine, Chrysostome, and others do ioyntly affirme,Almes. Mercy. and that mercy (according to Lincolniensis minde) for the present is a loue or desire to helpe the miserable out of his misery: and for so much as the misery of mankinde is double:Two kindes of miseries. Two kindes of goodnes. that is to say spirituall and bodily: the whiche is the want or taking away of the good, and the goodes of man is eyther the goodes of the soule or of the body: And the goods of the soule is double (That is to say: the lighting of the minde, & the vprightnes of affection) the misery of the soule is also double as the darcknes of ignorance and a froward and wilfull sweruing from the truth. And both the goodes of the soule are wont to be comprehended vnder one title of name:Wisdome. Follye. that is to say; wisdom, and both the miseries of the soule vnder the name of follie. Wherupon all the hole goodnes of the soule is wisdom, and all the hole misery thereof is ignoraunce, the miseries of the body are lacke of meat, that is to say, hunger, and lacke of drinke called thirst: and briefly all misery is the want of something which is desired.The miseries of the minde and bodie. Also these are bodely miseries, nakednes, lacke of harbour, sicknesse, and imprisonment. All the miseries therfore being nombred together, are but one of the soule, the which is folly and lacke of wisdom, and 6. of the body, the which the Lord in the 25. of Mathew doth plainly reherse. There are also commonly appoynted 7. bodely almes, that is to say, to feede the hungry, to geue drinke vnto the thirsty: To clothe the naked, to harber the stranger or haberles, to visit the sick, & to bury the dead, the which altogether are cōteyned in these verses.

Visito, poto, cibo, redimo, tego, colligo, condo.

The which verse is thus Englished, word for word.

Visite the sicke, the hungry feede,

Geue drinke to the thirsty, cloth the naked:

Bury the dead, the captiue redeme,

The harbourles receiue to thy lodging.

There be also 7. other spirituall almes appoynted,What is almes. whych are these, to teache the ignoraunt, to councell him that is in dout. To comfort him which is in heauinesse. To correct the offender. To forgeue him which hath offended against thee. To beare those which are greeuous. And to pray for all men, the which are also conteined in these verses following.

Consule castiga solare remitte fer ora.

The which verse is thus Englished, word for word.

Instruct the ignorant, the weake confirme,

Comfort the heauy hart, and correct sinner

Forgeue the offender, beare with the rude,

Pray for all men both euel and good.

So that notwithstanding vnder the same, counselles and doctrine be comprehended. Thus writeth Thomas in the 2. part of the 2. quest. 32, article. 2.

Secondly it is to be noted, that in this present article our intent is only to intreat of bodely almes (the which as Thomas writeth in his 2. part 2. questi. 32. Arti. 1.) according vnto some mens mindes is this defined.What almes is. Almes is a worke whereby any thing is giuen vnto the needy of compasiō for Gods sake. And for so much as this definition serueth as well for the spirituall, as for the corporall almes. Therefore to the purpose, almes is a worke, whereby any thing is giuen vnto the needy in body for compassion, & for Gods sake. Or that is giuen of compassion or pitie vnto the bodely needy for Gods sake.

Whereupon it is manifest that almes as S. Augustin & other holy men say, is a worke of mercy, as also to geue almes. As it appeareth by the name, for in the Greeke it is deriued frō this word Misericordia, which is mercy, for as in the Latine, this word Miseratio, which signifieth pitie, is deriued of Misericordia, which is mercy, so this word Eleemosyna, which signifieth almes, is deryued of the Greeke word Elemonia, which is to say mercy, and of the word Sina, which is to say commandement, as it were a commaundement of mercy, or otherwise of this word Elemonia. By this letter I, which is to say God, and this worde Sina, which is commaundement As if it were said, the commaundement of God as Ianuensis in his booke intituled Catholicō affirmeth.

For our Sauiour doth commaunde in the xj. of Luke to geue almes, saying, geue almes and behold all thinges are cleane vnto you: least that in this point there may be any equiuocation it is supposed presently, that the almes giuē of mē is a corporal almes giuen simply vnder the name of almes. Secondly, it is to be noted, that Tythes in this effect are the tenth part of goods of fortune, giuen by a man simply vnder the name of almes for Gods sake.Tythes.

These things being thus noted and supposed the article is thus proued. Euery gift of fortune, or temporal gift, simply giuē vnder [Page] the name of almes is almes. But some tiths are the gift of fortune, or temporall gift vnder the name of almes. Therfore some tithes are almes. This consequent is manifest of his selfe. The Maior appeareth by the first supposition. And the Minor by the seconde.

Item, euery gift geuen by a man euen of loue, to relieue and helpe the miserable out of his misery is an almes. The 10. part of the goodes of fortune geuen by a man, simply vnder the name of almes, for Gods sake, is geuen by the same man euen of loue, to helpe the miserable out of his misery: Therefore the 10. part of the goods of fortune being geuē by any man simply vnder the name of almes for Gods sake is almes. The consequent is manifest. The Maior appeareth by this, that euery such gift is either a spirituall or bodely almes. The Minor seemeth hereby true, for so much as many holy men haue geuen, and do geue, euen for loue to relieue the miserable out of his miserie. Neither is it to be doubted, but that such kinde of tithes are almes. For S. Augustine vppon these words of the Lord in the Gospell wryteth thus. Woe be vnto you Pharisies which do tithe minte and anise. If they cannot be clēsed without they beleeue in him, he which doth clense his heart thorow faith, to what purpose is it, that hee sayth, geue almes, and beholde all things are cleane vnto you. Let vs geue care, and peraduenture he doth expound it himselfe.S. Augustine proueth tithes to be pure almes They did take out the 10. part of all their fruites, and gaue it for almes, the which any Christian mā doth not willingly. Then they mocked him, whē he spake these words to them, as vnto men which wold do no almes. Thys the Lord forknowing, said: Wo be vnto you Pharises which tithe mint and rue, and al kind of herbs. And passe ouer the iudgement & charity of God, for this it is to do almes, if thou dost vnderstād it, begin with thy selfe: For howe canst thou be mercifull vnto an other, which art vnmercifull vnto thy selfe. This wryteth S. Augustine, in plainly saying that tithes are almes.

Also in his Enchiridion 76. chap. vpon these wordes of Luke in the 11 chapter.August in Enchiri. Notwithstanding that which is more then sufficient, geue in almes and all things shall be cleane vnto you, hee sayth thus: when he had rebuked them that they washed thēselues outwardly, and inwardly were full of iniquity & abhomination, admonishing them, what, and howe a man ought first to bestowe almes vpon him self, and first to clense him self inwardly, he sayth. That which doth remaine, geue in almes, & beholde all things are clean vnto you. Afterward, that he might the better declare what he had geuen them warning of, & what they neglected to do, that they shuld not iudge him ignorant of their almes: he sayth, Wo be vnto you Pharisies, as though hee shoulde say, I verely gaue you warning that you shuld geue such almes, wherby al things might be cleane vnto you: but wo be vnto you which do tith mint, rue, and all kinde of herbes, for I do know these your almes, that you shuld not thinke with your selues that you had geuē me warning therof: and neglect and passe ouer the iudgement and charitie of God, by the which almes ye might be clēsed from all your inward filthinesse. And your bodies also which you doe wash shoulde be cleane For all these things both inward, and also outwarde, as it is sayde in an other place, cleanse that which is wythin, and the outward things shalbe also cleane.

But least that he should seme to refuse those almes which are geuen of the frutes of the earth, he sayd, you ought to haue done these thinges: That is to say, the iudgement and loue of God, & not to neglect the same. That is to say, the almes of the frute of the earth This wryteth S. Aug expresly calling the tithes almes.

Also Chrysostome vpon the same wordes in the 11. of Luke, that which remaineth geue in almes, he sayth thus: wheras it was spoken of the Iewish kind of clensing it is wholy passed. But for so much as tithes is a certaine almes,Chrisostomas in 11. Luce. and the time was not yet expresly come to kil the sacrifices of the law, for this cause he saith, ye ought to do those things, & not to omit the other. And S. Thomas alledgeth him in his glose vppon S. Luke. And Chrysostome himselfe doth touch two poynts. First that tithes is almes. Secōdly, that tithes are in a manner lawfull, forsomuch as the gift therof vnto the priests did not cease in the time of Christ.

Also Augustin in a certaine Sermon of geuing almes, sayeth thus, what is to say: geue almes: And behold all things are cleane vnto you. Let vs geue eare, and peraduenture he doth expounde it him selfe. When he had spoken these words, without dout they thought within themselues, who did geue almes, and howe they did geue it. They tithed all that they had, and toke out the 10. part of all their frutes. And gaue it for almes: the which no Christian lightly doth so. Marke what the Iewes did, they tithed not onely their wheate, but their wine and oyle, and not that only, but also vile things. For the commandement of the Lord, as commin, rue, and anise, of the which they tooke the 10. part, and gaue it for almes. I thinke therefore, for so much as they called vnto theyr mindes and thought with them selues, that our Lord Christ spake in vaine vnto them that they did no almes, when as they knewe their owne workes, that they tithed the smallest, and worst of all their frutes, and gaue almes thereof: They mocked hym amongest themselues, because he did speake in such sort vnto them, as vnto men that did no almes. The which the Lord fore seeing, by and by added notwythstanding, wo be vnto you Scribes, Pharisies & hypocrites, which tithe your mint, commin, and rue, and all kinde of herbes: that you may know; I doe vnderstand your almes Truely, these are your tithes. These are your almes, you tithe out the least and worst of all your frutes, and haue left the waighty matters of the lawe vndone Here S. Augustin often expoundeth, that tithes are almes: Also he wryteth the like in his booke of homilies in his 6. homelie.

Item, for the proofe of thys article that tithes are pure almes, it is thus argued. For this proposition, tithes are pure almes is infinite, taking the trueth for many of his particularities. It is moste certaine that it is not damnable, but most catholike, that God is something the which being false in all particulers, it is onely true for that alone which doth surmount all kinde. Ergo, by like reason this particuler is true, tenthes are pure almes: For it is thus proued. These tenthes of a good lay man being wholy distributed by a faithfull minister vnto a nedy lay man, according to a good entent, how can they be but pure almes, yea, and more pure then any almes geuen by any of the cleargie being a fornicatour. The whole Antecedent I suppose as possible, and doutfull vnto the condemners, if it be true.

Item, it is also thus proued, these tithes, and all other goodes of fortune, are pure almes in respect of God. Forsomuch as euery man, Emperor and king, is a begger of God. As S. Augustin doth oftentimes affirme, and consequently if he doe receiue frutefully any such goodnesse at the hand of God, the same is pure almes in respect of God: neither is there any faithfull man that will deny the same, but that it simply foloweth that the same is pure almes before God, Ergo it is pure almes.

It is also thus argued, all tithes are by themselues, and euery part of them almes, neither is there any reason cōtrary vnto this, that they are almes. Ergo, they are pure almes. For they are by no other meanes or reason, then almes, if they be all together themselues almes: Forsomuch as it followeth, if they be by any other meanes or otherwise then almes, then they are otherwise then some almes, and forsomuch as they themselues are some almes, it foloweth that they are otherwise then they are in dede, the which is false.

But now to passe beyond the bonds of Logicke,Sustenance & clothing geuen to the Apostles, was almes ergo also tithes. it is to be demaūded, whether before the church was endowed, or that sustenance and clothing were geuen vnto the Apostles, there was any pure almes, or that they were geuen by any other meanes by bōd of det, amōgst men. And forsomuch as the reason is not to be fained, but that they were pure almes, so afterwarde the custome of the same thing according vnto like reasō doth not alter the kind of the reason. For so might beggers chalenge by custome beyond the purity of almes, the temporallities which they do beg. Neither doth det vtterly exclude the purity of almes before God: for euery man duely geuing almes, doth as he ought to do: as euery man duely receiuing his almes, ought so to receiue it as according to Gods will. And simplie to establish any humaine title, vppon the continuance of any such almes, it is altogether contrary vnto the reason of almes. Therefore they do continually obserue, and kepe the reason of the purity of almes, which they had from the beginning, when as the bond conditioned, doth not destroy the purity thereof. Wherefore there is no cause why it should be denied that tithes are pure almes: except that the proud should be maruelously extolled, contrary to the humility of Christ. For they doe chalenge by the title of their lacke or want so to be pleased for their tithes. For so might the begging Frier, by the continuance of hys daily begging chalenge according vnto the like quantitie or circumstance But it is no argument, that if the curate doe performe his corporall ministrie, that he ought therefore to chalenge tithes by any ciuil title, because that as wel on the behalfe of him, which geueth the tithe, as also in the behalfe of the Curate, euery suche ministry ought frely to be geuen, and not by any ciuill exchange. Forsomuch as it is not required, but that rather the comparison of such exchaunges are repugnant, forsomuch as also no mā frely geueth any almes except he doe looke for the duetie of recompence, by the law of conscience.

Item, all temporall goods bestowed vppon the clergie, by the lay people vnder condition, as the goodes of the churche are the almes of them which geue it, it is prooued thus, for so much as all those goods are the goods of the poore, as it appeareth by many sayings of holy men and by the lawes.

But they were not the goods of the pore, after they were mere seculer goodes, but onely by the meane of the woorke of mercie, wherby they were bestowed vpon the pore Ergo, they were pure almes. The cōsequent dependeth vpō the definitiō of pure almes.

Item, all things changed to the vse and power of an other, either by ciuil exchange or Euangelical is changed But the church goods are so changed by one of these ministries. But the Euangelical exchange is not to be fained, because it is not done, neyther by bying or selling, or any other ciuill exchange. Therefore there doth not remaine, but only a pure gift, for hope of a heauenly reward, the which is mercy, and so pure almes. And it semeth to followe consequently that all the Clergie receiuing such almes, are not onely in respect of God, as all other menne: But in respect of [Page] men beggers. For they wold not so instantly require those almes except they had neede of them: neither ought we to be ashamed therof,The clergy beggers. or to be proud beggers: for so much as Christ touching his humanitie became a begger for vs, because hee declared his need vnto his Father saying. &c.

Item, when any Kyng, Prince, Knight, Citizen, or anye other man doth geue vnto the clergy, or to anye priest for his stipend, he geueth the same vnto the Churche of God, and to the priuate party, as a perpetuall almes, that he should attend to his vocation, preaching, praying and studying. But this kinde of geuing doth not suffice to ground any seculer dominion amongst the clergye it followeth that the bare vse remayneth in them, or the seculer vse without any seculer power.

The maior appeareth hereby, forsomuch as otherwise almes should not be a worke of mercy. Whereby it may also appeare, that tenths are pure alms geuen to the church, to the vse of the pore.

And hereupon the holy men doe say that tenthes are the tributes of the needy soules. Whereupon S. Augustine in a sermon made vpon the restoring of tithes sayth.Tithes are to be giuen [...] ninth part of [...]. The geuing of Tithes most deare brethren are the tributes of the poore soules therefore pay your tribute vnto the poore. And by and by after, he sayth, therefore who desireth eyther to get any rewarde, or to haue anye remission of sinnes, by geuing of his tenthes, let him study to geue almes euen of the ninth part: so that what soeuer shall remayne more then a competent liuing, and decent clothing: that it be not reserued for riot, but that it be layd vp in the heauenly treasure, by geuing it in almes to the poore. For what so euer God doth geue vnto vs more then we haue neede of: he doth not geue it vs specially for our selues: but doth send it vs to be bestowed vpon others by our handes, if wee doe not geue it, we inuade an other mans possessions.

Thus much wryteth S. Augustine, and is repeted in the xvi. question 1. Decime.

Also S. Ierome in an Epistle, and it is put in the 16. question, and 2. chap Quicquid. What soeuer the clergy hath it is the goods of the poore.

Also S. Augustine in his 33. Epistle vnto Boniface, and it is aleaged in the 1. question and 12.

Also in the 23. question 7. If we doe possesse any thinge priuately, the which doth suffise vs, they are not oures, but the goods of the poore, whose stewardes we are, except we doe challenge to ourselues a property by some damnable vsurpatiō. The glose vpon that part of the 23. question 7. sayth. The Prelates are but onely the stewardes of the church goodes, and not Lordes thereof.

S. Ambrose also vpon this saying of the Gospell. Luke the 16. Geue accompt of your bailiship, or stewardship: Hereby then doe we learne, that they are not Lordes, but rather stewardes and baliffes of other mens substaunce.

And S. Ierome, writing to Nepotianus saieth, howe can they be of the clergye, which are commaunded to contemne and dispise their owne substaunce, and to take away from a frend, it is theft, to deceiue the Churche it is sacriledge, and to take awaye that, which should be geuen vnto the poore.

¶ The order and maner of taking vp the body of Iohn Wickliffe and burning his bones 41. yeares after his death.

And S. Bernard in his sermon,The clergie are stewards of the church goods, and not Lordes thereof. vppon these wordes (Symon Peter sayd vnto Iesus, chap. 17) sayd. Truely the goodes of the Church, are the patrimony of the poore: And whatsoeuer thyng the ministers and stewardes of the same, not Lordes or possessours do take vnto themselues more then sufficient, for a competent liuing, the same is taken away from the poore, by a sacrilegious crueltie.

And Eusebius in his treatise vpon the pilgrimage of S. Ierom writeth thus, if thou doest possesse a garment, or anye other thing more then extreme necessitie doth require and dost not help the needy, thou art a theef & a robber. Wherfore dearly beloued children, let vs be stewards of our temporallities, and not possessors.

And Isidore in his treatise De summo Bono chap. 42. sayth. Let the byshop know that he is the seruaunt of the people,Isidonus de summo bono. and not Lord ouer them.

Also in the 5. booke of decretals, extra de donationibus, sub authoritate Alexandri tertij. Episcopi paristensis. He sayth, we beleue that it is not vnknowne vnto your brotherhoode, that a Byshop, and euery other Prelate is but a steward of the Churche goodes, and not Lord thereof. By these sayinges of these holy men it is euidently declared, that not only tithes, but also al other substaunce which the clergy hath by gift of worke of mercy, are pure almes, which after the necessitie of the clergy once satisfied, ought to be transported vnto the poore.

Secondly it is declared how that the Clergye are not Lordes and possessours of those goods, but ministers & stewardes therof.

Thirdly it is shewed, that if the Clergye doe abuse the same, they are theeues, robbers, and sacrilegious persons, and except they doe repent, by the iust iudgement of God they are to be condempned.

ANd thus hetherto I may peraduenture seeme to haue made sufficient long resitall out of Ihon Dus, but so notwithstanding that the commoditie of those thinges, maye aboundantly recompence the prolixitie thereof. Wherfore if I shall seeme vnto any man in the rehearsall of this disputation to haue passed very farre the boundes of the history: let him thinke thus of me, that at what tyme I tooke in hand to wryte of these Ecclesiasticall matters, I could not omit these thinges whiche were so straightly ioyned with the cause of the Church.

Neither that I did make more accompt of the historye which I had taken in hand then of the common vtilitie, whereunto I had chiefe respect. There were besides these certayne other articles. Whereupon the sayde Iohn Dus had very wisely and learnedly disputed, but these shal suffice vs for this present. And for the residue we will passe them ouer, to the intent we may the more spedely retourne whereas our story left, declaring what cruelty they vsed not onely against the bookes and articles of Iohn Wickliffe, but also in burning his body and bones, commaunding them to be taken vp 41. yeares after he was buryed, as appeareth by the decree of the sayde Synode, the forme wherof, we thought hereunto to annexe as followeth.

The decree of the Synode of Constance touching the taking vp of the body and bones of Iohn Wickliffe to be burned 41. yeares after he was buryed in his owne parish at Lutterworth.

The decree of the councell for the burning of Wickliffes dead bones.FOrsomuch as by the authoritie of the sentence & decree of the Councell of Rome, and by the cōmaundement of the Church and the Apostolical see after due delayes being geuen, they proceeded vnto the condemnatiō of the said I. Wickliffe, and his memory: hauing first made proclamation, & geuen cōmaundement to cal forth whosoeuer would defend the said Wickliffe, or his memory (if there were any such) but there did none appeare,Ex Actis concily Constant. which would either defēd him or his memory. And moreouer witnesses being examined by Commissioners appoynted by Pope Iohn & thys Councell, vpon the impenitencie and finall obstinacie and stubburnes of ye said Iohn Wickliffe (reseruing that which is to be reserued, as in such busines, the order of the lawe requireth) and his impenitencie and obstinacy euen vnto his end, being sufficiently proued by euident signes and tokens, and also by lawfull witnesses of credite, was lawfully geuen thereunto. Wherefore at the instaunce of ye steward of the treasury, proclamation being made to heare & vnderstand the sentence agaynst this day: the sacred Synode declareth, determineth and geueth sentence, that the said Iohn Wickliffe was a notorious obstinate hereticke, and that he died in his heresie, cursing and condemning both him and his memory.

This Sinode also decreeth and ordeineth, that the body & bones of the said Iohn Wickliffe, if it might be decerned and knowne from the bodyes of other faithfull people to be taken out of the ground, & throwne away farre from the buriall of any church, according vnto the canon lawes & decrees. Which determination and sentēce definitiue being red & pronounced, the lord president, & the foresaid presidentes of the 4. nations, being demaunded & asked whether it did please them or no? They all answered (and first Hostiensis the president, and after him the other presidents of the nations) that it pleased them very well, and so they alowed and confirmed all the premisses, &c.

[Page]¶ What Heraclitus would not laugh, or what Democritus would not weep, to see these so sage & reuerend Catos, to occupy their heads to take vp a poore mans body, so long dead and buryed before, by ye space of 41. yeares? & yet peraduenture were not able to finde his right bones, but took vp some other body, & so of a catholick made an heretike. Albeit, herein Wickliffe had some cause to geue them thankes that they woulde at least spare him so long till he was dead, and also to geue him so long respite after hys death 41. yeares to rest in his sepulchre before they vngraued him, and turned him from earth to ashes: which ashes also, they took & threw into the riuer. And so was he resolued into 3. elements, earth, fire, and water, thinking therby vtterly to extinct and abolishe both the name and doctrine of Wickliffe for euer. Not much vnlike to the example of ye old Phariseis & sepulcher knightes, which when they had brought the Lord vnto ye graue, thought to make him sure neuer to rise againe. But these and all other must knowe, that as there is no coūsaile against the Lord: so there is no keeping down of veritie, but it wil spring and come out of dust and ashes, as appeared right well in this man. For though they digged vp his body, burnt his bones, & drowned his ashes, yet ye word of God and truth of his doctrine with the fruit & successe therof they could not burne: which yet to this day for the most part of his articles do remaine. Notwithstāding, the transitory body and bones of ye man was thus consumed and dispersed, as by this picture here aboue set forth to thine eyes (gentle reader may appeare.

These things thus finished and accomplished, whiche pertayne to the story and time of Wickliffe: let vs now (by the supportation of the Lord) proceede to entreate & write of the rest, which either in his time or after his time, springing out of the same vniuersitie, and raysed vp (as ye wold say) out of his ashes were pertakers of the same persecution.Ex Th. Walden. lib. de sacrament. Of whom speaketh Thomas Walden in his book, De sacramentis & sacramentalibus. cap. 53. Where he saith, that after Wickliffe many suffered most cruell death, and many mo did forsake the realme.

In the number of whome was William Swinderby, Walter Brute: Iohn Puruey: Richard White: William Thorpe:Laurence Redman, Dauid Sawtre, Iohn Aschwerbe. Raynold Pecock B. of S. Assaph, and afterward of Chichester.

To this Catalogue also pertayneth (mentioned in ancient writers) Laurence Redman maister of Arte, Dauid Sautre deuine, Iohn Aschwarby vicar as they call him of S. Mary Church at Oxford, William Iames an excellent yong man well learned,W. Ia [...], Th. B [...] well, William Haw [...] Rafe Grenhurt, Iohn Scut, Phillip Norice, Peter Pa [...] Lorde Co [...] ham. Thomas Brightwell, & William Haulam a ciuilian, Rafe Grenhurst. Ioh. Scut: and Phillip Norice: which being excōmunicated by P. Eugenius the 4. in the yeare of our Lord, 1446. appealed vnto a generall or oecumenicall Councell.

Peter Payne, who flying from Oxford into Boheme, did stoutly contend agaynst the Sophisters, as touchyng both kindes of the sacrament of the last supper. Who afterward among the rest of the Oratours was one of the 14. that was sent into the Councell at Basill: whereas by the space of 3. daies, he disputed vpon the 4. article, which was as touching the ciuill dominion of the clergy, an. 1438. Also the Lorde Cobham. &c. with diuers others besides whose names are mencioned in the kinges writte sent to the Sheriffe of Northampton which writ of the king, followith in this Teuor. Rex vicecomiti Northamptoniae salutem. &c. For so much as Iohn Attyate of Cheping warden: Iohn Warryner. Ro. Brewoode &c. be Recettours & fautoures of heretickes and especially of one Iohn Woodward priest publiquely diffamed and condemned of heresy will not be iustified by the censures of the Churche as the reuerend father I. Bish. of Lincolne hath certified vs. we therefore willing to withstand all defenders and fautours of such heresies doe will and commaunde as well the forenamed as namely the foresaid Iohn Woodward to be apprehended straightly charging the same to be emprisoned by theyr bodyes or otherwise punished as shall seeme good to the Iustices, vntill they and euery of them shall submit them selues to the obedience of the foresayd Bishop in this behalfe: accordingly. Whereof fayle you not vnder payne of C.li. witnesse our selues, yeauen at our Mannor of Langley the viii. day of Marche, the 12. yeare of our Reigne.

To these aboue rehearsed and other fauourers of Wickliffe within this our countrey of Englande we may adde also the Bohemians: for so much as the propagation of the said doctrine of Wickliffe, in that Countrey also take roote, comming from England to Boheme, by thys occasion as in story here followeth.

There chaunced at that time a certayne student of the coūtry of Bohemia to be at Oxford,The occasion how the doctrine of Wickliffe came to Boheme. one of a welthy house and also of a noble stocke. Who returning home from the vniuersitie of Oxford, to the vniuersitie of Prage: caryed with him certayne bookes of Wickliffe, De realibus Vniuersalibus, De ciuili iure, & Diuino: De ecclesia, De questionibus varijs contra clerum &c. It chaunced the same time, a certayne noble man in the Citty of Prage, had founded and builded a great Church of Mathias and Matheus, which Church was called Bethleem: geuing to it great landes, & finding in it two preachers euery day, to preach both holy day and working day to the people. Of the whiche two preachers, this Iohn Hus was one, a man of great knowledge, of a pregnant wit, and excellently fauoured for his worthy life amongst them.Wicleuu [...] vir bonus, sanctus c [...] dignus. The great affection of I. Hus to I. Wickliffe. This Iohn Hus hauing familiaritie wyth this yong man, in reading and perusing these bookes of Wickliffe, tooke such pleasure and fruit in reading therof, that not onely he began to defend this author opēly in the schooles, but also in his sermons: commending him for a good man, an holy man and heauenly man, wishing himselfe when he should dye, to be there placed, where as the soule of Wickliffe should be. And thus for the spreading of Wickliffes doctrine enough.

And thus much briefly concerning the fauourers & adherentes of Iohn Wickliffe, in generall. Now particularly & in order let vs (by Christes grace) prosecute the stories and persecutions of the said parties aforenamed, as the course of their times shall require, first beginning with the valiant champions wil. Swinderby and Walter Brute.

The history of William Swinderby.

IN the yeare 1389.Anno. 1389. Ex Regi [...]n Episcopi Herfor [...]. W. Swinderby first examined. Denouncer [...] of W. Swinderby. 3. Friers, Fresby, Hinkby, Blaxton. William Swinderby priest within the dioces of Lincolne being accused and detected vpon certayn opinions, was presented before Iohn bishop of Lincolne, and examined vpon certayne articles in the Church of Lincolne, after the forme and order of the popes law, according to theyr vsuall rite obserued, his denouncers were these: Fryer Frisby obseruant, Frier Hincely Angustine: & Tho. Blaxton Dominican. The articles wherewith they charged him, although in forme of wordes as they put thē vp, might seeme something straunge here to be recited: yet to the entent that all men may see the spitefull malice of these spider Fryers, in sucking al things to poyson, and in forging that is not true, as in processe (Christ willing) here after shall better appeare by his aunsweres, I thought good here to notifie the same.

[Page]That men may aske their debtes by charitie, but in no maner for debt to imprison any man: and that he so imprisoning is accursed.

That if parishners do knowe their Curate to be a lechour incontinent, and an euill man: they ought to withdraw from him their tithes, or els they be fautours of his sinnes.

That tithes purely be almose, and in case that Curates be euill men, the same may lawfully be conferred to other men.

That for an euill Curate to curse his suget for withholding of tithes: is nothing els, but to take with extortiō wickedly and vnduely from them theyr money.

That no prelate may curse a man, except he know before that he is cursed of God.

That euery Priest may absolute any sinner being contrite and is bound (notwithstanding the inhibition of the Bishop) to preach the Gospell vnto the people.

That a Priest taking any annuall pension vppon couenant, is in so doing a simoniacke and accursed.

That any priest being in deadly sinne, if he geue himselfe to consecrate the body of the Lord, he committeth idolatry rather then doth consecrate.

That no priest entreth into any house, but to euill intreat the wife, the daughter or mayde. And therefore he admonished the goodman of the house, to take heede what priest he let into his house.

An other conclusion falsly to him obiected. That a child is not truely baptised, if the priest that baptiseth, or ye godfather or godmother be in deadly sinne.

Item, that no man liuing agaynst the law of God is a priest, how euer he were ordeined priest of any Bishop.

These articles or conclusions vntruely collected, were as cruelly exhibited agaynst him by the Fryers in the Byshop of Lincolnes court. The which articles although he neuer preached, taught or at any time defēded, as appereth more in the processe following: yet the Friers with theyr witnesses standing forth against him,W. Swinterby compiled by the Fryers to [...]uc arti [...], which [...] neuer [...]ht. declared him to be conuict: bringing also dry wood with them to the towne to burne him, and would not leaue him, before he made them promise and sweare for feare of death neuer to hold them, teach them, nor preach them priuily, nor apertly vnder payne of relapse: and that he shoulde goe to certayne churches to reuoke the foresayd conclusions, which he neuer affirmed. As first in the Churche of Loncolne, then in S. Margarets Church of Leycester. Also in S. Martines Church in Leycester, and in our Ladies churches at Newarke: and in other Parishe Churches also, of Melton Moubray, of Haloughton, Hareburgh, and Lenthburgh. Which pennaunce being to him enioyned, he did obediently accomplishe: with this forme of reuocation, whiche they bound him vnto, vnder these wordes.

The forced reuocation of W. Swinderby.The reuocation of William Swinderby whereunto he was forced by the Friers.

I William Swinderby priest, although vnworthy of the dioces of Lincolne, acknowledging one true Catholique, and Apostolique fayth of the holy Church of Rome, doe abiure all heresie and errour repugning to the determinatiō of the holy mother church wherof I haue bene hetherto infamed, namely the conclusions and articles aboue prefixed, and euery one of them to me iudicially obiected, by the Commissary of the reuerend father in Christ and Lord, L. Iohn by the grace of God Byshop of Lincolne: and do reuoke the same, & euery one of them, some as hereticall, some as erroneous, and false, and do affirme and beleue them to be so, and hereafter will neuer teach, preach, or affirme publiquely or priuily the same. Neither will make any sermon within the diocesse of Lincolne, but asking first and obtayning the licence, of the foresayd reuerend father and Lord the Byshop of Lincolne. Contrary to the which if I shall presume hereafter, to say or doe, to holde or preach: I shalbe content to abide the seueritie of the Canon, as I haue iudicially by the necessitie of the lawe, sworne, and doe sweare &c.

Thus haue you the conclusions and articles of thys good man, falsly obiected to him by the malicious and lying Fryers: and also the retractation, whereunto they by force compelled him: wherby it may likewise be coniectured, what credite is to be geuen to the articles and conclusions which these caueling Fryers wrasting all thinges to the worst, haue obiected and imputed both to Wickliffe & all other of that sort, whō they so falsly do infame, so slannderously doe bely, and so maliciously doe persecute. After these thinges thus done and wrought in the diocesse of Lincolne: it so befell, the sayd W. Swinderby to remoue to the diocesse and countery of Herford, where, he was as much or more molested by ye friers again, & by Ioh. Tresnant B. of Herford, as by the processe & story here ensuing set out at large out of their owne registers may appeare.

Here followeth the processe of Iohn Tresnant Bishop of Herford had against the aforesaid William Swinderby in the cause of hereticall prauitie as the popishe heretickes cal it.The proces of the B. of Hereford against W. Swinderby.

THe glorious name of the prince of peace, and his counsaile (whose counsailour no man is,The florishing inuocation of of Gods name. & whose prouidēce in his disposition is neuer deceaued) being inuocated: To all and singuler beleuers of Christ, which shall see or heare this our processe vnderwritten, Iohn by the sub [...]erance of God B. of Herford: greeting, and peaceable charitie in the Lord. Forasmuch as God the creator of all things, the keper of iustice, the louer of right, and the hater of malice, beholding from the high throne of his prouidence the sonnes of men, now through the fall of their first father, prone and and declining to dishonest and filthy & detestable mischifes and to keep vnder their malice (which wicked transgressiō did first gender) hath appoynted diuers presidentes of the world stablished in sundry degrees, by whome and theyr circumspect prouidence, mans audacitie should be restrayned, innocency should be nourished amongst ye good, & terror should be striken into ye wicked not to deceiue: also that their power to hurt, & theyr insolency should be brydled in all places. And whereas amongst many kindes of cares whiche come to our thoughtes, by the duety of the office committed vnto us, we are specially bound to extend our strēgth, chiefly that the catholicke fayth may prosper in our tymes, and hereticall prauity may be rooted from out of ye borders of the faythfull: we therfore being excited through the information of many credible and faythfull Christians of our dioces,Lollards by the popes interpretation, is a word deriued of Lollium. to roote out pestiferous plantes, as sheep diseased with an incurable sicknes, going about to infect the whole and sound flocke, are by the care of the shepheard to be remoued from the flock, that is to say, Preachers, or more truely execrable offendours of the new sect, vulgarly called lollardes, which vnder a certayn cloked shew of holynes, running abroad through diuers places of our diocesse, & endeuoring to cut a sunder the Lords vnsowed coat that is to say, to rent the vnity of the holy Church, & of the Catholicke fayth, and also to teare in peeces with their tē pestious blasts ye power of S. Peter, that is to say, to weaken the strēgth of the ecclesiasticall states and degrees, and the determination of the same holy church, haue wickedly presumed & do presume from day to day to speak, to teach, to mayntayne (and that which is more horrible to be vttered) to preach openly many things hereticall,They counterfait in the prophetes wordes as Apes do in princes apparel. Who expoundeth the scripture more after the letter, let the reader iudge by Hoc est corpus ineum. blasphemies schismes, and sclaunderous diffaminges, euen quite contrary to the sacred Canons and decrees of the holy fathers so that they knowe not to direct their pathes in the wayes of righteousnes and trueth, in that, yt they expounde to the people ye holy scripture, as the letter soundeth, after a Iudiciall sort, otherwise then the holy Ghost will needs haue it: wheras the words wander from their proper significations, and appeare to bryng in by gessing new meanings: whereas the wordes must not be iudged by the sense that they make but by the sense whereby they be made, where as the constructiōs is not bound to Donates rules: where as fayth is farre placed from the capacitie of reason: But they labour by their pernitious doctrines & teachings pu [...] like and priuy,If such medicines should bee ministred to you, ye would can your Phisition litle thank. to boyle out the poysō of schismes betwene the clergie and the people. We to encounter agaynst suche kinde of preachers, nay rather deceauers, and horrible seducers amongest the people, aduauncing and rowzing vp ourselues in Gods behalfe, and holy mother Churche, with the spirituall sword, whiche may strike them wisely, and wounde them medicinably, for theyr health and welfare: and namely William Swynderby Priest (so pretending himselfe to be) as a teacher of suche kinde of pernicious doctrine,Anno. 1391. and an horrible seducer amongst the people: to whom personally appearing before vs on ye wednesday to wit, the 14. of the month of Iune, in the parishe Church of Kington of our diocesse, in the yeare of our Lord. 1391. he being vehemently diffamed to vs of heresie, schisme and his peruerse doctrines both manifest and priuy: we therefore haue caused many cases and articles cōcerning the catholicke fayth to be ministred vnto him, that he should answere to the same at a day and place for him meet and conuenient, of his owne choyse and freewill: that is to say, on the Friday, being the last of the same month of Iune, next following assigned to him, at the Churche of Bodenhame of the same our diocesse. Of whiche cases and articles exhibited vnto vs, by many of Christes faythfull people,Such as were in Queene Maries dayes, as Iohn Beard, Iohn Auales, Robin Papist, and other lyke murtherers. Lord, Lord, a larine worde of their owne making. The denunciation of the promoters to the B. of Hereford. zelous [Page] followers of the catholike fayth to make information to our office (which cases and articles also were by vs administred, as is before sayd, to the same William Swinderby) the tenor therof followeth, and is thus.

¶ Reuerend father and high Lord, Lord Iohn. by gods sufferance bishop of Hereford: It is lamentably declared to your reuerend fatherhood on the behalf of Christs faythful people your deuout children of your diocesse of Herford that notwithstāding the misbeliefe of very many lollards, which hath to long a time sprong vp here in your diocesse, there is newly come a certayn child of wickednes, named William Swinderby: who by his horrible perswasions & mischieuous endeuours, and also by his open preachings and priuate teachinges, doth peruert as much as in him is the whole ecclesiasticall state, and stirreth vp with all hys possible power, schisme betwene the clergy and the people. And that your reuerend fatherhood may be the more fully informed, who and what maner of man the same William Swinderby is: there be proposed and exhibited herafter to the same your fatherhood on the behalf of the same faithful people of Christ, against the same William Swinderby, cases and articles. Which if the same William shall deny, thē shall the same cases and articles most euidently be prooued against him by credible witnesse worthy of beliefe, & by other lawfull proofe and euidences to the end that those being proued, the same fatherhood of yours, may do and ordeine therin, as to your pastorall office belongeth.

Matter articulated agaynst W. Swinderby.¶ In primis, the same William Swinderby pretending himselfe priest, was opēly and publiquely conuicted of certayne articles and conclusions being erroneous, schismaticall, and hereticall, preached by him at diuers places and times before a multitude of faythfull christian people. And the same Articles and conclusions did he by force of lawe reuoke and abiure, some as hereticall, and some as erroneous and false. Aduouching and beleuing them for such, as that from thenceforth he would neuer preach, teach, or affirme openly or priuily any of the same conclusions. And if by preching or aduouching he shoulde presume to doe the contrary: that then he shoulde be subiect to the seuerity of the Canons, accordingly as he did take a corporall oth, iudicially vpon the holy Gospels.

2. Also the conclusions, which by the same William were first openly taught and preached, and afterward abiured & reuoked as is aforesaid: are contained before in the processe of the B. of Lincolne, euen as they be there written worde by worde. And for the cases and articles, they were consequently exhibited by the forenamed faithfull christian people against the said William Swinderby together, with ye conclusions before sayd, & hereafter written: of which cases and articles, the tenour hereof ensu [...]th.

3. Item, the sayd William, contrary to the former reuocation & abiuratiō, not conuerting to repentance, but peruerted from ill to worse, and geuen vp to a reprobate sense came into your diocesse, where, he running about in sondry places hath presumed to preach or rather to peruert and to teach of his own rashne [...] many heretical, erroneous, blasphemous, and other slaunderous things contrary and repugnant to the sacred Canons and the determination of ye holy Catholike Church. What those things were, at what place and what time, it shall hereafter more particularly be declared.

Item, the same William, notwithstanding your commaundementes and admonitions sealed with your seale, & to all the Curates of your diocesse directed: contayning amongst other thinges, yt no person of what state, degree, or condition soeuer he were, shold presume to preach or to teach or els expound the holy scripture to the people, either in hallowed or prophane places, within your diocesse, with out sufficient authoritie, by any maner of pretence yt could be sought, as in the same your letters monitorie & of inhibition (the tenor wherof hereafter ensueth) is more largely conteined: which letters the same William did receiue into his handes, & did read them word by word in the towne of Monemouth of your diocesse, in ye yeare of our Lord .1390. so that these your letters and the contentes thereof came to true and vndoubted knowledge of the same William: yet notwithstanding hath the same William presumed in diuers places and times to preach within the same your diocesse, after and agaynst your commaundement aforesayd. The tenour of the same letters before mentioned followeth and is this.The letter monitory of the B. of Hereford inhibiting to preach without his licence.

IOhn by the sufferance of God Bishop of Hereford, to the deane and Chapter of our Church of Hereford, and to all and singuler Abbots, Priors, Prouostes, Deanes rurall, Parsons and Vicares of Monasteries, Priores Churches, Colledges and Parishes, and to other hauing cure of soules within the Citty and diocesse of Herford, and to all and euery other being within the same Citty and diocesse. Greeting, grace, and blessing. Forasmuch as the golden laurell of teaching doctorall, is not from aboue indifferently euery mans gift, neyther is the office of preaching graunted, saue to such as are called, and especially by the Church admitted therunto: we doe admonishe and require you all and singuler Clerkes aforesayd, and do straightly enioyne you all in the vertue of holy obedience, that you nor any of you do admitte any man to preach or to teach the Catholique fayth, sauing such as the same office of preaching shall by the authoritie Apostolicall or els your Byshop be specially committed vnto: but that as much as in you shall lye, you doe by worde and deede, labour to let those that woulde attempte the contrary. And you Lordes, Ladyes, Knightes, Barons, Esquires, Would God both th [...] and [...] did bew [...] of that [...] uen. and all and singular persons, of what estate, degree, preheminence, or condition soeuer ye be, remayning within the city and diocesse of Herford, we doe beseech and exhort in our lord that following the wordes of our sauiour, you beware of the leauen of the Phariseis.

Item according to the saying of the Apostle, be not ye caryed away with diuers and straunge doctrines: and that in the meane while (as sayth the Apostle) you be not remoued from the sense of the holy auncient fathers, least that any man by any meanes shold seduce you, but you agreeing together in one minde see that you honor God with one mouth. But if any man to whom that thing is not specially (as is aforesayd) committed, shall attempte to instructe or in this your life to directe you into the Catholicke faith do ye denye to geue them audience, and refuse you to be present at their assembles and shun ye theyr teachinges, because they be wicked and peruerse. And as for vs we will not omitte to proceede according to the sacred Canons and preceptes of the holye fathers, agaynst such as doe the contrary. Dated at London in the house of our habitation vnder our seale, the last day saue one of December, in the yeare of our Lorde, 1389. and of our consecration the first.

5. Item, the same William in his preaching to ye people, on Monday being the first of August, in the yeare of our Lord 1390. in the parishe of Whitney of your diocesse, dyd hold and affirme: That no Prelate of the world of what estate, preheminence or degree so euer he were of, hauing cure & charge of soule, he being in deadly sinne, & hearing ye confession of any vnder his hand in geuing him absolutiō, doth nothing: As who neither doth lose him frō his sinne, nor in correcting or excōmunicating him for his demerites doth bind him by his sentence,That is one of Wiclifes blemishes. except y• prelate shall be free himself from deadly sinne, as S. Peter was, to whom our Lord gaue power to binde and lose.

6. Item y• same William in many places said & affirmed in the presence of many faythfull christen people, that after the sacramentall wordes vttered by the priest hauing the purpose to consecrate: there is not made the very bodye of Christ in the sacrament of the aulter.

7. Item, that accidencies cannot be in the sacrament of ye aulter without a subiect:Bread he [...] m [...]aneth a [...] substance. and that there remayneth materiall bread there to such as be partakers communicant wyth the body of Christ, in the same sacrament.

8. Item, that a priest being in deadly sin, cannot be able by the strength of the sacramentall words, to make the body of Christ, or bring to perfection any other sacrament of the Church, neither yet to minister it to the members of the Church.

9. Item, that all priestes are of like power in all things, notwithstanding that some of them, in this world [...] are of higher and greater honour, degree, or preheminence.

10. Item, that onely contrition putteth away sinne, if so be that a man shal be duely contrite: and that, all auriculer and outward confessiō is superfluous, and not requisite of necessitie to saluation.

11. Item, inferior Curates haue not their power of hynding and losing immediately from the pope or Bishop, but immediately from Christ. And therfore, neither can ye pope nor bishop, reuoke to themselues such kind of power, whē they see time and place at their lust and pleasure.

12, Item, that the pope cannot graunt such kinde of annuall & yerely pardons, because there shall not be so many yeares to ye day of iudgement, as are in ye Popes bulles or pardons contayned. Wherby it followeth that the pardōs are not of such like value as they speake of, & praysed to be.

13. Item, it is not in the popes power to graunt vnto any person penitent, forgeuenes of the punishment or of the faulte.

14. Item, that person yt geueth his almes to any, whiche in his iudgement is not in necessitie, doth sinne in so geuing it.

15. Item, that it stands not in the power of any Prelate, [Page] of what religion soeuer he be of, priuately to geue letters for the benefite of his order, neither doth suche benefite graunted, profite them to the saluation of their soule, to whom they be graunted.

16. Item, that the same William vnmindeful of his own saluation, hath many and oftentimes come into a certayn desert wood, called Derualdwood of your diocesse, & there in a certain chappell not hallowed, or rather in a prophane cottage: hath in contempt of the keyes, presumed of hys own rashnes to celebrate, nay rather to prophanate.

17. Item, the same William hath also presumed to doe such thinges in a certayne prophane Chappell being situate in the park of Newton nigh to the town of Leintwarbin of the same your dioces.

VPon Friday being the last of the month of Iune, in the yeare abouesayd, about 6 of the clocke, in the sayd parishe Churche of Bodenhone, hath the sayd William Swinderby personally appeared before vs. And he willing to satisfie the terme to him assigned as before specified, hath read out, word by word before all the multitude of faythfull christian people, many answeres made and placed by the same William (in a certayne paper booke of the sheete folded into foure partes) to the sayd Articles, and the same answers for sufficient hath he really to vs exhibited, aduouching them to be agreable to the lawe of Christ. Whiche thing beeing done the same William (without any moe with him) dyd departe from our presence, because that we, at the instaunce of certayne noble personages, had promised to the same William free accesse, that is to wit, on that day for the exhibiting of those aunsweres, and also free departing without prefixing of anye terme, or without citation, or els anye other offence or harme in bodye or in goodes.

¶ As for the tenour of the same answers, exhibited vnto thē by the same William, as is before specified: we haue here vnder annexed word for worde, and in the same olde language, vsed at that time, when it was exhibited. And followeth in these wordes.

The protestation of William Swinderby with hys aunsweres to the articles by the promotors, layd agaynst him to the bishop of Herford, taken out of the Registers in the same olde Englishe wherein he wrote it.

To [...] protestation of W. Swinderby with his answers.IN the name of God amen. I William Swinderby priest vnworthy, couenting and purposing wholy with all my hart to be a true christian man, with open confessiō knowledging mine owne defaultes and vnwise deedes: making openly this protestation, cleping god to record here before our worshipfull Bishop Iohn, through the sufferaunce of God Bish. of Herford, with witnesse of all this people: yt it is not mine intent any thing to say or affirme, to mayntain or to defend that is, contrary to holy writte, agaynst the beliefe of holy church, or that should offend the holy determination of Christes Church, or the true sentences of holy doctors. And if I haue here before through mine vncunning, bene vnordered, or by euill counsaile bene deceiued, or any thing sayd, preached, holden, mayntayned or taught contrary to the law of God: wholly and fully for that tyme for now and euer with ful will I reuoke it and withdraw it, as euerich christen man should: Praying and beseeching [...]che christen man, to whom this writing shal come to, that gif I ought erre (as God forbid that I do) or euer erred in any poynt, contrary to holy writ, that it be had and holden of them, as for thing nought sayd. And all the trothes that I haue sayd according with the law of God, that they mayntayne them, and stand by them for life or death to Gods worship, as a true Christen man shoulde, submitting me meekely to the correction of our Byshop that here is, or of any other christen man, after Christes lawes and holy writ: in will euer ready to be amended, and with this protestation I say and aunswere to these conclusions and articles that here followen after, the which bene put to me to aunswere to.

1. Obiectiō.The first is this: that I William of Swinderby pretending (he sayth) my selfe a priest, was iudicially conuented of certain articles, & conclusions of error, false schismatick & heresie, by me in diuers places & tymes preached (he sayth) before multitudes of ye true christen men: & the s [...]e articles and cōclusions by need of law reuoked & for sworn some as heresies, and some as erroures and false: & suche I affirmed and veleued them to be. And that none of them from that time forth I should preach, teach, or affirme, openly or priuily, ne that I should make no sermon to the people, ne preache but by lawfull leaue asked and gotten. And if I would presume in doing or affirming the contrary then to the seueritie of the lawe, I should be buxom, as by nede of the law I swore.

To this I say, witnessing God that is in heauen, to my wit and vnderstanding, that I neuer preached, helde, ne taught these conclusions and articles, the whiche falsely of Friers were put vpon me, and of lecherous priestes to the Bishop of Lincolne. For I was ordayned by processe Yet sayd, that is, before sayd. Witnesses with W. Swinderby. 13. priests, & 30. other with the letter of the mayor of Leicester, and Burgeses with 12. scales. yet sayd, of theyr law, by the byshop and his commissaryes, so as I graunted them to bring my purgation of 13. priestes of good same. And so I did, with a letter, & 12. scales therby, from the Mayor of Leycester, and from true Burgeses and 30. men to witnes with me, as the Duke of Lancaster knew and heard, the Erle of Darby, and other many great men that were that tyme in the towne, that I neuer sayd them, taught them, ne preached them. But when I should haue made my purgation, there stooden forth fiue friers or moe, that some of them neuer sawe me before, ue heard me,The chastitie of Votaries to be noted. and three lecherous priestes openly knowne, some liuing in their lechery xx. yeare (men sayden) or more as by their childer was openly known. Some of these they clepinden, denounciations, and some weren cleped comprobations, that weren there falsely forsworne, they suing busily and crying with many an other Frier, with great instaunce to geue the dome, vpō me, to burne me & boughten dry wood before, as men tolden in that towne: & these sleightes, and swearing, and mony geuing, as men faiden, wt fauor of the bishop (by what law I wor not, but sothly not by Gods law) they sayden they held me as conuicted, and might not haue forth my purgatiō. So as I fully forsooke them, and neuer graunted that I sayd them. Ouer this they made me sweare neuer to hold them, teach them, ne preach them, priuily ne apertly: and that I would go to certayne Churches to reuoke the conclusions that I neuer sayd, in sclaunder of my selfe, by great instance of the Fryers. And so for drede of death and for fleshly counsell that I had, I assented, and so I did. And also they maden me to sweare, that I should not preach (by instance of ye Fryers) within that diocesse, withouten licence asked & granted, and neuer sithen I did. And now the same conclusions bene rehearsed to me agayne: whether by Fryers counsell I will not deme, God wot, but in slaunder of me it is: and therefore I will answere now (with Gods helpe) to the conclusions. Of the which the first is this.

That men mowen asken theyr debtes by charitie,1. Conclusion. but in no maner for debt to imprison any man: and that he so emprisoning, is accursed.

So I sayd not: but thus I haue sayd,Aunswere. How debt is to be pursued. and yet say with protestation put before: that who so pursues his brother with malice, prisoneth him cruelly for debt without mercy that fayne woulde pay it if he might: he sinneth agaynst Christes teaching, estote misericordes, sicut pater vester misericors est.

The second conclusion,2. Conclusion. that false Friers and lecherous priestes putten vppon me was this: that if the parochiens know her Curate to bene a lechour, incontinent, and an euill man: they owen to withdraw from him tithe, and els they bene fautours of his sinnes.

Thus I sayd not but on this wise,Aunswere. and yet I say wyth protestation put before: that if it be knowne openly to the people, that persons or Curates come to her benefice by simonie, and liuen in notory fornicatiō, and done not their office & her dueties to her parochiens by good ensample of holy life, in true preaching, liuing & residence, wendyng away frō his cure, occupied insecular office: he owes nought to haue of the parochiens, tithes, ne offrings, ne hemowes not to hold him for her Curate, ny hemowes not to geuen him tithes, left they bene gyltie to GOD of consent and mayntayning of her open sinne. Nemo militans deo, implicat se negotijs secularibus. 1. q. 1. ca. quisquis per pecuniā, & dist. 8 o. ca. Siquis.

The thirde conclusion was this,3. Conclusion. that friers and priests putten vpon me, that tithes purely bene almesses: And in case that curates bene euill men, they mowen leefully be geuen to othermen, by temporal Lords, and other temporalties bene done away from men of the Church, actually and openly trespassing.

This I sayd not in these termes,Aunswere. but thus I saye with protestation made before: that it were medefull and leeful to secular Lordes by way of charitie, and power geuen to him of God, in default of prelates that amend not by gods law, cursed curates that openly misusen the goods of holy church, that ben poore mēs goods and customably agaynst the law of God: the which poore men, Lordes ben holden to maintaine and defend, to take away & withdrawe from such curates, poore mens goods, the which they wrongfully holden in helpe of the poore, and their owne wilful offeringes, and their bodely almes deedes, and geue them to [Page] such that duely serue God in the Churche, and bene needy in vpbearing of the charge that prelates shoulden doe, and done it not. Alter alterius onera portate & sic adimplebitis legem Christi. And as anenste taking away of temporalties I say thus with protestation made before: that it is leefull to Kynges, Princes, Dukes, and Lordes of the worlde to take away fro popes, Cardinals, fro Bishops and prelates, possessions in the Churche, theyr temporalties, and theyr almes that they haue geuen them, vppon condition they shoulden serue God the better, when they verely sene that their geuing and their taking bene cōtrary to the lawe of God, to Christes liuing and his Apostles: and namely in that, that they taken vpon them (that shoulden be next followers of Christ and his Apostles in poorenes & meeknes) to be secular Lords: against the teaching of Christ and Sainct Peter, Luc. xxii. Reges gentium. Et. 1. Pet. 5. Ne (que) dominantes in clero. And namely when such temporalties maken them the more proud, both in hart and in araye, then they shoulden bene els, more in strife and debate agaynst peace and charitie, and in euill ensample to the world more to be occupied in worldly busines. Omnem solicitudinem proiicientes in eum. And drawes them from the seruice of God, from edifying of Christes Church, in empouerishing and making lesse the state and the power of kings, princes Dukes, and Lordes that God hath set them in: in wrongfull oppression of commons for vnmightfulnes of realms. For Paule sayth to men of the Church (whose lore, Prelates shoulden souerainly followen) Habentes victum, & vestitum, hiis contenti simus.

4. Conclusion.The fourth conclusion is this, that Friers and priests putten vppon me falsely: that an euill Curate cursing hys

Soget for withholding of tithes, is naught els, but to take with extortion wickedly and vnduely mony from thē.

Thus said I not, but thus I said, and yet do with pro testation made before:Aunswere. Here may you see the falshood of the papistes gathering articles agaynst good mē, which they neuer sayd nor meant. that an euil Curate cursing his parochiens, vnmighty to pay their tithing, with vengeance without pitty, for his singuler worldly winning agaynst charitie, and not for heed of their soules, there he is holde by his power reasonably to helpe his needy parochiens, and doth nought of the goodes of the Churche: wickedly and vnduely he withholdes from them, that which is due to them by the law of God. Dimittite & dimittetur vobis: date, & dabitur vobis: verùm mihi vindictam, & ego retribuam, dicit dominus.

5. Conclusion.The fift conclusion is this, that Friers and Priestes falsely putten vpon me: that no man may curse anye man, but if he were were him cursed of God, ne the commers wt him rennen not into sentence of cursing in any maner.

Thus sayd I not, but thus I sayd, and say with protestation put before:Aunswere. that no man ought to curse any man, but for charitie and with charitie. Omnia vestra cum charitate fiant. And sikerly I say, that no wrongfull cursing of Pope or any Prelate in earth, bindes Agaynst. anenst God, but when they wrongfully and wittingly cursen men, for that men will not do their singular wil, vnreasonable bidding, with highnes of hart and cruelty (standing pacience and charity in them that they cursen wrongfully) he is blessed of almighty God, and they themselfe bene cursed. Math. 5. Beati eritis cum maledixerint homines. &c. Et in Psalmo: Maledicent illi, et tu benedices Et Augustinus. xi. q. iij chap. illud.

6. Conclusion.The sixt conclusion is this, that Fryers and Priestes putten vppon me falsely: that each Priest may assoyle hym that sinneth, contrition had: and notwithstanding forbiddinges of the Bishop, is Holden, that is, bounde. Aunswere. holden to preach to the people the Gospell.

Thus I sayd not, but thus I sayd, and yet say with protestation made before: that each true Priest may counsaile sinfull men, that shewen to him her sinnes, after the witte and cunning that God had geuen him, to turne fro sinne to vertuous life. And as touching preaching of the Gospell, I say that no B. owes to let a true priest, that god had geuen grace, witte, and cunning to doe that office: for both Priestes and Deacons, that God had ordeyned Deacons and Priestes, ben holden by power geuē hem of God to preach to the people the Gospell, and namely & somely, popes, bishops, prelates, and curates: For this is due to the people and parochiens, for to haue and aske of hem, and they duely and freely owen to done it: Math. 5. Luke. 5. Ite, ecce ego mitto vos Et Math. 16. Euntes in mundum vniuersum. Et Math 5. Euntes autem praedicate. Et dist. 21. ca. In nouo testamento. Et Ysidor. de summo bono. 44. Et Chrisost. distinct, 34 ca. Nolite. Et August. distinct. 34 ca. Quisquis. Et Greg in suo pastorali ca 38. Et in Tollitano. ca. ignorantia Et Ierom. distinct. 95. ca. Ecce Ego.

7. Conclusion.The 7. conclusion is this, that Fryers and Priests falsely putten vpō me, that a Priest taking any thing for annuell, through couenaunt: in that, he is schismaticke & cursed.

This sayd I,Auns [...]re. neuer in these termes: But thus I sayde, & yet say with protestation put before: that no Priest owes to sell by bargaining and couenaunt, his ghostlye trauaile, ne his masses, ne his prayers, ne Gods worde, ne hallowinges, baptisme, ne confirming, order geuing, for a codinges, for Christ, for housell, or for ennoynting, any worldly mens reward to aske or take for these or for any of there, or for any ghostly thing, he erres and doth simony. Vt patet 1. q. 2. ca. Nullus. Et ex consilio Triburenti. capit. Dictum est. Et Christus in euangelio vendentes, et ementes eiecit de templo. Math. 22.

The viii.8. Conclusion. conclusion is this, that Fryers and Priestes putten vnto me falsely, saying that I beleeue sadly as my tell sayes: that yche priest being in deadly sinne, yet he put him to make Christes body, rather he dos idolatrye then makes it.

Thus sayd I not,Aunswere. but thus I sayd, and yet saye wyth a protestation put before: that what Priest that puts himselfe presumptuously and vnworthily in deadly sinne, wittingly to minister and to receaue that holy sacramēt, and so records hit cursedly and damnably, he receaues his dome. Qui manducat et bibit indignè, iudicium sibi manducat & bibit 1. Corin. 11.

The ix.9. Conclusion. conclusion is this, that Friers & Priestes falsely putten vpon me: that no Priestes entres into any house but euill for to treat the wife, the daughter, or the wenche: and therfore they saydē, that I prayed the people that their husbandes should beware, that they suffer no priest to enter into her house.

And if I had sayd thus,Aunswere. then I had prayed agaynst my selfe, for I come oft into mens houses: But thus I sayde, and yet I do, praying christen men to beware yt they nourish nor mayntayne no lecherous Priestes in their sinnes: for there be where (as men well knowne) they ben mayntained in many places, continuing homely wt her women And ich man there sayne they payne therefore a certaine to the B. almes. Et ideo ait Ysido. 11. q. 4. Qui consentit peccantibus & defendit alium delinquentem, maledictus erit apud deū & homines.

The x.10. Conclusion. conclusion is this, that Friers and priestes putten vpon me falsely: that a childe is not verely baptised, if the priest that baptiseth, the godfather, or the godmother, ben in deadly sinne.

God wot in heauen they sayd full false:Aunswere but thus I said and yet I say: that the prayers that an euill Priest prayes (liuing in lechery or other deadly sinne) ouer y• child when it shalbe holowed, ben not acceptable to God as ben the prayers of a good priest. And the better & clenner the priest is, the Godfather, and the godmother: the more graciously God will heare him, if all they bene not greatest nor most rich in this worlde. Vnde gg. xiij. q. vij. cap. in grauibus. Cum is qui displicet ad intercedendum peccator admittitur, irati animus proculdubio ad deteriora prouocatur.

The xi.11. Conclusion. conclusion is this, that Friers and priests putten vpon me falsely: that no man, liuing against the law of God is a priest, how euer he were ordayned Priest of any Byshop.

Certes this is false, for I sayd neuer thus in these termes: but thus I sayd,Aunswere and thus I say with a protestation put before, that what euery pope, or Cardinall, Byshop or Priest, or any Prelate of the Churche comes to his state or dignitie by Simony, & in simony occupies that office, & holy churches goodes: I say that he is a theefe, and that by the dome of God, and comes but to steale and kill. Iob. 10. Fur non venit nisi vt furetur, & mactet, & pardat. And furthermore I say, that what Pope, Cardinall, Byshop, prelate, or priest, in maner of liuing, or teaching, or lawes making contrary to Christes liuing and hys lawes, or anye other ground put in ruling of the church of Christ, but by Christ & his lawes:The true description who was Antichrist. is very Antichrist, aduersary to Iesus Christ and his Apostles. Aliud fundamentum nemo potest ponere, praeter id quod positum est, quod est Christus. Et patet 1. q. 3. c. Si quis Et 1. q. 6. c. Ego autem. Quicun (que).

But this worshipfull father B. of Hereford, that here is, sayes thus in hys writing: that I William of Swinderby, notwithstanding the foresayd reuocation and abiuration (not setting at hart, but from euill to worse he sayes peruerted so his dioces) he sayes I come running about by diuers places: and by mine own folly he sayes that I haue presinner to preach manye heresies, errours, blasphemies, schismes, and other diffauies, and to holy canons and determinatiō of holy church contrary and repugnant, which where & when within forth more specially it shalbe shewed, that ye be false enformed that I haue presumed in diuers places in your dioces to preach heresies, errors, blasphemies, schismes and other diffames. And syr, all the coū try knowes whether this be sooth or not: for sire I presum [Page] not, sithen it is the office of a priest, by the law of Christ to preach the Gospell? ne nought I did it for presūption, but for the charge yt I haue of God by priesthood (if al I be vnworthy) & to ye worship of God, & helpe of christen soules, freely without gathering of her goods for my preaching. If I erred in this, I will be amended. And sir touching your maundement that ye sendē to me, there was sēt none. And sir I made neuer yet disobediēce vnto you, ne to your ministers: & yef all I had, me owes more to obeyche to God thou to you, in that that ye bidden contrary to Christes bid ding. And sir as ye sayne, that I had no minde of my hele, it is to lightly demet: for God forbid, but yef there lye hele more then in your bidding. For God w [...]t for hele I did it, of mine and of the people, and that was in any minde. But sir it semes me that ye charge not by euidence of the punishing so greatly the breaking of Gods hests, as ye done of your own. And sir if it be your wil, in default that the people wanted, you to teache hem (and her curates did not) by the desire of the people that weren hungry and thirsty after gods word, ichone to beare vp others charge as gods law bids: I preached, not for disobedience to you, but sir in fulfilling of yc obediēce that Gods law bids me do in excusing of my selfe to you of that ye blame me of, in opē shewing to holy Church, with yp protestation that I first made, I aunswere thus to the Articles that ye haue put to me.

1. Article.The first is this, that I William of Swinderby, the Monday the first of August, the yeare of our Lorde. 1390.Anno. 1390. preaching to the people in the Church of Whitney of your Dioces, held and affirmed (as ye sayne) that no Prelate of the world, of what state or degree that he be, hauing cure of soules, being in deadly sinne, and hearing confession of his suget,Note here how the papistes vse falsely to wrastlegood nes sayings and articles does nought in assoyling him, ne he assoiles him not of his sinne: and also in amending his suget opēly sinning and him for his desertes cursing, his sentence byndes nor, but if that Prelate be as cleane out of deadly sinne as was S. Peter, to whom our Lord gaue power of binding and vnbinding.

Aunswere.I neuer thought this ne spake this, ne heard it to the time that I saw it written in our booke, and that will witnes the Lord of the towne that has the same sermon written, and many gentiles and other that heardē me that day: But thus I said, and thus I say with protestation put before: that there is no man,The popes binding how far it extendeth. Pope, ne bishop, prelate ne Curate, that bindes soothly, verily and ghostly, but in as much as his binding or vnbinding accordes with the keyes of heauen that God gaue to Peter. And as S. Gregory saies that power han they only, that hold together the ensample of the apostles with heere teaching. Illi soli in hac carne positiligandi atque soluendi potestatem habent, Greg. lib. 4. [...]. sicut sancti Apostoli qui eorum exempla simul cum doctrina tenent: gg. li. quarto sententiarum.

Article.The second article that is put vpon me, is this, that I should haue sayd, preached, & affirmed in many places before many true men of Christ:And what if he had said it? that after the Sacramentall wordes sayd of the priest, hauing entention of consecratiō: That in the Sacrament of Gods body, is not very Gods body.

Aunswere.This sayd I neuer God wote, and true men that haue heard me.

3. Article.The third article is this, that our bishop puts vpō me, that I should haue sayd in many places, and affirmed, that accidents mow not be in the sacrament of the aultar without subiect, and yt material bread leues not therwith Gods body in the sacrament.

Aunswere.This conclusion I haue not holdē, ne taught, ne preached: for I haue not medled me of that matter, my wit suffiseth not thereto. But here I tell my beliefe with protestation put before: that the Sacrament of the aultar made by vertue of heauenly wordes,Bread and Christes body in the sacrament. that Christ himselfe sayd in the Cene, when he made this sacrament, that it is bread & christes bodye, so as Christ himselfe sayes in the Gospell, & S. Paul sayes, and as Doctors in the common law haue determined to this sentēce. Math. 26. Mar. 14. Lu. 22. Pa. 1. Cor. 10. & 11. de con. distinct. 2. panis: & de consecra. dist. 2. Corpus. Iohn. 6 verus panis.

4. article.The 4. article is this, that our Bishop accuseth me of, that I should haue preached about and sayd: that a Priest being in deadly sinne, may not by the strength of the Sacramentall words make gods body, or none other Sacrament of the Churche, either performe to minister them to members of the same.

Aunswere. The wicked nes of the priest impavreth no sacrament.Thus I neuer said, thought it, preached it, ne taught it for well I wot, the wickednesse of a Priest may appaire no very sacrament: but the wickednes of the Priest appayres himselfen, and all that boldnes & example of his sinne causen the people to liuen the worse agaynst Gods law. Vnde Greg. Et si sacerdos in peccatis fuerit, totus populus ad peccandum conuertitur.

The 5.5. Article. article is this, that our bishop puts vnto me: yt all priestes ben of euē power in all things, not withstāding that some of this world bene of higher dignity or more passing in highnes of degree.

Certes no man would say thus as I suppose,Aunswere. Equalitye of priestes. no more did I, ne neuer heard it that I wot of: But this I say with protestation made before, that what Priest liues most holily next following the law of God, he is most louer of God, and most profitable to the Church. If men speakē of world ly power and Lordships and worships, with other vices that raignen therin, what Priest that desires and has most hereof (in what degree so he be) he is most Antichrist of all the priestes that ben in earth.Aug ad Valeriū. Vnde Augustinus ad Valerium scribens ait. Nihil est in hac vita, & maximè hoc tempore facilius & leuius, & hominibus acceptabilius, Episcopi, praēsbiteri aut decani officijs: sed si profunctoriè aut adulatoriè, nihil apud Deum miserabilius aut tristius & damnabilius.

The sixt Article is this,6. Article. that onely contrition does away sinne, if a man be duely contrite: and all outward cō fession by word is superfluous and not requiret of need of health.

This conclusiō said I neuer that I know of.Aunswere. But thus I say with protestation put before, that veray contrition of hart,Confession. that is neuer without charity and grace: dos away al sinnes before done of that man that is verely contrite. And all true confessiō made by mouth outward to a wise priest, and a good, profiteth much to man, and it is needfull & helping that men shew their life to such,God forgeueth sinne. Aug. de conse. dist. 4. trusting full to gods mercy, and that he forgeues thy sinne. Vnde August. de conse. distict. 4. Nemo tollit peccata mundi nisi solus Christus qui est agnus, tollens peccata mundi.

The 7. article is this,7. Article. that I should say that lower curates haue not here power of binding & assoiling, by mean of pope and bishop, but of Christ without mony. And ther fore neither pope ne bishop may reuoke such maner power for time and place at her will.Aunswere.

Thus sayd I not, but Not for [...]hy, that is, notwithstanding. not for thy it seemes me thus, that no man should graunt any thing after his owne will, ghostly, ne bodily. But euerich man should be wel aduiser, that he graunt nothing but if it be the will of God that he so graunt it. And it is no doubt that ne God grauntesSome thing here lacket in the copy. by meane persons, as does Antichrist to torment Christes people. Vnde & Ioh. 19. ait Pilatus Nessis quia potestatem habeo dimittere te Et Christus. Non haberes potestatem aduersum me vllam, nisi esset tibi datum desuper.

The 8. article that our bishop puts me to,8. Article. is this: that I should say that the pope may not graūt such maner indulgence of yeares, for there shall not be so many yeres vnto y• day of doome, as hene conteined in his buls, or in ye Popes indulgences: wherof it folowes that indulgences bene not so much worth as they semen and bene preached.

This article I sayd not thus:Aunswere. but I say that the Pope may graunt indulgences written in his letter of yeres, all so farre forth that he may graunt him in Gods law, so farre to graunt, and farther not: yeares may he graunt no moe then God hath set.Agaynst pardons Yf indulgence ben forgeuenes of sinne, I wot wel all onely God forgeues sinne. Yf it be releasing of paines in Purgatory ordeiner of God, if God haue bidden him release so many, or ordeined that be should release so many, he may then release him: if it be in his own disposing to release whom him likes, & how much, then he may destroy Purgatory and let none come there and release his owne payne, as charity wottes. So it semes he may be liker to be saued, if himselfe list. If any go to Purgatory, thē it semes he full fayles charitye. If Bulles bene the indulgence that men bringen from the Court, then ben they not so much worth, as they costen there: for lightly they might be lost, drenched, or brend, or a rat might eatē them: his indulgence then were lost. Therefore sir haue me excuser, I know not these termes: teach me these termes by Goddes law, and truely I will learne hem.

The 9. Article is this that I should haue sayde:9. Article. that it is not in the popes power to graūt to any man (doing penaunce) remission from payne, ne from blame.

Leude I am, but this Article sayd I not thus leudly: But thus I say,The pope proued a blasphemer. that sithen it is onely due to God to geue and to graunt plenary remission from paines & frō blame: that what euer he be, Pope or other, that presumptuously mistakes vpō him that power that is onely due to God: in that (in as much as in him is) he makes himselfe Christ, & blasphemeth in God, as Lucifer did, when he sayd: Ascendam & ero similis altissimo. Farther I say, if the Pope holde men of armes, in mainteining his temporalties & Lordship to venge him on hem that gilten & offenden him, and [Page] geues remissiō to fight & to slay hem that contraryen hem,Of this Henry Spenser B. of Norwich see the pag 428. as men sayden he did by the bishop of Norwich, not putting his swerd into his sheath, as God commaunded Peter. Mitte. &c. he is Antichristus, for he dos contrary to the commaundements of Iesus, that bad Peter forgeue to his brother seuēty sithe seuen sithe. Si peccauerit in me frater meus, quotiens demittam ei? Septies? &c. Et Christus: non dico tibi septies, sed septuagesies septies.

10 Article.The 10. Article is this, that our Bishoppe puts to me that I should haue sayd: that a man geuing his almes to any man after his dome (not hauing neede) sinnes, in so geuing,

Aunswer.This article sothly I sayd not in these termes: But of this matter I haue spoken, & will with protestation made before on this wise: that it is medefull to geue almes to ich man that asketh it bodely or ghostly,He meaneth of begging friers. but not to geue to ich shameles begger, strong & mighty of body, to get his lifeloode leuefull & will not, in what degree so he be, men owē not to geue it to such a one, that he vnreasonably asketh, for if he geue it to him wittingly, he sins as fautor of his idlenes. Vnde Sap. 12. Si benefeceris, scito cui benefeceris, & erit gloria in bonis tuis multa.

11. Article.The 11. Article is this, that is put to me, that I shoulde haue sayd, that it is not in ye power of any prelate of what euer priuate Religion, to graunt letters of the good deeds of her order, ne such benefices grauntet profits not to hele of soules to hem that they ben grauntet to.Aunswere.

I said neuer thus i [...] [...]hese termes: but thus I say with protestation, that prelates of priuate religion mowē graūt letters of the good deedes of her order: But the gostly mede that comes of good deedes,Good deedes of the order profite nothing. they mow not graunt, for that is onely propriet to God. And if they blinde, the people in misbeliefe for her worldlye winning, wittingly behetting hem of her owne graūt gostly medes in heauen by her letters and her seale (vncertaine, who shall be damned) but make the people bolder to sinne by trust of her praiers: hit is none heal to the soules, but harmes to that one & to that other. For God shall yeld to echone after here werkes. Ipse reddet vnicuique secundum opera sua [...]

12. Article.The 12. Article is this: that our Bishops puts to me, that I mony times and oft haue come (he sayes) to a desert woode, cleped Derwaldswode of his dioces: and there in a Chappell not hallowed,Or shepcotte. but accurset*shepherds hulke, by mine own folly he sayes haue presumed to sing (but rather to curse) in contempt of the keyes.Aunswer.

Hereto I say, that this is falsly put vpō me of hem that told you this.The accusers proued with a lie. For it is a chappell where a priest sings certaine dayes in the yeare, with great solemnity: and certes I neuer song therein seth I was borne into this world.

13. Article.The 13. Article is this, that I should also presume to sing in an vnhallowet Chappell, that stondes in the parke of Newton,An other lye. besides the town of Leyntwardy of this same Dioces.

Truely I wot not where the place stondes.

Aunswere. 14. Article.The 14. Article is this, that I should say that no man owes to sweare for any thing, but simply withoutē oth to affirme or to deny, and if he sweare he sinnes.

Aunswere.This article sayd I not that I haue minde of, in thys maner: But oft I haue sayd and yet will, that men should not sweare by any creature by the law of God, and that no man should sweare in idel,To sweare by no creature. as wel nigh al the people vseth, & therfore me thinkes it is no neede to comfort the people in swearing. For from the olde vnto the young, & namely men of holy Church, breken his hest, and few Bishoppes pursuen hem therfore.

15. Article.The 15. Article is this, that I shoulde haue taught to true men of Christ, that on no maner they should worship the Image of him that was done on the crosse, or the Image of the blessed mayd his mother, or of other Sayntes into honor and worship of the same ordeinet in the minde of them. And oft sithes, the worshipper of such Image, he has reprouet, saying and strongly affirming, that Church men sinnen and done Idolatry.

This conclusion haue I not sayd in these termes. But this I say with protestation.Aunswere. that God commaūdes in his law in diuers places. Exod. 20. Leuit. 19. & 26. Deut. 5. & 7. Tobiae 1. Baruc. 6.2. ad Corin. 10. Esay. 45. Iere. 2.6.8. & 10.22. & vltimo, Images not to be worshipped. Sapient. 13. & 14. & 15. Mac. 5. & Threnorum 4. & postremo: that men should not worshippē grauen Images that ben werkes of mens handes: And also he bids that mē should not make to hem grauen Images in likenesse of the thinges that bene in heauen, to that end to worshippen hem: sethen neither God ne Christ by his manhood gaue neuer commaundement to make thes Images, ne expresse counsell, ne his Apostles in all his law, ne to worship such that bene made. But wel I wote, that by mens owne relation that haue misbeleuet in hem, that many mē sinnen in manmetry worshipping such dead Images:Not for [...] thy, that i [...], notwithstanding. Notforthy, to tho men bene Images good to whom they bene but kalēdars, and through the sight of hem they knowen the better and worshippen oft God and his Saints. And to such mē they done harme that settē her hope and trust in hem or done any worship to hem agaynst Gods law & his hest. Vnde ait Gregorius in Registro libro. 10. in Epistola ad Serenum Episcopum. Si quis imagines facere voluerit, Greg. Regist. lib. 10. minimè prohibe: adorare omnino prohibe. Sed hoc solicitè fraternitas tua admoneat, vt ex visione rei gestae, ardorem compunctionis percipiant, vt in adoratione totius trinitatis prosternantur.

These conclusions, poyntes, and articles that I haue vnder protestation, in this booke affirmed: I will stand by hem, and maintayne hem (with the grace of almighty god) to the time that the cōtrary be prouet dewly by Gods law: And this protestation I make for my fayth and my beliefe as I did the beginning: that whensoeuer this worshipfull or any other Christē man shewes me verayly by gods law the contrary of this, I will holy forsake hem, and take me to the veray trouth and better vnderstanding of wiser men, redy to be amended by the law of Iesu Christ, and be a true Christen man & faythfull sonne of holy church: And of these I beseech you all bere witnes where ye commen.

Subsequenter vero, W. Swinderby keeping himself from the B. was cited as foloweth. quia fide dignorum relatione recepimus, quod idem Gulielmus Swinderby latitabat, quo minus posset in propria person a citari, ipsum Gulielmum vijs & modis per Edictum publicum ad instar albi praetoris in Ecclesia nostra cathedrali Herfordensi & parochialibus ecclesijs de Kington Croste, & Whitney nostrae diocesis: vbi idem Gulielmus solebat commorari citari fecimus, prout & quemadmodum in modo citatorio continetur, cuius tenor sequitur in haec verba.

¶ The Citation.

IOhn by Gods permission Byshop of Hereford, to his deare sons our Deane of Leamster,The teno [...] of the citation. to the persons of Croft, Almaly, and Whitney, and also to the Vicars of Kingston, Iardersley, Wiggemore, and Monmouth Clifford, and of S. Iohns aultar in our cathedrall Church of Hereford, and to the rest of the Deanes, Parsons, Vicars, Chapleines, parish Priestes, and to other, whosoeuer in any place are appoynted through our city and dioces of Hereford: sendeth greeting, grace, and benediction.

We bid and commaund, charging you straitly, in the vertue of holy obedience, that you cite or cause to be cited peremptorily (and vnder the payne of excommunication) William Swinderby, pretending himselfe to be a Priest: That he appeare before vs, or our Commissaryes the 20. day of this present moneth of Iuly, at North Lodebury, within our dioces, which the continuance of the dayes following in other places also to be assigned vnto him if it be expedient, till such thinges as haue bene and shall be layde agaynst him be fully discussed, to aunswere more at large to certayne positions and articles, touching the Catholicke fayth, and the holy mother Churches determination, that haue bene exhibited and ministred vnto the sayd William. And to see and heare also many thinges that haue openly in indgement before vs and a great number of faythfull Christians by him bene euen in writing confessed, to be condemned as hereticall, false, schismaticall and erroneous. And to see and heare positions and Articles denied by the sayd William, to be proued by faythfull witnesses and other lawfull trials against the sayd William. And to receiue for his false hereticall, erroneous and schismaticall doctrine that iustice shall appoynt, or els to shew causes why the premisses shoulde not bee done.

And if the sayd William lieth priuely, or els cannot be so cited in his proper person: we will that in your Churches when most people shall then come together to diuine seruice, you opē ly with a loud voyce, and that may be vnderstanded, cause the said William peremptorely to be cited vnto the premisses: certifying the same William, that whether he shall appeare the day and place appointed or no, we notwithstanding will proceed vnto the premisses agaynst the sayd William according to the canonicall decrees by forme of law, in the absence or contumacy of the sayde William notwitstanding. We will moreouer if the sayd William shall appeare at the sayd day and place as is aforesayde before vs, frendly heare him, and honestly, and fauorably, as farre as we may with Gods leaue, deale with him: graunting free licence to come and to go for his naturall liberty without any hurt either in body or goods. And see that you fully certify vs of the thinges that you or any of you shall do about the execution of this our commaundement, and that by your letters patentes signed with your seale autenticall: geuing also faythsully to the sayde William or to his lawfull Proctor, if he require it, a copye of this our present commaundement.

Geuen at our house of Whitburne vnder our seale the fift day of the moneth of Iuly, in the yeare of our Lord. 1391.

¶ The act of the first day.

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On Thursday, the xx. of Iuly, in yt yeare of the Lord aforesaid:The first sitt [...]g against W. Swinderby. We in the parish church of North Lidebury afore sayd, about 6, of the clocke, sitting in iudgement, after that it was reported vnto vs how the foresayd Williā was personally taken and lawfully cited: Caused the sayd William then and there openly in iudgement to be called out,Anno. 1391. to do, heare and receiue such thinges, wherto he was afore cited, & to do otherwise that which iustice should perswade. And the sayd William appeared neither by himselfe, nor by proctor: but onely by a seruaunt (whose name we know not) he sent a certayn schedule of paper, made like an indenture vnto vs to excuse him. After which schedule sene, read and with ripe deliberatiō wayed, and in any wise notwithstā ding we adiudged the sayd William, after he was oftē called, & long euen to the due hour taried for, & by no meanes appering: worthely for his obstinacy, & for his stubbernnes assigned vnto him the 29. day of Iuly in the Church of Ponsley, to appeare before vs with the foresayd sauegard, to aunswere more fully to suche articles, and otherwise to heare, receiue, and do as before is noted.

¶ The second dayes act.

The 2. fitting agynst W. Swinderby.Upon Saterday being the 29. of Iuly, and in the yeare of the Lord aforesayd, we Iohn by Gods permission ye fore remembred Bishop in the Church of Pontesbury, of our Dioces, at sixe of the clock, or there about, sitting in iudgement: made the sayd Williā of Swinderby to be opēly called, that (as was to him appointed aud assigned) he should appere before vs, to answere to the foresayd articles more fully and to declare the sayd articles as the darknes of his aunsweres did worthely require. And that the sayd William being called, & long for a due time looked for, did make no meanes to appere: and so we pronounced him to be obstinate, and for his obstinatnes (to ouercome his malice, & of our exceeding fauor) thought good to appoynt and dyd appoynt the 8. of August, thē next following, at Cleobury Mortemere of the same our dioces, vnto the sayd William for the same thing.

¶ The third dayes act.

Upon Tewsday,The 3. sitting against W. Swinderby. the 8. of August, the yeare aforesayd, I Iohn by Gods permission Bishop of Hereford aforesayd, in the Church of Cleobury Mor [...]emere, about 6. of the clocke, sitting in iudgement, caused the foresayd Williā Swinderby, to be called many times openly to do and receiue about the premisses, according to the appoyntment of the same day that iustice should aduise, which William did not appeare at all. Wherupō, we after that the sayd Williā was called, and often proclaymed, and long looked for but not appering at all, did iudge him worthely (as of right apperteined) obstinate: and for his obstinatnes, assigned him the 16. day of the same moneth of August next folowing, in the parish Church of Whithorne of the same our dioces, to bring forth, or to see brought forth, all lawes, muniments, and other kinds of proofes, & to see also witnesses brought forth, admitted and sworne, by whom and which thinges we intend to proue the foresayde articles, or at least wyse some of the same.

¶ The fourth dayes act.

The 4. sitting against W. Swinderby.Upō wednesday the 16. day of the moneth of august the yeare aforesaid we Iohn ye bishop in the parish Church of Whithorn aforesayd of our dioces, sitting in iudgement, caused the sayd William Swinderby often times to be called, who (as is aforesayd) appeared not at all:Of this processe mention is made before pag. 465. whom after that hee was so called, proclaymed & long looked for, & yet by no means appering, we pronoūced to be obstinate. We receiued also by certayne faithfull Christians, and zealous men for the catholicke fayth of our dioces a certayne proces made and had at an other time agaynst the same William, before ye reuerend father in God and Lord, Lord Iohn by the grace of God, Bishop of Lincolne confirmed by the hanging on of the seale of the same reuerend father, ye Lord Bishop of Lincolne. The tenor wherof word for word is contayned before. And these faythfull Christians moreouer agaynst the obstinatenes of the sayd William Swynderby brought forth discreet mē, M. William Leuiet, parson of the parish Churche of Kyuers [...]y, and also Edmunde Waterdon parish Chaplaine of the Chappell of N. & Roger Newton, and Hugh Sheppert, lay men of the dioces of Lincolne, asking instantly that they might be receiued for witnesses, to proue some of the foresayd articles who agaynst the obstinatenes of the sayd William Swinderby we thought good to receiue and did receiue, and their othes to the holy Gospels of God being layd handes on corporally in our hand. And did diligētly [...]ramine them in proper person seuerally in forme or law: whose sayinges & depositions are afterward brought in, & at the instance of the same faythfull Christians, we assigned the second day of Septēber then next folowing, to the sayd William Swinderby, to say and alledge agaynst the sayd proces: witnesses, and their sayinges, in the sayd Church of Whythorne: decreeing, that a copy should be made for him of these thinges that were brought forth, and of the depositions of the witnesses.

Here we fayle in our copy, till the Register come to our handes agayne.

by the dore, but wendith vpon an other halfe, he is a night theefe and a day theefe. And there he relieth how he that [...]ieth from theyr flock, is not the shepheard but an hired mā, and it pertayneth not to him of the sheepe.

☞ To the second conclusion that he saien is errour or heresy,2. Conclusion. that toucheth taking away of the temporalties and of Lordships of priests that bene euill liuers.

I say me seemeth that the conclusion is true,Declaration. & is thys: that it were medefull and leefull to secular Lords by way of charity, and by power geuen to them of God, in default of Prelates that amend naught by Gods law: cursed Curates that openly misuse the goodes of the holye Church, that ben poore mens goods: and customably ayens the law of God, (the which poore men, Lords ben holden to mayntayne and defend) to take away and to draw from such curates, poore mens goodes in helpe of the poore, and theyr owne wilfull offeringes, and theyr bodely almose deedes of worldly goodes, and geue them to such as duely seruen God in the Churche: and bene ready in vpbearing of the charge that prelats shoulden do and done it not. And as anences taking away of temporalties:Euery [...] vpon [...] is [...] the brea [...] [...] uery such co [...] dition. I say thus, that it is leefull to Kinges, to Princes, to Dukes, and to Lords of the world to take away from Popes, from Cardinals, frō Bishops, Prelates, and possessioners in the Church, theyr temporalties, and theyr almes that they haue geuē thē vpon conditiō, that they shoulden serue God the better: whē they verely seen that theyr geuing & taking bene cōtrary to the law of God, contrary to Christes liuing, and his Apostles, and namely in that that they takē vpon thē, that they shouldē be next folowers of Christ & his apostles, in poorenes and meeknes, to be secular Lords against the teaching of Christ and of S. Peter. Truely me semeth that all Christen men, and namely Priestes shoulden take keepe, that their doing were according with the law of god, either the old law either the new. The Priestes of the olde law wern forbidden, to haue Lordshippes among theyr brethren, for God sayd, that he would be theyr part and theyr heritage. And Christ that was the highest Priest of the new Testament forsooke worldly Lordship, and was here in fourme of a seruaunt, and forbad his Priestes such Lordships, and sayd, Reges gentium dominantur eorum. &c. vos autem non sic. That is. The kinges of the heathen, beare dominion and rule. &c. But you shall not do so. And as Saynt Peter sayeth. Neque dominantes in clero &c. Not bearing rule and dominion ouer the Clergy. &c. So it seemeth me: that it is agaynst both lawes of God, that they haue such Lordships, and that theyr title to such lordships is not ful good: And so it seemeth me, that zif they bene thereto of euill lining, it is no great perill to take away from them, suche Lordships but rather medefull, if the taking away were in charity, and not for singular couetousnesse ne wrath. And I suppose that if friers,If the pope may take from the Friers to cause them keepe S. Fraunces rule, may not the Emperour take from the pope to cause hym keepe Christes rule? that be bounden to theyr foūders, to liue in pouerty, would break theyr rule and take worldly Lordships: might not men lawfully take from thē suche Lordships, and make them to liue in pouerty as theyr rule would? And forsooth it seemeth me, that Priestes oughten also well to keepe Christes rule, as Friers owne to keepe the rule of theyr founder. Ieremy witnesseth, how God cō mended Rachabs children, for they would not break theyr faders bidding in drinking of wine. And yet Ieremy profered thē wine to drinke. And so I trow, that God would commend his Priestes, if they woulden forsake worldlye Lordships, and holden them a payd with lifelot, and with clothing: and busy them fast about theyr heritage of heauē. And God sayth. Numeri. 18. In terra eorum nihil possidebitis, nec tenebitis partē inter eos: Ego pars & haereditas vestra in me dio filiorum Israel. &c. Et Deut. 18. Non habebitis sacerdotes & Leuitae & omnes qui de eadem tribu estis, partem & haereditatem cum reliquo Israel, quia Sacrificia Domini & oblationes eius cō [...]dent, & nihil accipient de possessione fratrum suorum. Dominus enim [...]ipse hereditas ipsorum, sicut locutus est illis. Et Lucae 14. Sic ergo omnis ex vobis, qui non renunciauerit omnibus [Page]quae possidet, non potest meus esse discipulus. Et Ieronimus in Epistola. 34. Et Bernardus libro. 20. ad. Eugeneum Papam. Et Hugo de Sacramentis, parte. 2. libri Secundi. cap. 7. Et 12. q. pri cap duo sunt: Et ca. clericus. Et Bernardus in Sermone de Apostolis, super illud. Ecce nos reliquimus omnia. Et Chrisost super Math. & vetus Testamentum. That is, You shall haue no inheritaunce in theyr lād, nor haue no part amōgst them: I wil be your part and inheritaunce amongest the children of Israell. &c. Deut. 18. The Priestes and Leuites, and all that be of the same tribe shall haue no part nor inheritance with the rest of Israell: because they shall eate the sacrifices of the Lord and his oblatiōs, and they shall take nothing of the possession of theyr brethren. The Lord himselfe is their possessiō, as he spake vnto them. And the 14. chap. of Luke: Euen so euery one of you, which forsaketh not all that he possesseth, cannot be my disciple. And Ierome in his 14. Epistle hath the like wordes. And Bernard in his 20 booke to Eugenius the Pope. And also Hugo in his booke De Sacramentis, the second part of his secōd booke the 7. chap. Also in the 12. q. first. chap Duo sunt, and in the chap. Clericus. And agayn, Bernard in his booke De sermone de Apostolis, vpon thys place: Ecce nos reliquimus omnia. Behold we leaue all. &c. & Chrisostome vpon the Gospell of S. Math. &c.

3. Conclusion.☞ The third conclusion toucheth the matter of preaching of Priestes, withouten leaue of Bishops, and is this that such true Priestes may counsel sinnefull men: that shewen to them their sinnes, after the wit and cunning that God hath geuen, to turne hem from sinne to vertuous life, & as touching preaching of the Gospell.

I say, that no Bishop oweth to let a true Priest, that God hath giffen grace,Declaration. wit and cunning to do that office. For both Priestes and Deacons that God hath ordeyned Deacons or Priests, bene holden by power geuen to them of God, to preach to the people the Gospell: and namely, & souerēly Popes, Bishops, Prelates and Curates: for this is due to the people and the parishners, to haue it and aske it. And hereto seemeth me, that Christ said generally to his Disciples: Ite & praedicate Euangelium omni creaturae, Goe and preach the Gospell to all creatures, as well as he sayd Ite & baptizate omnes gentes, Goe and baptise all nations, that also as well longeth preaching to Priestes without leaue of a Bishop as doth baptising:A priest admitted ought to preach, though the prince & bishop forbyd, so that he preach the word. and then why may he not preach Gods word withouten a Bishops leaue. And sithen Christ bod his Priestes preach, who should forbidden them preaching? The Apostles were forbidden of a bishop at Ierusalem to speake more of the name of Iesus, but Peter sayd: Si iustum est in conspectu Dei, vos potiùs audire quàm Dominum iudicate. That is. Whether it be iust in the sight of God to heare and obey you before the Lord: be your selues Iudges. A Bishop may not let a Priest of geuing bodily almes in his Dioces: much more may he not let the doing of spiritual almes in his dioces by gods law. A Priest may say his Mattines withouten the Byshops leaue: for the Pope that is aboue the Bishop, hath charged Priestes therewith: And me thinketh that Christes bidding should be all so much of charge as the Popes. Math. 10 Euntes autem praedicate, Ite ecce ego mitto vos Et Mar. 16. Euntes in mundum vniuersum. &c. Lucae. 10. Ft Anacletus pap dis. 21 cap. In nouo Testamēto. Et Beda super illud: Messis quidem multa. Et Isydorus de summo bono. ca. 44. Et Gregorius in canone dis. 43. Preconis quippe officium suscipit &c. & Chrisostom. distinct. 43. Nolite timere. Et Aug. dis. 34. cap. quisquis. & Gregorius in suo pastorali ca. 38. qui enim est. Et Chrisost.om. 31. & in Tollitano concilio: Ignorantia. & Aug. in Prologo sermonum suorum & Ieronimus dis. 9. Ecce ego. Et Aug. super id: Homo quidam peregrinus. That is. Go you forth and preach. And agayn, Behold I send you. &c. Mar. 16. Go you into all the world. &c. and Luk. 10. cap. in nouo Testamento. And Beda vpon this place. Messis quidem multa: the haruest is great. Also Isidorus, De summo bono. cap. 44. And Gregorius in the Canon dist. 43. Preconis quippe officium suscipit. &c. and Chrisostome in hys 34. distinction: Nolite timere: And Augustine in the 34. dystinction cap. quisquis. And Gregorius in his Pastorall. cap. 38. Qui enim est. And Chrisostome in his 31. Homelye. Et in Tollitano concilio ignorantia. And Augustine in the Prologue of his Sermons. And Hiereme in the 95. distinct. Ecce ego. And Augustine vpon this place. Homo quidam peregrinus. A certayne traueller.

4. Conclusion.☞ The fourth conclusion toucheth the Sacrament of the aultar,Declaration. and is this.

That wholy I beleue that the Sacramēt of the aultar made by vertue of heauenly words, is bread and Christes body, so as Christ himselfe sayth in the Gospell and as S. Paule sayth, and as Doctors in the common law haue determined: To this sentence Iohn. 6. Moses hath not geuē you bread from heauen, but my father will geue you bread from heauen. He is the true bread that came downe from heauen and geueth life vnto the world. My father geueth vnto you bread in deed: the very true bread of God is that, which came downe from heauen and geueth life vnto the world. I am the bread of life: The bread which I wil geue is my flesh. And in the Canon of the Masse Panem sanctum vitae aeternae: the holy bread of life. And Corinth. the 10. cap. and first Epistle. The bread which we breake, is it not the communicating of the body of the Lord? Let a man proue himselfe and so eat of that bread. &c. And Canon De consecratione distinction. 2. Under the authority of Hilarius the Pope: Corpus Christi quod sumitur de altari &c. And Augustine in the foresayd distinctiō. That which is sene, is bread &c. That which fayth requireth, is bread and is the body of Christ. And in the foresayd distinction. cap. Omnia quaecunque &c. By these two sentēces it is manifestly declared, that that bread & this, bee not two but one bread and one flesh. Note the woordes for that he sayth, the breade and fleshe. And the author, De diuinis officijs, and also Augustine in his booke De remedijs poenitentiae: why preparest thou thy teeth &c. And Ambrose, De Sacramentis: de consecratione: distinct. 2. Reuera mirabile est. &c. This meat which you receiue, & this bread of one which descended from heauen: doth minister the substaunce of eternall life, and whosoeuer shall eate the same shall not dye euerlastingly, and is the body of Christ. Note how he sayth and is the body of Christ.

☞ The 5. article telleth of forgeuenesse of sinnes & is this.5. Conclusion. That very contrition withouten charity and grace, do away all sinnes before done of that man, that is verely contrite, and all true confession made by mouth outward to a wise Priest and a good, profiteth much to a man and it is needfull and helping, that men shew theyr life to such, trusting fully to Gods mercy,Declaratio [...] that he forgeueth the sinne.

And herto I say, that there bene 2. remissiōs of sinnes: one that longeth onely to God: And that remission is the clensing of the soule from sinne. And the other remission, a certifying that one man certifieth an other, that his sinnes bene forgeuen of God, if he be sory with all his hart for thē: and is in full wil to leaue them for euer: and this maner of forgeuenes longeth to Priests.Remission double. Of the first maner of forgiuenesse. Dauid sayth: And I sayd I will confesse my vnrighteousnes vnto the Lord, & thou forgauest me my misdeed. And Zachary sayth. And thou O childe shalt be called the Prophet of the highest. &c. To geue knowledge of saluation vnto his people for the remission of theyr sinnes, by the bowels of Gods mercy. And Iohn Baptist. Behold the lamb of God that taketh away the sinnes of the world. And S. Iohn the Euangelist sayth in his Epistle: If we confesse our sinnes, he is faythfull & iust to forgeue vs our sinnes and clense vs from al our iniquity. And it foloweth. If any man sinne, we haue an aduocate with the father, euen Iesus Christ and he it is that is the propitiatiō for our sinnes. And of the other remissiō of sinnes Christ speaketh in the Gospell, and sayth. Whose sinnes ye forgeue, they shalbe forgeuen.6. Conclusion. And mans forgeuenes auayleth litle, but zif God forgeue our sinnes through his grace.

☞ The 6. conclusion teacheth indulgences and pardons, that the Pope graunteth in his Buls, and men callen it an absolution A poena & a culpa. Declaratio [...]

Of this maner of speach I cannot finde in the Gospel, ne in no place of holy write,Either there is purgatory, or els the pope is cruel and vncharitable. The Popes power can keepe none from bodely paine, Ergo, much lesse from spirituall. ne I haue not read that Chryst vsed this maner of remission, ne none of his Apostles. But as me semeth, if the pope had such a power sithē the paines after a mās death bene much greater thē any bodily paines of the world: me thinketh he should of charity keep mē out of such paynes, and then men needed not to finde so many vicious Priests after theyr life, to bring theyr soules out of Purgatory. An other thing me thinketh, that sithe the popes power ne may not keep vs in this world fro bodely paynes as from cold, from hunger, from dread, frō sorow, and other such paynes, how should his power help vs frō spirituall paynes, when we bene dead? But for that no mā commeth after his death to tell vs the sooth in what payne they bene, men mow tell thereof what him lust. S. Iohn sayth in his Apocalips, that he sawe vnder the aultar, the soules of them which were slaine for the word of God, and for the testimony which they had. And they did cry with a loud voice, saying: how long Lord holy and true, doest not thou reuenge our bloud of them which dwel on the earth. And white stoles were geuē to euery of thē,If the Martyrs being dead, be not assured frō grief of tarying, much lesse cā they assoile other from paynes of purgatorie. to rest a while, till the number of theyr felow seruaunts & brethren should be fulfilled, which also remayned to be slayne as they were. &c. Here semeth it, that these soules were not assoiled a poena, that is from payne: for theyr desire is not fulfillen. And they were bidden abide a while, and that is a payne. And if Martyrs were not assoyled from payne, it is hard for any mā to to say, yt he assoyleth other mē a poena. Also good mēs soules haue not but spirituall blisse, and they want bodely [Page] blysse, vntill their resurrection in the day of dome.The Pope hath no power grounded vpon scripture, to bring from pain of purgatory. 7. Conclusion. And after they desiren to haue that blysse, and abiden it, and that is paine to them. And I cānot see that y• Pope hath power to bring him from this paine. But it any man can shew me, that he hath such a power graunted in the troth of holy write, I will gladly leefen it.

☞ The vii. point speaketh of the Pope and is this: Sith it is onely due to God, as I haue syd before, to geue & to graunt plener remissiō, from paine, and from blame: that whatsoeuer he bee Pope or other that presūptuously mistaketh vpon him the power that onely is due to God, in that,The Pope maketh him selfe euen with Christ in as much as in him is, he maketh him selfe euen wt Christ, & blasphemeth God, as Lucifer did, when he sayd: Ascendam, & ero similis altissimo, That is, I will ascend, and be lyke the highest &c.

DeclarationFor that I say, if ye Pope holde men of armes in maintayning of his temporal Lordship, to venge him on them that gilten and offenden him, & geueth remission to fight and to slay them, that contraricn him, as men sayden he did by the Byshop of Norwich,The Bishop of Norwich Hea. Spenser the popes warriour set vp of the pope to slay his enemies. page 428. not putting his sword in his sheath, as God commaunded to Peter: he is Antichrist. For he doth the contrary of the commaundement of Iesus Christ, that had Peter forgeuen to his brother. 70. sithe. 7. sithe. wel I finde in the Gospel, that when Christ sent his Disciples to Samarye, the Samaritanes would not receiuen them. And some of them bidden Chryst, that he should make a fire come down from heauen, to destroy the City. And he blamed them and said: Nescitis cuius spiritus estis: Filius hominis non venitanimas perdere, sed saluare. That is, ye know not of what spirit ye are: The sonne of man is not come downe to destroy,The Pope contrarie to Christ. but to saue ye lyues and soules of mē. &c. If Christ then come to saue men, and not to slea them: who that doth the reuers hereof, is against Christ, and then he is Antichrist. Christ bad Peter put his sworde in his sheath and sayd:The pope againe prooued Antichrist. Omnes qui gladium acceperunt, gladio peribunt. That is: All which take the sword, shall perish with the sworde. And I cannot fynde that Peter drew out his sword after that time, but suffered as Christ sayd: Cum senueris, alius cinget te, & ducet quò tu non vis. That is, when thou shalt waxe old, an other shall gird thee and lead thee whether thou wilt not. And therefore sayd Peter, Christ suffered for vs, leauing vs example that we shoulde followe his steps. And Paule sayth: Not defending your selues, but geue place to anger: leaue reuenging to mee, and I shall rewarde them &c. And therfore it, seemeth to me, that it is much against Christes lore, that his Uicar should bee a fighter, sithen that hee mote be a shephearde, that shoulde go before his sheepe, and let them come after him, and not with swordes to driue them away from him. For as Christ sayth, a good shepheard shall put his lyfe for his sheepe. And zif al that Christ had two swordes when that hee was taken of the Iewes, he sayd himselfe, it was for that the Scriptures moten zit be fulfilled:2. Swordes neuer giuen to the pope. Quoniam cum iniquis deputatus est, that is: he was reputed among the wicked: and not to figure two swordes, that men sayen the Pope hath to gouerne with the church. And when I see such doinges of the Pope, & many other that accorden not with Christs lore, ne his liuing: And when I reade diuers Scriptures of holye writte, I am foule astenied whether they shoulder be vnderstanded of him, or of any other. And I pray you for Gods loue tell mee the sooth. Chryst sayth: Many shall come in my name, saying: I am Christ, and shall seduce many. &c. Christ (I wot well) is as muche to say,Two sortes of annoyntinges in Scripture. as he that is anointed, & two annointinges there weren in the lawe, one of Kinges, an other of Priestes. And Christ was both King and Priest, and so the Pope sayth that he is. And if all that haue bene Emperours of Rome, and other heathen kinges haue bene Antichrists, they come not in Christes name. But who so commeth in Christes name, and fayneth him Christes frend, and he be priuely his enemy, he may lightly beguile many. S. Paul saith: before there commeth a defection first, and ye sonne of perditiō shalbe reuealed, which is ye aduersary, and is extolled aboue al that is named God, or which is worshipped: so y• he shal sit in the temple of God, shewing himself as God. And it followeth in the same place: And now ye knowe what holdeth till he be reuealed in his time, for he worketh already the mistery of iniquitie.A defection in Antichristes time. Onely he y• holdeth, let him holde till he come abroad, & then that wicked one shall be reuealed, whom ye Lord Iesus shal slay with the spirite of his mouth. &c. And S. Iohn saith in the Apocalips: I saw an other beast ascending out of the erth, and two hornes like to the lambe. He spake like ye Dragō, & had the power of the first beast. Many such authorities astonicth me oft sithes: and therfore I pray you for ye loue of God, to tell me what they meane.

¶ The sentence.

THe which schedule afore mencioned,Mention was made of this schedule before in the first dayes Acte. pag. 471. with the cōtentes thereof diligently of vs perused, we considering y• diseases which be not easely cured wt gētle remedy, must haue harder playsters. Cōsidering moreouer these his articles with his aunswers to ye same, & to other articles also lastly against him produced, first mature deliberatiō had before vpon ye whole matter wt the foresaid masters & Doctors, as wel secular as regular, to a great number, obseruing in the same al thinges to be obserued in this behalfe, haue geuē sentēce against ye said w. in forme as foloweth.

The name of Christ being inuocated, we Iohn, by the permission of God,The sentence giuen agaynst hym. Bishop of Hereford, sitting in tribunal seate, hauing God before our eyes, weying & cōsidering ye articles by the foresaid faithfull Christians put vp against y• said Swinderby, pretēding himselfe to be priest, with his aunswers vpō the same, Actis & Actitatis before vs in the cause of hereticall peruersitie, with mature deliberation had before in this behalfe, with masters & doctours of diuinitie, and also of other faculties, with their counsel and cōsent: Do pronounce, decree, and declare the sayd w. to haue bene and to be an hereticke, scismaticke, and a false informer of the people, & such as is to be auoided of faithfull Christians. wherefore we admonish, vnder y• paine of the law, all & singular Christians, of what sex, state, condition, or preeminence soeuer: yt neither they, nor any of thē wtin our dioces, or any other, do beleue, receaue, defend, or fauor ye said w. til he shal deserue fully to be reconciled to the bosome againe of holy Church.

¶ The appeale of W. Swynderby from this sentence of the Bishop prefixed, vnto the king and his counsaile.

IN nomine patris, The appeale of W. Swinderby from the B. to the king and his counsayle. et filij, et spiritus sancti, Amen. I. W. Swynderby priest, knowledge openly to al men, that I was before the Bishop of Hereford, the thirde day of October, and before many other good clerkes, to aunswer to certaine conclusions of ye faith that I was accused of. And mine aunswere was this, that if the Bishop or any man couthe shew me by Gods law, y• my conclusions or mine aunsweres were errour or heresie, I would be amended, and openly reuoke them before al ye people.Some thyng there lacketh [...] the copie. Knowes in any of my conclusions, but sayden singly with word, that there was errours in them, and bidden me subiect me to ye Bishop, & put me into his grace & reuoke mine errour, and shewed me nought by Gods law ne reasō, ne proued which they weren. And for I would not knowledge mee guiltie, so as I knew no errour in thē, of which I should be guilty, therfore ye Byshop sate in dome in mine absēce, and deemed me an heriticke, a schismaticke, and a teacher of errours, and denounced me accursed, that I come not to correction of ye Church. And therefore for this vnrightfull iugement, I appeale to the kinges Iustices for many other causes.

One cause is, for the kynges Court, in such matter is aboue the Byshops court:The kyngs court aboue the Byshops court. For after that the Byshop has accursed, he may no feare by his law, but thē mote he sech succour of the kinges law, and by a writ of Significauit, put a man in prison.

The second cause is, for in cause of heresie there liggeth iudgement of death, & that dome may not be geuen without the kinges Iustices. For the Byshop will say: Nobis non licet interficere quenquam, That is: It is not lawfull for vs to kill anye man: as they sayden to Pilate, when Christ should be deemed. And for I thinke that no Iustice wil geue sodenly & vntrue dome as the Byshop did, and therfore openly I appeale to hem and send my conclusiōs to the Knightes of the Parliament, to be shewed to the Lordes, and to be taken to the Iustices, to be wel auiset or that they geuen dome.

The thirde cause is,What is an heretike. for it was a false dome: for no man is an hereticke, but he, that maisterfully defends his error or heresie and stifly maintaines it. And mine aūswere has ben alway cōditional, as ye people openly knows, for euer I say, & yet say & alway will: that if they ca [...]nen shew me by Gods law that I haue erret, I wil gladly ben amēdet, and reuoke mine errours and so I am no hereticke, ne neuer more in Gods grace will ben en no wise.

The fourth cause is.The Byshops law of condemnation full of heresies and errours. For the Bishops lawe, that they deme men by, is full of errours and heresies, contrary to ye truth of Christes law of the Gospell.

For there as Christs law biddes vs loue our enemies, the Popes law geues vs leaue to hate them & to sley them, and grauntes men pardon to werren againe heathē men, and sley hem. And there as Christes lawe teache vs to be [Page] mercifull, the Bishops lawe teaches to be wretchfull. For death is the greatest wretch that mē mowen done on him that guilty is.

There as Christes law teaches vs, to blessen him that diseazen vs, and to pray for him: the popes law teacheth to curse them, and in theyr great sentence that they vsen, they presume to damne hem to hell that they cursen. And this is a foule heresy of blaspheme, there as Christes law byddes vs be patient, the Popes law iustifies two swords, that wherwith he smiteth the sheepe of the Church. And he has made Lordes and Kings to sweare to defend him and his Church.

There as Christes law forbiddeth vs leche [...]y, ye popes law iustifies the abhominable whoredome of cōmon women, and the Bishops in some place haue a great tribute or rent of whoredome.

There as Christes lawe byddes to minister spirituall thynges freely to the people: the Pope with his law selles for mony, after the quātity of the gift, as pardons, orders, blessing, and Sacraments, & prayers, & benefices, & preaching to the people, as it is knowne amongest them.

There as Christes law teaches peace: the Pope wyth his law assoyles mē for mony to gader the people, priests, and other to fight for his cause.

The contrarietie betwene the pope & Christ.There as Christes law forbids swearing: The popes law iustifieth swearing, and compels men therto.

Wheras Christes law teacheth his Priests to be poore; the Pope with his law, iustifies and mayntaynes Priests to be Lordes.

And yet the 5 cause is, for the Popes law that byshops demen men by, is ye same vnrightfull law that Christ was demet by of the Byshops, with the Scribes and with the Pharises. For right as at that time they gauen more credens to the 2. false witnesses that witnessed agaynst Christ then they deden to al ye people that witnesseden to his true preaching and his miracles: so the Bishops of the Popes law geuen more leuen by their law to two hereticks & Apostats, or two comen wymen that woulden witnesseden agaynes a man in the cause of heresy, than to thousands of people that were trew and good. And for the Pope is thys Antechrist and his law contrary to Christ his lawe,The cause why Swinderby forsooke the pope. fully I forsake this law and so I reed all Christen menne. For thus by an other poynt of this law, they mighten cōquere much of this world: For whan they can by this law presēt a man an hereticke: his goods shulen be forfet from him & frō his heyres, and so might they lightly haue 2. or. 3. false witnesses to recorde an heresye agayne what true man so hem liked. Herefore me thinkes, that whatsoeuer that I am a christen man I may lawfull appeale frō a false dome of the law, to be righteouslye demet by the trouth of Gods law. And if this appeale will not serue, I appeale opēly to my Lord Iesu Christ that shall deme all the world, for he I wot well, will not spare for no man to deeme a trouth. And therfore I pray GOD almighty with Dauid in the Sauter booke Deus iudicium tuum regi da, & iustitiam tuam filio regis: Iudicare populum tuum in iustitia & pauperes tuos in iudicio. That is. O God geue they iudgement to the king, and thy iustice to the kings sonne: to iudge thy people in iustice, and thy poore ones in iudgement. &c.

¶ A letter sent to the Nobles and Burgesies of the Parliament, by M. William Swinderby.

A fruitful letter to the Lords & Burgesies of the Parliament.IEsu that art both God and man help thy people that louen thy law, and make knowne through thy grace thy teachinge to all christen men. Deare sirs, so as we seen by many tokens that this world drawes to an end, & all that euer haue bene forth brought of Adams kinde into this world shulē come togeder at domesday riche and poore, ichone to geue accompt and receiue after hys deedes, ioy or paynen for euermore: Therfore make we our werks good, ye while that God of mercy abides, and be yee stable and true to God, and ye shulen see hys helpe about you. Constantes estore & videbitis auxilium Domini super vos. This land is full of Ghostly cowardes, in Ghostly battayle few dare stand. But Christ the comforter of all that falleth (to that his hart barst for our loue) agaynst the fiend the doughty Duke comforteth vs thus: Estote fortes in bello. &c. Be ye strong in battell, he sayes, and fight ye with the olde adder. State in fide, viriliter agite. &c. Wake ye & pray ye, stond ye in beleue, do ye manly and be ye comfortet, and let all your thinges be done with charity: For Saynt Paule bidds thus in his Epistle, that saw the preuetyes of God in heauen: Euigilate iusti. &c. Awake ye that bene righteous men, bee yee stable and vnmoueable: Awake ye quickely and sleepe nought, and stond now strongly for Gods law. For Saynt Iohn in the Apocalips sayes, blesset be he that awakes: for nought to sleepers but to wakers God has behite the crowne of life. For the hower is nowe as Paule sayth to vs, from sleepe for to arise, for he that earelye awakes to me, he shall finde me sayth Christ himseluen. This waking gostly is good liuing out of sinne: this sleepe betokens that which cowardeth a mans hart from gostlye comfort and to stand in the same through a deceaueable sleepe is this that lets a man of the blisse of heauen: the fende makes men bold in sinne and ferd to do worship to God: death is a likening to a theefe that preuely steales vpon a man that now is riche, and full of wele, an one he makes him a needy wrech: therfore sayd God by S. Iohn in the Apocalips in this wise: Be thou waking, for if thou wake nought, I shall come to thee as a theefe, and thou shalt not wit what houre. And if the husbandman (sayes Christ) wist what houre the theefe should come, he shoulde wake and suffer him not to vndermine his house. Saynt Peter therefore warneth and sayth: wake and be ye ware, suffer ye no man (he sayes) as a theefe but wilfullye for Gods loue, for it is time (as Peter saies) that dome begin from the house of God: Ye bene the body of Christ (sayes Poule) that needes must suffer with the head, or els your bodyes bene but deade and departed from Christ that is the head. And therefore curset be he (sayes Poule) that loues not Iesu Christ. And who it is that loues him, Christe himselfe telles in the Gospell: he that has my hestes, and keepes them, he it is that loues me. Cursed he be therfore (sayes Poule) that doth Christes workes deceiueably. Be ye not therefore (sayes Poule) ashamed of the true witnesse of Iesu Christ, for Christ our God sayes in his Gospell, he that shames me and my wordes, him shall mans sonne ashame when he shal come for to set in the siege of hys Maiesty. And each man he sayes, that knowes me and my wordes before men in this sinnefull generation and whorish, mans sonne shall knowledge him before my father sayes Christ himselfe, when he shall come with hys Aungels in the glory of his Father: Sithe ye therefore bene Christenmen, that is to say, Christes men, shew in deede that ye bene suche as ye daren shew you the kings men: for hit h [...]d bene, as Peter saies, better not to haue knowen the way of trueth, then after the knowing thereof to be conuerted backeward there from. We knowen Christ, that is trought, we sain all through our beliefe if we turne from him for dred, truely wee deny the troth: And therefore sith our time is short, how short no man knowes but God, do we the good that we may to Gods worship, when we haue time: Be true (sayes God) to the death and you shall haue the crowne of life: And thinke on Iudas Machabeus, that was Gods true knight, that comforted hartelye Gods true people, to be the folowers of his law. And geue ye, he sayd, your liues for the Testament of your fathers. And ye shulen winne, he sayd, great ioy, and a name for euermore. Was not Abraham, he sayd, in temptation founden true, and was Reckened.arectet vnto him euermore to righteousnesse, Ioseph in time of his anguish he kept truely Gods hest, he was made by Gods prouidence Lord of Egypt, for his trouth. Phinees our fadure louing, he sayth, the zeale of God tooke the testament of euerlasting Priesthoode. Iosue for he fulfillet the worde of God was domes man in Israell. Caleph that witnessed in the Church, he tooke therefore the heretage, he sayth: Dauid in his mercy hee gat the siege of the kingdome in worldes. Hely for that he loued the zeale of Gods lawe, was taken vppe into heauen. Ananie, Azary, and Misaell, he sayes, weren deliuerer thoore through true beliefe out of the hoat flame of fire.Daniel. 14. True Daniel in his simplenes was deliueret from the Lyons mouthe. Bethinke ye therfore, he sayes, by generation and generation, and thou shalt neuer finde that he sayled that man that truely trusted in him. And therefore dread you nought, he sayes of the wordes of a sinnefull man: hys glory is, he sayes, but wormes and tordes: he is to day, he sayth, y made hye, to morow he sayes he is not foundē for he is turned, he sayes, into his earth agayn, & the minde of him is perisher. Sonnes therefore he sayes, be ye comforter, and dye manly in the lawe: for when ye han done that that Gods commaundes you to doe, ye shulen be glorious in him. And Dauid the king sayes also on this wise in the Psalter booke:Psal. 119. blesset be they (Lord) that keepen thy law, in worldes of worldes they shall prayse thee. And in Leuiticus sayes God thus,Leuit. 26. gif that ye wenden in mine hestes & keepen my commaundementes, and done hem, I shall I shall bring forth theyt fruit,, and trees shall be fulfilled with apples. And ye shallen eat your bread in fulnes, ye shoulen dwell in your lande without drede, I shall geue peace in your costes, ye shall sleep and no man shall feare you. Euill beastes I shall done away from you, and sword shall not passe your termes, ye shuln pursue your enemies, and they shall fall before you, fifty of yours shulne pursue an hundreth of heren, an hundret of yours, a thousand of theyrs: your enemies, hee saieth shulen fal through sword, and your sute. I shall he sayes behold you and make you to waxe, and ye shall be multiplier: And I shall strength with you my couenaunt, ye shall eat the aldest, and the new shull come in theron. And ye shuln cast forth the old, I shall dwell in the midst of you. And I shall wend amonges you, and shalbe your God, and ye shulne be my people. If that ye heare me not, ne done nought all my hestes but dispisē my law and my domes, and that ye done not tho thinges that of me bene ordener, and breken my commaundements and my couenant: I shall do these thinges to you. I shall visite you surely in [Page] nede and brenning, which shall dimme your eghenen, and shall wast your liues about nought: Ye shulne sow your sede for hit shalbe deuouret of enemies, I shall put my face agaynst you, and ye shall fall before your enemies. And ye shulen be vnderlings to them that han hatet you, ye shall flee, no man pursuing. And if ye will not be buxome to me, I shall adde thereunto thornes and seuen folde blame. And I shall all to brast the hardnes of you, I shall geue the heauen aboue you as yron, & the earth as brasse. About nought shall your labour be, for the earth shall bring you forth no fruit, ne tree shall geue none apples to you. If that ye wenden agaynst me, and will not heare me, I shall adde hereto, seuen folde woundes for your sinnes, I shall send amongest you beastes of the field that shall deuour you and your beastes, I shall bring you into a field, and wayes shuln be desart. And if that ye will not receiue lore, but wenden agaynst me, I will also wenden agaynste you, and I shall smite you seuen sithes for your sinnes. I shall leade in vpon you, sword, venger of my couenaunt and vpon the fleen into Cities, I shall send pestilence in the middest of you. So that tenne women shall bake their bread in one furnace, and yeld thē agayne by wayght, and ye shall eat, & not be fillet. If that ye heare me not by these thinges, but wenden agaynst me, I shall wend in agaynst you in a contrary woodnesse, and blame you with seuen plagues for your sinnes, so that they shoulen eat the flesh of your sonnes and of your daughters. And in so much my soule shall loth you, that I shal bring your Cities into wildernesse, and your Sanctuaryes I shall make desart, ne I shal not ouer that receiue sweet oder of your mouth. And I shall disperkle your land, and enemies shulen maruell thereon, when they shulen inhabite it, I shall disperpel you among Heathen, and draw my sword after you. These vengeaunces and many moe, God sayde should fall on them that breake his bidding, and dispiseth his lawes, and his domes. Than sithe Christ become man, and bought vs with his hart bloud, and has shewed vs so great loue, and geuen vs an easy law, of the best that euer might be made, and to bring vs to the ioy of heauen, and we despise it and louen it nought: what vengeaunce will be taken here on, so long as he has suffered vs, and somercifully abidden, when he shall come that righteous iudge in the cloudes to deme this worlde? Therefore turne we vs to him, and leaue sinne that he hates and ouer all thinges mayntayne his lawe that he confirmed with his death. For other lawes that men had made, shoulde be demed at that day by the iust law of Christ, and the maker that them made, and then we wonne that long life and that ioy that Paule speaketh of, that eye ne see not, ne eare heard not, ne into mans hart ascended not, the blisse and ioy that God hath ordeyned to them that louen him and his lawes.

Deare worshipfull sirs in this world I beseech you for Christes loue,The saythfull request of W. Swinderby. as ye that I trow louen Gods law & trouth (that in these dayes is greatly borne abacke) that they wollen vouchsafe these thinges that I send you written to Gods worship, to let them be shewed in the Parliament as your wittes can best conceiue, to most worship to our God, and to shewing of the trouth and amē ding of holy Church. My conclusions and mine appeale & other true matters of Gods law (gif any man can finde therein errour, falsenesse, or default, prouet by the law of Christ clearely to christen mens knowledge) I shall reuoke my wrong conceit, and by Gods law be amendet: euer redy to hold with Gods law opēly & priuely with Gods grace, and nothing to holde, teach, or maynetayne that is contrary to his law.

Of the proces, answeres, & condemnation of this worthy priest and true seruaunt of Christ, Williā Swinderby, you haue heard, what afterward became vpō him, I haue not certainly to say or affirme, whether he in prisō died, or whether he escaped theyr handes, or whether he was burned there is no certayne relation made. This remayneth out of doubt that during ye time of K. Richard. 2. no great harme was done vnto him. Which was to the yeare. 1401. at what time K. Richard being wrongfully deposed, Hē ry the 4. inuaded the kingdome of England. About the beginning of whose reigne we read of a certayn Parliament holden at Londō, mentioned also of Thomas Walden (as is aboue specified) in which parliamēt it was decreed: that whosoeuer shewed themselues to be fauorers of Wickliffe they should be apprehended, who at that time were called Lollards, and if so be they did obstinately perseuere in that doctrine, they should be deliuered ouer vnto the bishop of the dioces, & from him should be cōmitted to the correctiō of the secular magistrate. This law (sayth ye story) brought a certaine priest vnto punishmēt the same yeare, who was burned in Smithfielde in the presence of a great number. This we haue drawne out of a piece of an old story, & it is most certaine that there such a Priest was burned for the affirmation of the true faith, but it doth not appeare by the story, what the Priestes name was. Notwithstanding by diuers coniectures it appeareth vnto me that his name was Swinderby that was forced to recant before by the Bishop of Lincol [...]2. Whereby what is to be conicetured by the premisses, let other men iudge what they think. I haue nothing here of expressely to affirme. This is plain for al men to iudge (which haue here sene and read his story) that if he were burned, then the bishops, Friers & priestes, which were the causes thereof, haue a great thing to answere to the Lord, when he shall come to iudge ye quicke and the dead, & seculum perignem.

¶ The story and processe agaynst Walter Brute.

AFter the story of William Swinderby,The story of Walter Bruce a Britton. I thought good and conuenient, next to adioyne the actes and doinges of Gualter Brute his ioynte fellow and companion, being a lay man, and learned: brought vpp as it seemeth in the Uniuersitie of Oxforde, being there also graduate. The tractation of whose discourse as it is something long, so therein may appeare diuers thinges worthye to be read and considered.

First, y• mighty operation of gods spirit in him, his ripe knowledge, modest simplicitie; his valiant constancie, hys learned reactations and manifolde conflictes susteyned aagaynst Gods enemies.Ex Registro Epis. Herford. On the contrary part in hys aduersaryes may appeare, might against right mans authoritie agaynst plaine veritie: against which they hauing nothing directly to aunswere, proceede in condemnation agaynst whom they are able to bring forth no confi [...]ation. The chiefest occasion that seemed to stirre vp the heart and zeale of this Walter agaynst the pope: was the in [...]pudent pardons and indulgenses of Pope [...], graunted to Henry Spenser Bishop of Norwich [...] against pope Clement, mentioned before pag. 428. Secondly the [...]orōgfull condemnation of the articles and conclusions of William Swinderby, the whole order wherof, in the processe here following more playnly may appeare.

The processe had by Bohn Byshop of Hereford, agaynst Walter Brute lay man, and learned, of the dioces of Hereford, touching the cause of heresie, as they called it, set forward by the way of the Byshops office &c. at the instruction of certain faithful Christians, as he termed them, but in deed cruell and false promoters.

IN ye name of God,Murdring harts lurking vnder louing wordes. Amen. To all maner of faithful christian people that shall see and heare this our presēt proces. Iohn by ye sufferance of God bishop of Hereford sendeth greeting & cōtinual chartitie in ye Lord. We would y• you al should know, that of late by many faithfull christian people, & specially zealous followers of the catholicke faith, it was lamētably done vs to vnderstand by way of complaine: that a certain sonne of ours going out of kind, named Walter Brute lay person, learned, of our dioces, hath vnder a cloked shew of holynes, dānably seduced the people: & setting behind him y• feare of God, doth seduce thē as much as he cā, frō day to day, informing & teaching openly and priuely, as well the nobles as the commōs, in certaine conclusiōs hereticall, schismatical, and erroueous & also heretofore condēned. And they haue also probably exhibited against ye same Walter, articles vnder writtē, u [...] maner and forme as followeth.

¶ Articles exhibited and denounced to the bishop, against Walter Brute.

REuerend father and Lorde, we the faythfull people of Christ,Articles denoū ced against W. Brute by priests and Friers. we the faythfull people of Christ, & zelous louers of the catholicke faith, and also your humble and deuout children: do minister & exhibite to your reuerend fatherhood, the articles vnder written, touching ye catholicke faith, cōtrary and against malicious persons, & detractours of the same faith, & the determinations of holy mother church, & namely agaynst the childe of Belial, one Walter Brute, a false teacher and seducer amongst ye people. Hūbly beseeching, y• you would vouchsafe to haue regard to ye correction of the enormities vnder written, according vnto ye Canonicall constitutions, euen as to your office pastorall doth lye and belong.

In primis, The first article. we do geue and exhibite and entēd to proue, that the same Walter Brute being vnmindfull of his saluation, hath bene by many and diuers faythfull Christian people sundry times accused of the cursednes of heresy: As by the swift report, slaūder, and rumour of the people, proceding before the most reuerend father & Lord, Lord William Archb. of Caunterbury, and also before the reuerend father & Lord, Lord Iohu late B. of Herford, your predecessor, [Page] and now Bishop of S. Asse, hath bene testified, and also hath bene many & diuers times cited to answere vnto articles by him agaynst the Catholicke fayth auouched, & openly and publiquely taught: But he in this matter of hereticall cursednes (so greeuously and shamefully spoken of) hath neuer regarded to purge his innocency, but luckingly and running into corners, hath many and sundrye yeres labored to aduance things erroneous, schismaticall, and also heresyes, & to emprint them in the harts of faythfull people.

2. Article.Item, the foresayd Walter Brute hath opēly, publickly, and notoriously auouched, and commōly sayd & taught and stubbernly affirmed: that euery Christen man (yea & woman) being without sinne may make the body of christ so well as the priest.

3. Article.Item, the same Walter hath notoriously, opēly & publickely auouched and taught, that in the Sacrament of the alter there is not the very body, but a signe and a memoriall onely.

4. Article.Item, the foresayd Walter hath sayd commonly and auouched, and also hath labored to informe mē and companyes, that no man is bound to geue tithes, nor oblations: and if any man will needes geue, he may geue his tithes, and oblations to whom he wil, excluding therby theyr curates.

5. Article.Itē, that such as do preach and prefer croised matters, and pardons (graunted by the high bishop to them y• helpe the purpose of the reuerēd father Lord Henry by the grace of God Bishop of Norwich, when as he tooke his iourny vpō him to fight for the holy father the Pope) are schismatickes and heretickes, and that the Pope cannot graunt such maner of pardons.

6. Article.Item, the sayd Walter hath oftentimes sayd, and commonly aduouched, that the Pope is Antichrist, and a seducer of the people, and vtterly agaynst the lawe and life of Christ.

7. Article.Item, wheras of late your reuerence did (at the instāce of faithfull christen people) proceed in forme of law against William Swinderby, and that the sayd Williā Swinderby had vnto the said articles obiected against him, geuē vp his answeres in writing, cōteining in thē errors, schismes & heresies, euen as you with the mature counsel of maisters & doctors in diuinity, & other faculties haue determined & geuen sentence, and haue pronounced the same William Swinderby to be an heretick, & a schismatick, and an erroneous teacher of ye people: Neuertheles ye forenamed Walter hath openly, publickly, & notoriously said, aduouched, & stubbernly affirmed, that the sayd Williams aunsweres (whereof notice hath bene geuen before) are good, righteous, and not able to be conuinced, in that they conteyne none error, and that your sentence beforesayd, geuen agaynst the same William, is euill, false & vniust: And that your assistants haue wickedly, naughtely, peruersly, & vniustly condemned the answeres aforesayd.

Otherwise bloudie promoters. These conclusions and articles of W. Swinderby here repeated, & obiected to Walt. Brute are to be founde before, pag. 466. and 467.Now therupon immediately, those same faythful christian people haue instantly required that we would vouch safe that other articles geuen by ye same faythfull christiās against the sayd William Swinderby, together wt the writings and answeres of the same William therunto: should be admitted agaynst Walter Brute, mentioned of in this matter of cursed heresy: of which Articles and aunswers, the tenors do folow in these wordes.

In primis, that one William Swinderby pretending himself priest, was of certayne articles and cōclussions erroneous, false, schismaticall & heretical, by him preached, at diuers places & times, before a great multitude of faithful Christians, iudicially cōuinced: and the same articles and conclusiōs did he (inforced by necessity of law) reuoke and abiure, some as hereticall, and other as erroneous & false: and for such did he aduouch thē euer afterward promising so to take and beleue them & that frō thenceforth he would opēly or priuily preach, teach, or affirme none of them: nor that he should make sermon or preach within your dioces without licence demaunded and obteined. And in case he should to the cōtrary presume, by preaching or auouching that then he should be subiect to the seueritye of the Canōs euen as he iudicially sware accordingly as the law inforced. Also the conclusions abiured by the sayd William doe folow and are such.

1. Conclusion.

1. In primis, that men by the rule of charity, may demaund debts, but by no meanes imprison any man for debts: and that the party so imprisoning a body, is excommunicated, before. pag. 466.

2. Item, that if the parishioners shall knowe theyr Curate to be incontinent and naughty: they ought to withdraw from him theyr tythes. &c. pag. 467.

3. Item, that tithes are mere almosies, and in case that the Curates shal be ill, that they may be lawfully bestowed vpon others by the temporall owners. &c. pag. 467.

4, Item, that an euill Curate to excommunicate any vnder his iurisdiction for withholding of tithes, is nought els. &c. pag. 467.

5. Item, that no mā may excōmunicate any body, except that first he know him excōmunicate of God: Neither doe those that communicate with such a one, incur the sentence of excommunication by any maner of meanes. ibid.

6. Item, that euery Priest may absolue euery sinner being contrite, and is bound to preach the Gospell vnto the people, notwithstanding the prohibition of the Bishops, pag. 467.

7. Item, that a priest receiuing by bargaine any thing of yearely annuity, is in so doing a schismaticke, and excommunicate. pag. 467.

8. Item, he doth assuredly beleeue (as he auoucheth) that euery priest being in deadly sinne, if he dispose himselfe to make the body of Christ, doth rather commit idolatry thē make Christes body. pag. 467.

9. Item, that no priest doth enter into any house, but to handle ill the wife, the daughter, or the mayd, and therfore &c. pag. 467.

10. Item, that the child is not rightly baptised, if the priest &c. ibid.

11. Item that no maner of person if he liue agaynst Gods law. &c. ibid.

12. Item, the same William agaynst the thinges premised, and his reuocation and abiuration (not to his hart cōuerting, but from euill to worse peruerting) did turne aside into our dioces: where running to and fro in diuers places, hath of his owne rash head presumed to preach or rather to peruert. &c. 467.

13. Item, after that we had heard diuers rumors, & slaunders of very many, we directed diuers monitions and cō maundementes comminatorye, to be sent abroade by our Commissaries to sundry places of our dioces: that no person of what estate, degree or condition so euer he were of, should presume to preach or to teach the sacred scripture to the people in places holy or prophane, within our dioces. &c. page. 466.

14. Item, that the same sort of monitions, inhibitions and precepts confirmed by our seale, came to the true & vndouted knowledge of the sayd William.

15. Item, the same William vnmindefull of his owne saluation hath sithens & agaynst those monitions,

Infan [...]um facinussci [...] licet.

inhibitiōs and preceptes, and (that which is more abhominable to be spoken) in contempt of the high Bishops dignity, & to the slaūder & offence of many people, presumed in diuers places of our sayd dioces, to preach or rather to peruert & to teach the forementioned, & other heretical, erroneous and schismaticall deuises.

16, Item, the same William in preaching to the people: on monday, to wit, the first of August, in the yere of our Lord 1390. in the Church of Whitney in our dioces, held and affirmed: that no Prelate of the world, of what state, preheminēce or degree soeuer he were of, hauing cure of soule & being in deadly sinne. &c. pag. 466.

17. Item,

A perilous doore to open.

the same William in many places sayd & affirmed in the presence of many faythfull [...]hristian people, after the sacramentall words vttered by the priest, hauing ye intent to consecrate, there is not made the very bodye of Christ in the sacrament of the Eucharist. pag. 466.

18. Item, that accidences cannot be in the sacramēt of the aulter without theyr subiect: & that there remayneth materiall bread Concomitanter with the body of Christ in the sacrament. Vide supra pag. 466.

19. Item, that a priest being in deadly sinne cannot by the power of the sacramētall words, make the body of Christ, &c. pag. 466.

20. Item, that all priests are of like power in all poynts, notwithstanding that some of them are in this worlde of higher dignity, degree, or preheminence. pag. 466.

21. Item, that contrition onely putteth away sinne, if a man shall be duely contrite: and that all vocall confession and exercise, is superfluous, and not requisite of necessitye to saluation. Ibidem.

22. Item, that inferior Curates haue not theyr power of binding and loosing mediatly from the pope or bishop, but immediately of Christ. &c. pag. 466.

23. Item, that the pope cannot graunt such kind of annuall pardons, because there shall not be so many yeares to the day of iudgement as is conteyned in the popes buls or pardons. Whereby it followeth, that pardons are not so much worth as they are noysed and praysed to be. Ibid.

[Page]24. Item that it is not in the Popes power to graunt to any penitent body forgeuenes of the paine or of the trespasse. pag. 466.

25 Item that one geuing his almes to any bodye which as he iudgeth hath no neede thereof, doth sinne in so geeuyng it. pag. 466.

26 Item that it standes not in the power of any prelate, of what priuate religion soeuer he bee, to geue by letters benefites of their order. Neither do such kind of benefits geuen profit them to whom they be geuen for the saluatiō of soules. Vide supra. pag. 466.

27 Item that the same William vnmindfull of his owne saluation, hath many times and often resorted to a certain desert wood called Derwalswood of our dioces, and there in a certayne vnhallowed Chappell (nay a prophane cottage) hath presumed of his owne propre rashnesse,

A foule falt f [...]rsooth.

to celebrate. &c. pag. 466.

28 Item the same William hath also presumed to do the like thinges in a certayne prophane chappel, situate in the parke of Newton, nigh to the towne of Leyntwardyn, in the same our dioces. pag. 466.

¶Walter Pride promoters, or rather a proud promoter.Which thinges being done, the same faithful Christen people, and specially sir Walter Pride the penitentiarie of our Cathedrall Church of Hereforde, personally appearing before vs, sittyng in our iudgement seate in the parish Church of Whiteborne of our diocesse: brought forth and exhibited two publique instruments against the same Walter Brute, in ye case of cursed heresie aforsaid, of which instrumentes here followeth the tenours and Articles in this sort.

In the name of God Amen. Be it euidently knowē to all persōs by this presēt publike instrumēt:The first instrumēt exhibited by certain Cha [...]s of Herford, against Walter Bruce. ye in the yeare frō ye incarnatiō, after ye course and cōputation of ye church of England. 1391. the indiction xv. of ye pontifical office of our most holy father and Lord in Christ, Lord Boniface ye ix. by Gods Wisedome Pope, the second yeare the xv. day of ye month of October, in the dwelling house of the worshipful mā maister Iohn Godemoston, Chanon of ye Cathedral Church of Hereford, in the presence of me the publique Notary vnder written, and of witnesses subscribed: Walter Brute lay man learned, of Hereford dioces, personally appearing sayde, auouched, and stifly maintayned: that the sayde Bishop of Hereforde and his assistaunces, which were with him the third day of the foresayde month of October, the yeare of our Lord aforesayd, in the Church of Hereford:B. of Herford vniustly condemned the articles of sir W. Swinderby. did naughtely, wickedly, peruersly, and vniustly condemne ye aunsweres of sir William Swinderby Chaplaine, geuen by the same sir William to ye same Lord byshop in wryting, and also the articles ministred by the same sir William.

And furthermore he sayd, held, and aduouched, that the same conclusions geuen by ye same sir Williā, euen as they were geuen, are true and Catholike.

Matters obiected against Walter Brute.Item, as touching the matters obiected agaynst hym by them that stoode by, concerning the sacrament of ye aulter: he sayd, that after the sacramentall words: there doth remaine very bread, and the substance therof after the cō secration of ye body of Christ, and that there do not remain accidencies without substance or subiect after the cōsecration of the body of Christ. And touching this matter, the doctors holde diuers opinions.

The P. Antichrist.Furthermore as concerning ye Pope, he said, helde, and auouched: that he is the very Antichrist, because y• in lyfe and maners he is contrary to the lawes, doctrines, and deedes of Christ our Lord.

All and euery of these things were done, euen as they be aboue writtē and rehearsed in ye yeare of our Lord, pō tificall office, month, day, & place aforesayd, at supper time of the day aforenamed, thē and there being present ye worshipful and discrete men.Witnesses against Wal-Brute. sir Walter Ramsbury, chiefe chā ter of the sayde Cathedrall Church of Hereforde, Roger Hoore Chanon of the same Church, Walter Wall, Chaplain of ye said church of Hereford, being a vicar of ye Choral & certaine other worthy witnesses of credit, that were specially called and desired to ye premisses. Ex Regist. Herford.

Richard Lee Register & writer hereof.And I Richard Lee whelar, clerke of Worcester, being a publike notarye, by ye authoritie Apostolike: was personally present at all and singuler the premisses, whilest that (as is before rehersed) they were done and a doing, in the yere of our lord. 1391. pontisical office, month, day, place, & ye houre aforesaid: & I did see, write, and heare all and singuler those things thus to bee done, and haue reduced thē into this publike maner and forme: & being desired truely to restifie the premisses, haue sealed the sayde instrument, made hereupon, with mine accustomed scale and name.

In the name of God,The forme of the second instrument. Amen. Be it plainly knowē to all persons, by this present publike instrumēt: that in ye yere from the incarnation of the lord after ye course and co [...]p [...] tation of ye church of England. 1391. the indiction fifteene, in the 3. yere of the pontifical office of ye most holy father in Christ, and our Lord, Lord Boniface Pope by the prouydēce of God the 9. & in ye 19. day of the month of Ianuary. Walter Brute layman, of Hereford dioces, personally appearing before ye reuerēd father in Christ and Lord. Lord Iohn by gods grace B. of Herford, in ye presence of me being a publike notarie, & one of ye witnesses vnder written: did say,Matters & co [...] clusions ministred against Walter Brute. This conclusion seemeth to be falsly collected, as were before the articles of W. Swinderby. This conclusion also is not [...]ightly gathered. hold, publish, & affirme, ye cōclusiōs hereafter written, ye is to say: y• christen people are not boūd to pay tithes neither by the law of Moses, nor by the law of Christ.

Item, that it is not lawful for Christians for any cause in any case, to sweare by ye creator neither by the creature.

Item he confesseth openly and of his owne accord: that within the same month of Ianuary, he did eate, drink, and communicate with William Swinderby, not being ignorant of the sentence of the said reuerend father: whereby ye same William Swinderby was pronounced an heretique, schismatique, and a false seducer of the common people. Which conclusions, the same reuerend father caused to bee writtē, and in writing to be deliuered to the same Walter. Which when he had seene and red, he sayd also that he did maintaine and iustifie them according to the lawes aforesayd. These thinges were done in the chamber o [...] the sayd bishop of Herford,Witnesses against W. Brute. at his manor of Whitborne of the sayde dioces of Hereford: then being there present the same Byshop abouesaid. M. Reynold of Wolsten, Canon of Hereford, sir Phillip Dileske parson of ye parish church of Blamurin, Thomas Guldefeld parson of the Church of Englisbyknore, Iohn Cresset parson of the church of Whytborne, and Thomas Wallewayne housholde seruant, for witnesses specially called and desired to the premisses of ye dioces of Hereford and S. Asse.

And I Benedict Come clerke of the dioces of S. Asse,Benedict Come Register, witnes and writer of this instrument against William Bruite. publike notary by ye Apostolike authoritie of the dioces of S. Asse, was personally present together with the witnes before named, at all and singuler these and other thinges here premised whilest they were so done and a doing, & did see, heare, & write those things so to be done, as is before mencioned: and did write the same and reduce them into this publike forme, & with my wonted & accustomed seale and name haue sealed it, being desired and required truly to testifie the premisses.

At the last, the aforesaid Walter Brute, did present and cause to be presented to vs (at diuers places and times assigned by vs to the same Walter, to aunswere to y• former conclusions and articles) diuers scroules of paper writtē with his owne proper hand, for his aunswers to the same Articles and conclusions aboue written: he partly appearing by his owne selfe, before vs sitting in our iudgement seat, and partly by his messengers, specially appoynted to that purpose: of which scroules, ye tenors do follow in order worde by worde, and be on this maner.

In the name of the father,Certaine exhibites of Walter Brute in wryting presented to the B. for his defence. Walter Brute a Britone borne. and of the sonne, and ye holy ghost, Amen: I Walter Brute, sinner, layman, husbādmā & a Christian (hauing mine ofspring of the Brittons, both by my father & mothers side) of the Britons, haue ben accused to ye B. of Hereford, that I did erre in many matters concerning the catholike Christen fayth: by whō I am required, y• I should write an aunswere in Latin to all those matters. whose desire I wil satisfie to my power, protesting first of al, before God & before al the world: ye like as it is not my mind through Gods grace, to refuse ye knowē truth,Protestation made. for any reward greater or smaller, yea be it neuer so bigge, nor yet for ye feare of any temporal punishment: euē so it is not my mind to maintain any erroneous doctrine for any cōmodities sake. And if any mā, of what state, sect or condition so euer he be, wil shew me that I erre in my writings or sayings by the authoritie of the sacred scripture, or by probable reason grounded in ye sacred scripture, I wil humbly and gladly receiue his information.No writer odoctor without his errour, the Scripture onely excepted. Errour in the Apostles. Errour in the Doctours. Errours and cō trarieties amōg the popish wryters. But as for ye bare wordes of any teacher (Christ onely excepted) I wil not simply beleue, except hee shalbe able to stablish thē by the truth of experience, or of the Scripture: for because, that in the holy Apostles elected by Christ, there hath beue foūd errour by the testimony of the holy scripture, because that Paule himselfe doth cōfesse that he rebuked Peter, for that he was worthy to be rebuked, Galat. the 2. Chapiter. There hath ben errors foūd in the holy doctors, that haue ben before vs, as they themselues confesse of them selues. And oftentimes it falleth out, that there is error founde in the teachers in our age: who are of contrary opinions among themselues, and s [...]me of them do sometimes determine [Page] mine one thing for truth, and others do condemne the selfe same thing to be heresye or error. Which protestation premised, I wil here place 1. suppositions or cases for a groūd and a foundatiō of all things that I shall say, out of which I would gather two probable conclusions stablished vpō the same, and vpon the sacred Scripture. By which cōclusions, when as they shall be declared after my maner and fashion, it shal playnely appeare what my opiniō & iudgement is concerning all matters that I am accused of.Brate modestly excuseth his learning. But because I am ignoraunt & unlearned, I wil get me vnder the mighty defences of the Lord. O Lord I will remēber thine onely righteousnes.

The first case or [...] position.God the father almighty vncreate, the maker of heauē and earth, hath sent his sonne (that was euerlastingly begotten) into this world: that he should be incarnated, for ye saluation and redemption of mankind, who was cōceiued by the holy ghost, euerlastingly proceeding from the father and the sonne, and was borne of Mary the virgin, to ye end that we might be borne a new. He suffered Passion vnder Pōtius Pilate for our sinnes, laying down his life for vs, that we should lay down our life, for our brethrē. He was crucified, that we should be crucified to the world, and the world to vs. He was dead, that he might redeeme vs from death, by purchasing for vs forgeuenes of sinnes. He was buried, that we being buried together with him into death by Baptisme, and that we dead to sins, should liue to righteousnes. He descēded into hell, therby deliuering man frō thraldom, and from the bondage of the Deuill, & restoring him to his inheritaunce, which he lost by sinne. The thyrd day he rose from the dead, through the glory of his father, that we also should walke in newnes of life. He ascended vp to the heauens, to which no body hath ascended, sauing he that descended from heauē, euē the sonne of man which is in heauē. He sitteth at the right hand of God the father almighty, vntill his enemies be made his footstoole. He being in very deed so muche better then the Aungelles, as he hath obteyned by inheritaunce a more excellentname then they. From thence he shall come to iudge the quick and the dead, accordingly to theyr workes, because the father hath geuen all iudgemēt to the sonne. In whose terrible iudgement we shall rise agayne, and shall all of vs stand before his iudgement seat, and receiue ioy as well bodely, as spiritually for euer to endure, if we be of the sheepe placed at the right hand: or els punishment both of bodye and soule if we shall be foūd amongst goates, placed on the left hand. &c.

Iesus Christ the sonne of God, very God & very man a king for euer, by stablishing an euerlasting kingdome, breaking to ponder all the kingdoms of the world:The second case or assertion. Dan. 2. a priest for euer after ye order of Melchisedech, wherby also he is able euermore to saue such as by him come vnto god & alwayes liueth to intreat for vs. Hebr. 7. He offring one sacrifice for our sins, hath made perfect for euer by one oblation, those that be sanctified. Heb. 10. Being yt wisedome that cannot be deceiued, & the trueth that cannot be vttred: he hath in this world taught the will of the godhead of his father, which will he hath in worke fulfilled, to the intent that he might faithfully instruct vs, and hath geuē the law of charity to be of his faythfull people obserued, whiche he hath written in the hartes and mindes of the faythful with the finger of God, wher is the spirit of God, searching the inward secrets of ye Godhead. Wherfore his doctrine must be obserued aboue all other doctrines, whether they be of Angels or of men, because that he could not nor would not erre in his teaching. But in mens doctrins there chanceth oftentimes to be error, and therfore we must forsake theyr doctrines, if clokedly or expresly they be repuguaunt to the doctrine of Christ. Mens doctrins being made for the peoples profit must be allowed and obserued, so that they be grounded vpon Christes doctrine, or at least be not repuguant to his words.

If the high bishop of Rome, calling himself the seruant of the seruauntes of God,The first conclusion. and the chiefe vicare of Christ in this world, do make & maintaine many lawes contrary to the Gospell of Iesu Christ: then is he of those that haue come in Christes name,The pope an idole of desolation sitting in the temple of God. The pope if his lawes be contrarie to Christ, is the pestiferous mountaine infecting the whole earth. Ierem. 31. saying, I am Christ, & haue seduced many a one, by the testimony of our sauiour in Math. cap. 24. and the idoll of desolation sitting in the Temple of God, and taking away from him the cōtinuall sacrifice for a time, times, and halfe a time. Which idoll must be reueled to the christian people by the testimony of Daniel. Wherof Christ speaketh in the Gospell. When you shall see the abhomination of desolation that was tolde of by Daniell the Prophet, standing in the holy place: let him that readeth, vnderstand, and he is the pestiferous mountayn infecting the whole vniuersall earth, as witnesseth Ieremy. chap. 51. & not the head of Christes body. For the auncient person in yeares, & honorable in reuerence, he is the head, & the prophet teaching lies is the tayle, as Esay alledgeth. chap. 9. And he is that wicked and sinnefull Captayne of Israell, whose foreappointed day of ininuity is come in time of iniquity, who shall take away Cidarim, and take awaye the crowne, Ezech, chap. 21. to whom it was sayd: Forasmuch as thy hart was exalted, and did it say, I am a God, & sittest in the seat of god, in the hart of the sea, seing thou art a man and not God,The Pope, the sinfull captained Israel, spoken of [...] chiel. 21. and hast geuen thine hart, as if it were the hart of God: therfore behold I will bring vpō thee the most strong and mighty straungers of the nations, & they shall draw theyr swords vpō the beauty of thy wisedom & shall defile the commaundements & kill thee, and pul thee out, & thou shalt dye in the destruction of the slayne, and it foloweth.

In the multitude of thine iniquities, & of the iniquities of thy marchandise,Antichrist described. thou hast defiled thy sanctification. I will therfore bring forth a fire, from the midst of the whole earth, & will make thee as ashes vpon earth. Thou art become nothing,Ezech. 28. & neuer shalt thou be any more. Eze. cha. 28 Furthermore he is ye idle shepheard forsaking his flock hauing a sworde on his arme, & an other sworde in his right eye.The Pope an idle shepheard. Zach. 11. Zach. 11. & sitting in the temple of God, doth aduaunce himselfe aboue all thing that is called God, or whatsoeuer is worshipped, by the testimony of Paule to Thes, 2. epist. 2. chap. And in the defection or falling away shall the man of sinne be reueled, whom the Lord Iesus shall slay with the breath of his mouth.The beast horned lyke the lambe. For euery kingd [...]e deuided in it selfe, shall be brought to desolation. He [...]so besides, the beast ascēding vp out of the earth, hauing two hornes like vnto alambe, but he speaketh like a dragon, & as the cruell beast ascending vp out of the sea, whose power shall continue 42. monethes.The Pope signifieth the beast ascending out of the earth. Terrible scriptures against the Pope. Apoc. 13. He worketh the things that he hath geuen to the image of the beast. And he compelled small and great, rich and poore, freemen and bondslaues, to worshyp the beast, and to take his marke in theyr forehead or theyr hands. Apo. 13 chap. And thus by the testimony of all these places is he the chiefe Antechrist vpon the earth, and must be slayne with the sword of Gods word, and cast with the dragon, the cruell beast and the false Prophet that hath seduced the earth, into the lake of fire and brimstone to be tormented world without end.

If the city of Rome do allow his traditiōs, and do disalow Christes holy commaundements, and Christes doctrine, that it may confirme his traditions:Rome Babylon. then is she Babilon the great, or the daughter of Babilon, and the great whore sitting vpō many waters with whom the kings of the earth haue committed fornication, and the inhabitants of the earth are become dronken with the wine of her harlotry lying opē to baudry. With whose spiritual whordom enchauntments, witchcraftes, and Symon Magus marchaundises, the whole roūd world is infected and seduced: saying in her hart, I sit as a Queen, and widow I am not neither shall I see sorrowe and mourning. Yet is shee ignoraūt yt within a litle while shall come the day of her destruction & ruine by the testimony of the Apoc. cha. 17.Apoc. 17. Because that from the time that the continuall sacrifice was taken away, & the abhomination of desolatiō placed, there be passed 1299. dayes by the testimonye of Daniell, and the Chronicles added do agree to the same.1290. dayes figured in Dan. 12. And the holy City also hath bene troden vnder foot of the heathen, for 42. monethes, and the woman was nourished vp in the wildernes (vnto which she fled for feare of the space of the serpēt) during 1260. dayes, or els for a time, times, & halfe a tyme which is all one. All these thinges be manifest by the testimony of the Apocalips, & the Chronicles therto agreeing. And as concerning the fall of Babilon aforesayd,The fall of Babylon. Apoc. 14. it is manifest in the Apoc. where it is sayd: In one day shall her plagues come, death, lamentation, and famine, and she shal be burned with fire. For strong is the Lord whych will iudge her. And agayn Babilon that great Citty is fallen, which hath made all nations to drinke of the wine of her Whoredome. And thirdly, one mightye Aungell tooke vp a myllstone that was a very great one, and did cast it into the Sea, saying: with suche a violence as this is, shall that great Cittye Babylon be ouerthrowne, and shall no more bee founde. For her Marchauntes were the Princes of the earth, and with her Witchcraft all Nations haue gone astray, and in her is there founde, the bloud of the Sayntes and Prophetes. And of her destruction speaketh Esay in the 13. chapiter. Esay 13. And Babilon that glorious Cittye, being so noble amongest kingdomes in the pride of the Caldeans, it shall be that like as the Lorde did ouerturne Sodome and Gomorre vpside downe, it shall neuer more be inhabited, nor haue the foundation layde in no age, from generation to generation. Ierem. 15. Ieremy sayeth: Your mother that hath borne you, is brought to very great confusion and made euē with the ground. And agayne: The Lord hath deuised and done as he hath spokē agaynst the inhabiters of Babilō, which dwel richly[Page]in their treasures vppon many waters, thine ende is come. And thirdly: Drouth shall fall vpon her waters, and they shall beginne to be drye, for it is a land of grauen imagies, and boasteth in her prodigious wonders: It shall neuer more be inhabited, neyther be builded vp in no age nor generation. Verely, euen as God hath subuerted Sodome and Gomorre with her calues.

Pardon mee (I beseeche you) though I be not plentiful in pleasaunt wordes: For if I should runne after the course of this wicked world, & should please mē, I should not be Christes seruant. And because I am a poore man, & neyther haue nor cā haue notaries hyred to testifie of these my writings: I call vpon Christ to be my witnes, which knoweth the inward secrets of my hart, that I am redy to declare the things that I haue writtē after my fashion, to ye profit of all Christen people, & to ye hurt of no mā liuing, & am ready to be reformed, if any mā will shew me where I haue erred: being redy also (miserable sinner though I be) to suffer for ye cōfession of ye name of Christ & of his doctrine, as much as shal please him by his grace & loue to assist me a miserable sinner. In witnes of al these things, I haue to this writing set yt seale of our Lord & sauior Iesus Christ, which I besech him to imprint vpon my forehed, & to take frō me al maner of marke of Antichrist. Amen.

¶ These two suppositions (as they are termed in the scholes) written by Walter Brute, and exhibited vnto the Bishop, although they conteyned matter sufficient eyther to satisfie the bishop if he had ben disposed to learne, or els to haue prouoked him to replye agayne, if his knowledge therin had ben better thē his: yet could they worke neither of thē effect in him. But he receiuing & perusing the same when he neither could confute yt which was said, neyther would reply or aunswere by learning to that whych was truth, finding other by causlations, said that this his writing was too short and obscure, and therfore required him, to write vpon the same againe more plainely and more at large. Whereupon the said Maister Walter (satisfying the Bishops request, and ready to geue to euery one an accōpt of his faith) in a more ample tractatiō renueth hys matter agayne before declared, writing to the Byshop in wordes and forme as followeth:

§

An other declaration of the same maner before, alter a more ample tractation, exhibited by Walterbrute to the B.REuerend father, forsomuch as it seemeth to you yt my motion in my two suppositions or cases, & in my two conclusions, is too short and somwhat darke: I wil gladly now satisfy your desire, according to my smal learning, by declaring the same conclusions. In opening wherof, it shall plainely appeare, what I do iudge in all matters, yt I am accused of to your reuerence, desiring you first of al, that your discretiō would not beleue that I do enterpryse of any presumption to handle the secretes of ye scriptures, which the holy and iust, & wise Doctours haue left vnexpounded. It is not vnknowen to many, that I am in all points farre inferiour to thē, whose holynes of life & profoundnes in knowledge, is manifold waies allowed. But as for mine ignorance, and multitude of sinnes, are to my selfe and others sufficiently knowen: wherefore, I iudge not my selfe worthy to vnloose or to cary their shooes after them. Do you therefore no otherwise deeme of me, then I do of mine owne selfe. But if you shal finde any goodnesse in my writings,They that so humblye iudge of themselues and do not so carelesly cōtinue, are of God. ascribe it to God only: who according to the multitude of his mercy, doth sometimes reueale those things to Idiotes and sinners, which are hidded from the holy and wise, according to this saying: I will prayse and confesse thee O father, for that, yu hast hidden these thinges from the wyse and prudent, and hast disclosed them to the litle ones. Euen so O father, because it hath thus pleased thee. And in an other place. I am come to iudgement into this world, that they which see not may see, and that they which see, may be made blinde. And Paule saith: that God hath chosen the weake things of the world, to cōfound the mighty, that no man shal boast in him selfe, but that al mē should geue the honour to God.

It was commaunded to Esay, bearinge the type of Christ:Esay 6. Go and say to this people: Heare ye with your hearing, and do not vnderstand? Beholde ye the vision, and yet knowe ye not the thing that ye see? Make blinde the hart of this people, & make dull their eares, and shut their eyes, least that perchaunce with their eyes they should see, and with their eares they shoulde heare, and with their harts they should vnderstand and bee conuerted, and I should heale thē. And I sayd, how long Lord? And he sayd, vntill that the cities be made desolate without inhabitants, and the house without any person within it. Esay 29. Also in Esay thus it is written: And the multitude of all nations, which shall fight against Ariel, and all persons that haue warred, and besieged and preuailed agaynst it, shall bee as a dreame that appeareth in the night, & as the hungry person dreameth that he eateth, but whē he shall awake out of sleepe, hys soule is empty. And lyke as the hungry person dreameth that hee eateth, and yet after that hee shall awake, he is still wearye and thirstye, and hys soule voyde of nourishment: euen so shall it bee wyth the multitude of all nations that haue fought agaynst the mount Sion. Be you amased, and haue great wonder: reele ye to and fro, and staggre ye: be ye druncken, and not with wyne: staker, but not through drunckennes: for the Lorde hath myngled for you the spirite of drousines. He shall shut your eyes, he shall couer your Prophets and Prynces that see visions. And a vision shalbe to you all together, lyke the wordes of a sealed booke, which when hee shall geue to one that is learned, he shall say: Reade here, and he shall aunswere, I cannot, for it is sealed. And the booke shalbe geuen to one, that is vnlearned and knoweth not his letters, and it shal be sayd vnto him, Reade, And he shall aunswere, I knowe not the letters, I am vnlearned, Wherefore the lorde saith: For asmuche as this people draweth nigh me with their mouthes, and glorifyeth me with their lips, but their hart is farre from me, and they haue rather feared the commaundements of men, and haue cleaued to their doctrines: Esay 2 [...]. Beholde therefore I will ad besides, and bring such a muse and maruell vpon this people which shal make men amased with marueling. For wisedome shal perish from their wise men, and the vnderstanding of their prudent persons shalbe hidden. Libanus and Charmel, two hils, the one in Phoenicia, fruitfull & pleasants the other in the borders of Iewry, barren & vnpleasant, which is Charmel. Daniel. 2. And soone after it followeth in the same place, yet a litle while and Libanus shalbe turned into Charmell, and Charmell counted for a cops or groaue, and in the same day shall the deafe folkes heare the worde of this booke, and the eyes of the blinde (changed from darkenes and blindnes) shall see.

Nabuchodouoser enquiring of Danyel said. Thinkest thou that thou canst truely declare mee the dreame that I haue sene, and the meaning thereof. And Danyel sayd: As for the mistery whereof the king doth aske, neyther the wise men, magitiens, southsayers, nor enchaunters can declare to the king: But there is a God in heauen, that discloseth misteries, who will declare to thee (O king Nabuchodonosor) what things shal come to passe in the last times of all. To me also is this sacrament or misterie disclosed (not for any wisedome that is in mee more then in all men liuing) but to that the interpretatiō might be made manyfest to the king, & that thou shouldest know the cogitagions of thy minde.

It was also sayd to Daniel,Daniel 1 [...]. And thou Daniel, shut vp the wordes, seale vp the booke, vntill the time appointed. Verely many people shall passe ouer, and many folde knowledge shall there be: And Daniel sayde to the man that was clothed with lynnen garments, who stode vpon the waters of the floud: How lōg wil it be before the end shal come of these marueilous thinges? And I heard the man that was clothed in linnen apparel, who stode vpon the waters of the flouds, when he had lift vp his right hād and his left hand into heauen, and had sworne by him that liueth for euermore: that for a time, tymes, and a halfe tyme. And when the scattering abroad of the hand of the holye people shalbe accomplished: then shal al these things be finished. And I heard and vnderstoode not, and I sayd: O my Lorde, what shall bee after these things, and he sayd: Go thy wayes Daniel, for this talke is shut & sealed vp, vntil the time that is before appointed.

All these thinges haue I written to shew, that he that hath the key of Dauid, who openeth and no man shutteth, shutteth and no man openeth: doth (when and how lōg it pleaseth him) hide the mysteries, and the hid secrets of the Scriptures, from the wise, prudent, and righteous: and other whiles at his plesure, reuealeth the same to sinners and lay persons. & simple soules, that he may haue the honor & glory in all things. Wherefore as I haue beforesaid, if you shall finde any good thing in my wrytinges, ascribe the same to God alone: If you shal finde otherwise, think ye the same to be written of ignorance, and not of malice. And if any doubt or errour be shewed me in all my wrytynges, I wil humbly allow your information & fatherly correction.

But why that such maner of matters are moued touching the disclosing of Antichrist in this kingdome, more then in other kingdomes, and in this time also more then in time past: the aunswere, as concerning the time of the motion is, that it is the last coniunction of Saturne and Iupiter in the signe of the In Signo Gemini. Marke heere (good Reader) by this astronomicall coniunction of these two planets in Gemini, hee meaneth couertly the schisme betweene the two Popes which lasted 39. yeares, by the which coniunction, his meaning is, that God wold haue Antichrist to be disclosed and his church to be reformed. Twins, which is the house of Mercury, being the signifyer of ye Christian people: which coniunction seemeth to me to betoken the secōd comming of Christ, to reforme his Church, and to call men agayne by the disclosing of Antichrist, to the per [...]ection of the Gospell, from their Hethenish rytes and wayes of the Gentiles. By whom the holy citie was trampled vnder foote, for 42. monethes, euen as the coniunction of the sayd two planets being inclosed in the signe of the Virgine, which is also the house of Mercury: dyd betoken the first commyng of Christ, for the saluation of all people that were perished of the house of Israel, wherby to call thē through the same comming, to the full perfection of the Gospell. [Page] As touching this calling of the Heathen, speaketh Christ in the Gospell, I haue also other sheepe, that are not of this folde, and those must I bring, and they shall heare my voyce, and there shall be one shepefolde, & one shepeherd. For although the Gentiles be conuerted, from the infidelitie, of their idolatrie, to the fayth of Christ: yet are they not conuerted to the perfection of the law of Christ, And therefore did the Apostles in the primitiue Church, lay no burthen vpon the Gentiles,By this perfection (I suppose) he meaneth the reformation of the church being out of the way. Esay 11. but that they shoulde abstaine from haynous thinges, as from thynges offred to idols, and from bloud, and strangled, and fornicatyon. As touching this second comming, speaketh Esay: On that day the roote of Iesse which standeth for a signe or marke to the people, to hym shall the heathen make theyr homage and supplication, and hys sepulchre shall be glorious: and in that daye shall it come to passe, that the Lorde shall the second tyme put to his hande, to possesse the remnant of hys people &c. And he shall lift vp a token toward the nations, and hee shall assemble the runnagate people of Israel that were fled, and those that were dispersed of Iuda shall he gather together from the fower quarters of the earth. And the zealous emulation of Ephraim shall be broken to peeces, and the enemyes of Iuda shall come to nought. Paule to the Thessalonians sayeth: We beseeche you brethren, by the comming of our Lorde Iesus Chryst, and of our gathering together before him: that you be not soone remooued from your vnderstanding, neyther that you bee put in feare, as though the day of the Lorde were at hand, neyther as it were by letter sent by vs, neither by spirite, nor yet by talke. Let not any bodye by any meanes bring you out of the waye, or seduce you: For except there shall first come a departyng, and that the man of sinne, the sonne of perdition shalbe disclosed, whych maketh resistaunce, and is aduaunced aboue all thing that is called God, or that is worshipped: so that he doth sitte in the temple of God, The reueling of Antechrist. shewing hymselfe as if he were God. Do ye not remember that whilest I was as yet with you, I tolde you of thys: and nowe you knowe what keepeth hym backe, that he may be vttered in hys due tyme: For euen nowe doth he worke the mysterie of iniquitie, onely that he which holdeth, may holde styll vntill he be come to light: and then shall that wicked one be disclosed, whom the Lorde Iesus shall slaye wyth the breath of hys mouth, and shall destroy with the brightnesse of his comminge, euen hym whose comming is accordyng to the workyng of Sathan, in all power, with signes and lying wonders, and in all deceipfull leading out of the truthe towardes those that do perysh, because that they receiue not hartely the loue of truth, that they might be saued.

Christ being demaunded of the Apostles, what should be the token of his comming, & of the end of the worlde: sayd vnto them. There shall come many in my name, saying, I am Christ, and they shall seduce many. Also he telleth them of many other signes, of battayles, famine, pestilence, and earthquakes. But the geatest signe of all he teacheth to bee this. The abhomination of desolation. Luke 21. When you shall see (sayth he) the abhomination of desolation stādyng in the holy place, he that readeth, let him vnderstand. But Luke 21. in his Gospel speaketh more plainely hereof. When you therefore shall see Ierusalem to be compassed about with an army, then knowe ye that the desolation thereof shall drawe nigh. And afterward it followeth: And they shall fall by the face of the sword, and shalbe led away captiue to all nations, and Ierusalem shalbe troden vnder foote of the heathen, vntill the tymes of the nations bee fulfilled. Now in Daniel thus it is writtē of this matter. And after 72. weekes, shal Christ be slain, neyther shall that be his people, that will deny him. And as for the Citye and Sanctuarie, shall a people (wyth his captayne that will come with them) destroy the sayde Citie and sanctuarie, Destruction of the Iewes temple. and hys ende shalbe to be wasted vtterly, till it be brought to naught, and after the ende of the warre, shall come the desolation appoynted. In one weeke shall he confirme the couenant to many, and wythin halfe a weeke shall the offering and sacrifice cease. And in the temple shall there bee the abhomination of desolation, and euen vnto the end shall the desolation continue. And els wher [...]n Daniel, thus it is written. From the tyme that the continuall sacrifice shalbe offered, 1390. dayes, in Daniel expounded. and that the abhomination shalbe placed in desolation, there shal be 1290. dayes.

Nowe, if any man will beholde the Chronicles, he shal finde, that after the destruction of Ierusalem was accomplished, and after the strong hand of the holy people was fully dispersed, and after the placing of the abhominatyon, that is to saye, the Idoll of desolation of Ierusalem, wythin the holy place, where the temple of God was before, there had passed 1290, dayes taking a day for a yere, as commonly it is taken in the Prophets. And the times of the heathen people are fulfilled, after whose rytes and customes God suffered the holy Citie to be trampled vnder foote for 42. monethes.For these 42. monethes, looke page 397. For although the Christyan Church, which is the holy Citie, contynued in the fayth from the Ascension of Chryst, euen till thys time: yet hath it not obserued and kept the perfection of the fayth all this whole season. For soone after the departure of the Apostles, the fayth was kept wyth the obseruatyon of yt rites of the Gentiles, and not of the rites of Moses law, nor of the lawe of the Gospell of Iesus Chryst, Wherefore seing that this time of the errour of the Gentiles is fulfilled: it is likely that Christ shall call the Gentiles from the rytes of their gentilitie, to the perfection of the Gospell, as hee called the Iewes frō the lawe of Moyses to the same perfection, in his first comming: that there may be one shepefolde of the Iewes and Gentiles, vnder one shepeheard Seing therefore that Antichrist is knowen which hath seduced the nations:Why rather at this time, then any other, the matter of Antichrist i [...] moued: and why rather in this kingdome, then in an other. then shall the elec [...] after that they haue forsaken the errours of their Gentilitie, come through the light of Gods word, to the perfection of the Gospel, & that same seducer shalbe slayne with the sword of gods worde. So that by these things it doth partly appeare vnto mee, why yt at this time rather then at an other time, this matter of Antichrist is moued.

And why that this motiō is come to passe in this kingdome, rather then in other kingdomes: me thinkes there is good reason, because that no nation of the Gētiles was so soone conuerted to Chryst as were the Brytons the inhabitauntes of this kingdome: For to other places of the worlde there were sent preachers of the fayth, who, by the workyng of miracles and continuall preaching of ye word of God,The first receiuing the faith in thys realme by the Britons. and by greeuous passion and death of the bodye, dyd conuert the people of those places: But in this kingdome, in the time of Lucius kyng of the Brytons, and of Eleutherius Byshop of the Romaines did Lucius heare of the Romaines that were Infidels (by the waye of rumors and tales) of the Christian fayth, whych was preached at Rome. Who beleeued straightwayes, and sent to Rome, to Eleutherius for men skilfull to informe hym more fully in the very fayth it selfe: at whose comming he was ioyfull, and was baptised with his whole kingdom. And after the receiuing of the fayth,Britaines by the speciall election of God called to fayth. they neuer forsooke it, neyther for any maner false preaching of other, neyther for any maner of tormēts, or yet assaults of the Paynims, as in other kindomes it hath come to passe. And thus it seemeth to me the Britons amongst other natiōs, haue ben, as it were by the spirituall election of God, called & conuerted to the fayth.

Of them as me seemeth,The callyng of the Gentiles to faith did Esay prophecy saying: For they did see to whō there was nothing told of him, & they did behold, that had not heard of him. And againe, behold, thou shalt call a nation which thou knewest not: & natyons that haue not knowen thee, shall runne vnto thee: for the lord thy God, & ye holy one of Israel, shall glorify thee.

Of this kingdome, did S. Iohn in the Apocalips prophecy (as me semeth) where he said, The Dragō stode before the woman, which was about to be deliuered of child, to the intent yt when she had brought it forth into ye world, he might deuour vp her sōne: & she brought forth her child which was a māchild,Apoc. 12. who should gouern al natiōs with an yron rod. And the same sonne was taken vp to God, & to his throne.The woman fed in the desert. 1260. dayes. And ye womā fled into the wildernes, wheras she had a place prepared of God, yt they may feede her. 1260. dayes. And agayne in the same chapter, after that the Dragon saw that he was cast out vpō ye earth, he did persecute the womā, which brought forth the manchild. And there were geuen to the womā two wings of a great Egle, that she might flee into the wildernesse into her place, where as she is fostred vp for a time, times, & a halfe time, from the face of the Serpent. And the Serpent did cast as it were a floud of water after the woman, to the intēt that he might cause her to be drowned by ye floud: and the earth opening her mouth, did heare the woman, & did swallow vp the floud which the Dragon did cast out of his mouth. Let vs see how these sayinges may bee applyed vnto this kingdom rather then to other kingdomes. It is wel knowen yt this kingdome is a wildernes or a desert place, because that the Philosophers & wisemen did not passe vpon it, but did leaue it for a wildernes and desert, because it is placed without the clymates.This place of the desert in the scripture seemeth here something hardly expounded. Faith came into Britanny frō the East, not from Italy or Rome.

Vnto this place fled ye woman, that is to say, ye Church (which by fayth did spiritually bring forth Christ into the world) where as she was fed with the heauenly bread, the flesh and bloud of Iesus Christ, for 1260. daies, seing that for so many daies, taking a day for a yere, the Brytons cō tinued in ye faith of Christ, which thing cannot be found so of any Christen kingdome, but of this desert: and wel is it said, that she flew to this place. For whom ye East came the faith into Brytaine, not by walking in iourney, nor yet by sayling: for then should it haue come by Rome, Italy, Almaine, France, which cānot be found: & therefore she flew ouer those places, & rested not in them, euen as a birde flying [Page] ouer a place, resteth not in the same: but rested in thys wildernes for a time, times, and halfe a time, that is, 1260. yeres from the first comming of the faith into Britaine vntill this present.

A time, [...], and [...] a time [...] unded.In saying for a time, times, and halfe a time, there is a going forwarde from the greater to the lesse. The greatest time that we name, is a 1000. yeres, there is a time: and the next time that is lesse in the singuler number, is one 100. yere. In the plural number, times signifie that there be mo hundreths then one, at lest 200. yeres. Wherefore if they be put vnder a certaine number, it must nedes be that they be two, but the same two cānot fitly be called some times; except they be hundreths. For in that, that there is a goyng downe from the greater to the lesse, when as it is sayde a time, times, and half a time, and that the number of a 1000. is likely assigned for a time: it must nedes folow that times must be taken for hundreths, and half a time for 60. because it is the greater halfe of an hundreth yeres, though that 50. be the euen half. And when that the serpent sent the water of the persecution after the woman to cause her to be drouned of the floud: then did the earth, that is to wit, ye stablenes of faith helpe the woman, by supping vp the water of tribulation.Persecution of Dioclesians [...]walo [...] [...] page. [...]. For in the most cruel persecution of Dioclesian and Maximiane against the Christians, when as christianity was almost euery wher roted out: yet did they in this kingdom stand continually in the faith, vnmoueable. And so, considering that the Britons, were conuerted to ye faith of Christ, as you would say, by an election and piking out amongst all the nations of the heathen, and that after they had receiued the faith, they did neuer starte backe from the faith for no maner of tribulation: It is not to be meruailed it in their place y• calling of the Gentiles, be made manifest to the profiting of the gospell of Iesus Christ, by the reuealing of Antichrist.

But besides this, me seemeth that Ezechiel doth specially speake of them, whereas hee speaketh of the fall of the prince of Tyre, saying: for asmuch as thy heart is lifted vp as if it were the hart of God, therfore beholde: I wil bring vpon thee, some of the strongest of the heathen, & they shall draw their naked swords vpon the beauty of thy wisdom, and they shall defile thy comelines, and they shall slay thee, and pull thee out, and thou shalt die in the slaughter of the slaine persons, in the heart of the sea.

This prince who sayth, that he himself is God, & doth sit in Gods chaire in ye heart of the sea, doth signify (as most likely it seemeth to me) that Antichrist shalbe destroyed by the most mighty persons of the Gentils folke, through the sworde of the worde of God.A [...]nd to [...] Welch [...]. Because that amongst the other Gentiles, there haue bene none more strong then the Britones, either in their body or their faith, & in their bodely warres there haue bene none more mighty then they. For neuer in warres haue they bene vanquished, but by their owne sedition or treason. But how many kingdoms haue they conquered? Yea, and nother by the most mighty city of Rome, could they be driuen out of their kingdome, vntill that God sent vppon them pestilence and famine: whereby they being wasted, were compelled to leaue their country, which thing I haue not hard of any other people. Now, in the faith, haue they bene amongst all the people, the strongest, as before is sayd, because that by no tribulation, could they be compelled to forsake the faith.The strong [...]th of the Britons. Wherfore of them, this seemeth to me to be vnderstanded. Thē I wil bring vpon thee, some of the most strongest people, & they shal draw their naked swordes, &c. By these things it may plainly apeare, why at this time (rather then in time past) thys matter is stirred vp: and why in this kingdome (rather then in other kingdomes) the calling of the Gentiles is intreated of, to the verifying of the Gospell, through the disclosing of Antichrist.

Tales of Antichrist.But forasmuch as many tales and fables are tolde of Antichrist and his comming, and many things whych doe rather seduce then instruct the hearers, are applied to hym out of the scriptures of the prophets: we will briefly wryte those things which are spoken of hym, and we will shewe that the same fable sprang from the error of people imagining, & from no truth of the scriptures prophesying. Now then they do say, that Antichrist shall be borne in Babylon of the tribe of Dan, & conceiued of the mixture of man and woman in sinne,A false imagination of Antichrist. because that Christe was borne of a virgin, and conceiued of the holy ghost. They say, that he shall be an ill fauoured personage, because that it is wrytten of Christ: comely and beautifull is he, beyonde the sonnes of men. They say that he shall preach three yeres and an halfe where Christ preached, & that he shall circumcise himselfe, and say that he is Christ, and the Messias sent for the saluation of the Iewes. And they say, that he shal 3. maner of waies seduce the people by false miracles, giftes, and torments. So that whom he shall not be able to ouercome wt myracles nor with gifts, those shall he goe about to ouercome with diuers kinds of tormēts. And those that he shal seduce, will he marke with hys tokens in their forehead or hands. He shal sit in the temple of God, and cause himselfe to be worshipped as God. He shall fight (as they say) with the 2. witnesses of Christ, Enoch & Hely, and shal kill thē, and he himselfe shall finally be slaine with lightening.The scripture & Prophetes not rightly vnderstāde [...], touching Antichrist. To this imagined man of their own imagination, but of none of the prophets foreshewed (at least in no such wyse as this is) do they apply the Prophets, as this of Daniel: When y• cotinual sacrifice shalbe taken away, & abhomination shall be placed to desolation: That is (say they) when the worshipping of God shalbe taken away, & desolation (to wit, Antichrist) shall abhominably shewe foorth hymselfe to be worshipped, then shall there be 1290. dayes: that is to say, 3. yeres and a halfe. And this time doe they say is the time, times, and halfe a time. And when it is sayde in Daniell: Blessed is hee that looketh for, and cōmeth to a 1335. dayes. This do they say, is thus to be vnderstanded. 45. dayes of repentance to such as haue worshipped Antichrist: whych 45. dayes added to the 1290. make 1335. daies. Which dayes they that shall reach vnto, shalbe called blessed.

They apply also to thys Antichrist,Touching these 42. monethes, see aboue pag. 397. this saying of the Apocalips: I saw a beast rising vp out of the Sea, hauing 7. heads, and 10. horns, who had power geuē him to make 42. moneths. Which moneths (as they say) do make 3. yere & a halfe, in which Antichrist shall raigne. And many other things there are told, and applied vnfitly to this imagined Antichrist, yt are not truly grounded vpon the scriptures.

Now,The old imagination touching Antichrist confuted. let vs shew the errors of this fable. First of al, if there shall come such one (saying expresly that he is Christ) what Christian would be seduced by him, though he shuld do neuer so many miracles: neither shall he come after the maner of a seducer, which shal shew himself an expresse aduersary. Neither is it likely that the Iewes can be seduced by such a one,Antichrist commeth not so grosely as the papists imagine. seeing that Christ is not promised vnto them of the stocke of Dan by any of the Prophets, but of ye stocke of Iuda: nor yet is he promised to thē to be a king warlike, but peaceable, taking warre away, & not making warre. For of Christ sayeth Esay:Esay. cap. 2. And in the last dayes, shall there be prepared the mountaine of the house of the Lorde, in the toppe of the mountaines, and it shalbee exalted aboue the hilles: and to it, shall all the nations haue great recourse, and manye people shal goe and say: Come, let vs go vp to the mountaine of the Lord, and to the house of the God of Iacob, and hee shall teache vs his wayes, Esay 2. and wee shall walke in his pathes. For out of Sion shall there goe a lawe, and the word of the Lord from Ierusalem, and he shall iudge the nations, & reproue much people. And they shall turne their swordes into plowshares, and their speares into sithes. There shall not a nation lift vp it selfe against an other nation, nor yet shall they bee any more exercised to warre. Esay 9. And againe: A litle babe is borne to vs, and a sonne is geuen to vs, and his Imperiall kingdome vpon his shoulder, and his name shall bee called: The great counsailour: The mighty God: The father of the world to come: The Prince of peace. His Empire shall be multiplied, and there shalbe no ende of his peace. He shall sit vpon the seat of Dauid, and vpon his kingdom: that he may make it stedfast and strong in iudgement, and in iustice, from hencefoorth & for euermore. Zachary doeth say of Christ: Zach. 9. Reioyce thou greatly, O thou daughter Sion, be thou exceeding merye, O daughter Ierusalem: Beholde thy king shall come a righteous person, and a Sauior vnto thee, and yet he a poore man, and getting vp vpon an asse, euen vpon a yong colt of the she asse. And I wil scatter abroad the chariot of Ephraim, and the horse of Ierusalem. And the bow of warre shalbe dispersed, Antichrist cannot come of the tribe of Dan. and he shall speake peace to the nations, and hys power shall be from the sea to the sea, and from the floud vnto the borders of the earth.

By which thinges it is manifest, that the wise Iewes knewe well inough, Christ to be promised to them of the stocke of Iuda and not of the stocke of Dan: & that he was geuen, all to peace & not to warre: Therfore it is not likely, that they cā be seduced by such a one. But if there should haue beene in time to come some such singular Antichrist, then would Christ (seing he loued his) haue sayd somwhat vnto thē of him. Now, of one singularly doth he not speak: but of many, saying. Many shall come in my name, & say, I am Christ: and they shal seduce many persons. But now let vs see, how the prophecies in Daniell, & the Apocalips (aforesayd) be falsly and erroneously applied to the same imagined Antichrist.Daniel. 9. For in Daniel the ix. chapter thus it is written. And after 72. weekes shall Christ be slaine, and they which will deny him shall not be his people. And the Citie and sanctuary, shal a people, with their Captain that shal come with them destroy, whose end shalbe vtter desolation, and after the end of the war a determined destruction. Now, he shall in one weeke confirme his couenaunt [Page] towardes many, and in the halfe weke shal the offring and sacrifice cease, and in the temple shall there be an abhomination of desolation, and euē to the fulfilling vp of all, and to the end, shal the desolation continue. It is plaine & manifest that this prophecy is now fulfilled. For the people of Rome with their Captaine, destroyed Ierusalem euen to the grounde, and the people of the Iewes was slayne and scattered.The abhomination or Idoll of desolation standing in the holy place. And the abhomination, that is, the Idol of desolation was placed of Adrian, in the last destruction in Ierusalem in the holy place, that is to say, in a place of the tē ple. And from that time hetherto haue passed neare about 1290. dayes, taking a day for a yeare, as Daniel takes it in hys prophecies, and other prophets likewise. For Daniel speaking of 62. weekes, doeth not speake of the weekes of daies but of yeares. So therfore when he sayth: From the time that the continual sacrifice was taken away. &c. 1290. dayes must be taken for so many yeares, from the tyme of the desolation of Ierusalem, euen vnto the reuealing of Antichrist: and not for 3. yeares and an halfe, which they say, Antichrist shall raigne. And againe, whereas Daniel sayd, How long till the ende of these marueilous matters? it was aunswered him.Antichrist to raigne onely 3. yeares and a halfe is false. For a time, and times, and halfe a time. Beholde also, how vnfitly they did assigne this time, by 3. yeares and a halfe, which they say, Antichriste shall raigne. For when as it is sayde, a time, times, and halfe a time: there is a going downeward from the greater to the lesse: from the whole to the part, because it is from a time to halfe time. If therefore, there be a going downeward from the whole to the part, by the middest (which is greater then the whole it selfe) the going downewarde is not meete nor agreeing. And thys is done when as it is sayd, that a time, times, and halfe a time is a yeare, two yeares, and halfe a yeare. Wherfore more fitly it is sayd, that a time, times and halfe a time, doth signifie 1290. yeares, as is before sayde in the chapter preceding. Thus therefore is the prophecie of Daniel falsly applied to that imagined Antichrist.

Likewise is the proces of the Apocalips applied to the same imagined Antichrist,Looke before in the story of the x. first persecutions. too much erroneously. Because that the same cruell beast which came vp out of the sea, hauing 7. heads, and 10. hornes, to whome there was power geuen ouer euery tribe, people, and toung, and the power geuen for the space of 42. monethes: Thys beast doth note thē Romaine Emperors, which most cruelly did persecute the people of God, aswell Christians as Iewes. For whē as the condēnatiō of the great whore sitting vpon the many waters was shewed to Iohn: he saw the same woman sitting vpon the purple coulored beast full of the names of blasphemy,Apoc. 13. hauing 7. heads, and 10. hornes: and he saw a woman being dronken with the bloud of the Saintes and Martyrs of Iesu.The beast in the 13. of the Apoc. expounded. And the angell expounding and telling him the mistery of the woman and the beast that caried her sayde: That 7. heades are 7. hilles, and are 7. kinges: Fiue are fallen, one is, the other is not yet come: & when he shall come, he must reigne a short time. And ye 10. hornes whiche thou sawest, are 10. kinges, who haue not yet taken theyr kingdome,The purple beast in the Apoc. meaneth Rome. but shall receiue theyr power as it were in one hour, vnder the beast. And finally he sayth, y• woman whō thou sawest, is the great Citty, which hath the kingdome ouer the kings of the earth. And it is manifest that the City of Rome, at the time of this prophecy, had the kingdom ouer the kings of the earth. And this City was borne vp & vpholden by her cruell & beastly Emperors: who by theyr cruelty and beastlynes did subdue vnto thēselues in a maner, all the kingdomes of the world, of a zeale to haue lordship ouer others, and not vertuouslye to gouerne the people that were theyr subiectes, seeing that they thēselues did lacke all vertue, and drew backe others from the fayth and from vertue.

Wherfore what cruell beast comming vp out of the sea, doth rightly note the Romain Emperors,For these 42. moneths looke before pag. 397. who had power ouer euery language, people and coūtry. And the power of this beast was for 42. moneths: because that from the first Emperor of Rome, that is to say, Iulius Cesar, vnto the ende of Fredericke the last Emperour of Rome there were 42. monethes, taking a moneth for 30. dayes, as the monethes of the Hebrues and Grecians are, and taking a day alwayes for a yeare, as commonlye it is taken in the Prophetes. By whiche thinges it may playnely appeare, how vnfitly this prophecy is applied to that imagined Antechrist, and the 42. moneths taken for three yeares and an halfe, which (they say) he shall reigne in agaynst the saying of the Prophetes, because that dayes are taken for yeares. As in the 1.Apoc. 1. of the Apocal. They shall be troubled 10. dayes. Which do note the most cruel persecution of Dioclesian against the Christians that endured 10. yeares. And in an other place of the Apocalips,Apocalips. 9. it is written of the smoke comming vp out of the bottomles pit. Out of which pit there came foorth Grashoppers into the earth:The beg [...] ning a [...] of the [...] ant begga [...] Friers [...] of, in the Apoc. exp [...] ded of A [...] [...] look [...] [...] pag. 41. and to them was power geuen, as scorpions haue power, to vexe & to trouble men 5. moneths. Now it is manifest, that from the beginning of the Friers minours and preachers, to the time that Armachanus, began to disclose and vncouer their hypocrisie, and their false foundation of valiant begging vnder the pouertie of Christ, were 5. monethes, taking a moneth for 30. dayes, and a day for a yeare. And to Ezechiel were dayes geuen for yeares. Wherfore it is an vnfit thing to assigne the 42. moneths being appoynted to the power of the beast, vnto 3. yeares and a halfe, for the reigne of that phantasticall and imagined Antichrist: specially seing that they do apply to his reigne y• 1290.Non con [...] dat Psa [...] rium cum cithara. Whether Antichri [...] be already come. dayes in Daniel, which make 42. moneths, and in the Apocalips they assigne hym 42. moneths. It is plaine that the Psalterie and the harpe agree not. And therfore seing that it is sufficiently shewed, that the same fabling tale of that imagined Antichrist to come, is a fable and erroneous: Let vs goe forward to declare whether Antichrist be already come, and yet is he hid from many, and must be opened and disclosed wythin a litle while, according to the truthe of the holy Scripture, for the saluation of the faithfull.

And because that in the first conclusion of mine aunswere, I haue conditionally put it, who is that Antichrist lying priuie in the hid Scriptures of the Prophets: I will passe on the declaration of that cōclusion, bringing to light those things, whych lay hid in darkenesse, because nothing is hid which shal not be disclosed, and nothing couered that shal not be knowen: And therfore, the thing that was sayd in the darkenesse, let vs say in the light: and the thyng that we haue heard in the eare, let vs preache vppon the house toppes. I therefore as I haue before sayd, so say, that if the high bishop of Rome, calling himselfe the seruant of God, and the chiefe Vicare of Christ in this world, do make and iustify many lawes contrary to the gospell of Iesu Christ:The Pope proued Antichrist. then is he the chiefe of many, whych comming in the name of Christ, haue said, I am Christ, who haue seduced many. Which is the first part of the first conclusion, and is manifest. For Christ is called of Hebrues the very same, that we call annoynted.Annointing double in scripture. And amongest them there was a double sort of legall annoynting by the lawe, the one of kings and the other of Priestes. And aswell were the kynges, as the priestes, called in the lawe, Christes. The kings, as in the Psalme. The kings of the earth stoode vp together, and the Princes assembled them selues in one agaynst the Lorde and against hys Christ or annoynted. And in the bookes of the kings very often are the kinges called Christes.Kinges and Priestes annointed. And our Sauiour was Christ, or annoynted king, because hee was a king for euermore vpon the throne of Dauid, as the Scriptures doe very oftentimes witnesse. The Priestes also were called annoynted, as where it is wrytten: Doe not yee touch my Christes, that is, mine annoynted ones, and be not ye spitefull against my Prophetes. And so was our Sauiour Christ, a Priest for euer according to the order of Melchisedech.

Seyng then, that the Byshops of Rome do say, that they are the high Priestes: they say also therein that they are kynges,The Pope [...] make themselues priests and kynges. The Pope maketh himselfe christ. because they say that they haue the spirituall sword perteinyng to their Priesthode, and the corporall sword which agreeth for a kynges state. So is it playne, that really & in very deede, they say that they are Christs, albeit that expresly they be not called Christes. Now that, they come in the name of Christ, it is manifest, because they say that they are his principal Vicares in this world, ordeined of Christ specially for the gouernement of the Christian Churche.The Pope commeth is the name of Christ. Popes proued principal Antichristes. The pope an outward frend, and a priui enemy to Christ. Therefore, seyng they say, that really and in very deede they are Christes, and the chief frendes of Christ: If they make and iustifie many lawes contrary to the Gospell of Iesu Christ, then is it playne that they themselues in earth are the principal Antichristes, because there is no worse plague and pestilence, then a familiar enemy. And if in secret they be agaynst Christ, and yet in open appearaunce they say that they are his frendes: they are somuch the more meete to seduce and deceiue the Christiā people, because that a manifest enemy shall haue much a doe to deceaue a man, because men trust him not: but a priuey enemy pretendyng outward frendshyp, may easly seduce, yea those that be wise.

But that this matter may the more fully be knowē, let vs see what is the law & doctrine of Christ, that ought to be obserued of all faithfull people:Whether the Pope doth maintayne any lawes against the lawes of Christ. which beyng knowen, it shalbe an easy thing to see, if the bishop of Rome doe make or maintaine any lawes, contrary to the law of the gospell of Iesu Christ.

I say then, that the lawe of Christ is charitie, whych is the perfect loue of God and of Christ. This thing is plaine and manifest. For Christ being demaunded of a certayne [Page] doctour of the law: What is the greatest commaundement in the lawe▪ answered.The law of [...] commaunded in the Gospel. Thou shalt loue the Lord thy God with all thy heart, and with all thy soule, and with all thy minde: This is the principall & greatest commandement. And as for the second, it is like vnto this: Thou shalt loue thy neighbor as thine owne selfe. In these two commaundements, doth the whole law and Prophets depend. And in an other place Christ sayeth: All maner of things therefore, yt you would that men should do to you, the same also do ye vnto them. For thys is the lawe and the Prophets. And in Iohn the 13. chap. sayth Christ. And now doe I say vnto you,Iohn. 13. I geue you a new commandement, yt you shuld loue eche other: as I loued you, in like maner that you also shuld loue one another. In this shal all men know that you are my disciples, if you shall haue loue one towardes an other.Iohn 15. And Iohn 15. chapter: This is my commaundemēt that you loue together as I haue loued you. Greater loue then this, hath no body, that a man shuld geue his life for his frendes. The Apostle Peter sayth in his first Epistle 4. [...]. Pet. 4. chapter: Aboue all things, hauing continually charity one towards an other, for charitye couereth the multitude of sinnes. Be yee harborers, and intertaine ye one an other without grudging: euery one as hee hath receaued grace, so let him bestowe it vpon an other man, as the good stewards of the manifold graces of God. If any mā speak, let him speake as the word of God. If any man doe ought for an other, let it be don with singlenes and vnfained verity, ministred of God to vs ward, that in all thyngs God may be honoured through Iesus Christ our Lord. Iames in his Epistle the 2. [...]. Iacob. 2. chapter. If ye performe the royal lawe accordingly to the Scriptures (thou shalt loue thy neighbour) ye do wel: But if ye be parcial in receiuing and preferring mens personages, ye worke wickednes being blamed of the law as transgressors. And againe, so speake ye, and so do ye, as ye should nowe begin to be iudged by the law of libertie. What shall it auaile (my brethren) if a man say he haue faith, and haue no workes? Neuer shall yt faith be able to saue him. For if a brother or sister be naked, and haue neede of daily foode, and some of you say to them, goe ye in peace, be ye made warme and satisfied: and if ye shall not geue those things that are necessary for the body, what shall it auaile? Euen so faith, if it haue not workes, is dead in it selfe.

1. Iohn. 3.Iohn in his first epistle the 3. chap. This is the tidings whych you haue heard from the beginning, that you shuld loue one another. And againe, we know that we are tra [...] slated from death to life, if we loue the brethren: He that loueth not, abideth in death. And again, herein do we know the loue of God, because that he hath laide downe hys life for vs, & we ought to lay down our liues for the brethren. He that shall haue the substaunce of thys world, and shall see his brother haue neede, and shall shut up hys bowelles from him: howe abideth the loue of God in hym? My little children, let vs not loue in worde nor tounge, but in deede and truth.1. Iohn. 4. And againe 4. chap. Most dearly beloued, let vs loue together. For loue is of God, he yt loueth not, knoweth not God, for God is loue. In thys thing hath the loue of God apeared in vs, that God hath sent his only begotten sonne into the world, that we shuld liue by him. Herein is loue: not yt we haue loued God, but that he hath first loued vs, and hath sent hys sonne an attonement for oure sinnes. Most dearly beloued, if God haue loued us: we so ought to loue together. No mā hath sene God at any time: if we loue together, God abideth in vs, & hys loue is perfect in vs. And againe, let vs loue God, for he hath first loued vs. If a man shall say, I loue God, & do hate hys brother, he is a lyar. For he that loueth not his brother whom he seeth, how cā he loue God whom he seeth not? And this commaundement haue we of God, yt who so loueth God, should loue his brother also. Paule the Apostle in his epistle to the Rom. 13.Rom. 13. chapter. O we ye nothing to no body, sauing that ye should loue together, for he that loueth hys brother hath fulfilled the lawe. For thou shalt not commit adultery, thou shalt not murther, thou shalt not steal, thou shalt not beare fall witnes, thou shalt not couet thy neighbors good: and if there be any other commaundement, it is plētifully fulfilled in this word: thou shalt loue thy neighbor as thy selfe. Wherfore the fulfilling of the law is loue.

1. Cor. 5.Paule to the Corinthes 5. sayeth: If I shoulde speake with the tonges of men and angels, and yet haue not charitie, I am become as it were a peece of sounding mettal or rinkling cimball. And if I shall haue all prophecie, & know all misteries, and all knowledge, and shall haue all faith, so that I might remooue mountaines, and yet shall not haue charitie: I am nothing. And if I shall geue abroade all my goodes to feede the poore, and shall geue vp my body to be burned, and yet haue not charitie: it profites mee nothing. To the Galathians 5.Galatians 5. sayeth Paule: For you my brethren, are called into liberty: doe ye not geue your liberty for an occasion of the flesh, but by charity of the spirit, serue ye one an other. For all ye law is fulfilled in one saying: thou shalt loue thy neighbor as thine owne self.Ephes. 4. To the Eph. 4. chap. he saith: I therfore that suffer bonds in the Lord, do beseech you, that you would walke worthy of the calling where wt ye are called, with all humblenes and mildnes, with patience forbearing one another in loue, being carefull to kepe the vnitie of the spirit, in the bond of peace: that you be one body, and one spirite, euen as you be called in one hope of your calling.Ephes. 5. And againe in the 5. chap. Be ye followers of me, as most deare children, and walke ye in loue as Christ also hath loued vs, and hath deliuered vp hymselfe for vs, an offring and sacrifice to God of a sweete fauour,Philip. 1 [...] To the Phil. thus hee speaketh in the 1. chap. Onely let your conuersation be worthy of the Gospell of Christ, that eyther when I shall come and see you, or els in mine absence. I may heare of you, that you stand stedfast in one spirit, laboring together with one accorde for the faith of the Gospell. And in nothing be ye afraide of the aduersaries, whych is to them a cause of damnation, but to you of saluation, and yt of God. For to you it is geuen, not onely that you should beleue in him, but also that you shuld suffer wyth him, you hauing the lyke fight and battaile that both you haue seene in me, and also now do heare of me. If therefore there be any consolation in Christ, if any comfort of charitie, if any felowship of the spirite, if any bowels of compassion fulfill you my ioy, that you may be of one iudgement, hauing one and the self same charitie, being of one accord, of one maner of iudgement, doing nothing of contention, nor of vaine glory, but in humblenes, accompting other amongst you, euery one better then your selues, not euery body looking vppon the things that be hys owne, but those that belong vnto others.Colos. 3. And to the Coloss. 3. chapter thus he writeth: You therefore as the electe of God, holy, and beloued, put vpon you the bowels of mercy, gentlenesse, humblenesse, lowlinesse, modestie, pacience, bearing one wyth an other, & geuing place to your selues (if any haue a quarel against any body) euen as the Lord forgaue you, so do you also. Aboue all things haue ye charitie, which is the bonde of perfection, and let the peace of Christ triumph in your hearts, in whych peace you also are called in one body. And be yee kinde & thankefull. And to the Thessalonians thus Paule writeth in the 4.Thes. 4. chapter. As concerning brotherly charity, we haue no neede to wryte vnto you: for you yourselues haue learned of God, that you shoulde loue one an other. And the same thing ye do towards all ye brethren throughout all Macedonia.

Out of all these & many other places of the holy scripture it sufficiently appeareth, that the law of Christ is charitie, neither is there any vertues commaunded of Christ, or any of hys Apostles to be obserued of the faithfull people, but that it commeth out of charitie, or els doeth nourish charitie.

The lawe is geuen by Moses, and the truth by Christ. Christ came not to vnlose the lawe and the Prophetes,Many thinges obserued in the old lawe, which be not obserued nowe. Many thinges vnlawful in the old law, which be lawful now. How Christ did loose and not loose the lawe. but to fulfill them. But yet many things were lawful & might haue bene obserued in the time of the law, whych in y• tyme of grace must not be obserued. And many things wer vnlawful to them that were vnder the law, which in the time of grace are lawful inough. After what sort then he did not loose the lawe, but did fulfill it, it is necessary to declare, for those thyngs which hereafter must be sayd. For amongest Christians, many things are iudged to be lawfull, because in the former testament in the law, they were lawfull: and yet they be expresly contrary to Christes Gospell. But the authors of such thinges doe argue and reason thus: Christ came not to loose the law of the prophets. Now after what sort he did not vnlose them, it is manifest by the holy scripture: that the law geuen by Moses, was written in tables of stone, to declare the hardnes of y• peoples hart towards the loue of God, or of Christ. But Christ hath wrytten his law in the harts and in the minds of his, that is to say, the law of perfect loue of God & of Christ. Which law whosoeuer obserueth, he doth obserue the law of Moyses, & doth much greater works of perfection, then were the works of y• law. Thus therefore were the morals of the old law fulfilled in the law of the charitie of Christ, and not vnloosed: because they are much more perfectly obserued, then of the Iewes. This I say, if the Christians doe obserue the commandements of Christ in such sorte, as he commanded the same to be obserued. Christ hath fulfilled the lawes morall of the old testament, because that the morals and iudicials were ordained, that one person should not do iniury to an other, & that euery man should haue paid him that is hys. Now, they that are in charity, wil do no iniury to others, [Page] neither do they take other mens goodes away from them. Nay it seeketh not her owne things. For charitie seeketh not the things that be her owne. Wherfore, much lesse by a stronger reason it ought not to seke for other mens goods. And whē as the iudicials & morals were ordained: Christ did not by ye workes of the law iustifie the beleuers in him, but by grace iustified them frō their sins. And so did Christ fulfill that by grace, that the lawe could not by iustice.

Paule to the Romaines declareth in a godly discourse,Free iustification, by fayth onely. and to the Galath. likewise: that none shall be iustified by the workes of the lawe, but by grace, in the faith of Iesu Christ. As for the morals & ceremonies of the lawe, as circumcision, sacrifices for offence and for sinnes,Grace, that is free fauour, mercy, & goodnes of God. first fruites, tenthes [...], diuers sortes of washings, the sprinkling of bloud, the sprinkling of ashes, abstaining from vnclean meats whych are ordeined for the sanctifying and clensing of the people frō sinne, no nor yet the praiers of the priests, neither the preachings of the prophets, could clense a man from his sin. For death raigned euen from Adam to Moises, and sinne from Moises to Christ, as Paule declareth to the Romaines in the 5. chapter.Rom. 5. But Christ, willing to haue mercy,Hebrews 9. and not sacrifice, being a Priest for euer after the order of Melchisedech, & an high Priest of good things to come: did neither by the bloud of goats or calues but by his owne bloud enter in once vnto the holy places, when as euerlasting redemption was founde:Christ entreth not into the temple made by man, but to very heauen. neither did Iesus enter into the holy places that were made wyth handes, which are the examples of true thynges, but into the very heauen, yt now he may appeare before the countenaunce of God for vs. Nor yet he did so, yt he should offer vp himselfe oftentimes,The sacrifice of Christ not many tymes offered, but once for all. as the high Byshop entred into the holy place euery yeere wt straunge bloud (for otherwise he must nedes haue suffred oftentimes sithens ye beginning of the world) but now in the latter end of the world hath he once appeared by his owne sacrifice, for the destruction of sinne. And like as it is decreed for men once to die, and after that commeth iudgement: euen so was Christ once offred vp to cō sume away the sinnes of many. The second time shall hee appeare without sinne, to the saluation of such as looke for him. For the law hauing a shadow of good things to come, and not the very image or substaunce it selfe of the things: can neuer, by those sacrifices which they offer (of one selfe same sort continually yere by yere) make them perfect that come vnto her. Otherwise men would leaue of offring because that those worshyps being once clensed, should haue no more pr [...]e of conscience for sinne afterwardes. But in them is their remembrance made of sinnes euery yere. For it is impossible,Hebrew. 10. that by the bloud of goats & bulles, sinnes should be taken away. Wherfore, he entring into ye world, doth say, as for sacrifice and offring thou woldst not haue, but a body hast thou framed vnto mee. And sacrifices for sinne haue not pleased thee, then said I, behold I come. In the head or principall part of the booke it is wrytten of me, that I should do thy wil, O God. Wherfore he said before, that sacrifices, oblations and burnt offerings, and that for sinne thou wouldest not haue: neyther were those thyngs pleasāt to thee whych are offred according to the law: then sayd I, behold I come, that I may do thy wil O God: He taketh away the first, that he may stablish that that folowed. In whych will, we are sanctified and made holy by the offering vp of the body of Iesus Christ, ones. And verely euery Priest, is ready euery day ministring, & oftentimes offring the self same sacrifices, which neuer can take away sinnes. But this man offering one sacrifice for sinnes, doth for euer and euer sit at Gods right hād, looking for the rest to come till that hys enemies be placed to be his footestoole. For with one offering hath hee for euer made perfect those that be sanctified. By which thinges it plainly appeareth, yt Christ by one offring hath clensed hys from their sinnes: who could not be clensed from the same, by all the ceremonies of the law, and so did fulfill that which the priesthoode of the law could not. Wherfore onely the morals and iudicials he fulfilled by the lawe of charitie, and by grace: and the ceremonials, by one offering vp of hys body in the aultar of the crosse. And so it is plaine, that Christ fulfilled the whole lawe.

Wherfore sithens that the holy things of the law, were a shadowe of those things that were to come in the time of grace:All shadowes ought to cease among Christians Hebrewes 7. Where the priesthood is remoued, there also the law is remoued. it were meete that all those thynges should vtterly cease amongest Christians, which should either be against charity, or the grace of Christ. Although in the time of the lawe, they were lawfull, and not vtterly contrary to it, but were figures of perfections in Christes faith: yet it were meete that they should cease at ye comming of the perfection whych they did prefigurate: as circumcision, the eating of the paschal lambe, and other ceremonial points of the law. Wherupon also Paul to the Hebrues the 7. chapter sayeth thus. If therfore the making vp of ye perfection of all was by the Leuiticall priesthode (for the people receiued the law vnder hym) why was it necessary besides, that an other Priest should rise vp after the order of Melchisedech,* [...] God [...] not [...] but no [...] the [...] by [...], and not by the old law. & not be called after the order of Aaron [...] For whē the Priesthode is remoued, it must needes be, that the lawe also be remoued. For he, in whom these things are spokē, is of an other tribe, of which, none stoode present at the aulter. Because it is manifest that our Lorde had hys offspring of Iuda: in which tribe Moises spake nothing of the Priests. And besides this, it is manifest: if according to the order of Melchisedech there doe rise vp an other Priest, which was not made according to the law of the carnal commaundement, but according to the power of the life that cannot be losed. For thus he beareth witnes, that thou art a priest for euer,The [...] ceasing, the effect also ceaseth. He mea [...] that nece [...] tie of tithe, which [...] deth by the nece [...] the old [...] to cease. after the order of Melchisedech: so that, the cōmandement, that went before, is disalowed for the weakenes & vnprofitablenesse thereof. For the lawe hath brought no body to perfection. By which things it appeareth that Christ making an end of the priesthode of Aaron, doth also make vp a full end of the law belonging to that Priesthode. Wherupon I maruell yt your learned men doe say, that Christen folkes are bound to this small ceremonie of the paiment of tithes, and care nothing at all for other as wel the great as the small ceremonies of the lawe.

It is plaine, that the tithes were geuen to the sonnes of Leui, for their seruing in the tabernacle & in the temple of the Lord, as the first fruites were geuen to the priestes, and also part of the sacrifices, & so were the vowes for their ministery, as it appeareth in the booke of Numbers the 22. chapter. But forasmuch as the labor of those sacrifices did cease at the comming of Christ: howe should those thyngs be demaunded, which were ordained for that labour?If tithes be claymed by force of the ólde law, by the same law priestes are bound [...] to haue [...] temporalties. And seeing that the first fruits were not demaunded of Christians, which first fruits were then rather and soner demanded then the tithes: why must the tithes be demanded, except it be therefore paraduenture because that the tythes be more worth in value then be the first fruites?

Secondly, why are the lay people boūd to the paiment of tithes, more then the Leuites and the priests were to the not hauing of possessions of realties & Lordships amongst their brethren, seeing yt the selfe same lawe in the selfe same place (where he sayeth that the tithes ought to be geuen to Leuites) sayth also to the Leuites, you shall be contented with the offering of the tithes, and haue none other thyng amongst your brethren. Wherefore seeing that the Priestes be bounde, to the not hauing of temporall Lordshippes: how are the lay people boūd, by that law (of God he meaneth, and not of man) to the paiment of tithes?

Thirdly,He proueth not cōt [...], but the [...] thes be [...] by the positiue law of man: Although not by the ceremoniall law of Moses. Circumci [...] ceaseth: Ergo, the ceremonies doe cease. Galat. 4. as touching circumcision, which is one of the greater ceremonies of the lawe, and was geuen before the law, & was an vniuersall ceremonie, concerning the couenant betwene God & hys people, and was so much regarded in the law, that thereof it was sayde: The soule, whose flesh shall not be circumcised in the foreskin, shall pearysh from amongest his people: yet did thys ceremonie vtterly cease at the comming of Christe, although that certayne of the Iewes did say in the primatiue Church, that the Christians must needes kepe the commandement of circumcision with the faith: whom Paule reprooueth wryting thus to the Galathians the 4. chapter, where he speaketh of the children of the bondwoman & of the free woman, which do signify the two Testaments. But we (O brethren) are the children of the promise after Isaac, but like as at that time he that was borne after the flesh, did persecute hym, which was after the spirit: euen so it is now also. But what saith the scripture? Throw out the bondwoman and her sonne. The sonne of the bondwoman, shall not be heire wyth the sonne of the free woman. Wherefore brethrē, we are not the sonnes of the bondwoman, but of the free. S [...]ad ye stedfast in the liberty,Chris [...] libertie from the bondage of the lawe. wherwith Christ hath deliuered you, and be not ye holden againe vnder the yoke of slauery. Behold I Paule say vnto you, if you be circumcised, Christ shall nothing profite you. For I testifie againe to euery man that circumciseth hymselfe, that hee is bounde to keepe all the whole law. Ye are vtterly voide of Christ: whosoeuer will be iustified in the law, are fallen from grace.

In like maner, we may reason, if we be bounde to tything, we are debters,Bounde in one thing (hee meaneth) bound in all. Either be [...] to all, or to none. & bound to keepe al the whole law. For to say that men are bound to one ceremony of the law, & not to the others, is no reasonable saying. Either therefore we are bound to them all, or to none. Also, that by the same Here hee expresseth his meaning plainly. olde lawe, men are not bound to pay tithes, it may be shewed by many reasons, which we nede not any more to multiply & encrease, because the things that be sayd, are sufficient. Whereupon some do say, that by the Gospell we are bound to pay tithes, because Christ saide to the Pharisies, [Page] Math. 23. chapter: Woe be you Scribes and Pharisies, whych pay your tithe of Mint, of Anets seede, and of commin: and leaue iudgement, mercy, and trueth vndone, being the weightier things of the lawe, both shuld ye haue done these things, and also not haue left the other vndone. O ye blinde guides,The one is disalowed, the other is not commaunded. that straine out a gnat, and swallowe vp a camell. Thys worde soundeth not as a commaundement or manner of bidding, wherby Christ did command tithes to be geuen: but it is a worde of disalowing the hypocrisie of the Pharisies, who of couetousnesse dyd rather weigh and esteeme tithes, because of their owne singulare commoditie, rather then other great and weighty commaundements of the lawe. And me seemeth that our men are in the same predicament of the Pharisies, which doe leaue of al ye ceremonies of ye old law,Priestes wrest religion to theyr owne profit. keping onely the cō mandement of tything. It is manifest and plaine inoughe by the premisses, and by other places of the scripture, that Christ was a priest after the order of Melchisedech, of the tribe of Iuda, not of the tribe of Leuie: who gaue no newe commaundement of tything of any thing to him and to hys priests whome he would place after him: but whē hys Apostles sayd to him: Behold, we leaue all things & haue followed thee, what then shall we haue, hee did not aunswere them thus:Tithes not expreslye commanded a newe by Christ in the Gospell. Tithes shall be paide you, neither dyd he promise them a temporall, but an euerlasting rewarde in heauen. For hee, both for foode, and also apparell taught his disciples not to be carefull. Be ye not carefull for your life, what ye shall eate, or for your body what ye shall put on. Is not the life of man more worth then the meate? and the body more worth then apparell? Beholde ye the birds of heauen,Math. 6. whych do not sow, nor reape, neither yet lay vp in barnes, and yet your heauēly father feedeth them. And as for apparell, why should you be carefull? Consider the lillies of the field, how they grow, they labour not, neither do they spinne. &c. In conclusion he sayth, be not yee carefull, saying, what shall we eate, or what shal we drinke, or wherwithall shall we be couered? For all these things doe the Gentiles seeke after. For your father knoweth, yt you haue neede of all these things. First therefore seeke yee for the kingdome of God and the righteousnes therof, and all these things shall be cast vnto you. And Paule ryght well remembring this doctrine, instructeth Timothe and sayth thus.1. Tim. 6. But we hauing foode and wherewithall to be couered, let vs therewyth be contented. And as the Acts of the Apostles doe declare: In the first conuersion of the Iewes at Ierusalem, they had all thinges common, and to euery one was diuision made, as nede required. Neither did the priestes make the tithes theyr owne proper goodes.Tythes not required in the primitiue church. For like as it was not meete that the lay people being conuerted, should haue proprietie of goods: euen so neither that priests should haue proprietie of tithes. So that if ye priests started backe from feruent charitie in chalenging to themselues the proprietie of tithes: it is no meruaile of departing backward (as do the priests, frō the perfection of charitie) also of the laitie to be willing to appropriate to them selues the ix. partes remayning after tithes. Wherfore, seeing that neither Christ, nor any of the Apostles, commanded to pay tithes: it is manifest and plaine, neither by the lawe of Moses, nor by Christes lawe, Christen people are bounde to pay the tithes: but by the tradition of men, they are bounde.

By the premisses nowe it is plaine, that Christ did not vndo the law,Tithes due to be payde by the positiue lawe of men. but by grace did fulfil it. Notwithstanding, in the lawe many thynges were lawfull, which in the time of grace are forbydden, and many thynges were then vnlawfull, which now are lawfull inough. For nothing that is contrary to charitie, is lawfull to a Christian.

Let vs now heare what maner of commaundements Christ hath geuen vs in the Gospel, without the obseruation of which commaundements, charitie shal not perfectly be kept. By which cōmandements, Christ did not vndo the olde lawe, but did fulfill it. By the obseruation also of which commaundements, he teacheth vs to passe and got beyond the righteousnes of the Scribes & Pharises, who most perfectly thought themselues to keepe the law. This absolute and perfect righteousnes, which we are bound to haue beyonde the rightuousnesse of the Pharisies and the Scribes, he teacheth in Math. 5.6. and 7. chap. Whych being heard, and compared to the traditiōs made and commaunded by the Romane prelates: it shall plainly appere, whether they be contrary or no. Christ therefore sayeth, you haue heard,The doctrine of Christ, whether it be contrary to the traditions of the pope or not. Math. 5. that it was sayd to them of the olde time. Thou shalt not kill. For hee that killeth shall be guiltie of iudgemēt. But I say vnto you, that euery one that is angry with hys brother, shall be in danger of iudgement. In thys he doeth teach, that we ought not to be angrie wyth our brethren: not that he would vndoe this did comman (thou shalt not kil) but that the same should be the more perfectly obserued. Againe he sayth. You haue heard that it was sayd, thou shalt loue thy frend, and hate thyne enemy: But I say vnto you, Loue your enemies, doe well to them that hate you, pray for them that persecute & slander you, that you may be the children of your father which is in heauen: Which maketh his sunne to arise vppon the good and the euill people, and raineth vppon the iust and vniust. For if you loue them which loue you, what reward shall you haue? Doe not the Publicanes thus? And if you shall salute your brethren onely, what great thing doe ye? Do not the heathen thus also? Be you therefore perfect, as also your heauenly father is perfect.

Againe Christ sayeth,The doctrine of Christ and of the P. compared you haue heard that it is said: an eye for an eye, a tooth for a tooth: but I say vnto you, see that you resist not euill. But if any man shall strike you vppon the right cheeke, geue hym the other to. And to hym that will striue with thee for thy coate in iudgement, let hym haue thy cloke also. And whosoeuer shall constraine thee one mile, goe with him also two other. He y• asketh of thee geue him: and hee that will borrowe of thee, turne not thy selfe from him.

By these thinges it may plainely appeare, howe that Christ the king of peace, the Sauiour of mankynde, who came to saue and not to destroy, who gaue a law of charity to be obserued of his faithfull people: hath taught vs not to be angry, not to hate our enemies, not to render euil for euill, nor to resist euill. For all these thinges doe softer and nourish peace & charitie, and do procede and come forth of charity, & when they be not kept, charity is loosed, & peace is broken. But the bishop of Rome approueth and alloweth warres, and slaughters of mē in warre, aswell against our enemies, that is, the infidels, as also against the Christians for temporall goodes. Nowe, these things are quite contrary to Christes doctrine, and to charity, and to peace.

In the decrees 23. q. 1. cap. Paratus,The glose of Gratianus vpon the cap. Paratus 23. q. 1. disproued. Christ in aunswering to his striker, did not breake his rule of patience outwardly. it is taught, that the precepts of pacience must alwayes be retained in purpose of the heart, so that pacience wt beneuolence must be kept in the minde secrete. But apparantly and manifestly, that thing should be done, which seemeth to doe good to those, whom we ought to wish well vnto. Wherein they geue to vnderstande, that a Christian may freely defend hymselfe. And for confirmation of thys saying, they doe say: That Christ whē he was stroken in the face of the hygh bishops seruaunt, did not fulfill (if we looke vpon the wordes) hys owne commaundement: because he gaue not to the smiter the other part,The precept of Christ to turne the other cheek, hath a priuy comparison: as if ye would say, rather be you content to suffer two blows, then to reuenge one. but rather did forbid him, that he should not do it, to double his iniurie. For he sayd, if I haue spoken euill, beare witnes of euill, but if wel, why doest thou strike me? I do meruail of this saying: for first if those commandements of pacience must be kept in secrete in the minde: and seing the body doth worke at the motion of the mind, and is and ought to be mooued and ruled by the same: It must then nedes be, that if pacience be in the mind, it must appeare also outwardly in the body.

Secondly I meruail that it is said, that Christ did not fulfill his owne precept of pacience.This article of Brute must haue a relation euer to the doctrine of the clergie. For it is manifest, that albeit he teaching alwayes as a good scholemaster, those things which were fit for the saluation of soules, speaking the wholesom word of instruction to the high bishops seruant, smiting him vniustly: did neither by word forbid an other stroke to be geuen on the other cheke, neither did he defend himselfe bodely from striking on the same cheeke: But speaking to him, it is likely ye hee gaue him the other cheek, he meaneth, yt he turned not the other cheeke away. For a man tourneth not away from him whome he speaketh to, or whom he informeth, but layeth open before him al his face: Euen so do I beleue yt Christ did, that he might fulfill in very deede that, which before hee had taught in word. Neither yet did Christ by his word or by his deede, shew any thing of defence, or of bodely resistance.

Thirdly,The case here againe of Christ was priuate, and his doctrine is to be vnderstanded in priuate cases. I meruail why wise men leauing the plaine & manifest doctrine of Christ, wherby he teacheth pacience: do seeke corners of their imagining, to the intent they may approoue fightings and warres. Why marke they not after what manner, Christ spake to Peter striking the hygh Byshoppes seruaunt, saying: Put vp thy sworde into the sheath, for euery one that shall take the sword, shall perish with the sworde. But in an other case we must make resistance: which case may be so righteous, as it is for a mans Lorde & maister being a most rightuous man,Warre in case allowed of W. Brute. and yet suffering iniurie of mischieuous persons.

Fourthly,He meaneth resistance for priuate cause, or for worldly goods. I maruel seing that we are bound of charity & by the law of Christ to geue our liues for our brethren, how they can allow such maner of dissentions & resisting. For when thy brother shall maliciously strike thee, thou maist be sure, that he is manifestly fallen from charity, into [Page] the snare of the deuill. If thou shalt keepe pacience, he shal be ashamed of his doing, and thou maist bow & bend hym to repentaunce, and take him out from the snare of the deuil, and cal him backe againe to charity. If thou resist, and perchaunce by resisting doest strike againe, his fury shalbe the more kindled,Pacience commanded in priuate causes among Christen brethren. & hee being stirred vp to greater wrath, peraduenture shal either slay thee, or thou him. Touching thy self, thou art vncertaine, if thou go about to make resistance, whether thou shalt fall from charity, and then shalt thou goe backwarde from the perfection of Christes commaundement: Neither doest thou knowe but that it may happen thee so greatly to be moued, as that by the heate & violence of wrath,The inconuenience of priuate resistance amōg Christen brethren. thou shalt slay him. Whereas if thou wouldest dispose thy selfe to pacience (as Christ teacheth) thou shouldest easily auoide all these mischieues, aswel on the behalfe of thy brother, as also of thyne owne parte. Wherefore, the obseruing of charitie as the precept of pacience is to be obserued.

Paule being striken, did not breake the rule of Christen patience, neither made any bodely resistance.Fifthly, I do maruel why that for the alowing of thys corporall resistaunce, he doth say in the same Chapter: that Paule did not fulfill the precept of the pacience of Christ, when as he being stroken in the place of iudgement by the cōmandement of the high Priest, did say, God strike thee, O thou painted wal: Doest thou sit to iudge me according to the law, and doest thou cōmand me to be striken against the lawe? It is manifest that Paule made resistance in nothing, though he spake a word of instruction to the Priest, who against the law commanded him to be striken. And if Paul had ouerpassed the bounds of pacience, through the grief of the stroke: what of that? Must the deede of Paules impaciencie for this cause be iustified, and the commandement of paciēce taught by Christ, be left vndone for Pauls deede, and corporal resistance be allowed? God forbid. For both Paule and Peter might erre. But in the doctrine of Christ there may be found no errour.The fact either of Paul or of any other, doeth not derogate to the doctrine of our Sauiour. Wherefore, we must geue more credence & beliefe to Christes sayings, then to any liuing mans doings. Wherefore, although Paule had resisted, which I do not perceiue in that Scripture: it followeth not therof, that corporall resistance must be approued, which is of Christ expresly forbidden. I much maruel that alwayes they seeke corners and shadowes to iustifie their deedes. Why doe they not marke what great thyngs Paule reciteth hymselfe to haue suffered for Christ? And where I pray you haue they found, that hee after his conuersion, stroke any man that did hurt him? Or where doe they finde that he in expresse word doth teach such a kinde of corporal resistance? But as touching pacience, he sayth in plaine words to the Romanes: Be not wise in your owne conceits:Rom. 12. Rules of Christen patience. Render ill for ill to no body: prouiding good things not onely before God, but also before all men, if it be possible: Be at peace with all folkes as much as in you lieth: not defending your selues, my most dearely beloued, but geue you place vnto anger. For it is wrytten, vengeance is mine, & I will recompence them, sayth the Lorde. But if thine enemie shalbe an hungred, geue hym meate. If he be a thirst, geue him drinke For thus doing, thou shalt heape coales of fire vpon his head. Be not ouercomen of euill, but ouercome thou euill with good.

To the Corinthians the 5. as touching iudgement and contention,1. Cor. 5. whych are matters of lesse weyght then are fightings, thus he wryteth: Nowe verely there is great faulte in you, that you be at lawe amongst yourselues. Why rather take yee not wrong? why rather suffer yee not deceit? And generally in all his Epistles he teacheth, that pacience shuld be kept,He meaneth such warres of Christiās, as the pope aloweth: rising rather of priuate reuenge of princes, for worldly glory or affection, thē for any publike necessitie. and not corporall resistance by fighting, because charitie is pacient, it is curteous, it suffereth all things. I maruaile howe they iustifie and make good the warres by Christians, sauing onely the warres against the deuill and sinne. For seeing that it is plaine, that those things whych were in the olde Testament, were figures of things to be done in the new Testament: Therfore we must needes say, that the corporall warres being then done, were figures of the Christian warres against sinne and the deuill, for the heauenly countrey, whych is our inheritance. It is plain that it was wrytten thus of Christ. The mighty Lord, and of great power in battaile, hath girded himselfe in force and manlynesse to the warre: and he came not to sende peace into the earth, but warre. In thys warre ought Christian people to be souldiours according to that manner whych Paule teacheth to the Ephesians the last.Ephe 6. Corporall wars in the old Testament, be figures of the spirituall warres in the new Testament, against sin, and the deuill. Put vpon you the armour of God, that you may be able to stande against the deceites of the deuill. For wee haue not to wrastle against flesh and bloude, but against princes & potestates, against the rulers of these darknes of the world, against spirituall wickednesse in heauenly things, whyche are the high places. Wherefore take yee the armour of God, that yee may be able to resist in the euil day, and to stand perfectly in al things. Stande you therefore girded about in truth vpon your loynes, hauing put vppon you the brest plate of rightuousnesse, and your feete shoed in a readinesse to the Gospel of peace, in all things taking the shield of faith, wherwith you may quēch all the firy darts of that wicked one. And take vnto you the helmet of saluation, and the sworde of the spirite, which is the worde of God.

By these thyngs it is plaine, what are the warres of Christians,What be the wars most proper to Christians. and what are the weapons of theyr warfare. And because it is manifest, that this Testament is of greater perfectiō then the former: we must now fight more perfectly then at that time. For nowe spiritually, then corporally: nowe for an heauenly euerlasting inheritance: then for an earthly and temporall: now by pacience, then by resistance. For Christ sayeth, blessed are they that suffer persecution for righteousnesse, All this taketh not away the lawfulnes of warres, in case of publike necessitie, but onely in priuate case for temporall goods. for theirs is the kingdome of heauen. He saith not, blessed are they that fight for righteousnes. How can a man say, that they may lawfully make warre, & kill theyr brethren for the temporall goodes, whych peraduenture they vniustly occupy, or vniustly intende to occupy? For he that killeth an other, to gette these goods whych an other body vniustly occupieth: doeth loue more the very goodes, then hys owne brother. And then hee falling from charitie, doth kill hymselfe spiritually. If he goe forwarde without Note this word without charitie. charitie to make warre: then doeth he euill, and to hys owne damnation. Wherefore he doth not lawfully nor iustly in proceeding to the damnation of his own selfe & his brother, whome though he seeme vniustly to occupy his goods, yet he doth intend to kil. And what if such kinde of warres were lawfull to the Iewes:Such kynde of wars, that is, suche kinde as be for priuate reuenge of temporall goods. thys argueth not, that now they are lawfull to Christians, because that theyr deedes were in a shadow of imperfection, but the dedes of Christians in the light of perfection. It was not said vnto them, All people that shal take the sword, shal perish with the sworde. What if Iohn the Baptist, disallowed corporal fightings, and corporall warfare, at such time as the souldiours asked him saying. And what shall we do? Who sayth to them, See that you strike no man, neither picke ye quarels against any, and be yee contented with your wages. Thys saying of Iohn alloweth not corporal warfare amongest Christians. For Iohn was of the Priests of the olde Testament,How Iohn Baptist alowed war. and vnder the law, neyther to hym it appertayneth to follow the lawe, but to warne the people to the perfect obseruation of the lawe. For he being like wyse demaunded of the publicanes what they should doe, sayde vnto them, Doe no other thyng then is appoynted vnto you. But Christ the author of the newe Testament and of greater perfection, then wa [...] the perfection of the old law, which gaue newe things, as it plainly appeareth by the Gospel. So that, Christians ought to receiue information of Christ, not of Iohn. For of Iohn also doth Christ speak: Uerely I say vnto you, there hath not risen amongest the children of women, a greater then Iohn Baptist: but hee that is lesse in the kingdome of heauen, is greater then he. In which saying Christ sheweth that those that be least in the kingdome of heauen in the tyme of grace,They that be lesse in the kingdom of heauen, greater then Iohn Baptist, expounded. are placed in greater perfection thē was Iohn, which was one of them that were the elders, & he liued also in yt time of the law in greater perfection. And whē as certain of Iohns disciples sayd vnto him, maister, he that was beyōd Iordan, to whō thou gauest witnesse, beholde hee baptiseth, and all people come vnto him. Iohn answered and sayde: A man cannot take any thing vppon him, vnlesse it shall bee geuen him from aboue. You your selues doe beare me recorde, that I sayde I am not Christ, but that I was sent before hym. He that hath the bride, is the bridegrome, as for the bridegromes frende, who standeth and heareth him: reioyceth wyth greate ioy to heare the voyce of the bridegrome. Thys therefore my ioy is fulfilled: he must increase, and I must bee diminished. Hee that commeth from an hie is aboue all. Hee that is of the earthe is earthy, and speaketh of the earthe: Hee that commeth from heauen, is aboue all folkes: that which hee hath seene and heard, the same doth he witnesse, and yet his witnessing doth no body receiue. But he that receiueth his witnessing, hath put to his Seale, that God is true. For he whome God hath sent, speaketh the wordes of God.

By whych things it plainely appeareth, that credence is to be geuen neither to Iohn, nor yet to angell, if he teach any thing that is not agreeable to Christes doctrine. For Christ is aboue the Aungels, because that God infinitely passeth them in wisdome. Nowe if Moses the seruaunt of God a minister of the old testament was so much to be beleued, yt nothing could be added, nor yet any thing diminished from the commandements that were geuen by hym, (for so Moses had sayd, the thyng that I commaund thee, that do thou onely to the Lorde, neither adde thou any thing, nor diminish.) How much more ought we not to adde nor to take away from the commandements geuen by God himselfe, and also the sonne of God? In the primitiue Churche because the Christians had seruent loue and charity, they obserued these precepts as they were geuē: but their feruent [Page] charitie afterward waxing luke warme, they inuented gloses by drawing the commaundementes of God backe to their own deedes, which they purposed to iustifie and mayntayn,He meaneth at those wars against [...] sur [...] and procured by [...] pope vp [...] blind superstition, to fight for the [...]o [...]y lande, [...] ta [...] by prin [...] in the [...]essary [...]sence of [...]selues [...] of their [...]ntrey. that is to say, warres against the infidels. But that they by warres should be conuerted to the fayth, is a fact faithlesse inough: because, that by violence or vnwillingly, no body can beleue in Christ nor be made a christian, neither did he come to destroy them by battaile, that beleued not in him: for he said to his disciples, you knowe not what spirite you are of. The sonne of man came not to destroy mens liues, but to saue them. Then to graunt pardons and forgeuenes of sinnes, to those that kill the infidels, is to much an infidels fact, seducing many people For what greater seducing can there be, then to promise to a man forgeuenes of sinnes, and afterwarde the ioye of heauen, for setting himselfe against Christes commaundementes in the killing of the Infidels, that would not be conuerted to the fayth: where as Christ doth say, not euery one that sayth to me Lord, Lord, shal enter into ye gidgdome of heauen: but he yt doth the will of my father which is in heauen, this person shall enter into the kingdome of heauen. Now the will of the father is, that we should beleue in his onely sonne Iesus Christ, and that we would obey him by obseruing of those thinges which he himselfe hath commaunded. Wherefore Christes preceptes of pacience must be fulfilled. Warres, fightinges, and contentions must be left, because they are contrary to charitie.

Obiection.But peraduenture some man wil thus reason against Christ: The saintes by whome God hath wrought myracles, do allow warres as well against the faithfull people, as also against the infidels. And the holy kings were warriours, for whose sakes also miracles haue bene shewed, as well in theyr death as also in their life, yea in the very time wherin they were a warfare. Wherfore it semeth that their factes were good and lawfull. For otherwise, God would not haue done miracles for them.

Answere, [...]egibus a [...]dum non exemplis. True miracles here of holy men be [...] disproued, but spea [...]ng vniuersity, the [...]ple doctrine and worde of God, is the [...]e rule for men to followe. [...]. Reg. 22. Ac [...]s de [...]ed by [...]se prophets.To [...]is agayne I say, that we for no miracles must do contrary to the doctrine of Christ. For in it can there be no errour, but in myracles there oftentimes chaunceth error as it is plaine as well by the old as by the new testament: God forbid then, that a Christian should for deceiuable miracles, depart from the infallible doctrine of Christ. In Exodus the 7. chapter it is manifest, howe that the wicked wise men of the Egiptians, through the inchauntments of Egipt, and certayne secret workinges, threw theyr wands vpon the earth, which were turned into Dragons, euē as Aaron before time in ye prefēce of Pharao threw his wand vpon the earth: which by the power of God was turned into a serpent. In the third of the kinges the 22. chap. Micheas did see the Lord sitting vpon his throne, and all the hoste of heauen standing about him on the right hand, and on the left. And the Lord sayd, who shall deceaue Achab ye king of Israel, that he may go vp and be slayn in Ramoth Gilaad. And one sayd this way, and an other otherwise: now, there went forth a spirit, and stood before the Lord & said, I will deceiue him. To whō the Lord spake: by what meanes? And he sayd, I will go forth, and be a lying spirit in the mouth of all his prophetes. And the Lord sayd thou shall deceiue him and preuaile, go thy wayes forth, and do euen so. Thus also is it written in Deuteronomium. If there shall arise a Prophet amongest you, or one that shall say hee hath seene a dreame, and shall foretell a signe and a wonder: & if that shall come to passe that he hath spoken, and he shall say vnto thee: Let vs go and follow straunge Goddes (whom thou knowest not) and let vs serue them: thou shalt not harken vnto the wordes of that Prophet or dreamer, for the Lord your God tempteth you, to make it known whether ye loue him or no, with all your hart, and with all your soule.

Iere. 23. Prophets must be tryed by doctrine.In Ieremy the 12. chap. Are not my wordes euen lyke fire sayth the Lord? and like an hammer, that breaketh the stone? Therfore behold, I wil come against the Prophets whiche haue dreamed a lye (sayth the Lorde) whiche haue shewed those things, and haue seduced the people through theyr lies and their miracles, when as I sent thē not neyther commanded them, which haue brought no profit vnto this people (sayth the Lord.Marke 13.) In Marke the 13. chapter sayth Christ: For there shall arise false Christes and false Prophetes, and shall shewe great signes and wonders to deceiue if it were possible euen the very elect. Paule in hys second Epistle to the Corinthians the xi. chap.1. Cor. 11. False prophets. Suche false Apostles are deceitfull workers, transforming themselues into the Apostles of Christ, and no maruayle: For euen Sathan transformeth himselfe into an angell of light therefore it is no great thing, though his ministers transforme themselues, a [...] though they were the ministers of righteousnes, whose end shal be according to their works.

In the Apocalips the 13. chap.Apoc. 13. Iohn saw a beast ascending vp out of the earth and it had two hornes like a lamb but he spake like the Dragon, and he did all that the first beast could do before him: and he caused the earth and the inhabitantes therof to worship the first beast, whose deadly wound was healed, and did great wonders so that he made fire come downe from heauen on the earth, in ye sight of men, and deceiued thē that dwell on ye earth, by meanes of the signes which were permitted to him to do in ye sight of the beast.

By these thinges it is most manifest and playne,Myracles are to be tryed. that in miracles this manifold errour oftentimes happeneth thorough the working of the deuill, to deceiue the people wt al. Wherfore, we ought not for the working of miracles, to depart from the commaundements of God: I woulde to God yt they which put confidence in miracles would geue heed vnto the word of Christ,Math. 7. in the 7. chap. of Math. thus speaking:The seruauntes of Christ discerned by working not of miracles, but of vertues. Many shall say vnto me in that day, Lord, Lord haue we not in thy name prophecied? and in thy name cast out deuils? and in thy name done many great workes? &c. I wil professe vnto them, I neuer knew you, depart from me all ye which worke inquitie.

By this saying it is most manifest, that the seruauntes of Christ are not discerned by the working of miracles, but by the working of vertues, departing from iniquitie, and obeying the cōmaundements of God. Wherfore it is wō derful, that any in this life dare presume to preuent the day of the iudgement of God, to iudge by meanes of miracles, that some are Saints whom men ought to worship, whō peraduenture God will in the last iudgement condemne, saying: depart from me all ye which worke iniquitie. If any man could here on earth iudge sinners to be condemned, then if this iudgement were certayne, Christ shoulde not iudge the 2. tyme,Men or women, are not rashly to be iudged Saintes. and what soeuer such iudges bynde in earth: the same ought to be bound in heauen. But if such a iudgement be vncertayne, then it is perillous and full of deceit, when as by it men on earth may in steede of saintes worship suche as are damned with the fellowship of the deuils, and in prayer require their ayde, who euen like as the deuils their companions are more ready and more of might to euill then to good, more to hurt then to profite. I wonder they marke not what Christ sayd, when his kinswoman came vnto him, desiring and requiring something of him, and saying: Commaund that these my two sonnes may sit, one vpon thy right hand and the other vpon thy left hand, in thy kingdome. But Iesus aunswering, sayd: Ye know not what ye aske, can ye drinke of the cup whiche I shall drink of? they sayd vnto him, we cna. He sayd vnto them. Of my cupp in deede ye shall drinke, but to sit at my right hand or at my left, it is not mine to geue, but vnto whom it is prepared for, of my father. Christ, being equall vnto the father according to his God head, exceeding all maner of men, according to his manhode, namely in goodnes and wisedome, sayde, to sit my right hande, or at my left, is not mine to geue but vnto whome it is prepared of my father. If it were none of his to geue to sit at the right hand, or at the left &c. How then is it in the power of anye sinnefull man to geue vnto any man, a seate eyther on the right hand, or on the left in the kingdome of God? whiche sinnefull man knoweth not whether suche haue anye seate prepared for thē of the father in his kingdome.This propositiō of Walter Bruit, concerning the war of Christians not to be lawfull, is not to bee taken vniuersally, but in particular case as he meaneth, which is this: that such wars alowed of the pope, not for the necessary defence of publike peace, libertie and sauegard of our countries, or against publike iniuries offered: but onely to go & kill the infidels, because they beleeue not hauing no other cause: those warres of the pope hee lyketh not. They much extoll themselues which exercise this iudicial power in geuing iudgement: that there are some sayntes, which ought to be honoured of men, by reason of ye euidency of dreames or of deceitfull miracles, of which men they are ignoraunt whether God in hys iudgement will condemne them or not together with the deuils for euer to be tormented. Let them beware, for the vnfallible truth sayth, that euery one that exalteth himselfe shall be brought low.

By these thinges is gathered, that the warres of Christians are not lawfull, for that by the doctrine and life of Christ they are prohibited, by reason of the euidency of the deceitfull miracles of those, whiche haue made warres amongest the Christians, as well agaynst the Christians, as also agaynst the infidels. Because Christ could not erre in his doctrine for as much as he was God: And forasmuch as heauen and earth shall passe awaye, but the wordes of Christ shall not passe away. He therefore: whiche establisheth his lawes, allowing warres and the slaughter of mē in the warre, as well of Christians, as of Infidels: doth he not ins [...]ie those thinges which are contrary vnto the gospell & law of Christ? Therefore in this he is against christ? and therfore Antichrist: seducing the people, making men beleeue that to be lawfull & meritorious [...] them, which is expressedly prohibited by Christ.

¶ And thus much concerning the first parte touching peace and warre, wherin he declareth Christ and the pope [Page] to be contrary, that is, the one to be geuen al to peace, the other all to warre, and so to proue in conclusion the Pope to be Antichrist. Where in the meane time thou must vnderstand (gentle reader) his meaning rightly: not that hee so thinketh, no kind of warres among ye Christiās in any case to be lawful, for he himself before hath opēly protested the contrary. But that his purpose is to proue, ye Pope in all his doings & teachings, more to be addicted to warre, thē to peace, yea in such cases, wher is no necessity of war. And therin proueth he ye Pope to be contrary to Christ, ye is to be Antichrist. Now he proceedeth further to ye second part which is of mercy.

Doctrine of Christian mercy declared.In the which part he sheweth how Christ teacheth vs to be merciful, because mercye (as he sayth) proceedeth frō charity, and nourisheth it. In which doctrine of mercye, he breaketh not ye law of righteousnes, for he himself by mercy hath clensed vs from our sinnes, from which we coulde not by the righteousnes of the law, be clensed. But whom he hath made cleane by mercye, vndoubtedly it behoueth those same to be also merciful.Math. 5. For in ye v. chapiter of Mathew, he sayth: Blessed are the merciful, for they shall obtaine mercy.Math. 6. And againe in ye 6. of Mathew: If ye forgeue vnto men their sinnes, your father will forgeue vnto you your sinnes. And againe in the vij. chapter of Mathewe: Iudge not,Math. 7. & ye shal not be iudged, condemne not, and ye shal not be condemned, & with what measure ye measure, with the same shal it be measured vnto you againe.Math. 18. In the xviij. chap. of Mathew, Peter asked the lord, saying: Lord how often shal my brother sinne agaynst me,Mercy and pitie commended among Christians. and I shall forgeue him, seuen times? Iesus sayd vnto him: I say not vnto thee seuen times, but seuentie times seuen tymes. Therefore is the kingdome of heauen likened vnto a certaine king, which would take accōpt of his seruants. And when he had begun to reckē, one was brought vnto hym which ought him tenne thousand talents: And because he had nothing where withal to pay, his maister commaūded him to be solde, and his wife and his children, and all that he had, and the debt to be payd. The seruaunt therefore fell downe and besought him, saying: haue pacience with me, and I wil pay thee all. And the Lord had pity on that seruant, and loosed him, and forgaue him the debt. But when the seruant was departed, he found one of his fellow seruaunts, which ought him an hundred pence, and he layed handes on him, and tooke him by the throte, saying: pay me that thou owest, and his fellowe fell downe, and besought him, saying: Haue pacience with me, and I will pay thee all. But he would not, but went and cast hym into prison, till he shoulde pay the debt. And when his other fellowes saw the things that were done, they were very sorye, and came & declared vnto their maister all yt was done: Then his maister called him, and said vnto him: O thou vngratious seruant, I forgaue thee al yt debt when thou desiredst mee: Oughtest thou nor then also to haue such pity on thy felow, euē as I had pity on thee? And his lord was wroth, and deliuered him vnto the Iaylers, till he should pay all that was due vnto him. So likewise shall my heauēly father do vnto you, except ye forgeue from your hartes eche one to his brother their trespasses.

By this doctrine it is most plaine and manifest that euery Christiā ought to be mercifull vnto his brother, how often soeuer he offendeth against him.Mercy and compassion necessary to all Christians. Because we so often as we offend, do aske mercy of God. Wherfore, for asmuch as our offence agaynst God is farre more grieuous then any offence of our brother agaynst vs: it is playne, that it behooueth vs to be merciful vnto our brethren, if we wil haue mercy at Gods hand. But contrary to this doctrine of mercy.The pope contrary to Christ, in shewing mercy. 23.9.5. The Romish bishop maketh & confirmeth many lawes, which punishe offenders, euen vnto the death. As it is plaine by ye processe of ye decrees. Distin 23. quest. 5. It is declared and determined, that to kill men ex officio, that is, hauing authority and power so to do, is not sinne. And againe: the souldiour which is obediēt vnto ye higher power, and so killeth a man, is not guilty of murther. And againe, he is the minister of the Lord, which smiteth ye euil in that they are euill and killeth thē. And many other such like thinges are throughout the whole processe of ye question determined.The foundation of the foresayde 5. quest. caus. 23. in the popes decrees, taken onely out of the old Testament, and nothing out of the newe. The makers of the popes law follow not the perfect rule. That for certayne kinds of sinnes men ought by the rigour of the law, to be punished euen vnto death: But the foundation of their saying, they tooke out of the olde law, in which for diuers transgressions were appointed diuers punishments. It is very much wōderful vnto me, why that wyse men being the authors & makers of lawes, do alwayes for the foundation of their sayings, looke vpon the shadow of the lawe, and not the light of the gospel of Iesus Christ, for they geue not heede vnto ye fygure of perfection, nor yet vnto the perfection figured. Is it not written in yt 3. of Iohn▪ God sent not his sōne into the world to iudge the world, but to saue ye world by him.Iohn. 1. Iohn. 8. In Iohn the 8. chap. The scribes and phariseis bring in a woman taken in adultery, and let her in the middest, and sayd vnto Christ: Maister euen nowe this woman was taken in adultery. But in the lawe. Moises hath cōmaunded vs to stone such. What sayest thou therfore? This they sayd to tempt him, that they might accuse him. But Iesus stouped downe, and with his finger wrote on the ground. And while they continued asking him: he lift himselfe vp, and sayd vnto them, let him that is among you without sinne, cast the first stone at her. And agayne he stouped and wrote on the ground. And when they heard it, the went out one by one, beginning at the eldest: so Iesus was lefte alone, and the woman standing in the midst. When Iesus had lift vp himselfe agayne he said vnto her: where be they which accused thee, hath no man condemned thee? She sayd, no man Lord. And Iesus sayd vnto her: Neyther do I condemne thee? Goe thy way and sinne now no more.

It is manifest by ye scriptures, ye Christ was promised he should be king of the Iews, & vnto ye kings pertained the iudgements of ye law: but because he came not to iudge sinners according to the rigor of the law, but came according to grace, to saue that which was lost, in calling ye sinner to repentaunce: it is most playne, that in the comming of the law of grace,Heere is m [...]t, & to be vnderstand, not what publike n [...] gistrates may doe in cases of [...]gh teousnes, but what ecclesiastical persons according to the office of their profession should doe, in not reuenging by death, as they doe by offices. Whether the iudiciall law of Moises, fullye (now after the cōming of Christ) standeth in force, or not. The law of Moses of all lawes most iustest. he would haue the iudgement of the lawe of righteousnes to cease: for otherwise he had dealt vniustly with ye foresayd woman, forasmuch as the witnesses of her adultery, bare witnes against her. Wherfore seeing ye same king Christ was a iudge, if it had bene his will that the righteousnes of the law shoulde be obserued, he ought to haue adiudged the woman to death, according as the law commaunded, whiche thing forasmuch as he did not, it is most euident that the iudgementes of the righteousnes of the law are finished in the cōming of the king, being kyng of the lawe of grace: euen as the sacrifices of the priesthoode of Aaron, are finished in the comming of the priest, according to the order of Melchisedech, who hath offred himselfe vp for our sinnes. Because as it is before sayd, neyther the righteousnes of the law, nor sacrifices for sinne, brought any man to perfection. Wherfore it was necessary that the same (by reason of their imperfection. And seeing amongst all the lawes of the world, the law of Moses was most iustest, forasmuch as the author thereof was God, who is the most iust iudge: and by that law alwaies looke, what maner of iniury one had done vnto an other, contrary to the cōmandement of the law, the like iniury he should receaue for his transgression, according to ye vpright iudgemēt of the law. As death for death, a blow for a blow, burning for burning, wound for wound, eye for eye, tooth for tooth, and most iust punishmentes were ordayned according to the quantitie of the sinnes. But if this lawe of righteousnes be cleane taken away in the comming of the lawe of grace, how then shall the lawe of the Gentiles remayne among Christians, which was neuer so iust? Is not this true, that in them, whiche are conuerted vnto the sayth, there is no distinction betweene the Iewe and the Grecian? For both are vnder sinne, & are iustified by grace in the sayth of Christ, being called vnto sayth and vnto the perfection of the Gospell.

If therefore ye gētiles cōuerted, are not boūd to play the Iewes, to follow the lawe of the Iewes: why should the Iewes conuerted, follow the lawes of the Gētiles which are not so good? His marcell is not so much, why theeues are put to deth: but why the Iudiciall lawe of Moses in this point is broken, & in other points is straightly kept: Mark his meaning. Wherfore it is to bee wondred, at, why theues are among christians, for theft put to death where after ye lawe of Moyses they were not put to death. Chrystiās suffer adulterers to liue, Sodomits, and they which curse father and mother, & many other horrible sinners: And they which accordinge to the most iust lawe of God were condemned to death, are not put to death: So wee neyther keepe the law of righteousnes geuen of God, nor the law of mercy taught by Christ.

Wherefore the lawe makers and Iudges, do not geue heede vnto the aforesayd sentēce of Christ vnto ye Scribes and Phariscis, who sayd:Take his meaning wisely (gentle reader) his mind is not so, that no magistrate, being not without sin, may punish a transgressio [...]s, but he speaketh against such churchmē, whō professing the rule of mercy, shew no mercy at all, but [...] rigor, by their law, ex offic [...] He which amōgst you is with out sinne, let him cast the first stone at her. What is he that dareth be so bolde as to say he is without sinne? Yea and without a grieuous sinne, when as the transgression of ye commaundement of God is a greeuous sinne? And who can say that hee neuer transgressed this commaundement of God. Thou shalt loue thy neighbor as thy selfe: Or the other cōmaūdement which is of greater force: Thou shalt loue the Lord thy God with al thy hart. &c. Wherfore thou whatsoeuer thou art that iudgest thy brother vnto death, thinkest thou that thou shalt escape the iudgemēt of God, which peraduēture hast offended more greuously thē hath he whom thou iudgest? How [...]ee [...] thou a mote in thy brothers eye, & seest not a beame in thine owne eye? Knowest [Page] than not that with what measure thou measurest, ye same shall be measured to you agayne? Doth not the scripture say: Unto me belongeth vengeance, and I will render agayne sayth y• Lord? How can any man say that these men can with charitie keepe these iudgementes of death? Who is it that offendeth God, and desireth of God iust iudgement for his offence? He desireth nor iudgement, but mercy. If he desire mercy for him selfe, why desireth he vengeance for his brother offending? Howe therefore loueth he his brother as himselfe? Or how doest thou shewe mercy vnto thy brother (as thou art bound by the commaundement of Christ) which seekest the greatest vengeance vpon him that thou canst inferr vnto him? For death is the most terrible thing of all, and a more grieuous vengeance then death, can no man inferre. Wherefore, they which wil keep charitie, ought to obserue the commaundements of Christ touching mercy: and they [...] mea [...] of the [...] and of [...]lergic. which liue in the law of charitie ought to leaue the lawe of vengeance and iudgementes. Ought we to beleue, that Christ in his comming, by grace abrogated the most iust law whiche he himselfe gaue vnto the Children of Israell by Moses his seruaunt, and established the lawes of the Gentiles being not so iust to be obserued of his faythfull? [...] speketh [...] the [...] of re [...] not [...] the [...]cution [...]cesiary [...] done by [...]trates. Doth not Daniell expounding the dreame of Nabuchodonozer the king cōcerning the image whose head was of gold, the brest and armes of siluer, the belly & thies of brasse, the legges of iron, one part of ye feete was of iron, and the other part of clay. Nabuchodonozer saw that a stone was cut out of a mountaine wtout hands, and strake ye Image in his feete of iron and of clay, & brake them to peeces. Then was the iron, the clay, the brasse, the siluer and gold broken altogether, and became like ye chaffe of the sommer flower, which is caryed away by the winde and there was no place found for them: and the stone that smote the image became a great mountayne, and filled the whole earth. [...]e dreame [...]ucho [...]our, [...]erning [...]ge [...]ded [...] Damel. He applieth therfore 4. kingdomes vnto the 4. partes of the Image, namely: the kingdome of the Babilonians vnto the head of the gold: The kingdome of the Medes and Persians vnto the brest and armes of siluer: The kingdom of the Grecians vnto the belly and thighes or brasse: But the fourth kingdome whiche is of the Romaynes, he applyeth vnto the feet and legges of iron. And Daniell addeth: In the dayes of their kingdomes, shall God rayse vp a kingdome which shall neuer be destroyed: And hys kingdome shall not be deliuered vnto an other, but it shal breake and destroy those kingdomes: and it shal stand for euer, according as thou sawest, that the stone was cut out of the mountayne without handes, and brake in peeces the clay and iron,The Iudai [...]ll necessitie of those [...]es, hee [...]eaneth to [...]se, notwithstan [...]g Chri [...]n princes [...] borrow [...]th out of [...] [...]es, and out of al [...] what [...] thinke [...] [...] ex [...]ent for [...] com [...] weale. brasse siluer and golde. Seeing therfore it is certain that this stone signifieth Christ whose kingdome is for euer: it is also a thing most assured, that he ought to raygne euery where, and to breake in peeces the other kingdoms of ye world. Wherfore it terrestrial kinges and the terrestriall kingdom of the Iewes, and their laws and iudgementes haue ceased by Christ the king, calling the Iewes vnto the perfection of his gospel, namely, vnto Fayth and Charitie: It is not to be doubted, but that the kingdome of the Gentiles which is more imperfect & their lawes, ought to ceasse among the Gentiles, departing frō their Gentillitie vnto the perfection of the Gospell of Iesus Christ. For there is no distinction betwene the Iewes and Gentiles being conuerted vnto the faith of Christ, but all of them abiding in that eternall kingdome ought to be vnder one lawe of Charitie and of vertue. Therefore they ought to haue mercy, and to leaue the iudgments of death, and the desire of vengeance. Wherfore they which do make lawes marke not the parable of Christ, saying: The kingdome of heauen is like vnto a man whiche sowed good seede in hys field: but when men were on sleepe, the enemy came and sowed Tares in the midst of the wheate, & went his way. But when the herbe was growne and brought forth fruite, then appeareth the Tares. And the seruauntes came vnto the good man of the house and sayd vnto him, Lorde didst not thou sowe good seede in thy field? From whence then come these Tares? And he sayd vnto them: The enemy hath done this. And the seruauntes sayd vnto him: wilt thou that we goe and gather them vp? And he sayd no: least peraduenture gathering vp the Tares ye plucke vp the wheate by the rootes: Suffer them both to grow vntill the haruest, and in the time of the haruest, I will saye vnto the haruest men, gather first the Tares and binde them in the bundels that they may be burnt, but gather the wheate into my barne. Christ himselfe onely expoundeth this parable in the selfe same chapter, saying: He whiche soweth the good seede is the sonne of man, but the field is the world, and the good seede, those are the children of the kingdome. But the Tares are the naughty children. And the enemy which soweth them is the Deuill, And the haruest is the end of the world and the haruest men are the Aungels. Euen as therfore the Tares are gathered and burnt with fire, so shall it be in the end of the world. The sonne of man shall send hys Aungels, and they shal gather out of his kingdome al offendoures, and those which commit iniquitie, and shall put them into a furnace of fire, there shall be weeping and gnashing of teethe.

By whiche playne doctrine it is manifest,His purpose is not tha [...] no euill doer should be punished in a common welth, but his relation is, to the 23. q. 5. asoresaid, noting causes of religion, which the Pope and his prelates are wont to punish with death, taking many times for Tares, that which in deed is pure wheate. that Christ will haue mercy shewed vnto sinners, euen vnto the ende of the world, and will haue them to remayn mingled with the good: Least peraduenture when a man thinketh that he doth right well, to take away the tares, he taketh away ye wheat. For how great a sinner soeuer a mā be, we know not whether his end shalbe good, and whether in the end he shall obtayne mercy of God: Neither are we certayn of the time, wherein God will by grace iudge him whom we abhorre as a sinner. And peraduenture suche a one shall more profit after his conuersion in ye Church, then he who we think to be iust, as it came to passe in Paul. And if god iustifieth a man by grace (although at his ende) why darest thou be so bold to be his iudge, and to condemne him? Yea, rather although a man seeme to be obstinate and hardened in his euill, so that he is not corrected by a secret correction (correct him before one alone) if he doe not receaue open correction being done before two or three witnesses, neyther passeth vpon a manifest correction when his sinne is made known vnto the Church: Christ doth not teach to punish such a one with the punishment of death. Yea rather he sayth, if he harken not vnto the churche: let him be vnto thee as an Ethnicke and Publicane. And Paule following this doctrin in the 1. Corin. 5. chapter saith:1. Cor. 5. There goeth a common saying that there is fornication among you & such fornication as is not once named among ye gentiles that one shold haue hys fathers wife. And ye are pufted vp, and haue not rather sorrowed, that he whiche hath done this deed, might be put from among you. For I verily as absent in body, but present in spirite, haue already determined, as though I were present: that he whiche hath done this thing, whē ye are gathered together and my spirit, in the name of our Lord Iesus Christ that such one by the power of our Lorde Iesus Christ, be deliuered vnto Satan for the destruction of the flesh, that the spirite may be saued in the day of the Lord Iesus. Paule teacheth not to kill this man (as some gather by this text) but to separate him from the other faithfull, and so frō Christ, which is the head of the Church of the faithfull, and so is he deliuered vnto Sathan, which is separated from Christ: that the flesh may be killed, that is, that that carnall concupyscence, whereby he luxuriously lusted after ye wife of his father, may be destroyed in him, by such a separation, that ye spirite may be saued, & not that his body should be killed. as some say, as it is most manifest in the selfe same chapiter, where he sayth: I wrote vnto you in an Epile, that ye shoulde not keepe company with fornicatours, and I ment not of all the fornicators of this world, eyther of the couetous, or extorcioners or Idolaters, for then must yee nedes haue gone out of the world. But now I haue written vnto you, that ye keepe not company together, if anye that is called a brother be a fonicatour, or couetous persō, or a worshipper of Images, eyther a cursed speaker, or dronkard, or an extorcioner: with him that is such, see that ye care not.

By whych it is manyfest, that Paule woulde haue the foresayd fornicatour separated from the fellowship of the faithful: that his carnall concupiscence might be mortifyed, for the health of the spirit, and not that the body should be killed. Wherefore, they do ill vnderstand Paule, which by this saying,Hereby it appeareth, that all his relation in this matter: toucheth onely the cases of heresie and opinions in religion. By this it appeareth againe that his respect is onely to the pope and his prelates of the church and not to ciuill magistrates. do cōfirme ye killing of mē. And forasmuch as heresie is one of ye most greuous sinnes (for an heretike leadeth men in errours, wherby they are made to stray frō fayth, without which they cannot bee saued) it doth most great hurt in the Church.

Further as concerning such a wicked man. Paul thus speaketh, flye from the man yt is an heretike after the first and second correction, knowing that such a one is subuerted and sinneth, forasmuch as he is by his owne iudgemēt condemned. Behold Paule teacheth not to kill thys man, but with Christ to separate him frō the fellowship of the faythfull. But some say, that Peter in ye primitiue Church slewe Ananias and Saphyra for their sinnes, wherefore they say it is lawful for them, to condemne wicked men to death. We wil declare in shewing the whole processe how falsly they speake in alleaging of Peter, for to iustify their errour.

In the 4. chap. of the Actes it is written, that as many as were possessours of landes or houses, they solde them & offred the prices of that whych they solde and layed it before [Page] the feete of the Apostles:The example of Peter slaying Ananias and Saphira falsly wrasted of the papists. & it was deuided vnto euery one as he had neede thereof. But a certaine man Ananias with Saphira his wife solde a piece of land, and kept back a part of the price of the field, his wife being priuy vnto it, and bringing a certaine part therof, he laid it at the feete of the Apostles. But Peter saide vnto Ananias: Ananias, why hath Satan tempted thy hart that thou shouldest lye vnto the holy ghost, to keepe backe a part of ye price of the land? Did it not whilest it remayned, remayne vnto thee: and being sold, was it not in thine own power? why hast thou conceiued this thing in thine hart? Thou hast not lyed vnto mē, but vnto God. And whē Ananias heard these wordes, he fell downe and gaue vp the ghost, & great feare came on all them that heard these things. And the young mē rose vp and tooke him vp, and caried him out and buried him. And it came to passe about the space of iij. houres after, that his wyfe came in being ignorant of that whych was done. And Peter sayd vnto her, Tel me womā, sold ye the land for so much? And she sayd, yea for so much. But Peter saye vnto her, why haue ye agreed together to tēpt the spirit of the Lord? Behold, the feete of them which buried thy husbande are at the doore, and shall cary thee out, And straight way she fel downe before his feete, and gaue vp the ghost,Peter not the cause of the death of Ananias and Saphyra. and the yong men entring in, found her dead and they caried her out, and buried her by her husbād. And great feare came on all the church, & all those which heard these thinges. It is meruaile yt any man that is wise, wyll say that by this processe Peter slue Ananias or hys wife. For it was not his act but ye act of God, who made a wedding to his sonne, & sent his seruant to cal them, that were bidden vnto the wedding, and they would not come. The king then sent forth his seruantes, to the outcorners of the hie wayes, to gather all that they could find, both good and euill. And so they did. And the maryage was full furnished with gestes. Then came in also the king to view and see them sitting. Among whom he perceaued there one sitting hauing not a wedding garment, and sayth vnto him, frend how camest thou hither? And he being dumme, had not a worde to speake. Then said the king to the seruitures, take and binde him hand and foote, and cast him into the outward darcknes, there shall be weeping and gnashinge of teeth. Many there be called, but few chosen. &c.

The wedding garment what it is.It is manifest, that this wedding garment is charitie, without which, because Ananias entred into the maryage of Christ,The death of Ananias and his wife, what information it giueth to the church. he was geuen to death, that by one many might be informed to learne & vnderstand: that they which haue fayth & not charitie, although they appeare to men to haue yet it can not be priuy to the spirite of God, that they doe fayne. Such there is no doubt, but they shalbe excluded frō the mariage of christ, as we see this here exemplified in the death of Ananias & his wife by the hand of God, & not by the hand of Peter. And how should Peter thē haue iudged Ananias (albeit he had iudged him) worthy of death by the rigour of the old law? For why, by the law he had not bene guilty of death, for that part, which they fraudulently & dissemblingly did reserue to themselues. Yea and if they had stolne as much from an other man, which was greater neither ye [...] for hys lie committed, he had not therfore by ye law of iustice bene found gilty of death. Wherefore if he did not condēne hym by ye law of iustice, it appeared that he codē ned him by the law of grace and mercy, whiche he learned of Christ. And so consequently it followeth much more apparent, that Peter could not put him to death:Peter not the cause of Ananias death. Furthermore to say that Peter put him to death by the meere motion of his own will, and not by authoritie of the old law, nor by the new, it were derogatory and slaunderous to the good fame and name of Peter. But if Peter did kill hym, why then doth the Byshop of Rome which pretendeth to be successor of Peter, excuse himselfe and his priestes from the iudgement of death agaynst heretiques and other offē ders, although, they themselues be consēting to such iudgements done by lay men? For that which was done of Peter without offence, may reasonably excuse him and his felow Priestes from the spot of crime. Actes. 5. It is manyfest that there was another which did more greeuously offend thē Ananias, and that Peter rebuked him with more sharpe words: but yet he commanded him not so to he put to death. For Simon Magus also remayning at Samaria, after that he beleued and was baptised, he ioyned himselfe with Phillip: And when he sawe that the holye spirite was geuen by ye Apostles (laying theyr handes vpon mē) he offred thē mony, saying geue vnto me this power, that vpon whome soeuer I shall lay my hand, he shall receaue the holy Ghost.Actes. 3. To whom Peter answered: Destroyed be thou and thy money together: And for that thou supposest the gifte of GOD to be bought with money, thou shalt haue neyther part nor fellowshippe in this doctrine. Thy hart is not pure before god, therefore repēt thee of thy wi [...] kednesse, and pray vnto God that this wicked thought of thy hart may be forgeuen thee: for I perceiue thou art euē in the bitter gall of wickednes and bande of iniquitie. Beholde here the greuous offence of Symon Peters hard & sharp rebuking of him, and yet therupon he was not put to death. Whereby it appeareth that the death of Anamas aforesaid, proceeded of God and not of Peter. Of all these things it is to be gathered seing the iudgements of death are not grounded vpon the expresse and playn scriptures, but onely vnder the shadow of the olde law: that they are not to be obserued of Christians because they are cōtrarye to charity. Ergo ye bishop of Rome approuing such iudgements, alloweth those that are contrary to the law & doctrine of Christ, as before is sayd of warres, where hee approueth & iustifieth that which is cōtrary to charity. The order of Priesthood, albeit it doth iustifie the iudgemēts to death of the laity, whereby offenders are condēned to die, yet are they themselues forbidden to put in execution the same iudgementes. The priestes of the old law being vnperfect, whē Pylate said vnto thē concerning Christ (whō they had accused worthy death) take him vnto you and according to your law iudge him, answered: that it was not lawful for them to put to death any man.

Wherby it appeareth that our priests being much more perfect,Ioh. 1 [...]. may not lawfully geue iudgemēt of death against any offenders: yet notwithstanding, they claime vnto thē the power iudicial vpon offēders: Because say they, it belongeth vnto them to know the offences by the auricular confession of the offenders, and to iudge vpō the same being knowne, aud to ioyne diuers penances vnto ye parties offending, according to the quantitie of their offences cō mitted, to that ye sinner may make satisfactiō say they vnto God for the offences which he neuer committed. And to cōfirme vnto thē this iudicial power, they alleage ye scriptures in many places, wrasting it to serue their purpose.

First they saye that the Bishop of Rome (who is the chief priest and iudge among them) hath ful power & authority to remit sinnes. Wherupon they say, that he is able fully & wholy to absolue a man a poena & culpa, so that if a man at the time of his death had this remission:Like a pulled He [...]e. he should straigtwaies flie vnto heauen without any paine of Purgatory. The other Bishops (as they say) haue not so great authoritie. The priests constituted vnder euery Byshop, haue power, say they, to absolue the sinnes of thē that are confessed, but not al kind of sinnes: because there are some grieuous sinnes reserued to the absolutions of the Byshops, and some againe to the absolution onely of ye chiefe and high Byshop. They say also that it behoueth the offē ders, for the necessitie of their soule health, to call to remē brance their offences, and to manifest the same with al the circumstances therof, vnto the priest in auricular cōfessiō, supplying the place of God, after the maner of a Iudge: & afterwarde humbly to fulfill the penaunce enioyned vnto him by the priest for his sinnes, except the sayde penaunce so enioyned, or any part thereof be released by the superior power. All these things (say they) are manifestly determined, as wel in ye decrees, as decretals. And although these things haue not expressely their foundation in the playne and manifest doctrine of Christ, nor any of ye Apostles: yet the authors of the decrees and decretals concerning thys matter, haue groūded the same vpon diuers places of the scriptures, as in ye proces of Christ in ye Gospell of Saynt Mathew ye xvj. chapter.Math. 16. Wherupon they ground yt popes power iudicial, to surmount the powers of other priests, as where Christ sayd vnto his disciples: whō do men saye that I am? And they aunswered:The Popes vsurped power fal [...] founded vpon scriptures. some saye that thou art Iohn Baptist, some Elias, & some Ieremy, or one of the Prophets. To whom he sayde: but who saye you that I am? Symon Peter makinge aunswere, sayde: Thou art Christ, the sonne of the liuing God. And Iesus answered and said vnto him: Blessed art thou Symon the sonne of Ionas, for flesh & bloud hath not opened this vnto thee: but my father which is in heauen. And I say vnto thee: yt thou art Peter, & vpon this rocke wil I buyld my church: and hel gates shal not preuaile against it. And I wil geue thee the keyes of the kingdome of heauen. And whatsoeuer thou shalt binde vpon earth, shal also be bound in heauen: and whatsoeuer thou shalt lose vpon earth, shall bee loosed also in heauen.

Out of this text of Christ, diuers expositiōs haue drawen diuers errours. For when Christ sayd: And I say vnto thee, that thou art Peter, and vpon this rocke wil I build my Church: Some therupon affirme, that Christe meant he would builde his Church vpon Peter by authority of that text,Dist. 9. [...] I [...]a Dem [...] nus [...]cter. as it is writtē in ye first part of ye decrees, Dist. 19. cap. Ita dominus noster. The exposition hereof, is ascribed [Page] to Pope Leo, the errour wherof is manifestly known. For the Church of Christ is not builded vpon Peter, but vpon the rocke of Peters confession, for that he sayd: Thou art Christ the sonne of the liuing God, and for that Christ sayd singularly vnto Peter: I will geue vnto thee the keyes of the kingdome of heauen: and whatsoeuer thou shalt binde. &c. By this saying they affirme, that Christ gaue vnto Peter specially, as chiefe of the rest of the Apostles a larger power to binde and to lose, then he did vnto the rest of the apostles,The place of Christ ge [...]ng the keyes to Peter. Mat. 16. [...]tly expounded. or disciples. And because Peter answered for him self & al the Apostles, not only confessing the faith which he had chiefly aboue the rest, but also ye faith whiche the rest of the Apostles had euen as himselfe, by the reuelation of the heauēly father: It appeareth that as the fayth of al the Apostles was declared by the answere of one: so by this that Christ sayd vnto Peter: whatsoeuer thou shalt binde. &c. is geuen vnto the rest of the Apostles the same power & equallitie to binde & to lose,Math. 18. as vnto Peter. Whiche Christ declareth in the Gospell of S. Mathew the 18. chapter, in these words: Verely I say vnto you what thinges so euer you shall binde vpon earth, shalbe bound in heauē & whatsoeuer you shal lose vpon earth, shalbe also losed in heauē, And further he addeth: And agayne I say vnto you: that if two of you shall consent vpon earth, and request whatsoeuer it be: it shall be graunted vnto you of my father which is in heauen. For when two or three be gathered together in my name,Iohn 20. I am there in the midst of them. And in Iohn the xx. chapter, he sayth generally vnto them: Receaue ye my spirit. Whose sins ye shall remit, shalbe remitted vnto them: and whose sinnes you shall retayne, shall be retained.

Christ one [...] the head of the church.By this it appeareth, that the power to bynde and to loose is not specially graunted to Peter as chiefe and head of the rest: and that by him the rest had their power to bind and to loose, for that the head of the body of the Churche is one, which is Christ, and the head of Christ is God. Peter and the rest of the Apostles, are the good members of the body of Christ, receiuing power & vertue of Christ: wherby they do confirme and glew together the other mēbers (as well the strong & noble as the weake and vnable) to a perfect composition and seemelines of the body of Christ: that all honour from all partes and members may be geuē vnto Christ as head and chiefe,1. Cor. 3. by whome as head, all the members are gouerned. And therfore Paule. 1. Corinthians chap. 3. When any man sayth, I hold of Paule, and an other sayth I hold of Apollo, are ye not carnall men? For what is Apollo? what is Paule? The minister of him in whom ye haue beleued, and he as God geueth vnto euery man. I haue planted, Apollo hath watered, but God hath geuen the increase. Therfore neither he that plāteth is any thing neither he yt watereth,Galat. 2. but God that geueth the increase. And Paul to the Gal. chap. 2. God hath no respecte of persons. Those that seemed to be great and to do much, auayled or profited me nothing at all: But contrariwise, when they saw that the Gospell of the vncircumcision was committed vnto me, as the circumcision vnto Peter (for he that wrought with Peter in the Apostleship of the circumcision, wrought with me also amōg the Gentiles) and when they knew the grace which was geuen me Peter, Iames, and Iohn straightwayes ioyned themselues with me and Barnabas: wee among the Gentiles, and they in circumcision onely, might be mindefull of the poore, the which to do I was very carefull. Hereby it appeareth, that Paule had not his authoritie of Peter to conuert the Gentiles, A [...]s [...]. to baptise them, and to remit their sinnes, but of him which said vnto him Saule, Saule, why persecutest thou mee. It is hard for thee to kicke agaynst the pricke. Heare is Paule the head of the Church and not Peter: By which head they say, that al the members are sustayned and made liuely.

The thirde errour.The thyrd errour (which the authors of the canons cō ceiueth in the sayd text of Christ) which was sayd to Peter Unto thee will I geue the keyes &c. is this. They say that in this sentence which was sayd to Peter of the authoritie to binde and loose was ment: that as Christ gaue vnto Peter aboue all the rest of the Apostles a speciall, and as it I were an excellent power aboue all the Apostles: euen so say they, he gaue vnto the Bishops of Rome (whome they call Peters chiefe successors) the same speciall power and authoritie, exceeding the power of all other Byshoppes of the world.

The first part of this similitude and comparison, doth appeare manifestly by ye premisses to be erroneous: wherin is playnly shewed, that the other Apostles, had equall power with Peter to binde and lose.Other Apostles had the power to bynd and to loose, as Peter had. Wherfore cōsequently it followeth, the 2. part of the similitude, grounded vpon the same text, to be also erroneous. But and if the first part of the sayd similitude were truth as it is not, yet the second part must needes be an errour, wherein is sayd that ye Bishops of Rome are Peters chiefest successors. For althogh there be but one Catholicke christian Church, of al ye faithful sort conuerted: yet the first part therof and first conuerted was of the Iewes, the second of the Greeks, & the third part was of the Romaynes or Latines. Whereof, the first part was most perfectly conuerted vnto the fayth, for that they faithfully obserued the perfectiō of charitie,Actes 2. as appeareth in the Actes of the Apostses by the multitude of the beleuers. The were of one hart, and one soule neyther called they any thing that they possessed theyr owne, but all was common amongst them.Romans 1.

Hereupon Paule to the Romaynes: Salutation to euery beleuer,Peter ruled 3. Churches. first to ye Iew, & to the Greeks after ye Iewes The Greekes were the second, and after the Iewes, best conuerted, and after them the Romaynes, taking their information of the Greekes as appeareth by the Chronicles although in deed some Romaynes were conuerted vnto ye fayth, by Peter and Paule. And as Christ sayd thrise vnto Peter, feed my sheepe, so Peter ruled these three Churches as witnesseth the Chronicles. But first he reformed the Church of the Iewes in Ierusalem and Iudea,Actes 1. as appeareth by the testimony of the Actes of ye Apostles: For Acts 1. It is manifest how Peter stonding vp amongst his brethren spake vnto them concerning the election of an Apostle in the place of Iudas the traytor, alledging places vnto thē out of the scripture, that an other should take vppon him his Apostleship.Actes 2. And so by lot was Mathias constituted in the 12. place of Iudas, acts. 2. After yt the holy Ghost was come vpon the Apostles, and that they spake with the tongues of al men, the heares were astonied at the miracle And some mocked them saying, these men are full of newe wine: But Peter stood vp & spake vnto thē, saying, that it was fulfilled in thē that was prophecied by Ioell the prophet, and he preached Christ vnto the people, whome they of ignoraunce had put to death. To them was Sauioure promised by the testimony of the Prophets. And whē they heard the wordes of Peter, they were pricked at the heart, saying vnto him and the rest of the Apostles: What shal we then do? And Peter sayd vnto them, repent: and let euerye one of you be baptised in the name of Iesus Christ for the remission of your sinnes, and ye shall receaue ye holy ghost. And there were ioined vnto them the same day about three M. soules.Acts 3.4.5. And Actes 3.4.5. it appeareth, that Peter aboue the rest did those thinges which belonged to the ministery of the Apostleship,Peter gouerned the Church at Ierusalem 4. years before he gouerned Antioche. Galatians 2. as well in preaching as in answering. Wherupon some Chronicles say, that Peter gouerned the church of the Iewes at Ierusalem 4. yeares, before he gouerned Antioche. And by the testimony of Paule to ye Gal. as before is sayd: The Gospell of the vncircumsion is cō mitted to Paule euen as the circumcision to Peter. And he that wrought with Peter in the Apostleship of circumcisiō wrought with Paule amongst the Gentils. Wherby it apreth that the Churche of the Iewes was commtted to the gouernment of Peter And in the proces of the Actes of the Apostles it appeareth, that Peter beleeued that the fayth of Christ was not to be preached vnto those Gentiles, which alwayes liued in vncleannes of Idolatry. But whē Peter was at Ioppe, Cornelius a Gētile sent vnto him, that he wold come & shew him the way of life: But Peter (a little before of the comming of the messengers of Cornelius) being in his chāber, after he had prayed, fel in a trance and saw heauen open, and a certayne vessel descending euen as a great sheete, letten downe by foure corners from heauen to earth. In the which were all maner of foure footed beastes, serpentes of the earth, and foules of the ayre. And a voyce spake vnto hym saying, arise Peter, kill and eate, and Peter sayd, not so Lorde, because I haue neuer eaten any common or vncleane thing: This was done thrise. And Peter descended (not knowing what the vision did signifie) and found the messengers of Cornelius.

As concerning the authoritie iudicial of the clergie, many things are written thereof in the Canons of decrees,The keyes of Christes kyngdome. greatly to be marueiled at, and farre from the truth of the Scripture. The authors of the Canons say, that Chryst gaue vnto the priests, power iudicial ouer sinners yt confessed their sinnes vnto them. And this they ground vpon the text of Christ:Absolution. I will geue vnto thee the keyes of the kingdome of heauen, and what soeuer thou loosest &c. And these keyes of the kingdome of heauen they cal the knowledge to discerne, and the power to iudge, which they say onely belongeth to the priestes,Three things required in popish absolution. Contrition. Confession. Satisfaction. except in case of necessitie, then they say a lay man may absolue a man frō sinne. And as touching absolution they say, there are three thinges to be required on the sinners part: first harty cōtritiō, wherby the sinners ought to bewaile their offēding of god thorough sinnes: the second is, auricular confession, whereby the sinner ought to shew vnto the Priest his sinnes, & the circumstances of them: The third is satisfaction, thorough penaunce enioyned vnto hym by the Priest for his sinnes [Page] cōmitted.Two things required on his part that geueth popish absolution. And of his part that geueth absolution, there are two thinges (say they) to be required that is to say: knowledge to discern one sinne from an other, wherby he ought to make a difference of sinnes, & appoynt a conuenient penaunce, according to the quantitie of the sinnes: The secōd is authoritie to iudge, wherby he ought to ioyne penaunce to the offender. And further they say, that he yt is confessed, ought with al humilitie to submit himself to this authoritie, and wholy and voluntarily to doe those penaunces which are commaunded him by the priest, except the sayde penaunce be released by a superiour power: for all priestes (as they say) haue not equall authoritie to absolue sinnes. The chiefe priest whome they call Peters successour hath power fully and wholy to absolue. But the inferior priests haue power, some more some lesse. The more as they are neare him in dignitie: The lesse as they are farther from the degree of his dignitie.De [...]ret. de [...]oeniten [...]. All this is declared by proces in the decrees, butnot by the expresse doctrine of Christ or any of his Apostles. For although Christ absolued men from their sinnes, I do not find that he did it after the maner of a iudge, but of a sauior. For Christ sayth, God sent not his sonne into the world to iudge sinners, but that the worlde should be saued by him. Iohn chap. 3. Wherupon he spake vnto him whom he healed of the palsie: Beholde thou art made whole,Iohn 3. go thy wayes and sinne no more. And to the woman taken in adultery Christ sayd, woman where be thy accusers, hath no man condemned thee? who sayd: No man Lord. To whom then Iesus thus said: No more wil I condemne thee, go, and now sinne no more.

Iohn 5.By which words and deedes of Christ and many other places of the scripture, it appereth he was not as a Judge at his first cōming to punish sinners according to the quā titie of their offences: but yt day shal come hereafter, where in he shall iudge all men according to their workes, as in Mat. 25.Math. 25. where he sayth: When the sonne of man shal come in his maiesty, and all his aungels with him: then shall he sit vpon the seat of his maiesty, and all nations shal be gathered together before him, and he shall seperate them one from an other, as a shepheard seperateth the sheepe from ye Goates. &c. Neither shall he iudge alone, but his Saintes also with him. For he sayth, you that haue followed me in this generation,The saintes shal iudge with Christ. when the sonne of man shall sit in the seat of his maiestie, shal sit also vpon 12. seats, and iudge the 12. tribes of Israell. If then sith Christ came not as a Iudge, why doe the Priestes say that they supplye the roome of Christ on earth, to iudge sinners according to the quantitie of theyr offences? And yet not onely this, but it is more to be maruailed at, how the Byshop of Rome dareth to take vpon him to be a Iudge before the day of iudgement, and to preuent the time, iudging some to be saintes in heauen, & to be honoured of men, and some agayn to be tormented in hel eternally wt the deuils. Would God these men wold wey the saying of S. Paule. Corin. 4. Iudge ye not before the time,Corinth 4. vntill the comming of the Lorde, who shall make light the darcke and secret places, and disclose the secretes of hartes, and then euery one shall haue his prayse. Let the Byshop of Rome take heede, lest that in Ezechiell be spoken by him: because thy hart is eleuate, and laydst vnto thy selfe I am God, I haue sitten in the seat of God, in the hart of the sea, when thou art but man and not God. It is manifest, that the remission of sinnes principallye belongeth to God, who through grace washeth awaye our sinnes. For it is sayd, the lamb of God taketh away the sinnes of the world.Iohn 20. And vnto Christians it belongeth as the Ministers of God. For in the 20. of Iohn Christ sayth: Receaue vnto you ye holy Ghost, whose sinnes you shall remit, they are remitted vnto them: and whose sinnes you shal retain they are reteined. Seing therfore, that all Christians that are baptised in the name of the Father, and of the sonne, & of the holy Ghost, receaue the holy ghost: it appeareth, that they haue power geuē vnto them of Christ, to remit sinnes ministerially. Hath not euery Christian authoritie to baptise [...] and in the baptisme all the sinnes of the baptised are remitted? Ergo, they that doe baptise, do remit sinnes. And thus ministerially all suche haue power to remitte sinnes.The ministeriall power to remit sin, belongeth as well to one priest as to an other. Therfore, to say that one man hath more authoritie to remit sinnes then al other Christians haue, is to much to extol him & to place him euen in Gods seat. I pray you how are the sinnes remitted him that is baptised of the Prieste (yea although he were of the pope himselfe baptised) more then if he were baptised of an other Christian? Surely I thinke no more. For seing that before Baptisme he remayneth a sinner and of the kingdome of the deuill by sinne, after baptisme he entreth into ye kingdome of heauen: It appeareth, that he yt doeth baptise,The keyes of the kingdome of heauen. openeth the gate of ye kingdome of heauen to him that is baptised: the whiche he cannot do, wtout the keyes of the kingdome of heauen. Therfore euery one that both baptise: hath the keyes of the kingdome of heauen, as well the in [...]eriour Priest as the Pope But these keyes are not the knowledge to discerne, & power to iudge, because these doe nothing anayle in baptisme Ergo, there are other keyes of the kingdome of heauen thē these:The keyes mistaken in the Pope. Chanon [...]. Wherfore it seemeth, that the authors of the Canons erred in mistaking the keyes, wherupon they ground the authoritie iudiciall of the Clergy.

Now a little errour in the beginning graunted, groweth to great incōuenience in ye end. Wherfore in my iudgement it seemeth, that the keyes of the kingdome of heauen are sayth and hope. For by fayth in Iesus Christ, and hope in him for the remission of sinnes,Fayth and hope be the keyes of heauen. we enter ye kingdome of heauē. This faith is a spiritual water, springing from Iesus Christ the fountayne of wisedome, wherein the soule of the sinner is washed from sinne. With this water were the faithfull Patriarches baptised before the lawe, and the faythfull people of the Hebrewes, and the faythful Christians after the law. Wherfore I greatly maruell of that saying in the decrees, which is ascribed vnto Augustine: that litle children that are not baptised, shal be tormented with eternall fire, although they were born of faithfull parents that wished them with all their hartes to haue bene baptised: as though the sacrament of Baptisme in water were simply necessary to saluation, when neuerthelesse many Christians are saued without this kinde of Baptisme, as Martirs. If that kinde of Sacrament be not necessary, to one of elder yeres, how thē is it necessary to an infant born of the faythfull? Are not all baptised with the holy Ghost and with fire? But yet not with materiall fire, no more is the lotion of water corporally necessary to washe awaye sinnes, but onely spirituall water, that is to say, the water of fayth. Are not the quicke baptised for them that are dead, as witnsseth Paule. 2. Corin. 15.2 Cor. 15. If the dead arise not at all why are the liuing then baptised for them? If the liuing be baptised for the dead? Why then is not the infant saued by the baptisme of his parentes: seeing the infant it selfe is impotent at the time of death, and not able to require baptisme? Christ sayth, he that beleueth and is baptised, shalbe saued.Iohn 12. He sayth not, he that is not baptised: but he that beleueth not shall be damned. Wherefore in the 12. chap. of Iohn, Christ sayth, I am the resurrection and lyfe, he that beleeueth in me, yea although he were dead, shall lyne. The faith therfore is necessary which the infāt hath in his faithfull parents, although he be not washed with corporall water. How then is the infant damned and tormēted with eternall fire? Were not they that were before the comming of Christ, and dead before his death by a thousande yeres saued also by his death and passion? All yt beleued in him, were baptised in his bloud, and so were saued and redemed from sinne and the bondage of the deuill, and made partakers of the kingdome of heauen. How then in ye time of grace, shall the infāt be damned that is borne of faythfull parents, that do not despise, but rather desire to haue theyr children baptised? I dare not consent to so hard a sentēce of the decrees: but rather beleue, that he is saued by vertue of the passion of Christ in fayth of his faythfull parentes, and the hope which they haue in Christ. Which fayth and hope are the keies of the heauenly kingdome. God were not iust and mercifull, if he would condemne a man that beleueth not in him, except he shewed vnto him the fayth which hee ought to beleeue. And therefore Christ sayth: If I had not come and spokē vnto them, sinne could not haue bene layd vnto theyr charge, but nowe they haue no excuse of sinne. Therfore seing the fayth of Christ is not manifest vnto the infāt departing before baptisme,Children departing before baptism [...] condemned. neither hath he denyed it: how thē shal he be damned for the same? But if God speaketh inwardly by way of illumination of the intelligēce of the infant, as he speaketh vnto Aungels: who then knoweth (saue God alone) whether the infant receiueth or not receiueth the fayth of Christ?

What is he therfore that so rashly dare take vpō him to iudge the infants begottē of faythfull parents, dying with out baptisme, to be tormēted with eternal fire? Now let vs cōsider the 3. thinges which ye canons of decrees affirme to be requisite for the remission of ye sinnes of those that sinne after baptisme: that is to say, contrition of hart, auricular confession, and satisfaction of the deed through penance enioyned by the priest for the sinnes cōmitted. I cannot finde in any place in the Gospel, where Christ commaūded that this kind of confession should be done vnto yt priest:Auriculer confession. nor I cannot find that Christ assigned any penance vnto sinners for theyr sinnes, but that he willed thē to sinne no more. If a sinner confesse that he hath offended God through sinne, & soroweth hartely for his offēces, minding no more hereafter to sinne: then is he truely repentaunt for his sinne, & then is he conuerted vnto the Lord. If he shall then hūbly [Page] and with good hope crane mercy at God & remission of his sinnes: what is he that can let God to absolue that sinner from his sinne? And as God absolueth a sinner from hys sinne, so hath Christ absolued many, although they confessed not theyr sinnes vnto the priests, and although they receiued not due penance for their sinnes. And if Christ could after yt maner once absolue sinners: how is he become now not able to absolue? Except some man wil say, that he is aboue Christ, and that his power is minished by ye ordinances of his own lawes? How were sinners absolued of god in the time of the Apostles, and alwayes heretofore, vnto y• time that these Canons were made? I speake not these thinges as though confession to priestes were wicked, but that it is not of necessity requisite vnto saluation. I beleeue verily that the confession of sinnes vnto good priestes, and likewise to other faythful Christiās, is good, as witnesseth S. Iames the Apostle:Iames 5. Cōfesse ye your selues one to another, & pray ye one for another, that ye may be saued: for the continuall prayer of the iust auayleth much. Helias was a man that suffered many things like vnto you, and he praid that it should not rayne vpon the earth, & it rayned not in 3. yeares & 6. monethes. And agayne he prayed, and it rayned from heauen, and the earth yelded forth her fruit. This kinde of confession is good, profitable and expedient: for if God peraduenture heareth not a mans own prayer, he is helped with the intercession of others: Yet neuerthelesse ye prayers of the priests seemeth to much to be extolled in the decrees, where it treateth of penitēce, and that saying is ascribed vnto Pope Leo. Cap. multiplex misericordia Dei. &c. And it followeth:De [...]eni [...]. [...] cap. multiplex misericordia dei. So is it ordeyned by the prouidence of Gods diuine wil, that ye mercy of God cannot be obteined but by the praier of ye priests. &c. The praier of a good priest doth much auayle a sinner confessing his faults vnto him. The counsel of a discreet priest is very profitable for a sinner, to geue the sinner counsell to beware herafter to sinne, and to instruct him how he shal punish his body by fasting by watching, and such like actes of repentance, that herafter he may be better preserued from sinne.

After this maner I esteme confessiō to priests very expedient and profitable to a sinner. But to cōfesse sinnes vnto the priest as vnto a iudge, & to receiue of him corporall penāce for a satisfaction vnto God for his sinnes committed, I see not how this can be founded vpō the truth of the scripture. For before the comming of Christ, no man was sufficient or able to make satisfactiō vnto God for his sins, although he suffred neuer so much penance for his sinnes. And therefore it was needefull, that he that was without sinne should be punished for sinnes, [...] 53. as witnesseth Isayas. chap. 53. where he sayth: he took our griefes vpon him, and our sorrowes he bare. And again: He was woūded for our iniquities, and vexed for our wickednes. And agayn: The Lord put vpon him our iniquity. And agayne: for the wickednes of my people haue I strikē him. It therfore, Christ through his passion hath made satisfaction for our sinnes, whereas we our selues were vnable to do it, then through him haue we grace & remission of sinnes. How can we say now, that we are sufficient to make satisfaction vnto God by any penance enioyned vnto vs by mans authority? seing that our sinnes are more greuous after Baptisme: thē they were before the comming of Christ. Therefore, as in Baptisme the payne of Christ in his passion was a full satisfaction for our sinnes: euen so after Baptisme if we confesse that we haue offended, & be harty sorry for our sinnes, and minde not to sinne agayne ofterwardes.

Iohn 1.Hereupon Iohn writeth in his first epistle. ca. 1. If we say we haue no sinne, we deceiue our selues, & the truth is not in vs. If we confesse our sinnes, God is faythfull and iust, he will remit them, and clense vs from all our iniquities. If we say we haue not sinned, we make him a lyar, and his word is not vs. My welbeloued children, this I write vnto you that ye sinne not: but if any man sinne, we haue an aduocate with the father Iesus Christ the righteous, and he is the propitiation for our sinnes, and not for our sinnes onely, but for ye sinnes of ye whole world. Therfore,Confession [...]to God. we ought to confesse our selues chiefly vnto God euen frō the hart, for that he chieflye doth remit sinnes, without whose absolution litle auaileth the absolutiō of man. This kinde of confession is profitable and good. The authors of the Canons say, that although auricular confession made vnto the Priest, be not expresly taught by Christ, yet, say they, [...]ticular confession [...]truely [...]ounded [...]on the [...]pture. [...]ke 17. it is taught in that saying, which Christ said vnto them diseased of the leprosy, whom he cōmaūded: Go your wayes, & shewe yourselues vnto the Priestes, because as they say, the law of clensing lepers, which was geuen by Moyses, signified the confession of sinnes vnto the Priest. And wheras Christ commaūded the lepers to shew themselues vnto the Priestes, they say that Christ ment, that those yt were vncleane with the leper of sinne, should shew theyr sinnes vnto the Priestes by auricular confession.The autors of the Canon law reproued. I maruell much at the authors of the Canons, for euen from the beginning of their decres vnto the end, they grounde theyr sayings vpō the old law, which was the law of sinne and death, and not (as witnesseth Paule) vpon the words of Christ, which are spirite & life. Christ sayth, the word [...]s which I speake vnto you, are ye spirit and life. They groū [...] theyr sayings in the shadow of the law, and not in the light of Christ. For euery euill doer hateth the light, & comm [...]th not into it, that his deeds be not reproued: but he that doth the truth, commeth into the light, that his workes may be openly sene,Iohn 3. because they are done in God. Joh. 3.

Now let vs passe to the words that Christ spake to the leper. Lord if thou wilt, thou canst make me clean. And Iesus stretching forth his hand, touched him, saying: I will, be thou cleane: and straight wayes he was cleansed of hys leper. And Iesus sayd vnto him: See thou tell no man, but go and shew thy selfe to the Priest, and offer the gyft that Moyses cōmaunded for a witnesse of these thinges.Luke 5. This Gospell witnesseth playnely that ye diseased of lepers were clensed onely by Christ, and not by the Priests, neither did Christ commaund the leper to shew himselfe vnto the priestes,The story of the leapers expounded to make [...]othing for [...]uticular confession. for any helpe of cleansing that he should receiue of the Priestes: but to fulfill the law of Moyses, in offering a sacrifice for his clensing, & for a testimony vnto the Priestes, who alwayes of enuy accused Christ as a transgressour of the law. For if Christ after he had clensed the leper, had licensed him to communicate with others that were cleane, before he had shewed himselfe clensed vnto the Priests, thē might the Priestes haue accused Christ, as a transgressour of the law: Because it was a precept of the law, that the leper after he was cleansed, shoulde shewe himselfe vnto the Priestes. And they had signes in the booke of law, whereby they might iudge whether he were truely clēsed or no. And if he were clensed, then would the Priestes offer a gift for his clensing.The clensing of the leprey, & the clensing of the priest in auric [...] lar confession agree not. And if he were not cleansed, then would they segregate him, frō the company of others that were cleane. Seing euery figure, ought to be assimuled vnto the thyng that is figured: I pray you then, what agreement is there betwene the clensing of lepers by the law, & the confession of sinnes? By that law the Priest knew better whether he were leprouse then he himselfe that had the leper. In cōfession the priest knew not the sinnes of him that was confessed, but by his owne confession. In that law the Priest did not clēse the leprouse: How now therfore ought the priests to clense sinners from their sinne, & that without thē they cannot be clensed? In this law ye Priest had certein signes, by the which he could certaynly know, whether a mā were clensed frō his leper or not. In confession, the Priest is not certaine of the clensing of sinnes, because he is ignoraunt of his contrition: He knoweth not also whether he will not sinne any more, without the which contrition and graunting to sinne no more, God hath not absolued any sinner. And if God hath not absolued a man, without doubt then is he not made cleane. And how then is confession figured vnder that law? Doubtlesse so it seemeth to me (vnder the correction of them that can iudge better in the matter) that this law beareth rather a figure of excommunication, & reconciliation of him, that hath bene obstinate in his sinne, & is reconciled agayne. For so it appeareth by the processe of the Gospell, that when as the sinner doth not amend for the priuate correction of his brother, nor for the correction of two or three, neither yet for the publick correction of the whole Church: Then is he to be counted as an Ethnike, & a Publicane & as a certayn Leper to be auoyded out of the company of all men. Which sinner notwithstanding, if hee shall yet repent, is then to be reconciled, because he is then clensed from his obstinacy.

But he which pretendeth himselfe to be the chiefe vicar of Christ,The popes power in absoluing from sinnes not founded in scripture. and the high Priest, sayth: that he hath power to absolue A poena & culpa: Which I doe not finde how it is founded in the scripture, but that of his owne authority, he enioyneth to sinners, penance for their sinnes. And graūt yt frō their sinnes he may well absolue them, yet frō the payn (which they call a poena) he doth not simply absolue,The pope can absolue none from punishment. as in his indulgences he promiseth. But if he were in charitye, and had such power, as he pretēdeth, he would suffer none to lie in Purgatory for sinne, forsomuch as that payn doth farre exceed all other payne which here we suffer. What mā is there being in charity, but if he see his brother to be tormēted in this world, if he may, he will helpe him, and deliuer him? Much more ought the Pope thē, to deliuer out of paynes of Purgatorye, indifferently as well rich as poore. And if he sel to the rich his indulgēces, double wife, yea triple wise he seduceth them. First in promising to deliuer thē out of the payne from whēce he doth not, neither is able to [Page] deliuer thē:The pope in his pardons deceaueth men 3. maner of wayes. And so maketh thē falsly to beleue that, which they ought not to beleue. Secōdly, he deceiueth thē of their mony, which he taketh for his indulgence. Thirdly, he seduceth them in this, that he promising to deliuer them frō payne, doth induce thē into greuous punishment in deed, for ye heresy of simony, which both of thē do cōmit, & therefore are worthy both of great payne to fall vpon thē: for so we read, that Iesus cast out buiers and sellers out of hys temple.The pope promising pardons for sinne induceth men to sinne in simony. Also Peter sayd vnto Symon ye first author of this heresy. Thy mony, sayd he, with thee be destroyed, for that thou hast thought, the gift of God to be possessed for mony. Moreouer, whereas Christ sayth, frely you haue receiued, frely geue, and whereas contrary the Pope doth sell that thing, which he hath taken: what doubt is there, but that he doth greuously deserue to be punished, both he that selleth, & he that buyeth, for the crime of simonye, which they commit. Ouer and besides, by many reasons and authorities of the Scripture it may be proued, that he doth not absolue a man, contrite for his sinne, although he doe absolue him from the guilt.

But this marueileth me, that he in his indulgēces promiseth to absolue men from all maner of deadly sinnes:Deadly sinne and debte. The pope saith, he can remitte the debte to God: And yet can not remitte the debte to mā. The pope harder to pardon a priest leauing his matters vnsaid, then for breaking the commaundemēt of God. Absolution to be sought at the handes of God onely. & yet cannot absolue a man from debt: forasmuch as the debt which we owe to god, is of much more greater importāce, then is the debt of our brother. Wherfore, if he be able to remitte the debt due to God, much more it should seme, that he is able to forgeue the debt of our brother.

An other thing there is, that I maruell at: for that the pope sheweth himselfe more strait in absoluing a priest for not saying, or negligently saying his mattens: thē for trāsgressing the commaundemēt of God: considering that the transgression of the cōmaundement of God, is much more greuous then the breach of mans commaundement.

For these and many other errours concurring, and in this matter of the Popes absolutiōs, blessed be God, & honor be vnto him for the remission of our sinnes And let vs firmely beleue and know, that he doth and wil absolue vs from our sinnes, if we be sory frō the bottome of our harts that we haue offended him hauing a good purpose and will to offend him no more. And let vs be bolde to resorte vnto good and discreet Priests, who with wholesome discretion and sound counsell can instruct vs, how to auoad the corruption of sinne hereafter. And which, because they are better then we, may pray to God for vs: whereby we may both obtayne more sooner the remission of our sinnes past,Ex regist. latíno Episc. Herford. and also may learne better how to auoyd the daunger of sinne to come. Ex Registro Latino Episc. Hereford.

Notes.¶ And thus much concerning the iudgement and doctrine of this Walter, for Christian patience, charity and mercy, which as they be true and infallible notes and markes of true Christianity, so the sayde Walter Brute making comparison herein betweene Christ and the Pope, goeth about purposely to declare and manifest, whereby all men may see, what contrariety there is betweene the rule of Christes teaching, and the proceedinges of the Pope: betweene the examples and life of the one, and the examples of the other. Of which two as one is altogether geuen to peace: so is the other on the contrary side as much disposed to wars, murder, and bloudshed, as is easy to be sene, who so looking not vpon the outward shewes and pretensed wordes of these Romishe Popes, but aduising and considering the inward practises, and secret works of them, shall easely espye, vnder their visour of peace what discord and debate they work. Who bearing outwardly the meek hornes of the Lambe mentioned in the Apocalippes, within doe beare the bowels of a Wolfe, full of crueltye, murder, and bloudshed which if any doe thinke to be spoken of me contumeliously, would God that man could proue as well the same to be spoken of me not truely. But trueth it is, I speake it sincerely, without affection of blinde partiality, according to the trueth of historyes both olde and new. Thus vnder in Dei nomine. Amen, how vnmercifully doeth the Pope condemne his brother: And while he pretendeth not to be lawfull for him to kill any man, what thousandes hath he killed of men? And likewise in this sentence, pretē ding, in visceribus Iesu Christi, as though he woulde be a mediatour to the magistrate for the party: yet in deed will he be sure to excommunicate the Magistrate, if he execute not the sentence geuen. Who be true heretiques, the Lord when he commeth shall iudge: but geue them [...]o be heretiques, whom he condemneth for heretiques. Yet what bowels of mercy is here, where is nothing, but burning, faggoting, drowning prisoning, chayning, famishing racking, hanging, tormenting, threatning, reuiling, cursing and oppressing, and no instructing, nor yet indifferent hearing of thē, what they can say. Examples declaring what warres hath bene stirred vp by popes The like cruelty also may in theyr warres appeare, if we consider how Pope Vrbane 5. beside the racking and murdering of 7. or 8. Cardinals, set vp Henry Spencer Bishoppe of Norwich to fight agaynst the French Pope. Innocentius 4. was in warre himselfe agaynst the Apulians. Likewise Alexander. 4. his sucessour stirred vp the sonne of king Henry 3. to fight agaynst the sonne of Fredericke. 2. Emperour, for Apulia. Boniface 8. moued Albertus (which stood to be Emperour) to driue Philip the frēch King out of his Realm Gregorius. 9 excited Ludouike the French king 3. sundry times, to mortall warre agaynst the Earle Raimundus and City of of Tholouse, and Auinion, where Lewes the sayd Frence king dyed. Honorius 3. by strength of warre many wayes resisted Fredericke 2. and sent out 35. Gallyes agaynst the coastes of the Emperours dominions. The same Pope also besieged Ferraria, to passe ouer the warre at Ticinum, with many other battayles and conflictes of Popes, agaynst the Romanes, Venetians, and diuers other nations. Innocentius 3. set vp Philip the French king to warre agaynst king Iohn. What stirre Pope Gregorye the 7. otherwise named Hildebrand, kept agaynst the Emperour Henricus 4. it is not vnknowne. And who is able to recite all the warres, battayles, and fieldes fought by the stirring vp of the Pope? These with many other like examples considered, did cause this Walter Brute to write in this matter so as he did, making yet thereof no vniuersall proposition: but that Christian Magistrates, in case of necessity, might make resistaunce, in defence of publique right. Now he procedeth further to other matter of the Sacrament.

Touching the matter (sayth he) of the Sacrament of the body and bloud of our Lord Iesus Christ,Iohn. 6. diuers men haue diuers opinions, as the learned do know As concerning my iudgemēt vpon the same, I firmely beleue whatsoeuer the lord Christ Iesus taught implicitely or expresly to his Disciples and faythfull people to be beleued: for he is (as I beleue and know) the true bread of God, whiche descended from heauen, and geueth life to the world. Of which bread whosoeuer eateth, shall liue for euer, as it is in the 6. of S. Iohn declared. Before the comming of christ in the flesh, although men did liue in body, yet in spirit they did not liue, because all men were then vnder sinne, whose soules therby were dead: from the which death, no man by law, nor with the law was iustified: for by the workes of the law shall no flesh be iustified. Galat. 2. And agayne in the same epistle cap. 3. that by the lawe no man is iustified before God it is manifest:Galath. [...]. Iustification by fayth and not by the law. for the iust man shall liue by his fayth, the law is not of fayth: but whosoeuer hath ye workes therof, shal liue in them. And agayn in ye same chap. If the law had bene geuen, which might haue iustified, then our righteousnesse had come by the law. But the scripture hath concluded all vnder sinne, that the promise might be sure by the fayth of Iesu Christ to all beleuers. Moreouer, before that fayth came, they were kept and concluded all vnder the law, vntill the comming of that fayth whiche was to be reuealed. For the law was our schoolemaister in Christ Iesu, that we should be iustified by fayth. Also the sayd Paul Rom. 5. sayth:Rom. 5. that the law entred in the meane time, whereby that sinne might more abound. Where then sinne hath more abounded there hath also grace superaboūded, that like as sinne hath raigned vnto death: so that grace might raigne also by righteousnes vnto eternal life, through Iesus Christ our Lord. Whereby it is manifest, that by the fayth which we haue in Christ, beleuing him to be the true sonne of God, which came downe from heauen to redeme vs from sinne: we are iustified from sinne, and so do liue by him, which is the true breade and meat of the soule. And the bread which Christ gaue, is his flesh geuen for the life of the world.Iohn. 6. Iohn. 6. For he being God, came downe from heauen, and being true carnall man, did suffer in the flesh for our sinnes, which in his diuinity he could not suffer.True eating of Christ, is true beleuing in him. Wherefore like as we beleue by our fayth that he is true God: so must we also beleue, that he is a true man. And then do we eate the bread of heauen, and the fleshe of Christ. And if we beleue that he did voluntarily shed hys bloud for our redemption, then do we drinke his bloud.

And thus, except we eate the flesh of the sonne of man, and shall drinke his bloud: we haue not eternall life in vs. Because the flesh of Christ verily is meate,Eating of the flesh of Christ what it is. and hys bloud is drinke in deed: and whosoeuer eateth the flesh of Christ and drinketh his bloud, abideth in Christ & Christ in him. Ioh. ca. 6. And as in this world yt soules of ye faythfull liue, and are refreshed spiritually with this heauenly bread, and with the flesh and bloud of christ: So in the world to come, the same shall liue eternally in heauen, refreshed with the deity of Iesus Christ, as touching the most principall part therof, that is to wit, intellectū: For as much as this bread of heauē, in that it is God, hath in it selfe all delectable pleasātnes. And as touching the intelligible powers of ye same (as well exteriour as interior) they are refreshed with the flesh (that is to say) with the humanitye of Iesus Christ: which is, as a queene standing on the right hand of God, decked wt a golden robe of diuers coulours: for this queen of heauen alone by the word of God, is exalted aboue the [Page] company of all the angels: that by her, all our corporal power intellectiue, may fully be refreshed as is our spirituall intelligence, with the beholding of ye deity of Iesus Christ, and euen as the Aungels, shall we be fully satisfied. And in the memory of this double refectiō, present in this world and in the world to come: hath Christ geuen vnto vs (for eternal blessednes) the Sacrament of his body and bloud, in the substaunce of breade and wine, as it appeareth in Mathew.Math. 26. chapter. 26. As the disciples sat at supper, Iesus tooke bread and blessed it, brake it, & gaue it vnto his disciples, and sayd: Take, eate, this is my bodye. And he tooke the cup, and thanked, and gaue it them, saying: Drinke ye all of this, this is my bloud of the new Testament, which shall be shed for many,Luke. 22. for ye remission of sinnes. And Luke in his Gospell chap. 22. or this matter thus writeth. And after he had taken the bread, he gaue thankes, he brake it, and gaue it vnto them, saying: Thys is my body whyche shall be geuen for you: doe you this in my remembraunce. In like maner he tooke the cup after supper, saying: Thys is the cup of the new testament in my bloud, which shall be shed for you. That Christ said, this is my body, in shewing to them the bread, I firmely beleue & know that it is true: That Christ (for so much as he is God) is the very trueth it selfe:This is my body, expoū ded. and by consequence, all that he sayth is true. And I beleue that the very same was his body, in such wise as he willed it to be his body: for in yt he is almighty, he hath done what so euer pleased him. And as in Cane of Galile, he chaunged the water into wine, really, so that after the transubstantiation it was wine and not water: so when he sayd,Note well gentle Reader. This is my body: If he would haue had the breade really to be transubstātiated into his very body, so that after this chaunging it should haue bene his naturall body, & not bread as it was before: I know, that it must needes haue beene so. But I finde not in the Scripture, that hys will was to haue any such reall transubstantiation or mutation.

And as the Lord God omnipotent in his perfectiō essential being the sonne of God, doth exceed the most purest creature, and yet when it pleased him, he took vpō him our nature, remaining really God as he was before, & was really made man: so yt after this assumpting of our substaūce he was really very God & very man: Euē so if he would, when he sayd: This is my body: He could make this to be his body really, the bread still really remayning as it was before. For lesse is ye difference of the essence, betwene bread and the body of a man, then betwene the deity & humanity: because that of the bread, is naturally made the body of a man. Of the bread is made bloud: of the bloud, naturall seede: and of naturall seede, the naturall substaunce of man is ingendred. But in that that God became man: This is an action supernatural. Wherefore he that could make one man to be very God and very mā: could if he would make one thing to be really very bread, & his very body. But I do not finde it expresly in the Scripture, that he would any such Identitye or coniunction to be made. And as Christ sayd,Bread by similitude. I am very bread, not chaunging his essence or being, into the essence or substaunce of bread: but was the sayde Christ, which he was before really, and yet bread by a similitude or figuratiue speech: So if he would, it might be, yt when he sayd: This is my body: That this should really haue bene the bread as it was before,Bread substantially, and the body Sacramentally. and Sacramentally or memorially to be his body. And this seemeth vnto me, most nearest to agree to the meaning of Christ, forasmuch as he said: do this in the remembraunce of me. Then for as much as in the supper it is manifest, that Christ gaue vnto his Disciples the bread of his body which he brake, to that intent to eat with theyr mouthes: in which bread, he gaue himselfe also vnto them as one in whō they should beleue (as to be the food of the soule) and by that fayth they should beleue him to be theyr sauior which tooke his body, wherein also he would it to be manifest, that he woulde redeeme them from death: So was the bread eaten with the Disciples mouthes, that he being the true breade of the soule, might be in spirite receiued and eaten spiritually, by theyr fayth, which beleued in him.

The bread which in the disciples mouthes was chewed, from the mouth passed to the stomacke: For as Christ saith:The bread which the Lord gaue entreth not into the bodies, but the body which he gaue entreth into the mindes of the disciples. whatsoeuer cōmeth to the mouth, goeth into the belly, & from thence into the priuy. Mathew. chap. 15. But that true and very bread of the soule, was eaten of the spirite of the Disciples, and by fayth entred theyr minds, and abode in their intralles through loue. And so the bread broken, semeth vnto me to be really ye meat of the body, & the bread which it was before: but Sacramentally to be the body of Christ, as Paule. 1. Cor. 10. The breade which we breake, is it not the participation of the body of the Lord? So, the bread which we breake, is the participation of the Lordes body.Paule calleth it materiall bread. And it is manifest, that the heauēly bread is not broken neither yet is subiect to such breaking: Therfore, Paul calleth the materiall bread, which is broken, the body of Christ which the faythfull are partakers of. The breade therfore chaungeth not his essence,Note reader. but is bread really, and is the body of Christ sacramentally. Euen as Christ is the very vine, abiding really and figuratiuely the vine: So, the temple of Ierusalem was really the materiall temple: & figuratiuely it was the body of Christ: Because he sayde, destroy you this temple, and in three dayes I will repayre the same agayne. And this spake he of the temple of his body, whereas others vnderstood it to be the materiall temple, as appeared by theyr answere: For sayd they 47. yeres hath this temple bene in building, and wilt thou build it vp in three dayes?

Euen so, may the consecrated bread be really bread as it was before, and yet figuratiuely the body of Christ. And if therfore, Christ would this bread to be only sacramentally his body and would not haue the same bread really to be transubstantiated into his body, & so ordeined his Priestes to make this Sacrament as a memoriall of his passion:The vayne prayer of the priestes at their Masse. Thē do the Priestes greuously offend, which besech Christ in their holy Masse, that the bread which lyeth vpon the aultar may be made really the body of Christ, if he woulde not haue the same to be but a Sacrament of his body. And then both be they greatly deceiued themselues, and also do greatly deceiue others. But whether the bread be really transubstantiated into the body of Christ, or is onely ye body of Christ sacramentally: No doubt, but that the people are maruellously deceiued.The people greatly deceued in the sacramēt. For the people beleue that they see the body of Christ, nay rather Christ himselfe betwene the handes of the Priestes (for so is the common othe they sweare.) By him whō I saw this day betwene the priestes hands. And the people beleue that they eat not the body of Christ but at Easter, or els when they lie vpon theyr death bed, and receiue with their bodely mouth the Sacrament of the body of Christ. But the body of Christ (admitte the bread be transubstantiated really into the body) is in the Sacrament, indiuisibiliter, that is, not able to be deuided, and so immensurabiliter, that is, not able to be measured: Ergo, inuisibiliter, that is, not able to be sene. To beleue therfore that he may be sene corporally in the Sacrament, is erroneous. And forasmuch as the body of Christ, is the souls food and not the food of the body in this world, for that whosoeuer beleueth, doth eat spiritually, and really, at any time when he so beleueth: It is manifest, that they doe greatlye erre which beleue that they eat not the body of Christ, but when they eat with theyr teeth the Sacrament of the body of Christ.

And although it should be to the great honor of priests that the bread really were chaūged into the body of christ,The priestes seeke their owne honor in their transubstātiatiō. by the vertue of the Sacramentall words pronounced: yet if Christ would not haue it to be so, then they desiring to do this contrary to the will of Christ, and informing the people, that is to be done, so contrary to the will of Christ: are in great peril, most daūgerously seducing both themselues and the people. And then, although that hereby they get a litle worldly and transitory honour for a short time: It is to be feared, least perpetual shame finally shall follow and insue vpon the same.Marke here ye good priestes. For Christ sayth, euery one that exalteth himselfe, shall be brought low. Let them therfore take heed, least they extolling themselues for this Sacrament, aboue the company of Angels which neuer sinned, for the errour which they be in, for euermore be placed with the sinnefull angels vnder the earth.

Let euery man therfore think lowly of himself in what state or degree soeuer he be, neither let him presume to doe that which he is not able to do: Neither desire to haue that thing done, which God would not haue done.

I greatlye maruell at those which were the makers of the Canons,The makers of the Canon law, contrary to thē selues. how variably & contrary one to another they write of this Sacrament of the body of Christ. In the last part of the decrees where this matter is touched: not only in the text, but also in the proces of the matter, diuers do diuersly write, and one contrary to another. For in the chapter that thus beginneth Prima inquit haeresis, it is thus written: You shall not eate this bodye which you see, nor shall drinke this bloud which they shall shed, which shall crucify me: I will commend vnto you a certayne Sacrament spiritually vnderstood yt quickneth you, for the flesh profiteth you nothing at all. And in the end of the same chapter, it is thus written: Till the world shall haue an end, the Lords place is in heauen: yet notwithstanding, the verity of the Lord is here abiding with vs.De consec. 2. cap. Prima quidem inquit. For the body wherwith he rose, ought to be in one place, but his verity is in euerye place diffused & spread abroad. And in ye chapter folowing which thus beginneth, Omnia quaecun (que) voluit. &c. it is [Page] written:De consec. dist. 2 cap. Omnia quaecunque voluit. Although the figure of the bread & wine seeme to be nothing: yet notwithstanding they must after y• wordes of consecration be beleued, to be none other thing then the very flesh of Christ and his bloud. Whereupon, the veritye himself said vnto his Disciples:Contrarietie in the popes Canons. This is sayth he, my flesh, which is geuen for the life of the world: and to speake yet more maruellously, this is none other flesh, thē that which was borne of the virgin Mary, & suffered vpon the crosse, and rose out of the sepulchre.

See how far this chapter differeth from the first. And in the chapter which beginneth Ego Berengarius. De consecrat. dist. 2. cap. Ego Berengarius. &c. This is the confession which Berengarius, himselfe cōfessed touching this Sacrament, and his confession is of the church allowed. I confesse (sayth Berengarius) that the bread and wine which is layd vpon the aultar after the consecration, is not onely a Sacrament: but also that it is the very body & bloud of our Lord Iesus Christ: And the same not onely sensually to be a Sacrament, but also verely to be handled with the Priestes hands and to be broken, and chewed with the teeth of faythfull men. This confession doubtlesse is hereticall:The recantation of Berengarius is hereticall. The Sacrament left by the priestes negligence to be eatē of a mouse returneth againe from body to bread. for why if the body of Christ be in the Sacrament, as of the Church it is so determined: it is there then Multiplicatiuè, and so indiuisibiliter, wherfore not sensualiter. And if it be there indiuisibiliter, that is, in such sort as it cannot be deuided or separated, then can it not be touched, felt, broken nor with the teeth of men chewed.

The writers of this time and age do affirme: that if by the negligence of the Priest, the Sacrament be so negligētly left, that a Mouse or any other beast or vermine eate the same: then they say, that the Sacrament returneth agayne into the nature and substaūce of bread. Wherby, they must nedes confesse, that a miracle is as wel wrought by ye negligence of the Priest, as first there was made by the consecration of the Priest in making the Sacrament. For either by the eating of the Mouse, the body of Christ is transubstantiated into the nature of bread, which is a transubstantiatiō supernaturall: Or els of nothing by creation is this bread produced. And therfore, either of these operations is miraculous & to be maruelled at. Now cōsidering the disagreing opinions of the Doctors, and for the absurdities which follow, I beleue with Paule, that the bread which we break, is the participation of the body of Christ: and as Christ sayth, that the bread is made the body of Christ for a memorial and remembraunce of him. And in such sort as Christ willed the same to be his body, in the same maner & sort do I beleue it to be his body.

But whether women may make the body of Christ, & minister vnto the people:Whether externall signes in a priest, be the signe of Antichrist or els be grounded vpon Christ. or whether that Priests be deuided frō the lay people, for their knowledge, preeminence, & sanctity of life, or els by externall signes onely: Also whether the signe of consure and other externall signes of holines in Priestes, be signes of Antichrist and his charecters, or els introduced & taught by our Lord Iesus Christ: consequently it remayneth next to speake of vnto the faythfull sort (according to the proces of the holy Scripture) first of the three kindes of the Priestes. I remember that I haue read, the first of them to be Aaronicall, legall, & temporall: The second to be eternall and regall according to the order of Melchisedech:Three orders or sortes of priestes. 1. Aaronicall.2 Eternall.3. Christian. The third to be a Christian. The first of these ceased at the comming of Christ: for that as S. Paule to the Hebrues sayth. The Priesthood of Aaron was trāslated to the Priesthood of the order of Melchisedech. The legall sort of Priestes of Aaron, were separate from the rest of the people, by kinred, office, and inheritance. By kinred, for that the children of Aaron onely were Priestes.Leuiticall priestes deuided from the people by kindred, office, and inheritance. By office, for that it onely pertayned to them to offer sacrifice, for the sinnes of the people, and to instruct the people in ye precepts and ceremonies of the law. By inheritaunce, because the Lord was their portiō of inheritaūce: neither had they any other inheritaunce amongest theyr brethren, but those thinges which were offered vnto the Lord, as the first fruits, parts of the sacrifices, and vowes, except places for their mansion houses for them and theirs, as appeareth by the processe of Moyses law. The Priesthood of Christ, did much differre from this Priesthood, as Paule doth witnes to the Hebrues chapter. 1.8.9.10.

The priesthoode of Christ differeth from the Leuiticall priesthoode, how and wherein. 1. In kindrede.2. In othe taking.3. In durabilitie.First, in kinred, because that our Lord & Sauiour Iesus Christ, came of the stocke and tribe of Iuda: of whiche tribe none had to do with the aultar and in which tribe nothing at all was spoken of the Priestes of Moses.

The second, for that other were made Priestes without their othe taken but he by an othe, by him which sayd: The Lord swore, and it shall not repent him: Thou art a Priest for euer according to the order of Melchisedech.

Thirdly, by durability, for that many of thē were made Priests but during the terme of their liues: but he for that he remaineth for euer, hath an eternall Priesthood. Wherfore he is able to saue vs for euer hauing by himself accesse vnto God, which euer liueth to make intercession for vs.

The law made also such men Priestes as had infirmities, but Sermo (that is, the word which according to the law is the eternall sonne and perfect) by an othe.

The Priesthood of Christ also did differ frō the Priesthood of Aaron and the law,4. In ma [...] of [...]. in the matter of the sacrifice: & in the place of sacrificing. In the matter of the sacrifice: because they did vse in theyr sacrifices straunge bodyes of the matter of their sacrifices, and did shed straūge bloud for the expiation of sinnes: But he, offering himself vnto God his father for vs, shed his owne bloud, for the remission of our sinnes.5. In place of sacrificing. In the place of sacrificing: because that they did offer theyr sacrifice in the tabernacle or temple: But Christ suffering death without the gates of the City, offered himselfe vpon the aultar of the crosse to God his father, & there shed his precious bloud. In his supping chamber also hee blessed the bread and cōsecrated the same for his body, & the wine which was in ye cup, he also cōsecrated for his bloud: deliuering the same to his Apostles to be done, for a commemoration and remembraunce of his incarnation & passion. Neither did Iesus enter into the sāctuary made with mans hands, which be examples & figures of true things: but entred into heauē it selfe, that he might appeare before the maiesty of God for vs. Neither doth he offer himself oftētimes, as the chief priest in the sanctuary did euery yeare with straunge bloud (for then should he often times haue suffered from the beginning) but now once for all, in ye latter end of the world, to destroy sinne by his peace offering, hath he entred. And euen as it is decreed, that mā once shal dye and then commeth the iudgement: so Christ hath bene once offered to take away the sinnes of many. The second time he shall appeare without sinne to them that looke for him, to their saluation. For the lawe hauing a shadowe of good thinges to come, can neuer by the Image it selfe of thinges (which euery yeare without ceasing they offer by such sacrifices) make those perfect that come therunto, for otherwise that offering should haue ceased:The law bringeth none to perfection. Because that such worshippers being once cleansed from theyr sinnes, should haue no more conscience of sinne. But in these, commemoratiō is made euery yere of sinne: for it is impossible that by the bloud of Goates and Calues, sinnes should be purged and taken away. Therfore comming into ye world he sayd: Sacrifice and oblation thou wouldst not haue, but a body hast thou geuen me, peace offeringes for sinne haue not pleased thee: Then sayd I, behold I come. In the volume of the booke it is written of me, that I should doe thy will O God: Saying as aboue, because thou wouldest haue no sacrifices, nor burnt offeringes for sinne, neyther doest thou take pleasure in those things that are offered according to ye law. Then sayd I, behold I come, that I may doe thy will O God. He taketh away the first, to stablishe that which followeth. In which will, we are sanctified by the oblation of the body of Iesus Christ, once for all. And euery priest is ready dayly ministring, and oftentimes affering like sacrifices, which can neuer take away sinnes. But this Iesus offering one sacrifice for sinne, sitteth for euermore on the right hand of God, expecting the time tyll his enemies be made his footstoole. For by his owne onely oblation, hath he consummated for euermore those that are sanctified.

All these places haue I recited which Paule writeth, for the better vnderstanding and declaration of those thinges I meane to speak.The priesthoode of Christ differeth from all other priesthood. The third priesthoode. The name of Sacerdos or priest not vsed in the new Testament of Christ. By all which it appeareth manifestly, how the Priesthood of Christ, differeth from the legall priesthood of Aaron: and by the same also appeareth, how the same differeth from all other priesthood Christian, that immitateth Christ. For the properties of the priesthood of Christ aboue recited, are founde in no other Priest, but in Christ alone. Of the third priesthood, that is, the Christian priesthood: Christ by expresse wordes speaketh but litle, to make any difference betwene the priests and the rest of the people, neither yet doth vse this name of Sacerdos or praesbiter in ye Gospell. But some he calleth disciples, some apostels, whom he sent to baptise & to preach, & in his name to do miracles. He calleth them ye salt of the earth, in which ye name of wisedome is ment: and he calleth them the light of the world, by which, good liuing is signified. For he sayth, So let your light so shine before mē, that they may see your good workes, and glorify your father which is in heauen. And Paule speaking of the Priestes to Timothe,The fourthe priesthoode, which is the Romane priesthoode. and Titus, seemeth not to mee to make any diuersity betwixt the Priestes and the other people, but in that he woulde haue them to surmount other in knowledge and perfection of life. But the fourth priesthood, is the Romaine priesthood, brought in by the Church of Rome: which Churche maketh a distinction betwene the clergy and the lay people: & [Page] after that the clergy is deuided into sundry degrees, as appeareth in the decretals.

This distinction of the clergy from the laitye, with the consure of clerkes, began in the time of * Anacletus, as it doth appeare in the Chronicles. The degrees of the clergy were afterward inuedted & distincted by their offices, and there was no ascentiō to the degree of the priesthood, but by inferior orders and degrees. But in the primitiue churche it was not so: for immediately after tht conuersion of some of thē to the fayth & baptisme receiued: they were priests & bishops made, as appeareth by Ananias, whom Marcus made of a taylor or shomaker, to be a bishop. And of many others it was in like case done, according to the traditions of the church of Rome. Priests are ordeined to offer sacrifices, to make supplication and prayers, and to blesse & sanctify. The oblation of the priesthood,The office of priestes after the popes order. onely to Priestes (as they say) is congruent: whose duties are, vpon the aultar to offer for the sinnes of the people the Lords body, which is cōsecrated of bread. Of which saying I haue great maruell, considering S. Paule his wordes to the Hebrues before recited. If Christ offering for our sinnes one oblation for euermore, sitteth on the right hand of God, and wyth that one oblation hath cōsūmated for euermore, those that are sanctified?The body of Christ not left to be a sacrifice for sinne, but onely for a Sacrament. If Christ euermore sitteth on the right hand of God, to make intercession for vs, what neede he to leaue here any sacrifice for our sinnes, of the Priestes to be dayly offered? I do not finde in the scriptures of God nor of his Apostles, that the body of Christ ought to be made a sacrifice for sinne: but onely as a Sacrament and commemoration of the sacrifice passed, whiche Christ offered vpon the aultar of the crosse for our sinnes. For it is an absurditye to say, that Christ is now euery day really offered as a sacrifice vpon the aultar by the Priestes: for then the Priestes should really crucify him vpō the aultar, which is a thing of no Christian to be beleeued. But euen as in his supper, his body & his bloud he deliuered to his Disciples, in memorial of his body that should be crucified on the morrow for our sinnes: So after his ascētion, did his Apostles vse the same (when they brake bread in euery house) for a Sacramēt, and not for a sacrifice, of the body and bloud of our Lord Iesus Christ. And by this meanes were they put in remembraunce of the great loue of Christ, who so entirelye loued vs, that willinglye he suffered the death for vs, & for the remission of our sinnes. And thus did they offer thēselues to God by loue, being ready to suffer death for the confession of his name, and for the sauing health of theyr brethren fulfilling the new commaundement of Christ, which sayd vnto them: A new cōmaūdement do I geue vnto you that you loue one another, as I haue loued you. But whē loue began to waxe cold or rather to be frosen for cold, thorow the anguish & anxiety of persecution for the name of Christ:How the memoriall of the sacrament came to the realtie of the sacrifice it selfe. then Priests did vse the flesh and bloud of Christ, in [...]tad of a sacrifice. And because many of them feared death, some of them fled into solitarye places, not daring to geue themselues a sacrifice by death vnto God through the confession of his name, & sauing health of theyr brethrē: Some other worshipped Idols fearing death, as did also ye chiefe Bishop of Rome, and many other mo in diuers places of the world. And thus it came to passe, as that which was ordeined and instituted for a memoriall of the one & onely sacrifice, was altered (for want of loue) into the realitye of the sacrifice it selfe.

¶ After these thinges thus discussed, he inferreth consequently vpon the same, an other briefe tractation of women and laye men, whether in defect of the other, they may exercise the action of praier, and administration of Sacraments belonging to Priests: wherein he declareth the vse receiued in the Popes Churche, for women to Raptise, which, sayth he, cannot be without remission of sinnes, wherefore seeing that women haue power by the Pope to remit sinne, and to baptise, why may they not aswell be admitted to minister the Lordes Supper, in like case of necessity? Wherin also he maketh relation of Pope Iohn. 8. a woman Pope, mouing certayne Questions of her. All whiche for breuitye I pretermitte, proceeding to the ministration of prayer, and blessing or sanctification, appropriate to the office of Priestes as followeth.

The order and office of prayer. The Lordes prayer.Furthermore, as touching the fūction & office of praying and blessing, whereunto Priestes seme to be ordeined (to omitte here the question whether women may pray in Churches, in lacke of other meete persons) it remayneth now also to prosecute. Christ being desired of his Disciples to teach them to pray, gaue them the common prayer both to men and women, to the which prayer in my estimation, no other is to be compared. For in that first, the whole honor due vnto the deity is comprehended. Secondly, whatsoeuer is necessary for vs,Math. 6. both for the time present, or past, or for time to come, is there desired & praid for. He informeth vs besides to pray secretly, and also briefly: secretly to enter into our close chāber, and there in secrecy he willeth vs to pray vnto his father. And sayth moreouer, when ye pray,The a [...]tes of Necromancie, Southsaying & with craftes, how & frō whō they came. vse not much babling, or many words as doth ye heathen. For they thinke in their long and prolixe praying to be heard. Therfore be you not like to thē. By the which doctrine he calleth vs away frō the errors of the healthē Gentils: frō whom proceed these superstitious maner of actes (or rather of ignoraunces) as Necromancy, the art of diuinatiō, & other spises of coniuratiō, not vnknown to them, that be learned: for these Necromansers beleue, one place to be of greater vertue then an other, there to be heard sooner, then in an other. Like as Balaam being hyred to curse ye people of God, by his arte of southsaying, or cherming, when he could not accomplish his purpose in one place, he remoued to an other, but he in ye end, was deceiued of hys desire. For he intending first to curse them, was not able to accurse thē whom the Lord blessed, so that his curse coulde not hurt any of all yt people. After like sort the Nicromancers turne theyr face to the East, as to a place more apt for theyr prayers. Also ye Necromāsers beleue, that the vertue of ye words of the prayer, & the curiosity therof, causeth thē to bring to ye effect, which they seek after, which is also another poynt of infidelity, vsed much of Charmers, Sorcerers, Inchaūters,Against exorcising of Priestes. Southsayers & such like. Out of ye same arte (I feare) proceedeth the practise of exorcising, wherby deuils & spirits be coniured to do that, wherunto they are inforced by the Exorcist. Also wherby other creatures likewise are exorcised or coniured, so that by the vertue of their exorcisme, they may haue theyr power and strength exceeding all naturall operation.

In the Church of Rome,Coniuring or halowing in the popish church. many such exorcismes & coniurations be practised, & are called of them benedictions, or halowings. But here I aske of these Exorcisers, whether they beleue the thinges and creatures so exorcised and halowed, haue that operation and efficacy geuē them, which they pretēd?Holy water coniured. If they so beleue, euery child may see that they are farre beguiled. For holy water being of them exorcised or cōiured: hath no such power in it, neither cā haue which they in theyr exorcisme do cōmaund. For there they inioyn and commaund, that whersoeuer that water is sprinckled, all vexatiō or infestatiō of the vnclean spirit, should auoid, and that no pestilēt spirit there should abide. &c. But most playn it is, that no water, be it neuer so holy, can haue any such power so to do, as it is commaunded, to wit, to be an vniuersall remedy to expell all diseases.

This I woulde aske of these Exorcistes:Exorcistae. whether in theyr commaunding, they do coniure or adiure the thinges conuired, to be of an higher vertue and operation, thē their own nature doth geue: Or els whether they in their prayers desire of God,The absurditie & abhominatiō in the popish exorcismes detected. that he wil infude into them that vertue, which they require? If they in theyr commaunding doe so beleue, thē do they beleue that they haue that power in thē to the which the inferior power of the thing exorcised must obey, in receiuing that which is commaunded. And so doing, are much more deceiued, forasmuch as they see themselues, that they which are so authorised to the office of exorcising, say to the deuill being coniured: Go, & he goeth not: And to an other come, and he cōmeth not, & many thinges els they commaūd the inferior spirite their subiect, to do, & he doth not. So in like case, when they pray to God to make the water to be of such vertue, that it may be to them health of mind and body, and that it may be able to expulse euery vncleane spirit,Where was the popes holy water then in the great pestilence in the tyme of K. Edward. 3. & to chase away all maner of distemperature and pestilence of the ayre (being an vnreasonable petition asked, & sore displeasing to God) it is to be feared least theyr benediction, their halowing & blessing is chaū ged into cursing, according to that saying that followeth. And now O you priests, I haue a message to say vnto you: If you will not heare and beare well away in your mindes, to geue the glory vnto my name sayth the Lord God of hostes, I will send scarcety amongest you, and I wyll curse your blessings. What things and how many are blessed, or halowed in the Churche, that in halowing thereof displease God, and are accursed? And therfore according to the saying of S. Iames,Iames. 4. they aske & are not heard, because the aske not as they should, that they in theyr owne dsires may perish, Let a man beholde the blessing or halowing of their fire, water, incense, waxe, bread, wine, the church, the aultar the Churchyard, ashes, belies, copes, pallmes, oile, candles, salt, the hallowing of the ring, the bed, the staffe, & of many such like things:Remish coniurers. & I beleue that a man shall find out many errors of the hethē Magicians, Witches, southsayers and charmers. And notwithstanding the auncient and old Magicians in their bookes, commaund those that [Page] be coniurers that they in any wise liue deuoutly (for otherwise as they say the spirites will not obey their cōmaūdements, and coniuratiōs) yet the Romane cōiurers do impute it to the vertue of the holy wordes, because they be they, which worke, and not the holynes of the coniurers. How commeth it to passe that they say, the thinges consecrated of a cursed and vicious Iauell, should haue so great vertue in pronouncing (as they say) the holy and misticall words: as if they were pronoūced of a Priest neuer so holy. But I maruell that they say so,The good lyfe of a priest, a great matter to deale in Gods matters. reading this saying in the Actes of the Apostles: because the charmers pronouncing the name of Iesus (that is aboue all names) would haue healed those that were possessed with deuils, and sayd. In the name of Iesus whom Paul preacheth, go ye out of the men. And the possessed with deuils aunswered, Iesus we know, and Paule we know, but what are ye: and they all to be beat the coniurers.

And now considering this and many such like things, I maruell wherfore the vicious Priests, do sell theyr praiers and blessings dearer (as also theyr Masses & Trentals of Masses) then those that be deuout lay mē, and holy women: which with all theyr hart desire do flee from vices, & take hold of vertue. For as much as God in diuers places of the Scripture doth promise, that he will not heare sinners & wicked persons: Neither should he seme to be iust, if he should sooner heare the praiers of his enemies, then of his faythfull frend. How I pray you shall a sinneful priest deliuer an other man from sinne by his prayers, or els frō the punishment of sinne: whē he is not able to deliuer him selfe by his prayer frō sinne? What then doth God so much accept in the Masse of a vicious Priest:The prayer of a vitious priest, little anay leth before God. that for his masse, his prayer or oblatiō, he might deliuer any man either frō sinne, or from the payne due for sinne? No, but for that that Christ hath once offered himselfe for our sinnes, & now sitteth on the right hand of God the father, alwayes shewing vnto him what and how great things he hath suffered for vs. And euery priest alwayes maketh mētion in his masse of this oblation: Neither do we this, that we might bring the same oblation into the remembraunce of God: because that he alwayes in his presence seeth the same.Remembraunce of Christes passion, needeth not to God, but to man. But that we should haue in remēbraunce this so great loue of God, that he would geue his own sonne to death for our sinnes, that he might clense & purify vs frō all our sinnes. What doth it please God, that the remembraunce of so great loue is made by a prest, which more loueth sinne then God? Or how can any prayer of such a priest please God, in what holy place soeuer he be, or what holy vestimēts soeuer he put on, or what holy prayers soeuer he maketh? And where as Christ and his Apostles do cōmaund the preaching of the word of God:Priestes more bound to lay Masse cōmaded by man: then to preaching commāded of God. Spirituall fornication. the Priests be now more bound to celebrate the Masse, and more straitly bound to say the Canonicall houres: whereat I cannot but greatly maruell. For why, to obey the precepts of men, more then the cōmaūdements of God, is in effect to honor mā as God, and to bestow the sacrifice vpon man, which is due vnto God, and this is also spirituall fornication. How therfore are Priests bound at the commaundement of man to leaue the preaching of ye word of God, at whose cōmaundemēt they are not bound to leaue the celebration of the Masse, or singing of Matines? Therefore as it seemeth, Priestes ought not at the commaundement of any man to leaue the preaching of the word of God, vnto the which they are boūd both by diuine and Apostolicall preceptes. With whom agreeth the writing of Hierome vpon the Decretals,Ieronymus. saying in this wise: Let none of the Bishops swell with the enuy of deuilishe temptation, let none be angry, if the Priestes do sometime exhort the people, if they preach in theyr Church. &c. for to him that forbiddeth me these thinges I will say, that he is vnwilling that Priestes should do those thinges, which be commaunded of God. What thing is there aboue Christ? or what may be preferred before his body and his bloud &c.

Whether priests may bargen to sing for soules departed.Do Priestes therfore sinne or not, which bargayne for mony to pray for the soule of any dead man? It is well knowne that Iesus did whip those that were buyers and sellers out of the tēple, saying: My house shalbe called the house of prayer, but you haue made the same adenne of theenes. Truely he cast not out such Marchaunts frō out of the Church, but because of theyr sinnes. Wherupon Hierome vpon this text sayth. Let the Priests be diligent and take good heede in this Churche,Ieronymus. that they turne not the house of God into a den of theeues. He doubtles is a theef which seeketh gayne by Religion, & by a shew of holynes studieth to finde occasion of marchaundise. Hereupon, the holy Canons do make accursed, Symoniacal heresy, & doe commaund that those should be depriued of the priesthood, which for the passing or maruelous spiritual grace, do seek gayne or monye. Peter the Apostle sayde to Symon Magus, Let thy mony and thou go both to the deuill, whiche thinkest that the giftes of God may be bought for money. Therefore, the spirituall gyftes of God ought not to bee solde.

Uerely prayer is the spirituall gift of God, as is also ye preaching of ye word of God,Selling of prayer abhominable. or the saying on of handes, or the administration of other Sacramentes. Christ sending forth his Disciples to preach, sayd vnto them: Heale ye the sicke, cast out deuils, rayse the dead, freely haue ye receiued freely geue ye agayne. If the Priestes haue power by theyr prayers to deliuer soules being in Purgatory, from greeuous paynes: without doubt, he hath receiued that power freely from God. How therefore can he sell his act, vnlesse he resist the commaundementes of God, of whom he hath receiued that authoritye? This truly cannot be done without sinne, which is agaynst the commaundement of God.

How playnly spake Christ to the Pharisies, & Priests saying, wo be vnto you Scribes & Pharisies hypocrites, because ye haue eaten the whole houses, of such as be wydowes, by making long praiers, and therfore haue you receiued greater dānation. Wherin I pray you do our Pharisies and Priestes differ from them?Religious men and women, deuourers of wydowes houses. Praying for soules in Purgatory. Do not our Priestes deuour widowes houses and possessions, that by their lōg prayers they might deliuer the soules of their husbāds frō the greuous paynes of purgatory? How many Lordships I pray you, haue bene bestowed vpon the religious mē & womē to pray for the dead, that they by their prayer might deliuer those dead men from the payne (as they sayd) that they suffer in purgatory, greuously tormented and vexed? If theyr prayers and speaking of holy words, shall not be able to deliuer themselues frō payn,Euil gotten lādes as euil bestowed, for praying for soules in Purgatory. vnlesse they haue good works: How shall other men be deliuered from payne, by their praiers, which whilest they liued here, they gaue ouer themselues to sinne? Yea peraduētUre those Lordships or landes which they gaue vnto the priestes to pray for them, they themselues haue gotten by might from other faythful men, vniust, and violently. And the Canous doe say, that sinne is not forgeuē, till ye thing taken away wrōgfully, be restored. How thē shal they be able (which do vniustly possesse such Lordshippes or landes) to deliuer them by theyr prayers from payne, which haue geuen to them these lordships or landes, seing God from the beginning hath hated all extortion in his burnt sacrifices? Not euerye one that sayth vnto me Lord, Lord, shal enter into the kingdome of heauen: but he which doth the will of my father which is in heauē.Bying and sellyng of prayers in the Popes Church. Bying and selling of pardons. Parsō, place, apparell, curiositie or eloquence of prayer not regarded of God. And agayne, not the hearers of the law, but the doers of the law shall be iustified.

If therefore the words of him that prayth, do not deliuer himselfe from sinne, nor frō the payne of sinne: how do they deliuer other men from sinne or frō the payne of sinne when no man prayth more earnestly for an other man thē for himselfe? Therfore many are deceiued in buying or selling of prayers, as in ye buying of pardons that they might be deliuered from payne: whē as commonly they pay dearer for the prayers of the proud & vicious prelates, thēfor the prayers of deuout women and deuout men of the laye people. But out of doubt, God doth not regard the person of him that prayth, neither the place in which he praith, nor his apparell, nor the curiousnes of his prayer, but ye humility and godlye affection of him that prayeth.The prayer of the pharisie and of the Publicāe cōpared. Did not the Pharisy and the Publican goe vp into the temple to pray? The Publicans prayer for his humility and godly affection is heard. But the Pharisies prayer for his pride & arrogancy is contempned. Cōsider that neither the person, nor the place, nor ye state, nor the curiousnes of his prayer doth helpe the Pharisye: Because the Publicane not thinking himselfe worthy to lift vp his eies vnto heauen, for ye multitude of his sinnes, saying (O God be mercifull vnto me a sinner) is iustified dy his humility, and his praier is heart. But the Pharisy boasting in his righteousnes is despised, because God thrusteth downe the proud, and exalteth the humble and those that be meek. The rich glotton also, that was clothed with purple and silke, & fared euery day daintely, prayd vnto Abraham, and is not heard, but is buryed in paynes and torments of hell fire. But Lazarus whiche lay begging at his gate (being full of sores) is placed in the bosome of Abraham. Behold yt neither the riches of his apparell, nor the deliciousnesse of his banquets, or the gorgiousnes of his estate, neither the aboundance of his riches, doth helpe any thing to prefer the prayers or petitiōs of the rich glotten, nor yet diminishe his tormentes, because that mighty men in their mightines shal suffer torments mightely. How dare any man by cōposition demaund or receiue any thing of an other man for his prayers?Prayer that doth more for money then for charitie disproued. If he beleue yt he can by his praier deliuer his brother frō greuous paine, he is boūd by charity to relieue his brother with his prayers although he be not hired thereunto, but and if he will [Page] not pray vnles he be hyred, thē hath he no loue at al. What therfore helpeth his prayer, which abideth not in charitie? Therfore let him first take compassion of himselfe by praier, that he may come into charitie, and then he shalbee the better able to helpe others. If he beleeue not, or yt he standeth in doubt to be able to deliuer his brother by his praier: wherfore doth he make with him an assured bargayn, & taketh his mony, and yet knoweth not whether he shall relieue him euer a whit the more or not, from his paine? I feare least the words of the Prophet are fulfilled, saying: From the least to the most al mē applye themselues to couetousnes, and from the Prophet to the Priest all woorke deceitfully. For the poore priests excuse themselues, of such bargaining and selling of their praiers, saying: The yong cock learneth to crow of the olde cocke. For sayeth he, thou maist see that the Pope himselfe in stalling of Bishops & Abbots,Selling of pardons. Selling of orders. Selling of church halowinges. Selling of discipline. Selling of fraternitie. Selling of Ditiges, yere mindes, confessions, weddinges, buriynges. Selling of Sermons. &c. taketh the first frutes: In ye placing or bestowing of benefices, he alwaies taketh somwhat, & specially if the benefices be great. Also he selleth pardōs or bulles, and to speake more plaine, he taketh mony for them. Bishops in geuing orders, in hallowing churches & churchyards, do take mony: In ecclesiastical correction they take mony for the mitigation of penance: In the greuous offences of cō uict persons, mony is required, & caused to be payed, Abbots, Monkes, & other religious men that haue possessiō, wil receiue no mā into their fraternitie, or make thē partakers of their spiritual suffrages, vnles he bestow somewhat vpon them, or promise them somewhat. Curates & vicars hauing sufficient liuings, by the tithes of their paryshioners, yet in dirges and yeares myndes, in hearing confessions, in weddinges & buryings, do require & haue money. The Fryers also of the fower orders of beggers, which think thēselues to be the most perfitest men of the Church, do take mony for their praiers, confessions, & buryings of the dead: and when they preach, they beleue that they shal haue eyther money or some other thyng worthy money. Wherfore then be the poore priests blamed? ought not they to bee held excused, although they take money for their praiers by cōpositiō? Truly (me thinketh) that this excuse by other mens sins, doth not excuse thē: forasmuch, as to heap one mischief vpon anothers head, is no sufficiēt discharge. I would to God that al the buyers & sellers of spiritual suffrages,Example to be taken by the fall of Babylon. would with the eyes of their harte beholde the ruine of the great Citie, and the fall of Babylon, and that which they shall saye after that fall. Doth not the Prophet say: And the merchaunts of the earth shall weepe and mourne for her, because no man shall buy anye more their marchandise, that is, their marchandise of gold and siluer, and of precious stone and of pearle, and of silke and purple: And again he sayth. And the marchaunts which were made riche by her, shall stand alouse for feare of her tormentes, weeping, mourning, and saying, Alas, Alas, that Citie Babylon; that great Citie whych was woont to weare purple, whitesilke, crim sin, gold, pearle, and precious stone, because that in one hour al those ryches are come to nought: And agayne: And they cast dust vppon their heads and cryed out weping and mourning and saying, Alas, Alas, that great and mightie Citie Babilon, by whom al such as had shippes vpon the sea were made riche by her rewards: Because that in one houre she is become desolate.

This Babilon, this great Citie, is the Citie of Rome, as it appeareth by the processe of the Apostle.The citie of Rome, Babilon Apoc. 18 Because the aungel which shewed vnto Saint Iohn the destructiō of the mightie harlot sitting vpon many waters, with whō the kinges of the earth haue committed fornication, and al they which dwell vpon the earth are made dronke with ye wyne of her whoredome, sayd vnto him: And the woman which thou sawest, is the great citie which hath dominion aboue kings &c. And in dede in ye daies of Saint Iohn the whole world was subiect to the temporall Empire of the Citie of Rome, and afterwardes it was subiect to the spiritual Empire or dominion of the same. But touching the temporal gouernment of the City of Rome,The temporall dominiō of the citie of Rome. it is fallen alreadye: and so that the other also, for the multitude of her spiritual fornicatiōs shal fall. The Emperours of this city gaue themselues to Idolatry, and would haue that mē should honour them as Gods,The spirituall dominiō of the citie of Rome. & put al those to death that refused such idolatry, & by the cruelty of their torments, al infidels gate the vpper hand.

Hereupon, by the image of Nabuchodonosor, ye empire of the Romaines is likened to yron, which beateth together, and hath the mastery of all mortals. And in the visiō of Daniel, wherein he saw the foure windes of heauen to fight in the mayne sea, and fower great beastes comming out of the sea:The fourth beast in the prophesie of Daniel meaneth Rome. The kingdom of the Romaynes is lykened to the fourth terrible and maruelous beast, the which had great yron teeth: eating & destroying, and treading the rest vnder his feete: & this beast had ten horues, & as Danyell sayth, he shall speake words agaynst the most highest, and shall teare with his teeth the Saynts of the most highest: and he shall thinke, that he may be able to chaunge times and lawes, and they shall be delyuered into hys power, vntill a tyme, tymes, and halfe a time. In the Apocalips, Saine Iohn sawe a beast comming out of the sea, hauyng 7. heads and 10. hornes, and power was geuen to hym to make monthes 42.The beast with 7. heades in the A poc. signifieth Rome. So long time endured the Empire of the Romaynes, that is to say, from the beginning of Iulius Cesar, which was the first Emperor of ye Romains, vnto the ende of Fridericus, whych was the last Emperour of the Romaines. Under this empire Christ suffred, & other Martirs also suffred for his name sake. And here is fallen Rome as Babylon (which is all one) accordyng to the maner of speakyng in the Apocalips as touchynge the temporal and corporal power of gouerning. And thus shall she fall, also touchynge the spirituall power of gouerning, for the multitude of the iniquities and spirituall fornication and merchaundise that are committed by her in the Church.

The feete of ye image which Nabuchodonezor saw,The feete of the Image in the dreame of Nabuchodonozar signifieth Rome dyd betoken the Empire of Rome, & part of them were of yron, and part of clay & earth. The part that was of yron fell, and ye power therof vanished away, because ye power therof was at an end after certaine monthes. That part of clay and earth yet endureth, but it shal vanish away by the testimony of the Prophets: whereupon saint Iohn in the Apocalips: After that, he sawe the part made of yron rising out of the sea, to which eche people, tribe, and tong submitted themselues. And he saw an other beast cōmyng out of the earth, which had two hornes, like to the hornes of a Lambe, and he spake like a Dragon, and he vanquyshed the first beast in his sight.

This beast as seemeth me, doth betoken the claye and earthē part of the feete of ye image,The beast with two hornes lyke the Lambe, signifieth the spirituall dominion of Rome. because hee came out of ye earth. For ye by terrene helpe he is made the high & chief priest of the Romaines, in the church of Christ, & so from alow he ascended on hygh. But Christ from heauen descended, because that he which was God & author of euery creature became man: and he that was Lord of Lords, was made in the shape of a seruant. And although that in the heauens the company of angels minister vnto him, he himselfe ministred or serued in earth, that he might teache vs humilitie, by which a man ascendeth into heauen, euen as by pride a man goeth downe into the bottomlesse pyt. This beast hath two hornes most like a Lambe, because yt he chalengeth to himselfe both ye priestlye & kingly power, aboue al other here in earth. The Lambe that is Chryst which is a king for euer vpō ye kingly seat of Dauid, & he is a Priest for euer after ye order of Melchisedech: but hys kingdome is not of this world, but the kingdome of thys beast is of this world, because those yt be vnder him, fyght for him. And as Iesus is Christ two maner of waies, because that Christus is as much to say as Vnctus. Iesus is Christ two maner of wayes, as King and priest. He verelye was annoynted king, & annointed priest: so this beast saieth that he is chiefe king & priest. Wherefore doth he call himselfe Christ? because that Chryst knowing that afore, sayd: Many shal come in my name, saying, I am Chryst, and shall decyue many. And thus because that he is both king & priest, he chalengeth to himselfe the double sworde, that is the corporall sword and the spirituall sworde. The corporal sword is in his right hand, and ye spiritual sword is in his right eye, by the testimony of Zachary. But hee speaketh subtilly like a Dragon,The double sword of the Pope. because that by the testymony of Christ he shal deceiue many, as the Apoc. witnesseth. He did great wonders, that also he might make more fire to come from heauen into the earth in the sight of mē, that he might deceiue those that dwel vpon the earth, because of the wonders that are permitted hym to do in the sight of the beast, & hee ouercame the first beast which ascended out of the sea. For that beast challenged vnto himself authoritie of gouernment of yt whole worlde. He hath put to death & tormented those that resist his commaundements, and would be honored as a God vpon the earth. The byshop of Rome sayth, that yt whole world ought to be in subiectiō vnto him, those that be disobediēt vnto his commaundements, he putteth in prison, and to death if he can: If he cannot, he excommunicateth them, and commaundeth them to be cast into the deuils dūgeon. But hee that hath no power ouer y• body, much lesse hath he power ouer ye soule. And truely his excommunicatiō, nor the excommunication of any priest vnder him, shall at that time little hurt him that is excommunicat, so that the person of him that is excommunicate, be not first excommunicat of God through sinne.

And thus it seemeth a trouth vnto me, that God thus turneth their blessinges into cursinges, because they geue [Page] not due glory vnto his name. So when yt they vniusty excommunicate & curse, he turneth their cursings into blessings. Also the bishop of Rome doth make me to worshyp him as God, because that ye special sacrifice that God doth require of vs, is to be obedient vnto him in keping of hys commaundements.The Bish. of Rome secketh to be worshipped as God. The commaundementes of the pope more regarded then Christes. But now ye Popes commaundemēts be commaunded to be kept, and be kept in very deede, but the commaundements of Christ are contemned and reiected. Thus sitteth the Byshop of Rome in the Temple of God, shewing himselfe as God, and extolleth himselfe aboue al that which is called God, or worshipped as God. But in his fall he shalbe reuealed, because that euery kingdome deuided in it self, shalbe made desolate. He teaching a truthe, is the head of the Churche, but the Prophet teaching a lye, is the tayle of the Dragon. Hee seducyng the worlde, shalbe acknowledged to be the veritie of the doctrine of Christ, but after he is knowne, he shalbee reiected and naught esteemed. He geueth to small and great, riche and poore, free and bonde, markes in their right hands, & in their foreheades: that no man shoulde buy or sell, but those that shall haue the marks of the name of the beast, or that looketh to haue of him some recompence, small, mean, or great, or els the number of his name, which number is 300. The Pope sayth that in ye administration of euery sacrament, he doth imprint a certaine charecter or mark into the soul of him that receiueth. In baptisme he saith that he doth imprint into the soule of hym that is baptised, a marke that cannot be wiped out, and so likewise in other sacraments.In euery Sacrament 2. thinges conteyned. And I knowe that in a Sacrament are two things, that is, the sacramental signe, & spiritual grace represented by the same signe: the sacramental signe is geuē to man of man, but the spirituall grace is geuen of Christ.

Wherefore, although a vicious or naughty Priest doth baptise any man, if he that is baptised or his parents (if he be a childe) do aske with faithful meaning baptisme, & do meane faithfully hereafter to obserue the wordes of baptisme: is as well baptised, as if hee were baptised of neuer so vertuous a priest. So also the sinner which with al hys hart is sory for his sinnes, and doth aske faithfully mercye of God, is as wel absolued of a vicious priest, as of a vertuous. Because the Lambe of god whych taketh away the sinnes of the word, wipeth away inwardly our sinnes by his grace, because that he is ye bishop & pastor of our souls. All other priestes do outwardly worke absolution, which knowe not for a certaintye whether they haue absolued or not. So also is it in ye other, because yt the grace of ye sacrament is geuen of God, and the sacramental signe, of man. In geuing of orders, the chiefe bishop doth imprint ye corporall markes, but of the spiritual markes, I know none: vnlesse a man will say, that by receiuing the order he hath some beliefe that he may worke some thinges pertayniug to that order, the which before the receiuing of the order he could not. But this one thing is, that none in the churche ought to sell spiritual marchandise (of which thinges wee haue spoken before) vnles he haue the marke of the beast. My counsell is, let the buyer beware of those markes: because that after the fall of Babylon,Caueat emptor. if any man hath worshipped the beast and her image, & hath reciued the marke vpon his forehead, & vpon his hand, he shall drinke of the wine of gods wrath, which is mixed with the wyne in the cup of his anger, and he shalbe tormented in fire & brymstone in the sight of the holy angels, and in the sight of the Lambe: and the smoke of their tormentes shall euer more ascend, although he looke for a recompence, small, mean, or great,The rewardes of the beast. of the beast, or els the nūber of his name. The beast doubtles doth recompence his friends, with his small rewarde, that is, with great gifts and benefices corporall: with a meane reward, that is, with great spirituall gifts, in authority of blessing, losing, binding, praying, & exercising other spiritual workes: & with his greatest rewarde, which after that they be dead, maketh them to be honored in earth amōg the saints.The number of the name of the beast. The number of his name according to ye opinion of some men, is Dux Cleri, the captayne of the clergie, because by that name he is named, & maketh his name knowne,Dux cleri. and that name is 666.

This is my opinion of the beast ascending out of the earth, and shall vntill suche time as I shalbee of the same beast better instructed. And although that this beast doth signifie the Romaine bishops: yet the other cruel beast ascending out of the sea, doth signifye the Romayne Emperours. And although that the Dragon being a cruel beast, and the false Prophet geuing the marke, must be throwen into the lake of fire and brimstone to be tormēted for euer: I woulde haue no man to iudge, but I leaue such things altogether to the finall iudgement of Chryst to bee detemined. But Martine the Popes confessour which maketh the Chronicle of the Emperours and Popes, recyteth many errours of the Popes,Martinus poenitenliarius. more horrible and abhomynabl then of the Emperours. For he speaketh of the idolatrous Popes, hereticall, simoniacal, and Popes ye were murderers,Mo wicked popes then Emperours that vsed nigromancie, and wytchcraft, that were fornicatours, and defyled with al kinde of vice. But I haue partly declared how that the Popes lawe is contrary to Christes lawe, and howe that he sayeth, that he is the chiefe vicar of Christ in earth: and in his deedes is cō trary to Christ, and doth forsake both hys doctrine & lyfe. I can not see who els may be so well Antichrist, and a seducer of the people. For there is not a greater pestilence, then a familiar enemy.

As concrning idols,Matters of Idolatry. and the worshipping of them, I think of them as Moses, Salomon, Isayas, Ieremy, and the rest of the Prophetes, which all spake agaynst the making of Images, as also ye worshipping of Images. And faithful Dauid full of the spirit of God, sayth: Let all those be confounded yt worship Images,Images. and that reioyce in Idols: And againe he sayth: Let thē be made like vnto them yt make them, & al such as put their trust in them. Wherefore I pray god that this euil come not vpon me, which is the curse of God pronounced by Dauid the prophet. Nor I wil be by Gods grace, neither a maker, nor els a woorshipper of Images.

As cōcerning othes,Othes how far they are tollerable. I beleue and obey the doctrine of the almighty God, & my maister Iesus Christ, which teacheth: that Christian men in affirmation of a truth, should passe the righteousnes of the Scribes and Pharises of the olde Testament, or els he excludeth thē from the kingdom of heauen. For he saith: Unles your righteousnes exceede the righteousnes of the Scribes and Pharises, ye cannot enter into ye kingdome of heauē. And as concerning othes he sayth. It hath bene sayd to them of old time, thou shalt not forsweare thy selfe, but shalt performe vnto the Lorde those thinges which yu vowest. But I saye vnto you thou shalt not sweare at all, neyther by the heauē nor yet by the earth. &c. But let your cōmunication be yea, yea, nay, nay, for whatsoeuer shalbe more then this, proceedeth of euill. Therefore, as the perfection of the auncient men of the old Testament was, not to forsweare themselues: so the perfection of Christian men is not to sweare at all, because they are so cōmaunded of Christ, whose commaundement must in no case be broke [...]: although that ye Citie of Rome is contrarye to thys d [...]ctryne of Chryst euen as in manye things she is found contray to her selfe.

As touching the taking away of temporal goods from those that are ecclesiastical persons offendyng habitualiter:Whether temporall goods may be taken away from ecclesiasticall persons offending. by such as are temporall Lordes, I will not affirme anye thing to be lawful in this matter (as in other matters before) that is not agreable to charitie: And that for because it is a hard matter for a man to take another mans goods from him without breaking of charity, because peraduenture he that taketh away, is the more mooued to suche maner of taking away be reason of the desire he hath to those goods, which he indeuoureth to take away: or els, because of some displeasure or hatred to the person, from whom he goeth about to take away those goods, then that hee from whom those goodes be taken, should be amended. Therefore, vnlesse he that taketh away, be onely mooued of charity to the taking away of such goodes, I dare not affirme that such taking is lawfull. And if such takyng away proceede of charitie, I dare not iudge it vnlawfull: because that the Byshop of Rome which receyued hys temporall dominion of the Emperour, when the Emperour rebelled and was not obedient vnto hym,Popes take from Emperours their benefactors, temporall dominion when they offend: Ergo, much more may Emperours take from popes temporall dominion whē they offend. A prophecie of Walter Brute, that temporall goods shall be taken away frō the clergie for the multitude of their sinnes. he depriued him frō hys temporall iurisdictions: Howe much more then may temporal Lordes do the same which haue bestowed vpon them many temporall dominions and lordships, onely to the intent that they might the better intende to serue God and keepe his commaundementes. Howe if they perceiue that they be against the lawes of God, and that they be ouer busily occupied about worldly matters: I cannot see but yt they may wel inough take frō them those temporall goodes, which to a good purpose they gaue them. But if in time to come after this, those that be temporal lordes shall take from ecclesiastical persons such temporalties: let him that desireth to vnderstand this, read the prophet Ezechiel in the chapiter of the shepeherds of Israel, which fedde themselues in stead of their flocke: and also let hym reade the Apocalips of the fall of Babylon. Let hym also reade the Popes decretalles agaynst heretikes, and in those hee shall fynde, that the takynge awaye of the temporaltyes from the Cleargy, shall come to passe for the multitude of their sinnes.

Thus reuerend father, haue I made mine aunswere of the matter wherof I am accused: beseching you, that as I haue bene obedient to your desire, and that euen as a sōne [Page] declaring vnto you the secrets of my hart in plain words (although rudely) so I desire to know your opinion, and craue your fatherly beneuolēce: that now your labor may be for my instruction and amendment, & not to accusation and condemnation. For like as in the beginninge I haue promised you, yt if any man of what state, sect, or condition soeuer he be, can shew me any errour manye of my wrytings by the authoritie of holy scripture, or by any probable reason grounded in the scriptures: I will receiue hys information willingly and humbly.

After that all the foresaid thinges were exhibited & geuen by the foresayd Walter Brute,Walter Brute againe commanded to a [...]peare. vnto the foresayd B. of Herford: he further appointed to the same Walter, yt third day of the month of October, at Herforde, with ye cōtinuance of the dayes followyng to heare hys opinion. Which third day now at hande, beinge Friday in the yeare of our Lord God 1393.Byshops & [...]tors, [...]h 10. Bachelors [...] divinitie, [...] monkes [...] Doctors [...]lars sit [...] vppon Walter B [...]re. Nicholas Herford but also present. the sayde Walter Brute, appeared before hym, sitting in Commission in the Cathedrall Churche of Hereford, at sixe a clocke or thereabout: hauing for his assistentes in the same place, diuers Prelates and Abbotes, and xx. Bachelers of Diuinitie, wherof xii. were Monks, and two Doctors of the law. Amongst these was Nicholas Hereford, accōpanied with many other Prelates and worshypfull men & wyse Graduates in sundry faculties. Now was the foresayde Walter apposed of his wrytings aforesaid, & the cōtents therin. Earnest were they in pycking out of those writings, his heresies, & in shewing his schismes, sundry errours, and diuers other things. Now, after that they had cōtinued al that day and the two dayes following (that is Fryday, Saterday, & Sunday) in their informations & examinations agaynst the same Walter Brute. The same Walter Brute submitted him selfe to the determination of the church,The Wri [...]ges of Walter [...] ex [...]. & to the correction of the sayd Iohn Bishop, as it appeareth word for word in a scroule written in the English tong: The tenour of which scroul, is as followeth.

¶I Walter Brute submit my selfe principally to the Euangely of Iesus Christ,The tenor of the sub [...]ion of Walter Brute. and to the determination of holy kirke, and to the general Counsels of holye kirke. And to the sentence and determination of the foure Doctours of holye write, that is Austen, Ambrose, Ierome, and Gregory. And I meekely submie mee to your correction, as a subiect ought to his Byshop.

Which scroule as afore is recited in ye English tong, the foresayd Walter Brute read, with a lowde and intellible voice, at the Crosse in the churchyard on Monday, that is to say, the 6. day of the sayd month of October, before the sermon made vnto the people in presence of ye sayd byshop of Herford & other aboue written,The sub [...]sion of Walter Brute open [...] read at Herford. as also other Barons, knights and noble men & cleargy, and also a great multytude of people. After which reading of the scroule, the foresaid Tho. Crawlay bacheler of diuinitie, made ye Sermon vnto the people, & toke for hys theame the wordes of ye Apostle to the Rom. the xi. chap. that is as foloweth. Be not ouer wise in your owne conceites but stand in feare &c.

☞Out of these declarations and wrytinges of Walter Brute, the Bishop with the Monkes and doctours aboue rehersed, did gather and draw out certaine articles, to the number of 37. which they sent to the Uniuersitie of Cambridge to be cōfuted, vnto two learned men. M. Colwill, & M. Newton, Bachelors of diuinitie. Which M. Colwil, & Newton did both labor in the matter, to the vttermost of their cunning, in replying aud aunswering to the said 37. articles.

* Besides them also W. Woodforde a Frier (who wrote likewise against the articles of Wickliff) labouring in the same cause, made a solemne & a long tractation, compiling the articles of the said Brute, to the nūber of 29. All which treatises, as I wish to come to the readers hande, that the slendernes of them myght be knowen: so it maye happen perease, yt the same being in my handes may hereafter bee further published, with other like tractations moe, as cō uenient time for the prolixitie therof may hereafter, better serue then now.

What after this became to this Walter Brute, orwhat end he had, I find it not registred: but like it is, that he for this time escaped. Certain other writings I finde moreouer, which albeit they beare no name of this Walter, nor of any certaine anthor: yet because they are in ye same register adioined to ye history of him, I thoght therfore most fit here to be inserted. Of ye which ye one was a letter sēt to Nicholas Hereford a little aboue specified: who beinge at ye first a great folower of Iohn Wicklif, as appereth before pag. 438. was now in the number of thē which sate vpon thys Walter, as is in ye next page aboue recorded. The copy of this letter, bering no name of any special author, but only as sēt by a certain Lollard (as ye register doth terme him) is written in maner and forine as followeth.

¶Here followeth the Copy of a letter sent to maister Nicholas Hereford, by a Lollard, as in the Register it is sayd.

FOr as much as no man that putteth hys hande to the plough and looketh backe,A letter sent to Nicho Herford. is meete for the kyngdome of God, as our Sauiour Christ sayth: What maruel is it, although maister Nicholas Herford, which at the first (by the visitatió of the spirit of god peraduenture) put his hand, that is, gaue his diligence, vnto the plough, that is, to the sowing of the word of God and holy scripture, as well in preaching as in doyng good workes: is nowe so blynde and vnskilfull to expound the scripture, that he knoweth not what is vnderstoode by the kyngdome of heauen. Truely it is no maruayle, O thou that arte maister of the Nicholitanes, which like Nicholas the moste false deacon, hast left or forsaken the infallible knowledge of the holy scripture. For the true knowledge of the Theologicall veritie is shutte vp as well from thee as from all the other Nicholitanes following thy conditions,Nicolaitaens. for as much as thou goest not in by the dore to expound the same Euā gelical veritie. Therfore whē thou didst recite this other day, first, the pharisaycal and hypocritical woe (nothing at all to any purpose) thou shouldest haue sayd iustly in this sort, both of thy self, and other thy followers and religious Antichristes: Wo be vnto vs Scribes and Pharises, which shut vp the kyngdome of heauen, that is to say, the true knowledge of the holy Scripture, before men by our false glofes and crooked similitudes: and neyther we our selues enter into the same kyngdome or knowledge, nor suffer other to enter into it. Wherefore, it seemeth vnto the faythfull sort, that wrongfully, falsy, & without any reuerence, yee haue expounded that text of Gregorye. 1, q. 1. that is to saye. Quicunque studet. &c. For this is the true vnderstandinge of the same.1. q 1. ca Quicunque studet. Knowing first that there be some priests after the thing, and name onely; and doth shew that this is true: that whosoeuer studieth to receiue the holy order by geuing of money: He is not a priest, secundum rem, & nomē: But to say the truth, he desireth to be called a priest, that is to be a priest Secundum nomen tantùm. And such a priest which is a priest in name onely, is no priest. No more then S. Mary paynted is S. Mary: Nor a false doctour a doctour, but no doctour: And a man painted is not a man, but no mā. And thus such a priest in name onely, is not a priest. Because that all faythfull men do firmely beleue with S. Gregory that no man buying the holy orders, may then be called a priest as he sayth. 1. q. 1. They that buy or sell holy orders can be no priestes. Whereupon̄ is written, Anathema dandi, & Anathema accipiendi. That is Simoniacall heresie. And it followeth, how therefore, if they be accursed and not blessed, can they make others blessed▪ And whē that they be not in the body of Christ, howe can they eyther receiue or deliuer the body of Christ? He that is accursed, how can he blesse? as though he would say. It is vnpossible. As Pope Vrbanus saith. 1. q. 1. Si qui a Simoniacis. &c. Where he saith thus. They that willingly know & suffer thēselues to be cōsecrated,1. q. 1. Si quis a Simoniacis. nay rather execrated of those that are infected with Simony: wee iudge that their consecration is altogether voyde. Also Pope Leo in 2. q.Ex Leone Papa, 2. q. 1. 1. sayth in this wise. Grace, if it be not freely geuen or receyued, is not grace Spiritual vsurers do not receiue freely: Therfore, they receiue not the spirituall grace, whych specially worketh in the ecclesiastical orders. If they receyue it not, they haue it not: if they haue it not freely, they cannot geue it freely. And by this it is more clearer then the light that they which know so much and receyue orders by spirituall vsury or simonye, are neither priests nor deacōs, neither after the maner nor charecter. For if such carecter or marke were otherwise geuen in geuing orders, it were requisite alwayes that there shoulde bee a certayne grace imprinted in the man, but there is no suche grace geuen or imprinted as afore is manifest: Therefore there is no such Character to be sayned. Therefore, such Character or marke abydeth not in him, for as much as he neuer had nor hath the same. And yet furthermore in the same place. What then do the simonycall prelates geue? And he maketh aunswer truely euen that which they haue, as the spirit of lying. How proue we this? Because that if it be the spirite of veritie, as the same veritie doth testifie from whō it commeth, it is freely receaued. And it followeth for the whole purpose no doubt: It is conuicted to be the spirite of lying, which is not freely receyued.

By this it appeareth manifestly to the faythfull sort, that those which weetingly and simonically are made priestes, for as much as they receyue not the Character of the Lorde but only the spirite of lying and the marke of Symon Magus, and of Iudas the traytor, that they be not priestes neyther according to the marke nor manners. Nor such do no more make the sacramentes of the Church, then other lay men may in the time of necessitie, nor yet so truely,Brother in nature. In maners no brother. during their hereticall naughtynesse. And yet in deede (brother myne,) vniuocè natura, but yet aequiuocè in moribus. I doe not wryte thus sharpely vnto you, through anger, or anye [Page] vnperfect hate: but through the perfect hate of your horrible heresie, and denying the fayth of Christ, that I may say with Dauid in the Psalme. Perfecto odlo oderam &c. And I am very sorye for you, that you which in times past haue excellētly well, and fruitfully preached the Gospell in the pulpit, do nowe as wel fayle in the congruitie of the Latine toung, as in the other science naturall. For as it was heard thrise in one lecture you sayde appetitis, that is to saye, pronouncyng the myddle syllable longe, whych thyng not onely the maisters, but also the yong scholers vnderstoode. And many other faultes there in your Grammer, which for shame I dare not recite. I send vnto you these fiue cōclusions.

The first conclusion. It is an infallible veritie that the wordes of the foure chiefe doctours, expounding the holy scripture according to the veritie which the words do pretend, are to be holden and kept. 5. Conclusions sent.

The second: He which importeth any equiuocatiō out of any of the Doctours expounding, for the coulouring of his text, his equiuocation is alwayes to be left.

The thirde: No peruersion of any reprobate is able to turne the congregation of the elect from the faith, because al things yt shal come to passe, are eternally in God deuysed & ordayned for the best, vnto the elect Christians.

The fourth: Like as the mystical body of Christ is the congregation of al the Electiso Antichrist mistically is the church of the wicked & of al the reprobates.

The fift: The conclusions of Swinderby, be agreable to the fayth in euery part.

¶This letter was thus subscribed. By the spirite of God, sometime visityng you.

☞Besides this epistle aboue prefixed, there is also foūd annexed with the same, a deuise of an other certayne letter coūterfeited vnder the name of Lucifer prince of darknes: writing to the Pope and al popishe Prelates, persecuting the true and right Church (with all might and mayne) to maintayn their pride and domination in this earth, vnder a coulourable pretence & visor of the catholique church, & succession Apostolical. Which letter although it seemeth in some authors to be ascribed to Dekam, aboue mentioned: yet because I find it in the same Register of the church of Herford cōteyned, & inserted amōg y• tractations of Walter Brute, and deuised (as y• Register said) by yt Lollards: I thought no meeter place, then here to annexe the same, the tenour wherof thus proceedeth in words as follow.

¶ The deuise or counterfayt of a certayne letter fayned vnder the name of Lucifer Prince of darknesse, wryting to the persecuting prelates of the popish clergy.

I Lucifer prince of darknes and profound heauinesse, Emperour of the high mysteries of the Kyng of Acharont,The epistle of Lucifer to the proud prelates of the popes clergie. Captaine of the dungeon, Erebus kyng of hell, and comptroller of the infernall fire: To all our children of pryde, and companions of our kyngdome, and especially to our Prynces of the Church of this latter age and tyme (of which our aduersary Iesus Christ, accordyng to the Prophet, saieth: I hate the church or congregation of the wicked) send greeting, & wish prosperitie to all that obey our commaundementes, as also to those that be obedient to the lawes of Sathan already enacted, & that are diligent obseruers of our behestes, and the precepts of our decree. Know ye that in times past certaine vicars or vicegerents of Christ,The difference betwene the bishops of the primitiue church and of the latter church. following hys steppes in miracles and vertues, liuing and continuyng in a beggerly lyfe, conuerted (in a maner) the whole world from the yoke of our tiranny vnto their doctrine & maner of lyfe: To the great derision and contempte of our prison house and kyngdome: and also to the no little preiudice and hurt of our iurisdiction and authorytie, nor fearing to hurt our fortified power ond to offend the maiestie of our estate. For then receiued we no tribute of the world, neyther dyd the myserable sort of common people, rushe at the gates of our deepe dungeon as they were wont to do with continuall pealyng and rappyng,Humilitie edifieth. Pride destroyeth. but then the easie, pleasant, & broad way, which leadeth to death, lay still without great noyce of trā pelyng trauaylers, neyther yet was trode with the feete of myserable men. And when all our courtes were without sutets, Hell then began to houle: And thus continuyng in great heauines & anguish, was robbed and spoyled. Which thing considered, the impacient rage of our stomacke coulde no longer suffer, neyther the ougle retchelous neglygence of our great Captayne generall could any longer indure it. But we, seeking remedy for the time that should come after, haue prouyded vs of a verye trimme shift: For in stead of these Apostles and other their adherentes whyche draw by the same lyne of theirs, as wel in maners as doctrine, & are odious enemis vnto vs: We haue caused you to be their successors, & put you in their place, which be Prelates of the church in these latter times, by our great might and subtletie, as Chryst hath sayd of you they haue raigned but not by me. Once we promised vnto him al the kingdom of the world if he would fal down and worships vs,Placing ofproud prelates the cause of all mischiefe. The Church neuer well gouerned since the Deuils often were take of the Churchmen. but he would not, saying: my kingdome is not of this would, and went his way, when the multitude would haue made him a temporall kinge. But to you truely which are fallen from the state of grace, and that serue vs in the earth: is that my promise fulfilled, and all terrene thyngs be our meanes which we haue bestowed vpon you, are vnder gouernment. For he hath said of vs as ye know: The prince of the world cōmeth &c. and hath made vs to raigne ouer al children of vnbeliefe Therfore our aduersaryes before recited, dyd pacientlye submit themselues vnto the Princes of the worlde, and did teache that men shoulde do so, saying. Be ye subiect to euery creature for Gods cause, whether it be to the Kyng as moste chiefest. And agayne: Obey ye them that are made rulers ouer you &c. For so their maister commaū ded them saying: The kinges of the heathen haue dominion ouer them &c. But I think it long til we haue powred our poyson vpō the earth, and therefore fill your selues full. And now bee yee not onely vnlyke those fathers, but also contrary vnto them in your lyfe and conditions, and extoll your selues aboue all other men. Neyther do ye geue to God that which belongeth to him,Pride in prelates noted. nor yet to Caesar that which is his: But exercise you the power of both the swordes, according to our decrees, makinge your selues doers in worldlye matters,Popish prelates neither geue to God not to Caesa [...] that which belongeth to God & Caesar. The double iurisdiction of the popes 2. swordes commeth of Lucifer. The outragies of the popes clergie described. Dominos. Sanctos. Sanctisim [...] fighting in our quarell, intangled with secular labours and busines. And clyme ye by litle & little from the myserable state of pouerty, vnto the highest seates of all honours, & the most princely places of dignitie by your deuised practices, & false and deceitfull wyles and subtlety: that is, by hypocrisy, flattery, lying, periurie, treasons, deceits, simonye, and other greater wickednes then which our infernal furies may deuise. For after that ye haue by vs bene aduaunced thither where ye would be: yet that doth not suffice you, but as gready staruelings more hū gry then ye were before, ye suppresse the poore, scratch and rack together all that comes to hand, peruerting and turninge euerie thing topsie toruey: so swollen, that redy ye are to burst for pride liuing like Lechers in all corporal delicatenes, and by fraude dyrecting all your doinges. You challenge to your selues names of honour in the earth, callyng your selues Lordes, holye, yea and most holy persons.

Thus, eyther by violence ye rauen, or els by ambition, subtilly ye pilfer away, and wrongfully wraft, and by false title possesse those goodes whych for the sustentation of the poore members of Christ (whom frō our first fall we haue hated) were bestowed and geuen: consuming them as ye your selues lyst, & therewith ye cherish and maintaine an innumerable sort of whoores, strumpets,The lasciuious and whorish lyfe of the Romish clergie. and bawdes, with whom ye ride pompously like mightie Prynces, farre otherwise goinge, then those poore beggerly priestes of the primatiue Church. For I would ye shoulde buylde your selues ryche and gorgeous palacies, yee fare lyke Prynces, eating and drinking the most daintiest meates, and pleasauntest wi [...]es that may be gotten: ye hoord and heepe together an infynite deale of treasure, not like to him that sayd, golde and siluer I haue none, ye serue and fight for vs according to your wages O most acceptable societie or fellowship, promised vnto vs by the Prophet, and of those fathers long ago reprooued: Whilest that Christ called thee the Sinagogue of Sathan, and lykened thee to the mighty whoore which committed fornicatiō with the kings of the earth,The whorishe latter Church of Rome. the adulterous spouse of Christ, and of a chaste person made a strompet. Thou hast left thy first loue and hast cleaued vnto vs, O our beloued Babilon, O our citizens, which from the transmigration of Ierusalem, come hether: we loue you for your desertes, we reioyce ouer you, which contemne the lawes of Simon Peter,Pope successour not of Simon Peter but of Simō Magus. Wicked and vnworthy minysters admitted in the Popes church. Vnworthy bestowing of benefices. and imbrace the lawes of Symon Magus our friend, and haue them at your fingers endes, and exercise the same publiquely, buying and selling spirituall thynges in the Churche of God, and against the commaundement of God. Ye geue benefices and honors by petition, or els for money, for fauor, or els for filthy seruice. And refusing to admit those that bee worthy to ecclesiastical dignities, & perferring those that are vnworthye, you call vnto the inheritance of gods sanctuarie, baudes, lyers, flatterers, your nephues, and your owne children, & to a childish boy, ye geue many prebends: the least whereof ye deny to bestow vpō a poore good man: ye esteeme the person of a man and receyue giftes, ye regarde money and haue no regarde of soules. Ye haue made the house of God a denne of theeues. Al abuse, all extortiō, is more exercised, a hundreth fold in your iudgement seats, then with any secular tyrant. Ye make laws & kepe not the same, & ye dispence with your dispensations as it pleaseth you,Acception of person. Bribery. you iustifye the wicked for rewardes, and ye take away the iust mās desart frō him. And briefly ye perpetrate or cōmit all kind of mischief, euen as it is our wil ye should. And ye take much paine for lucres sake in our seruice,Lorie of Lucre. and especially to destroy the Christian fayth. For now the lay people are almost in doubt what they may beleue, because if ye preach any thing to them at sometimes (although it be but seldome seene,Extortion. Peruerting of Iustice. & that negligently inough, euen as we would haue it) yet notwithstanding they beleue you not, because they se manifestly that ye do cleane contrary, to that ye say. Wherupon, [Page] the common people, doing as ye do, which haue the gouernemēt of them,Destruction of true faith. & should be an example to them of wel doing: [...]ow many of them leaning to your rules, do rūne hedlong into a whole sea of vices:The life of papistes cō trary to their teaching. And so continually a very great multitude flocketh at the strong and wel fenced gates of our dungeon. And doubtles, ye send vs so many day by day of euery sort and kinde of people, that we should not be able to entertaine them, but that oure insatiable Chaos with her thoūsande rauening lawes is sufficient to deuoure an infinite number of soules. And thus the souerayntie of our Empire,The Pope encreaseth [...]ell by you hath bene reformed, and our intollerable losse restored. Wherefore, most specially we cōmend you, & geue you most hartie thankes: Exhorting al you, that in any wyse ye perseuere and continue, as hetherto ye haue done: neither that you slack hēceforth your enterprice. For why, by your helps we purpose to bring the whole world again vnder our power & dominion. Ouer and besides this, we cōmit vnto you no small authoritie, to supply oure places in the betraying of your brethren, and we mak and ordaine you our vicares, & the ministers of Antichrist our sonne,Antichrist. now hard at hand, for whō ye haue made a very trimme way and passage. Furthermore, we counsell you which occupy the highest roomes of all other, that you worke subtilly, and that ye (faynedly) procure peace betwene the princes of the world, and that ye cherish and procure secret causes of discorde. And like as craftely ye haue destroied and subuerted the Romain Empire:The pope a [...]yned p [...] of peace betwene princes. The Ro [...]ine empire craftely [...]uerted by the pope. Simonie the popes nurse. so suffer ye no kingdome to be ouermuch enlarged or enriched by tranquilitie and peace. Least perhaps in so great trā quilitie (all desire of peace set aside) they dyspose themselues to vew and consider your most wicked workes, suppressing on euery side your estate: and from your treasures take away such substance, as we haue caused to be reserued and kept in your hands, vntil the cōming of our welbeloued sonne Antichrist. We would ye shuld do our cōmēdations to our entierly beloued daughters, pride, deceit, wrath, auarice, bellichere, and lechery, & to al other my daughters: and especially to Lady Symony, which hath made you men, and enryched you, and hath geuen you sucke wyth her own brests, & weaned you, and therefore in no wise see that you cal her sin. And be ye lofty and proud, because that the most high dignitie of your estate doth require such magnificence. And also be ye couetous,Promoting of proud & [...] Cardinals. for whatsoeuer ye get and gather into your fardell, it is for Saint Peter, for the peace of the church, and for the defence of your patrimony and the Crucifixe, and therefore yee may lawfully do it. Ye may promote your Cardinals to the highest seat of dignities without any let in all the world, in stopping the mouth of our aduersarye Iesus Christ, and alledging againe: that he preferred his kinsfolkes (beinge but of poore and base degree) vnto the Apostleship, but do not you so, but rather call, as ye do, those that liue in arrogancy, in hawtines of mynde, and filthy lechery, vnto the state of welthy riches and pride, and those rewardes & promotions,Cloked holyn [...]. which the followers of Christ forsooke, do ye distribute vnto your frinds. Therefore as ye shall haue better vnderstanding, prepare yee vyces cloked vnder the similitude of vertues. Alleadge for your selues the gloses of the holy scripture, and wrest them,Wrasting of scripture. directly to serue for your purpose. And if any man preach or teache otherwise then ye wil, oppresse ye them violently with the sentence of excommunication, & by your cēsures heaped one vpon another, by the consent of your brethren. Let him bee condemned,Tyrannie & crueltie by the pope. as an hereticke, and let him be kept in most straight prison, and there tormented till he die, for a terryble example to all such as confesse Christ. And setting all fauour apart, cast him out of your temple: least peraduenture the ingraffed word may saue your soules, which word I abhorre, as I do the soules of other faithful mē. And do your indeuor, that ye may deserue to haue the place which we haue prepared for you, vnder the most wicked foundatiō of our dwelling place. Fare ye well, with such felicitie as wee desire and intende finally to reward and recompence you with.

¶ Geuen at the centure of the earth, in that our darke place, where all the rablement of Deuils were present, specially for this purpose called vnto our most dolorous Consistory, vnder the Charecter of our terrible seale, for the confirmation of the premisses. Ex Registro Herfōrdensi ad verbum.Ex Registro Hereford.

Who was the true author of this poesie or epistle aboue writtē it is not euidētly knowē: neither yet doth it greatly skill. The matter beynge well considered of their part, which here be noted: may minister vnto them sufficiēt occasion of holesome admonition, either to remember themselues what is amisse, or to be thinke with thēselues what is to be amended. Diuers other writings of like argumēt both before & since, haue bene deuised: as one bearinge the title Luciferi ad malos principes Ecclesiasticos, imprinted first at Paris in Latin. And vnder the writing therof, bearing this date. Anno a palatij nostri fractione, consortium (que) nostrorum subtractione. 1351. Which if ye count from the Passion of the Lord: reacheth wel to y• time of Wickliffe 1385. which was aboue vj. yeres before y• examination of this Walter Brute.

There is also an other epistle of Lucifer, Epist Lucif. ad praelatos. prince of darknes, ad praelatos, mentioned in the Epistle of the schoole of Prage, to the vniuersitie of Oxford, set forth by Huldericus Huttenus, about the yeare of our Lorde (as is there dated) 1370. which seemeth to be written before this epistle.

Also Vincētius in Speculo histo.Vincent. Spec. hist. lib. 25. cap. 89. lib. 25. cap. 89. inferreth like mention of a letter of the fiendes infernal, vnto the clergy men as in a vision represēted before 400. yeres. In which the deuils geue thankes to the spirituall men, for that by their silence and not preaching the Gospel, they send infynite soules to hell. &c.

Diuers other letters also of like deuise, haue ben written, & also recorded in authors. Whereunto may be added, that one Iacobus Cartusiensis,Ex prophetia Hildegardis. wrytinge to the Byshop of Wormace, alleageth out of the prophecie of Hildegardis in these wordes: Ideo et diabolus in semetipso de vobis sacerdotibus ait: Escas epulantium, conuiuia et omnes voluptates in istis inuenio, sed et oculi, et aures, et venter meus, et venae meae, de spumis illorum plenae sunt, et vbera mea plena sunt diuicijs illorum &c. 1. Therefore saith he, y• deuil may say of you priests in himselfe: The meates of banketting dishes, and feastes of al kind of pleasure, I find in these men: Yea also, mine eyes, mine eares, my belly, & all my vaines be full of their froathing, and my brests be full stuffed with their ryches. &c. Furthermore, saith he, they labour euery day to rise vp higher with Lucifer, but euery daye they fall wt him more deepely.

Hereunto also appertayneth a story written, & cōmonly found in many olde written bookes. In the yeare of our Lord. 1228. at Paris in a Synode of the clergie, there was one appointed to make a Sermō. The deuill geueth thankes to clergie men. The silence of priestes for not preaching the Gospell damneth many a soule. Who being much carefull in hys minde, & solicitous what to say, the deuil came to him, and asking why he was so careful for his matter, what he should preach to y• clergy, say thus, quod he: The princes of hell salute you (Oh you princes of the Church) & gladly geue you thankes, because through your default and negligence, it cōmeth to passe, that al soules go downe to hel. Adding moreouer, that he was also enforced by the commaundement of God to declare the same, yea and that a certayne token moreouer was geuen to the sayde clerke for a signe, wherby the sinode might euidently see, that he did not lye. Ex catall. Illyr. Fol. 546.

¶ The Bull of Pope Bonifacius the ix. agaynst the Lollardes.The popes letter to the B. of Hereford.

BOnifacius Bishop, seruaunt of the seuants of God: To the reuerend brother Iohn Bishop of Hereford, sendeth greeting & Apostolicall benediction. We meane to write vnto our welbeloued sonne in Christ (Richard the renowmed king of England) in forme enclosed within these presents. Therfore we will and commaund your brotherhood, that as much as ye maye, ye study and endeuour your selfe to exhorte and induce the same king, to doe those thinges which we haue wrytten vnto him, as it is sayde before. And notwithstanding, that now many a day you ought to haue done it of your self, & not to loke that wee should perswade you to that effect by vs written: you may proceed as well by our authoritie, as by your owne, for as much as it was geuen you before: that here after we may know effectually by your diligence, what zeale your deuotion beareth vnto the Catholike fayth, and to the conseruing of the ecclesiasticall honour, and also to the execution of your pastorall office.

¶ Geuen at Rome, at S. Peters the xv. Kalendes of October, the 6. yeare of our bishoplike dignitie.

¶ The tenour of the Bull, to the renowmed prince Richard by the grace of God king of England & of Fraunce: whereof mention is made aboue, as followeth, and is thus much in effect.

TO our welbeloued sonne in Christ,The popes wilde Bull let loose against the seruauntes of Christ. Rycharde the noble king of Englande, wee send greetinge &c. It greeueth vs from the bottome of our hartes, and our holy mother the Church in all places through Christendome lamenteth. Wee vnderstande that there bee certayne heresies sprong, and do without any condign restraynt raunge at their owne libertie, to the seducynge of the faithful people, and do euery day with ouermuch liberty enlarge their vndiscreete boundes.A lack good hart what sorow the pope taketh. But howe much the more carefullye we labour for the preseruation both of you & your famous kingdome, and also the sinceritie of the faith: and doe with muche more ardent desire couet, that the prosperous state of the same should be preserued and ēlarged the sting of greater sorow doth so much the more penetrate and molest vs, for as muche as wee see (alas the while) in our tyme, and vnder the regall presidence [Page] of your moste Christyan gouernment: a certayne craftye and hairebraine sect of false Christians, in the same your kingdom, to grow and increase: which call themselues the poore men of the treasury of Christ and his disciples, and whom the common people by a more sounder name call Lollardes (as a man would saye withered darnell) according as their sins require: and perceyue, that they waxe strong, & as it were preuayle agaynst the diocesās of some places, and other gouernors as they meete together not courageously addressing themselues agaynst them as they ought to do (whereof chiefly and not vndeseruedly I geue them admonition) for that they take thereby the more bolder presumption and stomacke among the vnlearned people. And for as muche as those whom we cannot call men, but the damnable shadowes or ghosts of men, do rise vp against the sound fayth, & holy vnyuersall church of Rome: and that very many of them beinge indifferently learned,As though no learning were but in the church of Rome. which (to the confusion & eternall damnation of some of them) they got sitting vppon their mothers lap the sayde Church of Rome, doe rise vp or inueye agaynst the determination of the holy fathers, with too much presumptuous boldnes, to the subuersion of the whole ecclesiasticall order and estate: Haue not bene afrayd, nor are not yet afrayd, publikely to preach, very many erroneous detestable, and hereticall articles, for that they are not put to silence, reproued, driuen out, rooted out or otherwise punished, by any that hath authoritie and the feare and loue of God.The dragō here spoureth out his floudes of water to drowne the Christians. And also they are not afrayd, openlye to write the same articles, and so being written to deliuer thē to your kinglye parliament, and obstinately to affirme the same. The venemous and disdainfull recitall of which articles, vpon good aduisement at this present we passe ouer: lest the sufferaunce of such sensualitie, might fortune to renue the woūd that reason may heale. Yet notwithstanding, least so great and contagious an euil should escape vnpunished, and that without deserued vexation, and also that it might not get more hart and waxe stronger: we therefore (according to that our office and duetie is, where such neglygence and sluggishnes of our prelates being present, where this thing is) do commit and geue in commaundemēt to our reuerend brethren, Canterbury,Behold the spirit of the popes meke holynes. and Yorke, Archbishops by other oure letters: that they stand vp in the power of God agaynst this pestilent and cō tagious sect, and that they liuely persecute the same in forme of lawe: roote out and destroy those, that aduisedly and obstinately refuse to withdraw their foote frō the same stumbling block, any restraint to the contrary notwithstanding. But because the assistance, counsaile,The bowels of Iesus Christ be full of mercy: the bowels of the pope full of tryanny. fauour, and ayde of your kingly estate & highnes are requisite to the execution of the premisses: we require, exhort, and beseech the same your princely highnes, by the bowels of the mercy of Iesus Christ, by his holy fayth, by your owne saluation, by the benefit that to all men is common, and by the prosperitie assured to euery man and woman, that not onelye your kingly seueritie may readily shewe and cause to bee shewed vnto our Archbishops and their Commissaries (in this behalfe requyring the foresayd due execution) conuenient ayd and fauour, as otherwise also to cause them to be assisted: But that also you wil enioyne your Magistrates and Iustices of assise, and peace more straightly, that of their owne good wils, they execute the authoritie committed vnto thē, with al seueritie against such damned men, according as they are boūd by the office which they are put in trust with: Against those I mene, which haue determyned obstinatly to defile thēselues in their malice and sinnes, those to expell, banish, and imprison, and there so long to keepe them, til cō digne sentence shall pronounce them worthye to suffer punyshment. For your kingly wisedome seeth, that such as they be, do not only deceiue poore simple souls (or at the least do what they can to deceiue thē) but also bring their bodies to destructiō, and further prepare confusion and ruinous fall vnto their temporall Lordes. Go to therefore my sweete sonne, and indeuour your self to worke so in this matter,Helpe the pope at a pincheror els he is like to take a [...]all. as vndoubtedly we trust you will: that as this firebrand (burning and flaming ouer sore) beganne vnder your president or gouernment: so vnder your seuere iudgement and vertuous diligence, might, fauour, and ayde: not one sparke remaine hid vnder the ashes, but that it be vtterlye extinguyshed and spedely put out.

¶ Geuen at our palace of S. Peter at Rome, the xv. Calendes of October, in the sixt yere of our pontificalitie.

¶ The Kynges Commission.

RIchard by the grace of God, kyng of Englande, & Fraunce, and Lorde of Irelande. To all those vnto whom these present letters shall come, greeting. Know ye, that where as lately at the instance of the reuerend father, William Archbishop of Caunterbury, Metropolitane of all England, and Legate of the Apostolycal seate: we for the redresse and amendement of all those whych would obstinately preach or maintaine, publiquely, or priuely, any conclusions of the holy scripture, repugnant to the determynatiō of our holy mother the church, & notoriously redounding to the subuersion of the Catholique faith, or cōtaining any heresie or errour, within the prouince or bishopricke of Cāterburie: Haue by our special letters patents, in the zeale of the fayth, geuē authoritie and licence vnto the foresayd Archbishop & to all and singular his suffraganes, to arest all and euerye of them that will preach or maintaine any such cōclusions, wheresoeuer they may be found, and to cōmit them either to their owne prisons or any others at their owne pleasure: and to kepe thē in the same, vntill they repēt them of the errours & prauities of those heresies: or til that, of such maner of arests, by vs or by our counsayle it shoulde be otherwise determined,The hoat cōplayning charitie of the B. of Herford. that is to say, to euery one of them and their ministers throughout their cities and dioces. And nowe the reuerēd father in god Iohn B. of Herford, hath for a certaintie informed vs: that although the same B. hath accordinge to iustyce cōuinced a certain felow named W. Swinderby, pretending himself to be a chaplaine,W. Swinderby and Steuen Bel complayned of to the king. & one Stephē Bell a learned man, and hath pronounced thē heretikes and excōmunicate, & false informers among the cōmon people, and hath declared the same by the definitiue sentence of the aforesaid bishop for that they haue presumed to affirme and preach openly in diuers places within the dioces of Herford, many conclusions or naughty opinions notoriously redounding to the subuersion of the Catholike sound faith, and tranquilitie of our kingdome. The same Bishop notwithstandinge, neyther by the ecclesiasticall censures, neyther yet by the force and strength of our cōmission was able to reuoke the foresaid William and Stephen, nor yet to bridle the malice and indurate contumacie of them: For that they, after that they were vpon such heretical prauitie conuict by the same bishop (to the intent they might delude his iudgement and iustice) conueyed thēselues by and by, vnto the borders of Wales, with suche as were their factours and accomplices, in keping themselues close, vnto whō the force of our said letters doth in no wise extende. Whereupon, the sayde Bishop hath, made supplycation vnto vs, that wee will vouchsafe to prouide a sufficient remedye in that behalfe. Wee therfore which alwayes (by the helpe of almightie God) are defē dours of the fayth, willing to withstand suche presumptuous and peruerse enterprises by the most safest way and meanes we maye geue and cōmit full power and authoritie to the foresayd bishop and to his ministers, by the tenour of these presents, to arrest or take,Furioso [...] cōmittas gladium. or cause to be arrested or taken, the foresayde William and Sthephen, in any place within the citie & dioces of Hereford and our dominiō of Wales, with al the speede that may be, and to cō mit thē either to our prison or els to the prison of the same bishop or any other prison at their pleasure, if such neede bee, and there to keepe thē safe. And afterwards, vnles they will obey the commaundements of the Church, with dilygence to bring them before vs and our coūsel, or els cause them to be brought. That we may determine for their further punishment, as we shall thinke it requisite conuenient to be done by the aduise of our coūsell,Pseudo catholica fides. for the defence and preseruation of the Catholike faith. And that the foresayde William and Stephen, beinge succoured by the aide of their factours or fauourers, should not bee able to flye or escape to their accustomed starting holes: and that the sharpnes of their paines so aggrauated, may geue them sufficient cause to returne to the lap againe of their holy mother the church: we strayghtlye charge and commaunde all and singular our Shrifes, Bailifes, Barones, and al other our officers, in the Citie and Dioces of Hereford, & in any other place being within our dominion of Wales, by the tenour of these presentes: that from time to time (where they thinke it most meete) they cause it openly to be proclaimed in our name, that none, of what state, degree, preeminence, kind, or other cōdition he shalbe of, do cherish opēly or secretlye, the foresayd William and Steuen, vntil the time that they repent thē of their heresies and errours, and shalbe recōciled vnto the holy Church of God: Neither that any person or persons: be beleuers, fauorers, or receiuers, defendours, or in any case wittinglye instructours, of the said William or Stephen, or any other of the residue of the heretikes that are to be cōuinced: vpon the forfaiture of all that euer they haue. And that also they geuing their attendance, be obedient & aunswerable to the foresayd bishop and his deputies in this behalfe, for the execution of the premisses: and that they certify vs and our counsel distinctly, and plainly, from time to time, of the names of all and singular persons, which shall fortune to be found culpable in this behalfe, vnder their seales. In witnes whereof, we haue caused these out letters patentes to be made.

Witnesse our selfe at Westminster the ix. day of Marche, in the xv. yeare of our reigne.

Farington

¶ An other letter of the sayd kyng agaynst Walter Brute.

RIchard by the grace of God kyng of England and of Fraunce and Lorde of Irelande:An other letter of K. Richard against W. Brute. To hys beloued and faythfull Iohn Chaūdos knight, Iohn Eynfore knight, Renold de la Bere knight Walter Deueros knight, Thomas de la Bare knight, William Lucie knight, Leonard Hakelute knight, and to the Maior of the [Page] Citie of Hereford, to Thomas Oldcastle, Rich, Nash, Roger Wygmore, Thomas Waylwayne, Iohn Skydmore, Iohn VpHarry, Henry Motton, and to the Shiriffe of Hereford, sendeth salutations.

Walter Brute.For asmuche as it is aduertised vs, that one Walter Brute, and other such children of iniquitie, haue damnably holden, affirmed, and preached, certaine articles and conclusions being notoriously repugnaunt against the holy Scripture (of the which, some of them as heresies, and the rest as errours, are finally by the Church condemned) and that in diuers places within the dioces of Hereford and partes neare adioyning, both priuely, openly, and obitinately : which thing wee perceiue not onely to redounde to the subuersion (in a maner) of the Catholicke faith, which as well we, as other catholicke Princes ought of duety to maintaine, but also to forewarne vs of the subuersion of our faithfull Diocesans. And that the sayd Bishop, vpon the good deliberation and aduisement of a great number of Doctours in Diuinitie, and other learned & skilfull men in the Scriptures, of speciall deuotion, according to his bounden duetie, purposed to begin and make diuers and sundry processes by law to be sent vnto the foresayd Walter and hys accomplices, to appere personally before him and other the Doctours aforesaid, in the cathedrall church of Hereford, the morow after the translation of S. Thomas of Hereforde next ensuing, and to procede in the same place against the same Walter, in the foresaide articles and conclusions, for the amendement of his soule. Now a fresh (because that the sayd Walter and others of their retinue, cleaning and confederating with him, might not suffer condigne paines according to their demerites) indeuour themselues to make voide and frustrate the sayde godly purpose of the same Bishop,Whether the doctrine of Bruce was euer against reli [...]ce, howe [...]this lyke [...]. [...]rut. in such correction & execution as should haue bene done: and with force doe resist and let the same with all the power they may, to the great contempt of vs and of our crowne, and to the breaking and hurting of our peace, and pernicious example of others: Doe appoynt you and euery of you, immediatly as soone as this our commission shall be deliuered vnto you, in our behalfe and name, to make open proclamation in the diocesie and partes aforesayde, where ye shall thinke it most meete and conuenyent: That no man be so hardy hencefoorth, of what state or condition soeuer he shall be, within the Dioces and partes aforesayde, vpon paine of forfaiture of all that euer hee hath, to make or leauie any conuenticles, assemblies, or confederacies, by any colour: or that they presume to attempt or procure any other thing, wherby our peace may be hurt or broken, or that the same Bishops and Doctors aforesaid, may be by any meanes molested or let in the execution of suche correction as is to be done, according to the Canonical sanctions, and to arest all those which ye shal finde or take offending in this behalfe, or that keepe themselues in any suche conuenticles. And that they being committed to prison, be there kept, till you shall haue other commaundement from vs and our counsel for their deliueraunce: And that ye distinctly and plainly certifie vs and our sayd counsell, of all your doing in thys behalfe vnder your seales, or else the seales of some of you. And therefore we straightly charge and commaunde you, and euery of you: that ye diligently attende vpon the premisses, and that in your deedes yee execute the same with all diligence and carefull indeuour, in the forme and maner aforesaide. And further, wee geue straight charge and commaundement to all and singular Shriffes, Maiors, Bailiftes, Constables, and other our faithfull subiectes, by the tenour of these presents: that they be attending vpon you, counselling and aiding you and euery of you, as is meete and conuenient in the doing and execution of the premisses. In witnesse whereof, we haue caused these our letters patents to be made.

Witnesse my selfe at Westminster, the 22. day of September, in the 17. yeare of our raigne:

¶ By the same King and Counsell.

Thus king Richard by the setting on of W. Courtney Archb. of Canterb. and his fellowes,K. Richard [...]t agaynst the Gospel. [...] by the Archb. and the prelates Ex Regist. W. Court. [...] Archb. Cant. taking part wyth the Pope, and Romith Prelates: waxed something strait and harde to the poore Christians of the contrary side of wyckleffe, as by these letters aboue prefixed may appeare. Allbeit, dur [...]ng all the life of the saide king, I finde of none expresly by name that suffered burning. Notwythstanding, some there were which by the foresaide Archbish. William Courtney, and other Bishops, had bene condemned and diuers also abiured, and did penance as well in other places, as chiefly about the towne of Leycester as followeth here to be declared,Roger Dex [...] Nicholas Taylor. Rich. Wag [...]fe, Mich. Scriuener, W. Smith, Iohn. Henry, W. Parchn [...]nar, Roger Goldsmith accused. out of the Archbyshoppes register and recordes:

At what time the saide Archbishop W. Courtney was in his visitation at the towne of Leycester, certaine there were accused and detected to him, by the monks and other Priestes in the sayd towne. The names of which persons there detected, were one Roger Dexter, Nicholas Taylor Richard Wagstaffe, Michael Scriuener, William Smith, Iohn Henry, Wil. Parchmeanar, and Roger Goldsmith, inhabitances of the same towne of Leycester: These wyth othermoe, were denounced to the Archbyshop for holding the opinion of the Sacrament of the aultare, of auriculare confession, and other Sacraments, contrary to that which the Church of Rome doth preach and obserue. All whych parties aboue named, & many other mo whose names are not knowen, did hold these heresies and errors here vnder wrytten, and are of the Romish church condemned.

1. That in the Sacrament of the aultar, after the words of consecration, there remaineth the body of Christ wyth the materiall bread.

2. That images ought not to be worshipped in any case, nor that no man ought to set any candles before them.

3. That no crosse ought to be worshipped.

4. That Masses, and Mattens, ought not wyth an high and loud voice to be sayd in the Church.

5. Item, that no Curate or Priest taken in any crime can consecrate, heare confessions, nor minister any of the Sacraments of the church.

6. That the Pope and all prelates of the Churche, can not binde any man in the sentence of excommunication, vnles they know him to be first excommunicated of God.

7. That no Prelate of the church, can graūt any pardons.

8. That euery lay man may in euery place, preach & teach the Gospell.

9. That it is sinne to geue any almes or charitie, to the friers preachers, Minorites, Augustines, or Carmelites.

10. That no oblation ought to be vsed at the funeralies of the dead.

11. That it is not necessary to make confessyon of oure sinnes to the Priest.

12. That euery good man although hee be vnlearned, is a Priest.

These Articles they taught,Roger, Nicholas, Richard Michell, Willam, and Roger, accursed with booke, bell, and candle. preached, & affirmed manifestly in the towne of Leceiter & other places adioyning: Wherupon, the saide Archb. monished the saide Roger, and Nicholas wt the rest, on the next day to make answer vnto him in the sayd monastery to the foresayd articles. But the foresaide Roger and Nicholas with the rest, hid thēselues out of the way, and appeared not. Whereupon, the Archb. vpon All hallow day, being the 1. day of Nouember, celebrating the high masse at the high aulter in the sayd monasterie, being attired in hys Pontificalibus: denounced the saide parties with all their adherents, fautors, fauourers, and counsellers, excommunicate and accursed, whych cyther helde, taught, or maintained the foresaide conclusions heretical & erroneous, and that in solemn wise, by ringing the bels, lighting the candels, and putting out the same againe, and throwing them downe to the grounde wt other circumstances thereunto belonging. Upon the morow after (being all Soulne day) he sent for al the curates & other lay men of the towne of Leicester, to inquire more diligētly of the verity of such matter as they knewe, & were able to say against any persons whatsoeuer, concerning ye foresayd articles, as also against the parties before named and specified vpon their others: denouncing euery one of them, seuerally by their names to be excōmunicated and accursed, & caused them also in diuers parish churches in Leicester, also to be excommunicate.The whole towne of Leicester interdicted. And further the said Archb. interdicted the whole Towne of Leycester, & all the churches in the same, so long as any of the foresayde excommunicate persons should remaine or be wythin the same, and till that all the lollardes of the towne, should returne and amend from such heresies & errors, obtaining at the sayde Archb. hys handes the benefite of absolution.

At length it was declared & shewed to the sayd Archb.Matild an Anchores, cited to appeare. that there was a certain anchoresse whose name was Matilde, inclosed wythin the Churchyard of S. Peters church of the sayd towne of Leycester, to be infected (as they sayd) with the pestiferous contagion of the foresaid heretikes & lollardes: wherupon, after that the sayd Archb. had examined the foresayd Matilde, touching the foresayde conclusions, heresies, and errours, and founde her not to answerd plainly and directly to the same, but sophistically and subtelly: gaue and assigned vnto her a day peremptorie, personally to appeare before hym in the Monasterie of C. Iames at Northampton, more fully to aunswer to the sayde articles, heresies, and errours, which was the 6. day of the sayd moneth of Nouember: commanding the abbot of the monasterie of Pratis aforesayd, that the doore of the recluse in which the sayd Matild was, should be opened, and that til his returne he shuld cause her to be put in safe custody. That done, he sent forth his mandate, against the lolardes vnder this forme.

¶ William by the permission of God.The kings proces sent by the B. to arch the 8. aforenamed. &c. To his welbeloued sonnes, the Maior & bailiffes, of the towne of Leicester Dioces, greeting. Wee haue lately receiued, the kings letters graciously graūted vs for ye defence of the catholike [Page] faith, in these wordes folowing. Richarde by the grace of God, king of England and of Fraunce. &c. Wee on the behalfe of our holy mother the Church, by the kings authoritie aforesaid, do require you: that you cause the same Richard, William, Roger, and the rest, to be arested, and sent vnto vs, that they wyth their pernicious doctrine doe not infect the people of God. &c. Geuen vnder our seale. &c.

Margaret Caily a Nun constrained agaynst her will to take againe her habite.By an other instrument also in the same Register, is mention made of one Margaret Caily Nonne, whych forsaking her order, was by the sayde Archb. constrayned against her wil, againe to enter the same, as by thys instrument here vnder insuing may appeare.

¶ William by the grace of God, &c. To our reuereud brother in God, Iohn by the grace of God, Byshop of Ely greting. &c. In the visitation of our dioces of Lincolne according to our office, amōgst other enormities worthy reformation, we found, one shepe out of our fold strayed and amongest the briers tangled, to witte, Margarete Caily, Nunne professed, of the monasterie of S. Radegonde wtin your Diocesse: who casting the habite of her Relygion, was founde in secular attire, many yeares being an Apostata, & leading a dissolute life. And least her bloud shoulde be required at our hands, we haue caused her to be taken, and brought vnto you being her pastor: and straitly inioyning you by these presents do commaund, that you admit the same Margarete againe into her foresayd Monasterie (although returned against her wil) or els into some other place, where for her soules health you shall thinke moste conuenient: and that from henceforth she be safely kept, as in the straight examination of the same you wil yeld an accompt. Geuen vnder our seale. &c.

Matild recāteth.By sundry other instrumentes also in the same register recorded I finde, that the foresaide Matilde the anchoresse, vpon the straight examination and handeling of the foresaid Archbishop, before whome peremptorily she was enioyned to appeare, and till that day of apparance taken out of the recluse and committed to safe custodie as you heard: resracted and recanted her foresayd articles and opinions. For the which she being enioyned 40. dayes penance, was againe admitted into her foresaid recluse in Leycester. The Byshops letter to the Magistrates of the towne thus beginneth. Willielmus permissione diuina. &c. dilectis filijs. &c.

William Smith Roger Dexter, & Alice his wife abiure.Also, by an other letter of the foresayde Archbish. to the Deane of the Cathedrall church of our Ladye of Leycester being registred, I finde: that of the number of those 8. persons before recite [...], whom the Archbishop himselfe at high Masse, did in hys Pontificalibus so solemnely curse wyth booke, bell, and candle: After certeine proces being sent out against them, or els in the meane time being apprehended & taken: two of them recanted their opinions, to wit, William Smith, and Roger Dexter. But in the meane tyme Alyce the wife of the sayde Roger Dexter, takyng holde of the foresaid articles with her husband also, together wyth the said William Smith, abiured the same. For these be the wordes of the instrument. Subsequenter verò, praefati Wilielmus, Rogerus, & Alicia reatus suos respicientes, se nostro conspectul praesentarunt. &c. Notwythstanding, whether they presented thēselues willingly, or els were brought against their wils (as most like it was) hard penance was enioyned them before they were absolued. These be the wordes of the instrument.

Sancta mater ecclesia. &c. i. Seeing our holy mother the church, denieth not her lap to any penitēt childe returning to the vnitie of her, but rather profereth to them the same: we therefore do receiue againe the sayd William, Roger, & Alice to grace. And further haue caused them to abiure all and singular the aforesaide articles & opinions before they receiued of vs the benefit of absolution, & were loosed from the sentence of excōmmunication wherein they were snarled: inioyning vnto them penance, according to the quantitie of the crime,The maner of their penance inioyned. in forme as foloweth, that is to say. That euery one of them ye sonday next after their returning to theyr proper goodes: they the sayd William, Roger, & Alice, holding euery one an image of ye crucifix in their right hands, and in their left handes euery one of them a taper of waxe, waying half a pound waight, in their shirts (hauing none other apparel vppon them) doe goe before the Crosse three times, during the procession of the Cathedrall Churche of our Lady of Lecester: that is to say, in the beginning of the procession, in the middle of the procession, and in the latter end of the procession: to the honor of hym that was crucified in the memoriall of his passion, and to the honor of the virgin his mother: who also deuoutly bowing their knees and kneeling, shall kisse the same crucifixe so helde in theyr handes. And so with the same procession, they entring againe into the church: shall stand during all the time or the holy Masse, before the image of the Crosse with their Lapers and crosses in their handes. And when the Masse is ended, the sayde William, Roger, & Alice, shall offer to him that celebrated that day the Masse.Ann. 1309. Then vpon the Saterday next insuing: the sayd William, Roger, and Alice, shal in the full and publique market, within the towne of Leicester, stande in like manner in their shirtes, without any more clothes vpon their bodies, holding the foresayd crosses in their right hāds, which crosses, three tunes they shal (during the market) deuoutly kisse reuerently kneelyng vppon their knees:3. kisses [...] the [...]olle. that is, in the beginning of the market, in the middle of the market, and in the ende of the market. And the sayde William (for that hee some what vnderstandeth the Latine tounge) shall say this Antheame wyth the collect Sancta Katharina:The collec [...] of Katherin. The Pater noster, & A. ue Ma [...]. and the foresayde Roger and Alice, being vnlearned, shall say deuoutly a Pater noster, and an Aue Maria. And thirdly, the Sonday next immediatly after the same, the sayde William, Roger, and Alice, in theyr parish Church of the sayd towne of Leicester, shall stand and do as vppon the Sonday before, they stoode and dyd in the cathedrall Church of our Ladie aforesayde, in all thynges. Which done, the foresayd William, Roger, and Alice, after Masse, shall offer to the Priest or chaplaine that celebrated the same, with all humiliti and reuerence the waxe tapers, which they shall carie in their handes. And because of the colde weather yt now is, least the foresaid penitents myght peraduenture take some bodely hurt standing so long naked (being mindful to moderate partly the sayd our rigor) we geue leaue:Cold weather graciously considered. That after their entrance into the churches aboue sayde, whilest they shall be in hearing the foresayde masses : that they may put on necessary garments to keepe them from cold, so that their heads and feete notwithstanding, be bare and vncouered. Wee therefore will and commaund you together and a part, that you denounce the said William, Roger, and Alice, to be absolued and restored againe to the vnitie of our holy mother the church, and that you call them forth to do their penance in maner and forme aforesayde. Giuen at Dorchester, the 17. day of Nouember in the yeare of our Lorde God 1389. and the 9. yeare of our translation.

Unto the narration of these aboue sayd, we will adioyne the story of one Peter Pateshul au Austen Frier,Peter Pateshul against the friers. who obtaining by the Popes priuiledge (through the meanes of Walter Dis, confessour to the Duke of Lancaster) libertie to chaunge his coat and religion, and hearing the doctrine of Iohn Wicklesse & other of the same fort: began at length to preach opēly and to detect the vices of his order, in such forte as all men wondered to heare the horrible recyting thereof. This being brought to the cares of hys order, they to the number of 12. (cōming out of their house to the place where he was preaching) thought to haue withstode hym perforce. Among whome one especially for the zeale of hys religion, stoode vp openly in his preaching, and contraried yt which he said, who then was preaching in the Church of S. Christopher in London.Londinen against the friers. This when the faithfull Londoners did see, taking griefe hereat, were mooued wt great ire against the said Frier, thrusting him with hys other brethren out of the church, whome they not onely had beaten and fore woūded, but also followed them home to their house, mineding to haue destroied their mansion wt fire also, and so would haue done, had not one of the sheriffes of London, wyth two of the Friers of the sayde house well knowen & reported amongst the Londiners, wyth gentle wordes mitigated their rage and violence.Peter Pateshull. After thys, Peter Pateshull thus disturbed as is aforesayd, was desired by the Londiners (for so much as he could not well preach amongest them) to put in writing that, which he had sayde before, and other things more that he knew by the Friers: Who then at their request wryting the same, accused the friers of murther, cōmitted against diuers of their brethren. And to make the matter more apparant & credible, he declared the names of them that were murthered,The Friers accused with horrible crimes. wyth the names also of their tormentours. And named moreouer, time and place where and when they were murthered, and where they were buryed. Hee affirmed further, that they were Sodomites and traitours both to the kyng and the realme with many other crimes, which mine authour for tediousnes, leaueth of to recite. And for the more confutation of the said friers, the Londiners caused the sayd Bill, to be openly set vp at S. Paules Churche doore in London,Anno 138 [...]. Ex Chron. D. Albani. Which was there red and copied out of very many. Thys was doue in the yeare of our Lord 1387. and in the 10. yere of King Richarde seconde. Ex Chron. Monachi Albanensis. [Page]Cuius est exordium. Anno gratiae millesimo. &c.

Thus it may appeare by this and other aboue recited, how the Gospel of Christ preached by Iohn Wickleffe and others, began to spread & fructifie abroad in London, and other places of the realme: and more would haue done no dont, had not William Courtney, the Archbishop & other Prelates with the king, set them so forceably with myght & maine, to gainstand the course therof. Albeit as is sayde before, I finde none which yet were put to death therfore, during the raigne of this king Richard the second.Few of none burned in K. Richardes [...]re. Wherby it is to be thought of this king, that although he cānot be vtterly excused for molesting the godly & innocent preachers of that time, (as by his brieues & letters afore mentioned may appeare) yet neither was hee so cruell against them, as other that came after him: And that which he dyd seemed to procede by the instigation of the Pope and other Byshops, rather then either by the consent of his Parliament, or aduise of his coūsail about him, or els by his own nature. For as the decrees of yt parliament in all his time, were constant in stopping out the Popes prouisions,Kings ma [...]y tymes brought in [...] much f [...]e of the Pope. & in bridling his authority as we shall see (Christ willing) anone: so ye nature of the king was not altogether so fiersly set, if that he following the guiding thereof, had not stand so much in feare of the Bishop of Rome and his Prelates, by whose importune letters & calling on, he was cōtinually urged, to do contrary to that, which both right required, & wil perhaps in him desired. But howsoeuer the doings of this king are to be excused,Commēdai [...]a of Queene Anna wife [...] king Richard, Anno. 1394. The mariage of Queene Anne to K. Richard. The occasiō how the doctrine of Wickliffe come to Bohemia. The death of Queene Anne. Exsragmento Libri [...]us [...]lem Wigornēsos bibliothecae. Ex accomnid [...]lo D. M [...]ib. Archb. Can. Queene Anne had the 4. Gospels, with the Doctors in Englishe. or not, vndouted it is yt Queene Anne hys wife most rightly deserueth singulare commendation: who at the same time liuing with ye kyng had the gospels of Christ in English, wt 4. doctours vpon the same. This Anne was a Bohemian borne, and sister to Wincelaus K. of Boheme before: who was maryed to king Richarde about the 5. (some say, the 6.) yeare of hys reigne, and continued wt hym the space of 11. yeres. By the occasion whereof it may seeme not vnprobable, yt the Bohemians comming in wyth her, or resorting into thys realme after her, perused and receiued heere the bookes of Iohn Wickleffe, which afterward they conueied into Bohemia, wherof partly mention is made before, pag. 464.

The said, vertuous Queene Anne, after shee had liued with king Richarde about 11. yeares, in the 17. yeare of hys reigne changed this mortall life, and was buried at Westminster. At whose funeral, Thomas Arundel then Archb. of Yorke, and Lorde Chauncelour, made the Sermon. In which Sermon (as remaineth in the library of Worceter recorded) he entreating of the commendation of her, sayde these wordes: that it was more ioy of her, then of any woman that euer hee knewe. For notwithstanding that shee was an alien borne, she had in English all the 4. gospels, wt the Doctours vpon them: affirming moreouer and testifying, ye she had sent the same vnto him to examine. And he sayde they were good and true. And further wyth many wordes of praise did greatly commend her, in that she being so great a Lady, & also an alien, would study so lowly so vertuous bookes. And he blamed in that sermon sharply the negligence of the Prelates, & other men. In so much that some sayd, he would on the morow, leaue vp the office of Chauncelour, and forsake the world, & geue him to fulfil his pastoral office, for that he had seene and read in those bookes. And then it had bene the best Sermon that euer they heard. Haec ex libro Wygo. In the whiche Sermon of Thomas Arundell, three poynts are to be considered, first the laudable vse of those olde times receaued to haue the Scripture and Doctours in our vulgare English toung. Secondly, the vertuous exercise and also example of thys godly Lady, who had these bookes not for a shew hanging at her girdle: but also seemeth by this Sermon to be a studious occupier of the same. The third thing to be noted is, what fruit the sayde Thomas Archbyshoppe declared also himselfe to receiue at the hearing and reading of the same bookes of hers in the English toung.Tho. Arundell, Arch. breaketh his owne. promise. Notwythstanding, the [...]ame Thomas Arundel, after this Sermone and promise made, became the most cruell enemy that might be against English bookes, and the authors therof as foloweth after in his story to be seene.

Tho. Arundell and the B. of Lōdon, go to Irelād to the King to complain of the fauorers of Gods worde.For shortly after the death of Queene Anne, the same yere (the king being then in Irelād) this Thomas Arundel Archb. of Yorke, and Byshop of London, Rob. Braybrocke (whether sent by the Archb. of Cant. and the clergy, or whether going of their owne accorde) crossed the seas to Ireland, to desire the king in all spedy wise to returne and help the faith and church of Christ, against such as holding of Wickleffes teaching, went about (as they sayde) to subuect at their procedings, and to destroy the canonical sanctions of their holy mother church. At whose complaint the king hearing the one part speake, and [...]ot aduising the other, was in such forte incensed: that incontinent leauing all his affaires incomplete, he spedde his returne towarde England,Ex histor. D. Alb [...]ni. Anno. 1395. Where he kept his Christians at Dublin, in the which meane time, in the beginning of the next yere following, which was Anno. 1395. A Parliament was called at Westminster, by the commaundement of the Kyng. In which parliament, certaine Articles or Conclusions were put vp by them of the Gospell side,Conclusiōs offred vp in the parliament houses. to the number of 12. Which Conclusions moreouer were fastened vp vpon the church doore of S. Paule in London, and also at Westminster: The copie of which Conclusions with the words and contents thereof, here vnder ensueth.

¶ The booke of Conclusions, or Reformations, exhibited to the Parliament holden at London, and set vp at Paules doore and other places, in the 18. yeare of the raigne of king Richard the 2. & in the yere of our Lord. 1395.

THe first conclusion,Conclusions exhibited in the parliament. when as the Church of Englande began first to dote in tēporalities after her stepmother the great church of Rome, & the churches were authorised by appropriations: faith, hope, and charitie began in diuers places to vanish and flie away from our Churche, for so much as pride with her most lamentable and dolerous genealogie of mortall and deadly sinnes, did chalenge that place by title of heritage, and this conclusion is generall and approued by experiēce, custome and maner, as ye shall after heare.

The second conclusion,Papisticall priesthood. yt our vsuall Priesthode which tooke his originall at Rome, & fained to be a power higher then aungels, is not that Priesthoode which Christ or [...]cyned vnto his disciples. This cōclusion is thus proued, forso much as the Romish priesthod is done with signes and pontificall rites and ceremonies, and benedictions, of no force & effect, neither hauing any ground in scripture, for so much as the Bishops ordinall and the new Testament do nothing at all agree, neither do we see that the holy Ghost both geue any good gift through any such signs or ceremonies: because that he together with all noble & good giftes, cannot cōsist and be in any person wyth deadly sinne. The corolary or effect of this conclusion is, that it is a lamentable and dolorous mockerye vnto wise men, to see the Byshops mocke & play with the holy Ghost in the geuing of their orders: because they geue crowns for their characters and markes, in stede of white hartes, & this caracter is the marke of Antichrist, brought into the holy Church to cloke and colour their idlenesse.

The third conclusion,The single life of priestes. that the law of chastity enioyned vnto priesthode, the which was first ordeined to the preiudice of women, induceth Sodomy into the church: but we doe excuse vs by the Bible, because the suspect decree doeth say, that we should not name it. Both reason & experience proueth this cōclusion.He doth very excellently paint out the lecherous clergie. Reason thus, forsomuch as the delicate feeding and fare of the Clergy, will haue either a naturall purgation, or some worse. Experience thus, for somuch as the secrete triall and proofe or suche men is, y• they do delite in women. And whensoeuer thou doest prooue or see such a man, marke him well, for he is one of ye number. The corolarie of this conclusion is, that these priuate religions with the beginners therof,He prophecieth agaynst mōkery. ought most chiefly to be disanulled as the original of ye sinne and offence: But God of hys might, doth of priuie sinnes send open vengeance.

The fourth conclusion,The fayned myracle of transubstantiation. that most harmeth the innocent people is this: that the fained miracle of the Sacrament of bread, inducoth al men, except it be a very few, vnto idolatry: For somuch as they thinke that the body whych shall neuer bee oute of heauen, is by the vertue of the Priestes wordes essentially included in the little breade, the which they doe shewe vnto the people. But woulde to God they would beleeue that which the Euangelicall Doctour teacheth vs in his Trialoge, Quòd panis altaris est accidentaliter Corpus Christi. He meaneth here Wickliffe. i. that the breade of the aulter is the body of Christ accidentally: for so muche as wee suppose that by that meanes, euery faithful man and woman in the law of God, may make the Sacrament of that bread without any such miracle. The corolarie of this conclusion is, that albeit the body of Christ,The feast of Corpus Christi inuented by Tho. Aquinas. be endowed wt the eternal ioy, the seruice of Corpus Christi made by Frier Thomas, is not true, but painted ful of false miracles, neither is it any maruell: for so much as frier Thomas at that time taking part with the Pope, would haue made a myracle of a hens egge, and we knowe it very well that euery lie openly preached and taught, both turne to the rebuke & opprobry of him whych is alwayes true without any lacke.

The 5. conclusion is this, that the exorcisme & halowings, consecrations, and blessings ouer the Wine, Bread, [Page] The exorcismes and blessinges of Priestes.Waxe, Water, Dyle, Salte, Incence, the Aulter stone, and about the Churche walles, ouer the Westiment, Chalice, Miter, Crosse, and Pilgrimstaues, are the very practises of Nigromancy, rather then of sacred diuinity. This conclusion is thus prooued, because yt by suche exorcismes, the creatures are honored to be of more force & power then by their own proper nature, for we do not see any alteration, or chaunge in any creature so exorcised, except it be by false faith which is the principall poynt of deuilish art. The cocolarie of this is, that if the booke of exorcisation or coniuring of holy water which is sprinkled in the Church, were altogether faithfull and true: we thinke certainly that holy water vsed in the Churche, were the best medicine for all kinde of sicknesse and sores, Cuius contrarium experimur. i. the contrary wherof daily experience doth teach vs.

The sixt conclusion which mainteineth much pride, is, that a king and Bishop both in one person,The difference betwene the ecclesiastical & politike estate. a Prelate and iustice in temporall causes, a Curate an Officer in worldly office, doth make euery kingdome out of good order. This conclusion is manifest, because the temporalty and the spirituality, are two parts of the holy vniuersal Church, and therfore he which addicteth himself to the one part, let hym not intermeddle wyth the other, Quia nemo potest duobus Dominis seruire, wherfore to be called Amphroditae, whyche are men of both kindes or Ambidextri, which is such as can play with both handes, were good names for suche men of double estates. The Corolary of thys conclusion is, that therupon we the procuratours of God in this case, doe sue vnto the Parliament: that it may be enacted, that all suche as be of the clergie (as well of the highest degree as of the lowest) shuld be fully excused, and occupy themselues with their owne cure and charge, and not wyth others.

The foundation of Masses for the dead.The seuenth conclusion that wee mightely affirme is, that spirituall prayers made in the church for the soules of the deade (preferring any one man by name, more then an other) is a false foundation of almes, whereuppon all the houses of almes in England are falsly founded. This conclusion is prooued by two reasons: The one is, that a meritorious praier (of any force or effect) ought to be a worke proceeding from meere charity: and perfect charity accepteth no person, because thou shalt loue thy neighbor as thy self, Wherby it appeareth, that the benefit of any temporall gift bestowed & geuen vnto priestes and houses of almes, is the principall cause of any speciall prayers, the which is not farre different from sunonie. The other reason is, that euery speciall prayer made for men condemned to eternall punishment, is very displeasant before God. And albeit it be doubtful, yet is it very likely vnto the faithfull Christian people, that the founders of euery suche house of almes for their wicked endowing of the same, are for ye most part passed by the broad way. The corolary is, that euery praier offorce and effect proceeding of perfect charitie, woulde comprehend generally all such, whom God wold haue saued, and to liue. The marchaundise of special praiers now vsed for the dead, maketh mendicant possessioners & other hierling priestes, which otherwise were strong enough to worke & to serue the whole realme: And maintaineth the same in idlenesse, to the great charge of the realme, because it was prooued in a certaine booke which ye king hath, that a hundreth houses of almes,A hundred thou ses of almes suff [...]cient for England. are sufficient for the whole realme. And thereby might peraduenture greater increase and profite come vnto the temporalitie.

The 8. conclusion needefull to tel the people beguiled, is, that pilgrimages, praiers, and oblations made vnto blinde crosses or roodes,Pilgrimages & oblations. or to deafe images made eyther of woode or stone: are very neare of kinde vnto Idolatry, and farre different frō almes. And albeit that these thyngs which are forbidden and imagined,The Image of the Trinitie an abhominable thing. A poore man the perfect Image of God. are the booke of errour vnto the common people: notwithstanding, the vsual and common image of the Trinity is most especially abhominable. This conclusion God himselfe doeth openly manyfest, commaunding almes to be geuen to the poore & needy man, for he is the image of God in more perfite similitude and likenesse then any blocke or stone. For God did not say, let vs make a blocke or stone vnto our likenes and image, but let vs make man, for so muche as the supreme & highest honor which ye clergy calleth Latria, pertaineth only to the Godhead,Latria. Dulia. & the inferior honour which clergy call Dulia, pertaineth vnto men and angels, and to none other inferior creature. The corolarie is, ye the seruice of ye crosse celebrate twise euery yere in our church, is ful of idolatry: For if roode, tree, nailes, and speare, ought so profoundly to be honoured and worshipped,Ivdas lippes. then were Iudas lippes (if any man could get them) a marueilous goodly relique. But thou Pilgrime, we pray thee tell vs, when thou doest offer to the bones of the Saintes and holy men whych are layd vp in any place: whether dost thou relieue therby the holy man which is already in ioy, or that almes house that is so well endowed,The de [...] of Tho. Becket [...] Can [...] not to be counte [...] martyrd [...]. Auricular confessi [...]. Confession the minister of Iust. whereas they are canonised (the Lord knoweth howe) and to speake more plaine, euery faithfull Christian may well iudge and suppose, that the strokes of that same man, whom they calls. Thomas, were no came of Martyrdome, nor yet be.

The 9. conclusion that keepeth the people low, is, that auricular confession which is said to be so necessary for saluation, & the fained power of absolution: exalteth and setteth vp the pride of priests, and geueth them oportunity of other secrete talkes, which we will not at thys tune talke of, for so much as both Lordes and Ladies doe witnes that for feare of their confessors, they dare not speake the truth: and in time of confession is good oportunitie ministred, of wooing, or to play the baudes, or to make other secret conuentions to deadly sinne. They affirme and say, that they are commissaries sent of God to iudge & discerne of al maner sinne, to pardone and clense what so euer please them. They say also,The impudent bo [...]es of Priestes. that they haue the keyes of heauen and hell, & that they can excommunicate, curse and blesse, binde and loose, at theyr owne will and pleasure: in so muche, that for a small rewarde, or for 12. d. they will sell the blessyng of heauen by charter and clause of warrantes sealed by theyr commō seale. This conclusion is so common in vse, that it nedeth not any probation.The pope treasurer of the Church, in steede of treasure layeth vp coales. The corolarie hereof is, that the Pope of Rome whych fained himselfe to be the profounde treasurer of the whole Church, hauing that same woorthy iewell which is the treasure of the passion of Christ in hys owne keping and custody, together with the merites of all the saintes in heauen, wherby he geueth fained indulgences and pardons a poena & culpa: Hee is a treasurer almost banished out of chariti, wherby he may deliuer al captiues being in purgatory at hys pleasure, and make them not to come there. But heere euery faithfull Christian may easily perceiue that there is much falshode hid in our church.How wat it lawfull, the proose by experience.

The 10. that manslaughter (either by warre or by any pretensed law of iustice, for any temporall cause, or spirituall reuelation) is expresly contrary vnto the newe Testamēt, which is the law of grace, full of mercy. This conclusion is euidently proued by the examples of the preachyng of Christ heere in earth, who chiefly teacheth euery man to loue his enemies, and haue compassiō vpon them, and not to kill and murther them. The reason is this, that for the most part when as men do fight, after the first stroke, charity is broken: and whosoeuer dieth without charity, goth the right way to hell. And beside that, we doe well vnderstand & know that none of the clergy, neither by any other lawfull reason, can deliuer any man from the punishment of death, for one deadly sinne, and not for an other: but the law of mercy which is the new Testament, forbiddeth all maner of murther. For in the Gospell it is spoken vnto our forefathers, thou shalt not kil. The corolary is: It is a very robbing of the people, when Lordes purchase indulgences and pardons a poena & culpa, vnto such as do helpe their armies to kil and murther the christian people in soreine countreys for temporal gaine, as we do see certaine souldiors which do runne amongst the Heathen people to get themselues fame & renowme by the murther & slaughter of men. Much more doe they deserue euil thanks at the hands of the king of peace, for so much as by humility and peace, our faith is multiplied & increased: for murtherers and manquellers, Christ doeth hate and manaseth: he that striketh with the sword, shall perish with the sword.

The 11. conclusion is, whyche is shame to tell: that the vow of chastity made in our church by women whych are fraile and vnperfite in nature, is the cause of brynging in many great and horrible offences and vices, incident vnto the nature of man. For albeit, the murther of their children borne before their time,Nunnes & wydowes which vow single lyfe. and before they are christened, and ye destruction of their nature by medicine, are filthy & foule sinnes: yet they accompanying amongest themselues, or with vnreasonable beastes, or with any creature not hauing life, doe passe to such an vnseemelinesse, that they are punished by infernal torments. The corolarie is, that widowes & such as take the mantell and the ring delitiously fed, we would that they were maried, because that we can not excuse them from priuate offence of sinne.

The 12. that the multitude of artes not necessary (vsed in this our Church) causeth much sinne & offence in waste, curiosity, and disguising in curious apparell: experience & reason partly doth shewe the same, for so muche as nature with a few actes, is sufficient for mans vse and necessity.

This is the whole tenor of our ambassade which Christ hath commanded vs to prosecute at this time, most fit and conuenient for many causes. And albeit that these matters be heere briefly noted and touched: yet notwithstandyng, they are more at large declared in another boke with many [Page] other more in our owne proper tounge, which we would should be common to all Christian people. Wherefore, we earnestly desire and beseeche God for his great goodnesse sake, that he will wholy reforme our Church (now altogether out of frame) vnto the perfection of his first beginning and original. Ex Archiuis Regijs.

¶ These verses following, were annexed vnto the conclusions.

Plangunt Anglorum gentes crimen Sodomorum,

Paulus fert horum sunt idola causa malorum,

Surgunt ingrati Gyerzite Simone nati,

Nomine praelati hoc defensare parati,

Qui Reges estis populis quicunque praeestis,

Qualiter his gestis, gladios prohibere potestis▪

¶ The which verses are thus Englished.

The English nation doth lament, of Sodomites their sinne.

Which Paule doth plainely signifie, by Idoles to begin.

But Giersitis full ingrate, from sinfull Symon sprong.

This to defende (though Priests is name) make bulwarkes greed and strong.

Ye Princes therefore which to rule, the people God hath placed,

With iustice sword why see ye not, this euill great defaced.

§

After these conclusions were thus proposed in the Parliament, the king not long after returned home from Dubline into England, toward the latter ende of the Parliament. Who at his return, called certaine of his nobles vnto him, Richard Stury, Lewes Clifforde, Thomas Latimer, Iohn Mountacute,Rich, Stury, Lewes Clifford, Tho. Latimer, [...]. Mon̄tacute, good fauourers. [...] &c. whom he did sharply rebuke, and did terribly threaten for that hee heard them to be fauourers of yt side: charging them straightly, neuer to hold, maintaine, nor fauour any more those opinyons and conclusions. And namely of Richarde Stury, he tooke an othe that he should neuer from that day, fauoure or defende any such opinions: which othe being taken, the king then answered. And I sweare (sayth he) againe to thee, that if thou doest euer breake thine oth, thou shalt die for it a shameful death. &c. Ex Chron. D. Albani.

All this while W. Courtney Archbyshop of Caunterbury was yet aliue, who was a great stirrer in these matters. But yet Pope Urbane the great maister of the Catholicke secte was deade and buried 6. yeare before.Pope Vibane. 9. dead Anno 1389. Pope Boniface. 9. After whom succeeded in the schismatical sea of Rome pope Boniface 9. who nothing inferiour to hys predecessour in all kinde of cruelties, left no diligence vnattempted to set forward that which Urbane had begon, in suppressing them that were the setters foorth of the light of the Gospell: and had wrytten sundry times to king Richard as well for the repealing of the Actes of Parliament against his prouisions, Quare impedit, and premunire facias: as also that hee should assist the Prelates of Englande in the cause of God (as he pretended) against such,The letters of pope Boniface 9. to K. Richard. whom he falsly suggested to be Lollardes and traytors to the Church, to the king, and the Realme. &c. Thus the curteous pope, whom he coulde not reach with his sword, at least with cruel slander of hys malitious toung, would worke his poyson agaynst them, which letter he wrote to the king in the yeare of our Lord. 1396.Anno. 1396. The death of W. Court my Archb. of Cant. Tho. Arundell Archb. of Cant. Ann. 1398. Which was the yeare before the death of W. Courtney Archbishop of Caunterbury. After whom succeded in that see, Thomas Arundel brother to the Earle of Arundel, being first Byshop of Ely, afterwarde Archbyshop of Yorke, and Lord Chancelor of England, and at last made Archbyshop of Caunterbury about the yeare of our Lorde 1397. The next yeare following, which was the yeare of our Lord 1398. and the 9. yeare of the Pope, I finde in certaine recordes of the Bishop of Duresme, a certaine letter of K. Richard 2. written to the said pope Boniface: Which because I iudged not vnworthy to be sene, I thought here to annexe the same, proceeding in forme as foloweth.

¶ To the moste holy father in Christ and Lorde, Lorde Boniface the 9. by the grace of God high Pope of the most holy Romish and vniuersall Churche, hys humble and deuout sonne Richard by the grace of God king of England, and Fraunce, Lord of Irelande, greeting, and desiring to help the miseries of the afflicted Church, and kissing of that his blessed feete.

WHo wil giue my head water, & mine eyes streaming teares, that I may bewaile the decay and manifold troubles of our mother,A letter of K. Richard [...]o Pope Boniface. 9. which haue chaunced to her by her owne children in the distresse of this present schisme and diuision. For the sheepe haue forgotten the proper voyce of their shepherds, and hirelings haue thrust in themselues to feede the Lordes flocke, who are clothed with the apparell of the true shephearde, chalenging the name of honour & dignity, resembling so the true shepheard, that the pore sheepe can scarse know whome they ought to folow, or what pastour as a straunger they ought to flee, and whom they shuld shun as an hireling: Wherefore we are afraid, least the holy standard of the Lord beforsaken of his host, and so that Citye being full of riches become solitary and desolate, and the land or people whych was so [...]t to say (flourishing in her prosperities) I sate as a Quene, and am not a widowe, least it be destitute of the presence of her husband, and as it were so bewitched that shee shall not be able to discerne his face, and so wrapped in mases, that she shal hot know where to turne her, that she might more easily finde him, and that she shall with weeping speake that saying of the spouse: I sought him whom my soule loueth, I sought him and found him not: For now we are compelled so to wander, that if any man say, beholde here is Christ, or there, we may not beleeue him so saying: and so many shepheards haue destroyed the Lordes vineyarde, and made his amiable portion a waste wildernesse.

This multitude of shepherdes is become very burdenous to the Lords flocke. For when two striue to be chief, the state of both their dignities standes in doubt, and in so doing they geue occasion to all the faithfull of Christ, of a schisme and diuision of the Churche. And although both parties goe about to subdue vnto their power the whole Church militant, yet cōtrary to both their purpose, by working this way, there beginneth to rise nowe a diuision in the body of the Church. Like as when the diuision of the quicke innocent body was asked, when the two harlots did striue afore Salomon:Desire to rule in the Church. like as the ten tribes of Israel folowed [...]eroboham the intruder, and were withdrawne from the kingdome for Salomons sinnes euen so of olde time the desire of ruling hath drawne the great power of the world from the vnitie of the Churche. Let your selues remember, we beseeche you, how that all Greece did fall from the obedience of the Romish Churche in the time of the faction of the primarche of Constantinople,Greece renounced the Romish Church. and howe Mahome with his felowes by occasion of the supremacie in Ecclesiasticall dignitie, deceiued a great part of Christians, and withdrewe them from the Empire and ruling of Christ. And nowe in these dayes, where as the same supremacie hathe wythdrawen it selfe from the obedience of it, in so muche that nowe in very fewe realmes the candle that burnes afore the Lord remaineth, and that for Dauids sake his seruaunt: And although nowe remaine fewe countreys professing the obedience of Christs true vicare: yet peraduentu [...]e if euery man were left to his owne libertie, he would doubt of the preferring of your dignity, or that is worse, woulde vtterly refuse it by such doubtfull euidence alleaged on both sides: and thys is the subtil craft of the croked Serpent, that is to say, vnder the pretense of vnitie, to procure schismes: as the spider of a wholesome flower gathers poyson: and Iudas lerned of peace to make warre. Wherefore, it is liuely beleeued of wise men, that except this pestilent schisme be withstand by and by, the keyes of the Churche will be despised, and they shall binde the consciences but of a few? and when either none dare be bolde to correct this fault or to reforme things contrary to Gods lawe,The king seemeth here to prophesi [...]. so by this meanes at length temporall Lordes will take away the liberties of the Church, and peraduenture the Romanes will come and take away their place, people and landes: they wil spoile their possessions and bring the men of the Churche into bondage, and they shall be contemned, reuiled and despised: because the obedience of the people and deuotions towardes them will almoste bee taken away, when the greater part of the Church left to their owne libertye shall waxe prouder than they be wont, leauing a wicked example to them that doe see it. For when they see the Prelates studie more for couetousnesse than they were wont, to pursse vp money, to oppresse the subiectes, in their punishings to seeke for gaine, to confounde lawes, to stirre vp strife, to suppresse truth, to vexe poore subiects with wrong corrections, in meat and drinke intemperate, in feastings past shame: what maruell is it if the people despise them as the foulest forsakers of Gods lawe? but all these things doe folowe if the Church shoulde be left long in this doubtfulnesse of a schisme, and than shoulde that olde s [...]ying be verified: in those dayes there was no king in Israel, but euery one did that that seemed right and straighte to himselfe. Micheas did see the people of the Lord scattered in the mountaines as they had bene shepe without a shephearde: for when the shepheard is smitten, the sheepe of the flocke shalbe scattered, the great stroke of the shepheard is the minishing of his iurisdiction, by which the subiects are drawen from his obedience. When Iason had the office of the highest Priest, hee chāged the ordinance of God, and brought in the customes of the heathen, the priests leauing the seruice of the holy altar & applying themselues to wrasting other exercises of the Grecians, & despising those things that belōged to the priests, did labor with all their might to learne suche thinges of the Grecians, and by that meanes the place, people, and holy oynting of Priestes whych in time past were hadde in greate reuerence of kynges, were troden vnder foote of all men, and robbed by the kinges power, and was [Page] prophaned by thrusting in for money. Therefore, let the hyghest vicare of Christe looke vnto this with a diligent eye, and let hym be the follower of him by whom he hath gotten authoritie aboue others.Byshops taught by Christ not to play the Lordes. If you mark well most holy father, you shal find that Christ rebuked sharpely two brethren, coueting the fease of honour: hee taught them not to play the Lordes ouer the people, but the more grace they were preuēted with, to be so much more humble then other, and more lowly to serue their brethren. To hym that asked hys coate, to geue the cloake: to him that smote him on the one cheeke, to tourne the other to him. For the sheepe that are geuen to hys keeping, hee must forsake all earthly thyngs, and to shedde his owne bloud,The right ornament of a true Byshop. yea and if neede required to die. These things I say be those that adorne the highest Byshop if they be in him, not purple, not hys white horse, nor his Imperiall crowne, because hee among all men is most bounde to all the sheepe of Christ. For the feare of GOD therefore, and for the loue of the flocke which yee guide, consider these things diligently, and doe them wisely, and suffer vs no longer to wauer betwixte two: although not for your owne cause, to whom peraduenture the fulnes of your owne power is knowen: yet in pitying our weakenes, if thou be he, tell vs openly, and shew thy self to the world, that al we may follow one. Be not to vs a bloudy bishop, least by your occasion mans bloud be shed, least hel swalow such a nomber of soules, & least the name of Christ be euill spoken of by Infidels, thorough suche a worthy personage. But peraduenture yee will say, for our righteousnes it is manifest inough,A bald answere. and we will not put it to other mens disputations. If this bald aunswer should be admitted, the schisme should continue still, seeing neither part is willing to agree to the other: and where the world is as it were equally deuided betwixt them, neither part can be compelled to geue place to the other without much bloudshed. The incarnation of Christ and his resurrection was well inough knowen to himselfe and his disciples, yet hee asked of his father to be made knowen to the world. Hee made also the Gospel to be wrytten, and the doctrine of the Apostles, & sent his Apostles into all the world, to do the office of preaching, that the same thing might be knowen to all men. The foresayde reason is the subtelty of Mahomet, the which knowing himselfe guilty of his sect, vtterly forbad disputations. If ye haue so ful trust of your righteousnesse, put it to the examination of worthy persones in a generall councel, to the which it belōgeth by right to define such doubts, or els commit it vnto able persons, and geue them ful power to determine all things concerning that matter, or at the lest by forsaking the office on both parties, leaue the Churche of God free, speedily to prouide for a new shepheard.

We finde, kings haue forsaken their temporal kingdomes, vpon onely respect of deuotion,Publike respect to be preferred before priuate. and haue taken the apparel of Monkes profession. Therefore let Christes Vicar (being a professour of most high holinesse) be ashamed to continue in his seat of honor, to the offence of all people, and the preiudice and hurt of the Romish church, and the deuotion of it, and cutting away kingdomes from it. But if you say, it is not requisite that the cause of Goddes church should he called in controuersie, and therefore we cannot so easily goe from it,Aunswere to a popish obiectiō. seeing our conscience gainesayeth it. To the which we answer, if it be the cause of God and the church, let the general councel iudge of it: but if it be a personal cause (as almost all the world probably thinketh) if ye were the follower of Christ, ye would rather chose a temporall death, then to suffer such a wauering, I say not, to the hurt of so many, but the endles destruction of soules,Hard counsell for the pope. to the offence of the whole world, and to an euerlasting shame of the Apostolical dignitie. Did not Clemente named (or that I may more truely speake) ordeined of S. Peter to the Apostolike dignitie and to be bishop, resigne his right, that his dede might be taken of his successours for an example? Also Pope Siricius gaue ouer his Popedome to be a comfort of the 11000. Virgins. Therfore much more ought you (if neede require) geue ouer your Popedome, that you might gather together the children of God which be scattered abroade. For as it is thought a gloryous thing to defend the common right, euen to bludshed: so is it somtimes necessary for a man to wincke at his owne cause, and to forsake it for a greater profite, and by that meanes better to procure peace. Shoulde not he be thought a deuill and Christes enemie of all men, that woulde agree to an election made of him for the Apostolicall dignitie and Popedome, if it should be to the destruction of Christians, diuision of the church, the offence and losse of al faithfull people? If such mischiefs should be known to al the world by Goddes reuelation, to come to passe by such receiuing of the Popedome and Apostolicall dignitie: then by the like reason, why shall he not be iudged of all men an Apostata and forsaker of hys faith,Vnitie of the church to be preferred before worldly dignitie. which chuseth dignitie, or rather worldly honour, then the vnitie of the Churche? Christ died that he might gather together the children of God which are scattered abroad: but such an enemie of God and the Church, wisheth his subiectes bodily to die in battaile, and the more part of the worlde to pearish in soule, rather then forsaking to be Pope to liue in a lower state, although it were honourable. If the feare of God the desire of the heauenly kingdō, & the earnest loue of the vnitie of the church do moue your hart, shew in dede that your workes may beare recorde to the truth.

Clement and Siricius most holy Popes, not only are not reprooued, but rather are reuerenced of all men,The Pope will not loose his dignitie for any publike tranquiline. because they gaue ouer their right for profitable causes, & for the same cause all the church of holy men shewe forth their praise Likewise your name should liue for euer and euer if ye would do the like for a necessary cause, that is to say, for the vnitie of Gods Churche. Geue no heede to vnmeasurable cryings of them that say, that the ryghte chusing of Popes is lost, except ye defend your part manfully: but be afraid, least such stirrers vp of mischiefe looke for theyr owne commoditie or honour,Wicked flatterers about the pope. that is to say, that vnder your wing they might be promoted to richesse and honour. After this sort Achithophel was ioyned and Absolon in persecuting his owne father, and false vsurping of hys kingdome.

Furthermore, there shoulde be no ieopardie to that election, because both parties sticke stifly to the old fashion of election, and either of them couer the preheminence of the Romish Churche,Better that the order of the popes electiō should cease: then the church should suffer any diuision. counsailing all Christians to obey them. And although throughe their geuing ouer the fashion of chusing the Pope should be chā ged for a time: it were to be borne, rather then to suffer any longer this diuision in Gods church. For that fashion in chusing is not so necessary required to the state of a Pope, but the successour of the Apostle as necessary cause required, might come in at the doore by an other fashion of chusing, and that Canonicall inough. And this we are taught manifestly by examples of the fathers: for Peter the Apostle appoynted after him Clement, and that not by false vsurping of power, as we suppose. And it was thought, that that fashion of apoynting of Popes, was lawfull vnto the time of Pope Hillary. Which decreed that no Pope shuld apoynt hys successor.

Afterward,Bishops of Rome appointed their successours to the time of pope Hillary. the election of the Pope went by the cleargy and people of Rome, and the Emperors counsaile agreeing therto, as it appeareth in the election of the blessed Gregory. But Martinus Pope with the consent of the holy Synode graunted Charles the power to chuse the Pope. But of late Nycholas the 2 was the first whome Martine makes mention of in his councels, to be chosen by the Cardinals. But all the Bishops of Lumbardie (for the most part) wythstode this election, and chose Cadulus to be Pope, saying that the Pope ought not to be chosen, but of the precincte of Italie. Wherefore, we thinke it not a safe way so earnestly to stick to the traditions of men, in the fashion of chusing the Pope, & so oft to chaunge, least we be thought to breake Goddes traditions concerning the vnitie of the church. Yea rather it were better yet to ordaine a newe fashion of his election, and meeter for hym as it hath beene afore.Election of the pope not as was before. But all things concerning the same election myght be kept safe, if Gods honour were looked for afore youre owne, and the peace of the Church were vprightly soughte: for such a dishonouring shoulde be most honour vnto you, and that geuing place shall be the getting of a greater dignitie, & the willing deposing of your honour,Good counsayle lost. shoulde obtaine you the entrie of euerlasting honour, and shoulde procure the loue of the whole worlde toward you, and you shoulde deserue to be exalted continually, as Dauid was in humbling himselfe. O howe monstrous a sight and how foule a monster is a mannes body disfigured wyth two heades? So if it were possible, the spouse of Christ shoulde be made so monstrous, if shee were ruled wyth two such heades: but that is not possible, she is euer altogether faire, in whome no spot is found, therfore we must cast away that rotten member, & thruster in of hys second head:Christes seameles coat broken. We cannot suffer any longer so great a wickednesse in Gods house, that we shoulde suffer Gods cote that wantes a feame, by any meanes to be torne by the handes of two, that violently draw it in sonder. For if these two should be suffred to raigne together,The Popes compared to the souldiours that cursed christ they woulde so betwixte them teare in pieces that litle coate of the Lord, that scarse one piece woulde hange to another. They passe the wickednesse of the souldiours that cursed Christ. For they willing to haue the coate remaine whole, said: Let vs not cut it, but let vs cast lots for it, whose it shalbe. But these 2. Popes suffring their right and title to be tried by no lot nor way (although not in wordes yet in deedes) they pronounce this sentence: It shall neither be thine nor mine, but let it be deuided, for they chose rather as it apeareth to be Lords (though it be but in a litle part, and that to the cōfusion of vnitie of the Church) then in leuing that lording to seke for the peace of the church. We do not affirme this, but we shew almost the whole iudgemēt of the world of them being moued so thinke by likely coniectures. We looked for amendement of thys intollerable c [...]fusion, by the space that these two inuentours of this mischi [...]liued. But wee looked for peace and beholde trouble: for neither in their lyues nor in their deaths, they procured any cōfort, but rather dying as it were in a doubt betwixt two wayes, left to theyr successoures matters of contention continuall. But nowe for the space of 7. yeres of their successors, that which we desired and loked for afore (that is, they shoulde beare good grapes and they bryng foorth wild grapes) in thys matter we fall into a deepe despaire. But in as much that we heare the comfort of the Lorde, which promised that miserably he wold destroy those wicked men, & let his vineyarde to other husbandmen which will bring him fruit at their times appoynted, he hath promised faithfully that he wil help his spouse in her nede, to thend of the world: & we leaning on the sure hope of this promise [Page] and in hope contrary to hope beleuing, by Gods grace will put our helping handes to easing of this misery, when a conuenient time shall serue, as much as our kingly power is able, although our wit doth not perceaue how these thinges afore rehearsed may be amended: yet we being encouraged to this by the hope of gods promise, will do our endeuour: lik as Abraham beleued his sonne being slaine by sacrifice, that the multitude of his seede should encrease to the number of the starres,A godly purpose if it had bene put in execution. according to Gods promise. Now therfore the time drawes near to make an end of this schism least a third election of a schismaticke agaynst the Apostles successour make a custome of the doyng, and so the Pope of Auinion shalbe double Romishe pope, and he shall say with hys partakers, as the Patriarch of Constantinople sayd vnto Christes vicar when he forsooke hym: The Lorde be with thee, for the Lorde is with vs. And is much to be feared of all Christen men. For that Pharisie begins now to be called the pope of Auinion among the people. But peraduenture it would be thought of some men, that it belongeth not to secular princes to bridle outragies of the Pope:Seculare princes are to bridle the outragies of the pope. to whome we aunswere, that naturally the members put them selues in ieopardy for to saue the head, and the partes labour to saue the whole. Christ so decked his spouse, that her sides shold cleaue together, and should vphold themselues, by course of time and occasion of thinges, they should correcte one an other and cleaue together tunably. Did not Moses put down Aaron, because he was vnfaythfull? Salomon put downe Abiathar, who came by lineall dissent from Anatoth, and remoued hys priesthoode from his kindred to the stock of Eliazar in the person of Sadock which had his beginning from Ely the priest [...] 3.2 O [...]ho Emperour, deposed Pope Iohn the 12. because he was lecherous. Henry the Emperour put downe Gratianus, because he vsed Simony in buying & selling spirituall liuinges. And Otho deposed Pope Benner the first,Popes put downe by princes. because he thrust in himselfe. Therefore by like reason, why may not kings and Princes bridle the Romishe Pope in default of the Church: if the quallitie of his fault require it, or the necessitie of the Church by this compell to helpe the Churche oppressed by tyranny. In old time schismes which rose about making the Pope, were determined by the power of secular Princes: as the schisme betwixt Symachus and Laurence was ended in a Counsaile afore Theodoricus king of Italy. Henry the Emperour when two dyd striue to be Pope, he deposed them both, and receaued the thyrd being chosen at Rome to be Pope, that is to say, Clement the second, which crowned him with the Imperiall crowne. And the Romaynes promised him that from thenceforth, they would promote none to be Pope without his consent. Alexander also ouercame 4. Popes schismatickes, all which Fredericke the Emperour corrected.

Thus looke on the register of Popes and theyr deedes, and ye shall finde that schismes most commonly haue bene decised by the powers of secular princes, the schismatickes cast out, and sometimes new popes made, and sometime the olde ones cast out of their dignities, and restored to theyr old dignities again. If it were not lawfull for secular princes to bridle the outragies of such a Pope lawfully made, and afterward becōming a tyraunt: In such a case he might oppresse ouermuch the Church, he might chaunge Christendome into Heathens, and make the labour of Christ crucified to be in vayne,Lawful that Princes shuld withstand the tyranny of the Pope. or els truely God should not haue prouided for his spouse in earth by all meanes as much as is possible by seruice of men to withstand daungers. Therefore we counsell you with such a louing affection as becomes Children, that ye consider in your hart well, least in working by this meanes ye prepare away of Antichrist, through your desire to beare rule, and so by this meanes as we feare the one of these two shall chaunce: Either ye shall cause all the princes of the worlde to rise agaynst you to bring in a true follower of Christ to haue the state of the Apostolicall dignitie, or that is worse, the whole world despising the ruling of one shepheard shall leaue the Romish Church desolate. But God keepe this from the worlde,The kyng seemeth here to prophesie of the desolation of the Romaine pope. that the desire of honour of two men should bring such a desolation into the Church of God: for then that departing away which the Apostle prophecied, shoulde come afore the comming of Antichrist, were at hand: which shold be the last disposition of the worlde, peaceably to receaue Antichrist with honour. Consider therefore the state of your most excellent holines, how ye receaued the power from God to the building of the Church and not to the destruction, that Christ hath geuen you wine and oyle to heale the wounded, and hath appoynted you his vicar in these thinges as pertayne to gentlenes, and hath geuen vs these thinges whiche serue to rigour. For we beare not the sword without a cause to the punishement of euill doers, the which power ordayned of God we haue receaued, our selues being witnes: beseeching you to receaue our counsel effectually, that in doing thus, the waters may returne to the places from whence they came, and so the waters may begin to be made sweete with salt: least the axe swimme on the water and the wood fineke, and least the fruitfull Oliue degender into a wilde Oliue, and the l [...]prosie of Naaman that Noble man, cleaue continually to the house of Giezy, and least the pope and the Phariseis crucify Christ agayne, Christ the spouse of the Churche whiche was wont to bring the chiefe Byshop into the holyest place,The pope and Pharises, newe crucifiers of Christ. encrease your holines, or rather to restore it being lost.

Written, &c. Ex Fragmento libri cuiusdam Dunelm.

¶ This Epistle of king Richard 2. written to Pope Boniface the 9. in the time of the schisme, about the yeare as appeareth 1397. As it contayned muche good matter of wholsome counsel to be followed: so how litle he wrought with the Pope, the sequell after warde declared. For the schisme notwithstanding continued long after, in whiche neyther of the popes would geue ouer theyr holde, or yelde any thing to good counsayle geuen them, for any respect of publique wealth. Such a stroke heareth ambition in thys Apostolicall see, whiche we are wont so greatly to magnifie. But of this inough, whiche I leaue and referre to the consideration of the Lorde, seeing men will not looke vpon it.

Drawing now toward the latter end of king Richards raigne, it remaineth, that as we did before in the time of K. Edward the third,The Popes vsurped iurisdiction neuer receiued in England, before a late yeres. so here also we shewe forth a summary recapitulation of such parliamentall notes & proceedinges as then were practised by publique parliament in this kings time, against the iurisdiction of the Bysh. of Rome: to the intent, that such (if any such be) that thinke, or haue thought the receauing of the popes double authoritie to be such an auncient thing within this realme, may diminishe theyr opinion: As euidently may appeare by diuers arguments heretofore touched, concerning the election and inuesting of byshops by the king. As where king Oswin cō maunded Tedde to be ordayned Archbish. of Yorke. Also where king Egfride caused Cuchbert, was brought to K. Canuce and at his commaundement was instituted Byshop of the same see.Ex lib. Guliel. Malmesb. de gestis pontif. Anglorum. Ex Mat. Paris. lib. de vita Hēri Ex lib. Malmesb. de gestis pontif. Anglorum. And likewise Math. Parisiensis testifieth, that king Henry the 3. gaue the Archbishopricke of Caunterbury, to Radulphus then Bishop of London, and inuested him wyth staffe and ring. And the s [...]re king gaue the Bishopricke of wint. to W. Gifford: and moreouer, following the steppes both of his father and brother before him, endued him with the possessions pertaining to the sayd Bishoprick (the contrary statute of pope Urbane, forbidding that Clerkes should receaue any Ecclesiasticall dignitie at the hand of Princes, or of any lay person to the contrary notwithstanding &c.) Innumerable examples of like sort are to be seen in auncient historyes of this our realme. As also out of the parliament tolles in the time of king Edward hath sufficiently bene touched a little before. Whereunto also may be added the notes of such parliamentes, as haue bene holdē in the raygne of this present king Richard the second, the collation whereof in part here followeth.

* Notes of certayne Parliamentes holden in the the raigne of king Richard 2. making agaynst the Pope.

IN the first yeare of King Richard 2. in the parliament holden at Westminster,Ex Archinis parlamentarijs. An. 1. Reg. Rich. 2. tit. 66. it was requested and graunted: that the popes collector be willed no longer to gather the first fruites of benefices within this realme, being a verye noueltie, and that no person doe any longer pay them.

Item,Tit. 67. that no man doe procure any benefice by prouision from Rome, on payne to be out of the kinges protection.

Item,Tit. 68. that no Englishman do take to farme of any Alien, anye Ecclesiasticall benefice or Prebende, on the lyke payne. In which byll was rehearsed, that the French men had 6. thousand poundes yearely of such liuinges in England.

Item,Tit. 77. that remedy might be had against the popes reseruations to dignities electiue, ye same being done against the treaty of the pope, taken with king Edward 3.

In the second yeare of the sayd king Richard the secōd,Ex Anno. 2. Tit. 70. it was by petitiō requested: that some order might be takē touchyng Aliens, hauyng the greatest part of the Church dignities in their handes. Whereunto the kyng aūswered, that by aduise of the Lordes, he will prouide therfore.

Item,Tit. 71. it was enacted, that all the benefices of Cardinals and others rebels, to pope Urbane that now is, shal be seased into the kynges handes.

An Acte that Pope Urbane was true & lawfull Pope,Tit. 78. and that the liuynges of all Cardinals and other rebels to the sayd Pope, should be seased into the kinges handes, and the kyng bee aunswered of the profites thereof: And that whosoeuer within this Realme, shall procure or obtayne any prouision or other instrument from any other Pope then the same Urbane, shall be out of the kynges protection.

[Page] Ex 3. Anno. Reg. Rich. 2.Moreouer, in the thyrd yeare of kyng Richard the second, the Prelates and Clergie made their protestation in this Parliament, expressely agaynst a certaine new graūt, to wit,Here note well a straunge proceeding. their extortions: That the same neuer should passe with their assent and good will, to the blemishyng of the liberties of the Churche, if by that worde extortion, they ment any thyng largely to proceede against Ordinaries & others of the Church. But if they ment none otherwise to deale hereafter therin, thē before that ye time had bene done then would they consent. Wherunto it was replied for the king,But marke the straunge euent. that neither for the same their sayd protestation, or other wordes in that behalfe, the king woulde not stay to graunt to his Iustices in that case and all other cases, as was vsed to be done in times past, and was bound to doe by vertue of his othe done at his coronation.

Furthermore, in the fourth yeare of the sayd king Richard 2. it was requested,Tit. 44. that prouision might be had agaynst the popes collectors, for leuying of the first fruits of ecclesiasticall dignities within the realme.

Tit. 46.Item, that all Priors Aliens might be remoued out of their houses, and licensed to depart, & neuer to reuert. And that English men may be placed in their liuinges, answering the king as they did.

Ex 9. Anno eiusdem Regis. Tit. 4.And in the 9. yeare of the foresayd king, touching matter of the Staple: the speaker of the Parliament pronounced, that he thought best the same were planted within the realme, considering that Calis, Bruges, and other towns beyond the seas, grew very rich therby, and good townes here very much decayed, and so much for the common profite. Touching the king, he affirmed that the subsidie & custome of wool more yelded to the king whē the staple was kept in England by one thousand markes yearely, then it did now being holden beyond the seas.

Tit. 36.Item: that inquisition and redresse might be had against such religious persons, as vnder the licence to purchase 10. li. yearly, do purchase 80. li. or 100. li.

Tit. 44.Item, that all Clarkes aduaunced to any ecclesiasticall dignitie or liuing by the king, will graunt to the king the first fruites of their liuinges, none otherwise then they would haue done to the Pope being aduaunced by him.

Tit. 26.In the 11. yeare of K. Richard. 2. it was put vp by the petitions of the commons, that suche impositions as are gathered by the popes bulles of Volumus and imponimus of the translations of B.B. and such like might be imployed on the kinges warres agaynst the schismatickes of Scotland. And that such as bring into the realme the like bulles and nouelries may be reputed for traytors.

An 13. Regis Rich. 2. Tit. 24.In the 13. yeare of his raigne, followed an other parliamēt, in which although the archbish. of Canterbury and Yorke, for them and the whole Clergie of their prouinces, made their solemne protestations in opē Parliament, that they in no wise ment or would assent to any statute or law made in restraynt of the popes authoritie, but vtterly withstood the same, willing this protestation of theirs to be enrolled: yet the sayd protestation of theirs at that time took no great effect.

Tit. 34.Item, in the same Parliament was put vp by publike petion, that the popes collector should be commaunded to auoyd the Realme within 40. dayes, or els to be taken as the kinges enemy, and that euery such collector from henceforth, may be an Englishman and sworn to execute the statutes made in this Parliament.

Moreouer in the sayd Parliament, the yere abouesayd of the king:Ex titu. 9. the 26. of Ianuary, M. Iohn Mandour Clark was charged openly in the parliament, that he should not passe, ne send ouer to Rome, ne attempt or doe any thinge there touching the Archdeaconry of Durham in preiudice of the king or of hys lawes, or of the party presented thereto by the king, on perill that might ensue.

Ex an. 14. Regis Richardi secund [...]. tit. 6.The next yeare following whiche was the 14. of thys kinges raigne, it was enacted first touching the staplers, that after the feast of the Epiphany next ensuing, that ye staple should be remoued from Calice into England, in suche places as are contayned in the statute made in 27. Edw. 3. the which statute should be fully executed: and further, that euery Alien that bringeth merchaundise into the Realme, should finde sufficient surety to buy and cary awaye commodities of the Realme, to halfe the value of his sayd merchaundise.

Tit. 24. Against vsury.Item, in the same parliament petition was made, that agaynst the horrible vice of vsury then termed shifts, practised as well by the clergie as laitie, ye order made by Iohn Notte, late Mayor of Londō, might be executed throughout the Realme.

Ex. tit. 29.Moreouer in the 15. yeare of the raigne of the foresayde king it was accorded: for yt syr W. Brian knight, had purchased from Rome a Bull directed from the Archbshop of Cant, and Yorke, to excommunicate suche as had broken vp his house, and had taken away diuers letters, priuilegies, and charters. The same Bull being red in the parliament house, was adiudged preiudicial to the kings crown and in derogation of the lawes, for the whiche hee was by the king and assent of the Lordes committed to the Tower, there to remayne at the kinges will and pleasure.

In the sayd Parliament also,Vide articulum. Tit. 29. W. Archb. of Canterbury maketh his protestation in the open parliament, saying, that the pope ought not to excommunicate any bishop, or to entermeddle, for, or touching anye presentment to anye ecclesiasticall dignitie recorded in any the kinges courtes. He further protested, that the pope ought to make no translation, to any Byshopricke, within the realme against the kinges will: for that the same was to the destruction of the realme and crowne of England whiche hath alway bene so free, as the same hath had none earthly soueraigne, but onely subiecte to God in all thinges touching regalties, and to none other. The which protestation he prayd might be entred.

In the 17. yeare of the raygne of the king aforesayd, it was desired that remedy might be had,Ex An. 17. Reg. Rich [...] Titul. 33. agaynst suche religious persons as caused their villains or vnderlinges to mary free women inheritable, wherby the lands came to those religious mens handes by collusion.

Item, that sufficient persons might be presented to 43 benefices who may dwell on the same so as theyr stocke for want therof do not perish.

Item, that remedy might be had agaynst the Abbotes 46 of Colchester and Abinton, who in the townes of Colchester and Colnham clayme to haue sanctuary.

To come to the parliament holden in the 20. yeare of this kinges raigne,Ex an. 20. Reg. Rich. 2. tit. 22. we finde moreouer in the sayd rolles: how that the Archb. of Cant. and York, for themselues and the clergy of their prouinces, declared to the king in open parliamēt,Here the Archb. of Cant. goeth contrary to himselfe. yt forasmuch as they were sworn to ye pope and see of Rome, if any thing were in the parliament attempted in restraynt of the same, they woulde in no wise assent therto, but verily withstand the same, the which theyr protestation they require to be enrolled.

Upon the petition of the begging Friers there at large it was enacted:Titul. 32. that none of that order shoulde passe ouer the seas, without licence of his soueraigne, nor that he shoulde take vppon him no order of M. of Diuinitie, vnlesse he were first apposed in his Chapter prouinciall, on payne to be put out of the kinges protection.

Item,Tit. 36. that the kings officers for making arests or attachementes in Churchyardes, are therefore excommunicated, wherof remedy was required.

In the yeare of the same kinges raygne. 21. the Parliment being holden at Westminster,Ex 21. an. Reg. Rich. titul. 15. we find how the commons in full Parliament, accused Thomas Arundell archbishop of Caunterbury, for that he as Chauncellor procured, and as chiefe doer executed the same commission, made trayterously in the tenth yeare of the king. And also that he the sayd Archbishop procured the Duke of Gloucester and the Earles of Arundell and Warwicke, to encroth to themselues royall power, and to iudge to death Simon de Burley, and sir Iohn Berners without the kings assent. Wheron, the Commons required that the same archbish. might rest vnder safe keeping: wherunto, for that the same impeachementes touched so great a person, they would be aduised.

Item,Ex tit. 16. the 25. day of September, the Commons prayed the king to geue iudgement agaynst the sayd Archbishop, according to his desertes. The king aunswered, that priuately the sayd Archbishop had confessed to him, howe he mistooke himselfe in the sayd Commission, and therefore submitted himselfe to the kings mercy.Tho. Arundell Archb. of Cant. proued a traitour by parliament. Wherfore, the king Lordes and sir Thomas Percy, proctor for the clergie: adiudged the facte of the sayd Archbishop to be treason, and hymselfe a traytour, and therfore it was ordered: that the sayd Archbishoppe shoulde be banished, his temporalties seased, his landes and goodes forfeyted, as well in vse as in possession.

The king further prescribed,Ex tit. 17. that the sayd Archbishop shoulde take hys passing on Friday within 6. weekes of Michaelmas, at Douer, towardes the parts of Fraunce.

Thus hauing hitherto sufficiently touched and comprehended such thinges as haue happened in the raygne of this king, necessary for the Church to knowe, by course of story: we come nowe to the 22. yeare of King Richardes raygne, which is the yeare of our Lord, 1399. In the which yeare happened the strange and also lamentable deposing of this king Richard the second aforesayd, from hys kingly scepter. Straunge, for that the like example hathe not [Page] often bene seene in seates royall. Lamentable, for that it cannot be but grieuous to any good mans hart,Anno. 1399. The depo [...] of kyng Archb. the 2. The Story [...] [...]ge & [...]entable. to see him eyther so to deserue, if he were iustly deposed: or if he were vuiustly depriued, to see the kingly title there not able to hold his right, wher by force, it is compelled to geue place to might.

As concerning the order and processe of whose deposing for that it neither is greatly pertinent to my argument, and is sufficiently contayned in Robert Fabian and in the kinges recordes, in the Chronicle of S. Albons, and in other histories at large, it were here tedious and superfluous to entermedle with repeting therof. [...]l [...]es and vertues mixt [...] K. Rich. What were the conditions and properties of this king, partly before hath bene touched. In whome as some good vertues may be noted: so also some vices may seeme to be mixed withall. But especially this, that he starting out of the steps of hys progenitors, ceased to take part with them, whiche tooke part with the gospell. Wherupon, it so fell, not by the blind wheele of fortune, but by the secret hand of him, which directeth all estates:What it is [...] the sixe in mainte [...]nce of the Gospell. that as he first began to forsake yt mayntayning of the Gospell of God, so the Lord began to forsake him. And where the protection of God beginneth to fayle there can lack no causes to be charged withall, whom God once giueth ouer to mans punishmēt. So that to me considering the whole life and trade of this prince, among all other causes alledged in storyes agaynst him: none seemeth so much to be wayed of vs, or more hurtfull to hym, then this forsaking of the Lord and his word, Although to such as list more to be certified in other causes concurring withall, many and sondry defectes in that king may appeare in storyes to the number of 33. articles alledged or forced rather agaynst him.A [...]icles 33. [...]l against K. Richard.

In whiche as I cannot deny, but that he was worthy of much blame: so to be displaced therefore from his regall seate, and rightfull state of the crowne, it may be thought perhaps the causes not to be so rare so material in a prince which either could or els would haue serued: had not he geuen ouer before to serue the Lord and hys word, chusing rather to serue the humour of the Pope and bloudy Prelates, thē to further the Lords proceedings in preaching of hys word. And thē as I sayd, how can enemies lack wher God standeth not to friend? or what cause can be so little whiche is not able inough to cast downe, where the Lords arme is shortned to sustayne? Wherefore, it is a poynt of principall wisedome in a Prince not to forget, that as he standeth alwayes in neede of God hys helping hand: so alwayes he haue the discipline and feare of him before hys eyes,Gods special lauour necessary for princes, [...]al. [...]. according to the counsayle of the godly King Dauid Psal. 2.

And thus much touching the time and race of this K. Richard, with the tragical story of his deposing. The order and maner whereof purposely I pretermit, onely contented briefly to lay together, a fewe speciall thinges done before his fall, suche as may be sufficient in a briefe somme, both to satisfie the Reader inquisitiue of suche storyes, and also to forwarne other Princes to beware the lyke daungers. In suche as wryte the life and Actes of this Prince, thus I read of him reported,The king ledde with lewde counsayle. that he was much inclined to the fauouring and aduancing of certayne persons about him, & ruled all by theyr counsell, whiche were thē greatly abhorred and hated in the realme: The names of whome were Rob. Ueer Erle of Oxford, whō the king had made Duke of Ireland. Alexander Neuile Archbishop of York, Michiel Delapoole Earle of Suffolke, Robert Trisiliam Lord chiefe Iustice, Nicholas Brembre with other.

These men, being hated and disdayned of diuers of the nobles,The nobles vp in armes against certaine of the kings counsailours. and of the commons, the king also by fauouring them, was lesse fauoured hymselfe. In so much, that the Duke of Gloucester, named Thomas Woodstock ye kings Uncle, with the Erle of Warwicke, and Earle of Darby: stoode vp in armes against those counsaylors and abusers (as they named them) of the king. In so much that ye king for feare was constrayned agaynst hys minde to remoue out of his court, Alexander Neuile Archb. of Yorke, Iohn Foorde Byshop of Duresme, Fryer Thomas Rushoke Bishop of Chichester the kinges confessor, with the Lord Haringworth, Lord Burnell, and Bemond, Lord Ueer. and diuers other.

And furthermore, in the Parliament the same yeare following, Robert Trisilian the Iustice was hanged and drawne. Also Nicholas Brembre Knight, Iames Salisbury also, and Iames Barnese both Knights, Ioh. Bewchampe the kinges Steward and Iohn Blake Esquire in like maner. All these by the counsayle of the Lordes beyng cast in the parliament agaynst the kyngs mind, did suffer, which was in ye 11, of his raign, he being yet vnder gouernours: but consequently after the same, the king clayming his own liberty, being come to the age of 20. began to take more vpon him. And this was one thinge that stirred vp the kinges stomacke agaynst the Nobles.Ex. Chron. D. Albani. The second preparatine to the kings deposing. Ex Chron. Alban.

2. An other thing that styred hym vp as much against the Londiners was this: for that he would haue borowed of them a M. pound, and they denied him to their double & triple disauantage, as after ensued vpon it. Ibidem. An other occasion besides this, betwene the king and the Londoners happened thus, by reason of one of the Byshop of Salisburies seruauntes, named Roman, and a Bakers man: who then carying a basket of horsebread in Fletstreet the foresayd Roman tooke a horselose out of ye basket. The Baker asking why he did so, the Byshops lusty yeomcu turned backe agayne and brake his head: whereupon the neighbors came out, and would haue arested this Roman but he escaped away vnto the Byshops house. Then the Constable would haue had him out, but the Bishops men shut fast the gates, that they shoulde not approche. Thus, much people gathered together, threatning to brust open ye gates and fire the house, vnlesse they had the foresayd party to them brought out. Wherby much adoe there was, till at length the Mayor and Sheriffes came and quieted ye rage of the commons, & sent euery man home to his house, charging thē to keepe peace. Here as yet was no great harme done, but if the bishoppe for his part had beene quyet, and had not styrred the coles of debate, which were well slaked already all had bene ended without further perturbation.I. Waltam B. of Salisb. makebate But th [...] stomacke of the Byshop not yet digested (although hys m [...]n had done the wrong) hauing no great cause so to do, whose name was Iohn Waltam being then Treasourer of England,Tho. Arundell Archb. of York. went to Thomas Arundell archbish. the same time of Yorke, and Lord Chauncellour of England to complayne of the Londoners. Where is to be noted, or rather reueled by the way a priuy mistery, which although be not in this story touched of the writers: yet it touched the hartes of the bishops not a little.Londiners sauourers of Wickliffes doctrine. For the Londoners at that time were notoriously knowne to be fauourers of wickliffes side, as partly before this is to be seene, and in the story of S. Albones more playnly doth appeare: where the author of the sayd history writing vpon the 15. yeare of King Richardes raygne, reporteth in these wordes of the Londoners,Ex histor. D. Albani cuius sic habet initium. An. gratia. &c. that they were Male creduli in deum & traditiones auitas, Lollardorum sustentatores, religiosorū detractores, de cimarū detētores, & cōmunis vulgi depauperatores &c. yt is not right beleuers in God, nor in the traditions of their forefathers: susteyters of the Lollardes: deprauers of religious men withholders of tythes: and impouerishers of the common people, &c.

Thus the Londoners being noted and suspected of the byshops,Londiners complayned of to the king, by the Byshops. were the more maliced (no doubt therefore) of the sayd byshops, whiche were the more ready to finde & take all occasions to worke agaynst them, as by theyr doyng herein may wel appeare. For the bishop of Salisbury, and archb. of Yorke,Beati pacifici. hauing no greater matter agaynst them, then was declared: with a grieuous complaynt went to the king, complayning of the Mayor and Sheriffes of Lō don. What trespasse the Mayor and Sheriffes had done, as ye haue heard before, so may you iudge. Now what followed after let vs heare. The king incensed not a little we the complaynt of the Bishops, conceined estsoones against the Mayor and Sheriffes, and agaynst the whole Cittie of London, a great stomache. In so muche that the Mayor & both the Sheriffes were sent for, and remoued from theyr office. Syr Edward Darlyngton then was made warden & Gouernor of the citie, who also for hys gentlenes shewed to the Cittizens, was also deposed, and an other named syr Baldwyn Radington,The court remoued frō London to Yorke. placed in that roome. Moreouer, so much grew the kinges displeasure agaynst the City that he also remoued from London the courtes, & termes to be kept at Yorke, that is to say, the Chauncery, the Eschequer, the kinges benche the hamper, and the common place: where the same con [...]ued from Midsommer, tyll Christenmas, to the great decay of the Cittye of London: which was an. 1393.The 3. preparatiue to the kings deposing.

Thivdly, an other great cause whiche purchased the K. much euill will among hys subiectes, was the secret murthering of his owne Uncle named T. Woodstocke, Duke of Gloucester, of whom mention was made before, where was declared how the said Duke, with the Earle of Arundell, the Erle of Warwicke and the Earle of Darby, with other,The king aresting his owne Vncle, caused him to be put wrongfully to death. were vp in armour agaynst certaine wicked Counsaylours about the king. Whereupon, the king watching afterward hys time, came into Chelsford, & so to the place neare by, where the Duke lay: wherwith hys own hands he arested the sayd Duke his Uncle, and sent him downe by water immediatly to Calice. And there through the [Page] kinges commaundement,The king aresting his owne Vncle, caused him to be put wrongfully to death. by secret meanes was put to death, being strangled vnder a fetherbed, the Earle Marshall being then the keeper of Calis. Wherby great indignation ro [...]e in many mens hartes agaynst the king.

With the same Duke of Gloucester, also about ye same time, was arested and imprisoned the Erle of Warwicke, and the Earle of Arundel: who being condemned by parliament, were then executed, whereby great grudge and great indignation rose in the heartes of many agaynst the king. an. 1397.

Fourthly to omit here the blanke chartes sent ouer all the land by the king: and how the king was sayd to let out his realme to ferme: Ouer and beside all these aboue premised, fell an other matter, whiche was the principall occasion of this mischiefe: The banishment I meane of Hē ry Erle of Darby, and made Duke of Herford a little before, being sonne of Iohn of Gaunt the Duke of Lācaster (who dyed shortly after the banishment of hys sonne, and lieth buryed in the Church of S. Paule in London) and the Duke of Northfolke: who was before Erle of Notingham, and after by this king, made Duke of Northfolke the yeare before. At which time the king made 5. Dukes, a Marques and foure Earles, to wit: Duke of Herforde, whiche was before Earle of Darby: Duke of Awmerle, which was before Earle of Rutland: Duke of Southrey, who was before Earle of Kent: Duke of Exester, whiche was before Erle of Huntington, and this Duke of North folke,Erle of Notingham made duke of Northfolke. being before Earle of Notinghame, as is aforesayd &c. The occasion of banishing these foresayd Dukes was this.

About this present time, the Duke of Herforde did appeach the Duke of Northfolke vppon certayne wordes to be spoken against ye king. Wherupon, casting theyr gloues one agaynst the other,The duke of Northfolke, and duke of Hereford banished. they appoynted to fight out y• quarrell, a day being for the same appoynted at Couentry. But the king tooke vp the matter in hys owne handes, banishing the Duke of Northfolke for euer, whiche after dyed at Uenice: and ye other Duke which was the Duke of Herford, for 10. yeares. Beside these, also was exiled in France Thomas Arunder archbishop of Caunterbury,Tho. Arundell banished as a traytor, by parliament. by Acte of Parliament, in the same yere, for poynts of treason, as ye haue heard before expressed, page. 512. col. 2. All which turned to ye great inconueniēce of this king, as in the euent following may appeare.

These causes and preparatiues thus premised, it followed the yeare after,Ann. 1399. which was an. 1399. and last yeare of this king, that the king vpon certaine affayres to be done, tooke hys viage into Ireland. In which meane time: Hē ry of Bollingbroke, Earle of Darby, and Duke of Herford and with him the foresayd archbishop Thomas Arundel, (which before were both exiled) returning out of Fraunce to Calice, came into England challenging the Dukedome of Lancaster, after the death of hys father. With [...]hem also came the sonne and heyre of the Earle of Arundell, beyng yet but yong. These together setting out of Calice, arriued at Rauenspur in the North. At the knowledge whereof, much people gathered vnto them.

In this meane time, as the Duke was houering on ye sea to enter the land: L. Edmund Duke of York the kings Uncle to whome the king committed the custodye of thys realm (hauing intelligence thereof) called to him the Byshop of Chichester named Edmund Stafford Chauncellor of the Realme, and W. Scroupe Earle of Wiltshyre Lorde Treasurer, also I. Busshey W. Bagot, Henry Grene, and Iohn Ruschell, with diuers other, consulting with them what was best in that case to be done. Who then gaue their aduise (whether wilful or vnskilfull, it is not knowne, but very vnfruitfull) that he shold leaue london, and go to S. Albons, there to wayt for more strength able to encounter with the Duke. But as the people out of diuers quarters resorted thether, many of them protested that they woulde do nothing to the harme and preiudice of the Duke of Lā caster, who they sayd was uniustly expulsed. The rest then of the counsayle. I. Busshey, W. Bagot, Henry Grene, W. Stroupe Treasurer, hearing and vnderstanding how the commons were minded to ioyne with the Duke of Hereford, left the Duke of York, and the lord Chauncellor, and fled to the Castell of Bristow. Where is to be vnderstand that these foure were they to whome the common fame ran that the king had let out hys realme to farme: and were so hated of the people, that it is to be thought, that for the hatred of them more then for the king,What euil company doth about a kyng. K. Richard returneth from Irelande to Milford hauen. this commotion was among the people.

As this broyle was in England; the noyse therof sounding to the kinges eares, being then in Ireland, for hastye speed of returning into England, left in Ireland both his busines, and most of hys ordinance also behinde hym. And so passing the seas, landed at Milforde hauen, not daryng as it seemed to come to London.

On the contrary side, vnto Henry Duke of Herforde, being landed as is sayde, in the North, came the Earle of Northumberland: Lord Henry Percy, and Henry his son the Earle of Westmerland, Lord Radulph Neuile, and other Lordes moe to a great number, so that the multitude rose to 60000. able souldiours. Who first making towarde the Castle of Bristow, tooke the foresayd Busshey, Grene Scroupe, and Bagot: of whom three incontinent were beheaded, Bagot escaped away and fled away to Ireland.

The king in this meane while,K. Richard forsake of his su [...]ie [...]s. lying about Wales, destitute and desolate without comfort or counsayle, who neither durst come to London, neyther would any man come to him, and perceauing moreouer, the commons that were vp in such a great power agaynst hym, would rather dye, then geue ouer that they had begunne, for feare of themselues: Seing therforeno other remedy,What it is for a prince to be beloued of his subiectes. called to him L.T. Percye Earle of Worcester, and stewarde of hys household, willing him with other of hys family, to prouide for themselues in tyme. Who then openly in the hall brake his white rod before them all, commaunding euerye man to shift for himselfe. Although Fabian and some other say, that he did this of hys owne accord, contrary to his allegeance. The king compassed on euery side with miseryes, shifted from place to place, the Duke still following him, tyll at length being at the Castle of Conewey,K. Richard agreed to resigned [...] crowne. the king desired to talk with Tho. Arundell archb. and the Earle of Northū berland: To whom he declared, that he woulde resigne vp hys crowne, in condition that an honourable liuing might be for hym prouided, and life promised to 8. persons, such as he would name. Which being graunted and ratified, but not performed, he came to the Castle of Flint, where (after talke had with ye Duke of Lācaster) he was brought the same night by the Duke and his armye to Chester: And from thence was conueyed secretly into the Tower, there to be kept till the next parliament. By the way as he came neare to London, diuers euil desposed men of the city being warned thereof, gathered themselues, thinking to haue slayne hym,The kyng committed to the Tower. for the great cruelty he had vsed before toward the Citty. But by the pollicies of the Mayor and rulers of the Cittie, the madnes of the people was stayd. Not long after followed the Duke, and also began ye parliament. In which Parliament, the Earle of Northumberland with many other Earles and Lords were sent to the king in the Tower, to take of him a full resignation according to hys former promise, and so they did. This done diuers accusations and articles were layd and engrossed agaynst the sayd King, to the number of 33. some say 38. which for the matter not greatly materiall in them contayned, I ouerpasse. And yt next yeare after was had to Pomferr Castle, and there famished to death.

King Henry the fourth.

ANd thus King Richard by common assent being deposed from his rightfull crowne: The Duke of Lancaster was led by Thomas Arundell the Archbishop, to the feat royall:The wordes of Henry Duke, clayming the crowne. who there standing vp, and crossed himselfe on the forehead and the brest, spake in wordes as followeth.

¶ In the name of God, Amen. I Henry of Lancaster, clayme the Realme of England and the crowne, with all the appurtenaunces as I that am descended by right lyne of the bloud comming from that good Lord King Henry the 3. And thorough the right that God of his grace hath sent to me with the helpe of my kinne and of my frendes to recouer the same, which was in poynt to be vndone for default of good gouernance and due iustice. &c.

¶ After which wordes,K. Henry 4. inthroned and crowned. the Archbishop asking the assent of the people, being ioyfull of theyr new king: took the Duke by the hād, & placed him in the kingly throne, which was an. 1399,Anno. 1400. and shortly after by the foresayd Archbishop he was crowned also for king of England. Ex Chron. De Alban.

The next yeare after, followed a Parliament holden at Westminster, in which Parliament, one will. Sautre, a good man and a faythfull priest,W. Sautre Martyr. inflamed with zeeale of true Religion, required he might be heard for the commoditie of the whole realme. But the matter being smelt before by the Byshops, they obtayned that the matter should be referred to the conuocation:W. Sautre brought before the byshops in the conuocation. Where the sayd William Sautre being brought before the Byshops and Notaries thereunto appointed, the conuocation was differred to the Saterday next ensuing.

[Page]When Saterday was come, that is to say, the 12. day of February, Thomas Arundell Archbishop of Caunterbury, in the presence of his Counsayle prouinciall being assembled in the sayd Chapter house, agaynst one fyr William Sautre, otherwise called Chatris, Chaplayne personally then and there appearing by the commaundement of the foresayd archbishop of Caunterbury, obiected: that the sayd sir William before the Byshop of Norwiche, had once renounced and abiured diuers and sondry conclusions heretical and erroneous: and that after such abiuration made, he publiquely and priuily, helde taught & preached, the same conclusions or els such like, disagreeing to ye catholique fayth, and to the great perill and pernitious example of others. And after this, he caused such like conclusions holden and preached as is sayd, by the sayd Syr William without renunciation, then and there to be read vnto the sayd Archbishop, by maister Robert Haull, Chā cellor vnto the sayd byshop in a certayne scrole written, in tenour of wordes as followeth.

Syr William Chatris otherwise called Sautre, parish Priest of the Churche S. Scithe the Uirgine in London, publiquely and priuily doth holde these conclusions vnder written.

The articles [...]. Sautre.

¶ In Primis, he sayth, that he will not worship the crosse on which Christ suffered, but onely Christ that suffred vppon the Crosse.

2. Item, that he would sooner worship a temporal king, then the foresayd wodden crosse.

3. Item, that he would rather worship the bodyes of the Saintes, then the very crosse of Christ, on which he hong, if it were before him.

4. Item, that he woulde rather worship a man truely contrite, then the crosse of Christ.

5. Item, that he is bound rather to worship a man that is predestinate, then an aungell of God.

6. Item, that if any man would visite the monumentes of Peter and Paule, or go on Pilgrimage to the Toumbe of S. Thomas, or els any whether els, for the obtayning of any temporall benefite: he is not bounde to keepe hys vowe, but that he may distribute the expences of his vowe vpon the almes of the poore.

7. Item, that euery priest and Deacon is more bound to preach the word of God, then to say the canonical houres.

8. Item, that after the pronouncing of the Sacramental wordes of the body of Christ, the bread remayneth of the same nature that it was before, neyther doth it cease to be bread.

To which conclusions or articles being thus read, the Archbish. of Caunterb. required the same Syr William to aunswere. And then the sayd William asked a copy of such articles or conclusions, and a competent space to answere vnto the same. Whereupon the sayd Archb. commaunded a copy of such articles or conclusions to be deliuered then and thereunto the sayd syr William, assigning the Thursday then next ensiting to him to deliberate and make aunswere in. When Thursday the sayd day of apparance was come, Maister Nicholas Rishton, auditour of the causes and busines belonging to the sayd archbishop (then beyng in the Parliament house at Westminster otherwise let) cō tinued the sayd conuocation with all matters rising, depending and appartinent thereunto, by commaundement of the sayd Byshop, vntill the next morrow at eight of the clocke. When the morow came, being Friday. The foresaid sir William Sautre, in the chapter house before the sayd bishop and hys counsayle prouinciall then and there assembled, making his personall appearaunce, exhibited a certayne scrole contayning the aunsweres vnto certayne articles or conclusions geuen vnto him as is aforesaid by the said Bishop:The answer of W. Sautre giuen vp in writing. and sayd, that vnto the foresayd Archbyshop, he deliuered the same as his answere in that behalfe, vnder the tenour of such wordes as follow.

I William Sautre priest vnworthy, say and aunswere that I will not, nor intend not to worship the crosse wheron Christ was crucified,The crosse materially not to bee worshipped but onely Christ that suffered vpon the crosse: so vnderstanding me that I will not worship the materiall crosse, for the grosse corporall matter: yet notwithstanding I will worship the same as a signe, token, and memoriall of the passion of Christ Adoratione vicaria. And that I will rather worship a temporall Kyng, then the foresayd wooden crosse, as the materiall substance of the same. And that I will rather worship the bodyes of Saintes, then the very crosse of Christ whereon he hong: with this addition, that if the very same Crosse were afore me, as touching the materiall substaunce. And also that I will rather worship a man truely confessed and penitent, then the crosse on which Christ hong, as touching the materiall substaunce.

And that also I am bound,A man predestinate rather to be worshipped than an Angell: that is to say, neither can be worshipped without idolatrie. and will rather worship him whom I know to be predestinate, truly confessed and contrite, then an angell of God: for that the one is a man of the same nature with the humanitie of Christ, and so is not a blessed aungell. Notwithstanding I will worship both of them, according as the will of God is I should.

Also, that if any man hath made a vow to visite the shrines of the Apostles Peter and Paule, or to goe on pilgrimage vnto S. Thomas tombe, or anye whither els to obtayne any temporall benefite or commoditie: he is not bound simply to keepe his vow, vpon the necessitye of saluation. But that he may geue the expences of his vowe in almes amongst the poore, by the prudent counsayle of his superiour as I suppose.

And also I say, that euery Deacon and Priest is more bound to preach the word of God, then to say the canonicall houres, according to the primitiue order of the church.How bread remaineth in the Sacrament.

Also touching the interrogation of the sacrament of the aulter: I say that after the pronouncing of the sacramentall wordes of the body of Christ, there reaseth to be very bread simply, but remaineth bread, holy true, and the bread of life: ynd I beleue the sayd sacrament to be the very body of Christ, after the pronouncing of the sacramentall wordes.

When all these aunsweres were throughly by Maister Robert Hall, directly and publikely there read: the foresaid Archb. of Cant. inquired of the sayd sir William, whither he had abiured the foresayd herefies and errors obiected agaynst him, as before is sayd, before the Byshop of Norwich or not, or els had reuoked and renounced the sayd or such like conclusions or articles, or not? To which he aunswered and affirmed, that he had not. And then consequētly (all other articles, conclusions and aunsweres aboue writen, immediately omitted) the sayd Archbishop examined the same sir W. Sautre, especially vpon the sacrament of the aulter.

First, whether in the sacrament of the aulter after the pronouncing of the sacramentall wordes, remayneth very materiall bread or not. Unto which interrogation ye same sir W. somewhat waueringly, sayd, and answered, that he knew not that. Notwithstanding he sayd, that there was very bread, because it was the bread of life whiche came downe from heauen.

After that the sayd Archbishop demaunded of hym, whither in the sacrament after the sacramentall woordes, rightly pronounced of the Priest, the same bread remayneth, which did before the wordes pronounced or not? And to this question the foresayde William aunswered in like maner as before, saying that there was bread holy, true, and the bread of life. &c.

After that, the foresayd Archb. asked him, whether the same naturall bread before consecration, by the sacramentall woordes of the priest rightly pronounced, be transubstantiated from the nature of bread, into the very bodye of Christ, or not? Whereunto sir William sayd, that he knewe not what that matter ment.

And then the sayde Archbish. assigned vnto the said sir William,The conuocation continued. tyme to deliberate, and more fully to make hys aunswere till the next day: and continued this conuocation then and there till the morow. Which morrow to wit, the 19. day of February being come:W. Sautre agayn examined. the foresayd Archbish. of Cant. in the sayd chapter house of S. Paule in London, before hys counsayle prouincial, then and there assembled, specially asked and examined the same sir William Sautre there personally present, vpon the sacramēt of the aulter, as before. And the same Sir William agayne in like maner as before, aunswered.

After this, amongst other thinges the sayd Byshop demaunded of the same William if the same materiall bread beyng vpon the aulter after the sacramentall words being of the priest rightly pronounced, is transubstantiated into the very body of Christ, or not? And the sayd sir William sayd he vnderstoode not what he ment.

Then the sayd archbishop demaunded, whether that materiall bread being round and white, prepared and disposed for the sacrament of the body of Christ vpon the aulter, wanting nothing that is meete and requisite thereunto, by the vertue of the sacramentall wordes being of the priest rightly pronounced, be altered and chaunged into the very body of Christ, and ceaseth any more to be materiall and very bread or not? Then the sayd syr William deredingly aunswering, sayd he could not tell.

Then consequently the sayd Archbishop demaunded, whether he would stand to the determination of the holye Church or not, which affirmeth: that in the Sacrament of [Page] the aulter, after the wordes of consecration, being rightly pronounced of the Priest, the same bread whiche before in nature was bread, ceaseth any more to be bread. To this interrogation,Determination of the Church so to be folowed as it is ioyned to the will of God. the sayd sir William sayd: that he woulde stand to the determination of the church, where such determination was not contrary to the will of God.

This done: he demaunded of him agayne, what hys iudgement was concerning the Sacrament of the aulter: who sayd and affirmed, that after the wordes of consecration by the priest duely pronounced, remayned very bread and the same bread which was before the wordes spoken. And this examination about the sacrament, lasted from 8. of the clocke of the same day, vntill a 11. of the clock or there aboutes: in so much, that during all this time, the foresaid W. would no otherwise aunswere: neyther yet touching the same sacrament, receaue catholicke information, according to the institution of the popes Church and his Christen fayth Wherefore, the sayd Cant. by the counsayle and assent of his whole couent then and there present: did promulgate and geue sentence by the mouth of Robert Hall, agaynst the same Syr William Sautre (being personally present, and refusing to reuoke hys heresies, that is to say his true doctrine, but constantly defending the same) vnder the renour of wordes as followeth.

The sentence against W. Sautre.IN the name of God amen. We Thomas by the grace of GOD Archbishop of Caunterbury, primate of England and Legate of the sea Apostolicall, by the authoritie of God almighty and blessed sainct Peter and Paule, and of holy Churche, and by our owne authoritie sitting for tribunal or chiefe iudge, hauing God alone before your eyes: by the counsel and consent of the whole clergy our fellow brethren, and suffraganes assistantes vnto vs in this present counsell prouincial, by this our sentence diffinitiue, do pronounce, decree and declare by these presents, thee William Sautre otherwise called Chawtrey parish Priest pretensed, personally appearing before vs, in and vpon the cryme of heresie iudicially and lawfully conuicte as an hereticke, and as an hereticke to be punished.

Which sentence diffinitiue being thus read: the foresaid Archb. of Cant. continued in the same prouinciall coū saile till Wednesday next, and immediately ensuing, to wit the 24. day of the same month of February: whiche being expired, the bishop of Norwich, according to the cōmaundement of the said archb. of Cant. presented vnto the foresaid William Sawtre by a certayne friend of hys, beyng present at the same councell, a certayn processe inclosed and sealed with his seal, geuing ye names of credible witnesses sealed with their seales: The tenour whereof followeth in this wise.

A certaine processe against W. Sautre presented by the Bish. of Norwiche. Memorandum, that vpon the last day of Aprill, in the yeare of our Lord. 1399. in the 7. indiction and 10. yeare of the papacie of Pope Boniface the 2. In a certayne chamber within the maner house of the sayd Bish. of Norwich, at South Helingham (where the register of the sayd Bishop is kept) before the houre of 9. in a certayne chappell within the sayd manour situate, and the 1. day of May, then next and immediately ensuing in the foresayd chamber, syr Wil. Chawtris, parish priest of the church of S. Margaret in the town of Linne, appeared before the Bishop of Norwich, in the presence of Iohn de Derlington, Archdeacon of Norwich, doctor of the decrees, Frier Walter Disse, and Iohn Rikinghall professors in diuinitie, William Carlton, doctor of both lawes, and W. Friseby, wt huge Bhridham, publike Notaryes: and there publikely affirmed and held, the conclusions, as before is specified.

All and singuler the premisses the foresayde William affirmed vpon mature deliberation. And afterwardes to wit the 19. day of May in the yeare, Iudiction, and Papacy aforesayd, in the chappell within the mannour house of the said Henry Bishop of Norwich, situate at South Helingham: The foresayd sir William, reuoked and renounced all and singuler the foresayd hys conclusions: abiuring and correcting all such heresies and errours, taking hys oath vpon a booke before the foresayd Henry the Byshop of Norwiche, that from that time forward he would neuer preach, affirme, nor holde, priuily nor apertly the foresayd conclusions. And that he woulde pronounce according to the appointment of the sayd Bishop, the foresayd conclusions to be erroneous and heresies, in the parish Churches of Linne and Tilney and in other places & at the assignement of the sayd Byshop, and farther sware, that he would stand to the ordinaunce of the sayd Byshop, touching the premisses, in the presence of the discrete and worshipfull men afore recited with diuers others moe.

As concerning the first conclusion that he sayd he wold not worship the Crosse &c. he confessed himselfe to haue erred and that the article was erroneous and submitted himselfe. Also as touching the second article, that he sayde he would rather worship a king &c. he confessed himselfe to haue erred and the article to be erroneous and submitted himselfe, and so forth of all the rest.

Then next after this, vppon the 25. day of May in the yeare of our Lord aforesayd, in the Churchyard of the chappell of S. Iames within the towne of Linne The foresayd William, in presence of the foresayd Byshop and clergy and the people of the sayd Towne of Linne standing round about: publikely declared in English tongue, the foresayd conclusiōs to be erroneous and heresies, as was contayned in a certayne scrole. And after this, the 26. day of May in the yeare abouesayd, in the Churche of the Hospitall of S. Iohns in the towne of Linne: The sayd Syr William, before the sayd Byshop sitting as iudge, sware & tooke his othe vpon the holy Euangelistes that he would neuer after that time preach openly & publiquely the foresayd conclusions, nor would heare the confessions of anye of the subiectes of his Dioces of Norwiche, without the speciall licence of the sayd Bishop. &c, In ye presence of Frier Iohn Smermen, M. Iohn Rikinghaie, Doctor of Diuinitie, W. Carlton Doctor of both lawes, and Thomas Bulton officer of the libertie of Linne aforesayd with dyuers others.

¶ The tenour of the scrole and recantation.

IN primis, touching the first and second, where I sayd,1 that I woulde adore rather a temporall Prince, and the liuely bodyes of the sayntes then the wooden cro [...]e, wherupon 2 the Lord did hang, I do reuoke and recant the same as being therein deceaued.

To this I say, that the article is false and erroneous,3 and by false information, I held it, the whiche I renounce and aske forgeuenes thereof, and say that it is a precious relique, and that I shall holde it while I liue, and that I sweare here.

I know wel that I erred wrōgfully, by false information:4 for I wot well, that a deacon or a priest is more boūd to say his Martins and Houres, then to preach, for thereto he is bounden by right, wherfore I submit me &c.

Touching that article, I know right well that I erred 5 by false information. Wherfore I aske forgeuenes.

As concerning vowes, I say, that opinion is false and 6 erroneous, and by false information I held it, for a man is holden to hold his vowe &c.

To the 7. article I say, that I did it, by authoritie of 7 Priesthoode, where through I knowledge well that I haue gilt and trespassed, wherfore I submit me to god and to holy Church, and to you father, swearing that I shall neuer hold it more.

The 8. I say, that I held it by false and wronge information.8 But now I know well that it is heresie, and that bread anone as the word of the sacrament is sayde, is no longer bread materiall, but that it is turned into verye Christes body and that I sweare here.

I say that this is false and erroneous. &c.9

I say as I sayd. &c.10

This being done,Proces against W. Sautre. the 22. day of February aforesayd in the yeare of our Lord 1400. in the chapter house of Sainct Paule in London aforesayd: The foresayd Archbishop of Caunterbury, in the conuocation of hys prelates & Clergy and such lyke men there beeing present, caused the fore recited proces of the bishop of Norwich to be read openly & publikely to Syr Wil. Sautre otherwise called Chatris. And afterward, he asked the sayd syr William, whether he playnely vnderstood and knew such proces & the contents within the same, and he sayd yea. And further he demaunded of him, if he would or could say or obiect any thing agaynst the proces, and he sayd no. And after that incontinent, the foresayd archbishop of Canterbury demaunded and obiected against the said syr William as diuers others more did: That after he had before the Bysh. of Norwiche reuoked and abiured Iudicially diuers errors & heresies, that among other erroures, and heresies by him taught, holden, and preached he affirmed: That in the same sacrament of the aulter after the consecration made by ye Priest as he taught, there remayned materiall bread: which heresie amongst others as erroures also he abiured before the foresayd Bishop of Norwich.Ex Regist. Cantuar. Hereunto the foresayd William aunswered smiling or in mocking wise, saying, and denying that he knew of the premisses. Notwithstanding he publikely affirmed that he held and taught the foresayd thinges after the date of the sayd processe made by the sayd Bishop of Norwich, and that in the same councell also he [Page] held the same. Then finally, it was demaunded of the said sir William, why he ought not to be pronounced as a man fallen into heresie, and further to proceede vnto his degradation, according to the canonicall sanctions: whereunto he answered nothing, neither could he alledge any cause to the contrary.

Wheruepon, the foresayd Archb. of Cant. by the counsaile and consent of the whole councel, and especially by the counsail and assent of the reuerēd fathers and Bishops, as also, Priours, Deanes, Archdeacons, and other worshipfull Doctours and Clerkes then and there present in the councel: Fully determined to proceede to the degradation, and actuall deposing of the sayde William Sautre, as refallen into heresy, and as incorrigible, according to the sentence definitiue put in wryting, the tenoure whereof is in wordes as foloweth.

Sentence of relapse.In the name of God Amen: Wee Thomas by the grace of God Archb. of Cant. Legate of the sea Apostolicall and Metropolitane of all England: doe finde and declare, that thou William Sawtrie, otherwise called Chatris Priest, by vs with the counsaile & assent of all and singular our felowe brethren and whole Clergy, by this our sentence diffinitiue declared in wryting, hast bene for heresie conuict and condemned, and art (being againe fallen into heresy) to be deposed and degraded, by these presents.

And from that day being Wedensday, there was in the sayde councell prouinciall nothing further prosecuted, but was continued with all dependentes, till the Friday next insuing. Whych Friday approching, M. Nicholas Rishton, by the commandement of the sayd Archb. of Canterb. being then busied as he said in the Parliament house: continued this councel and conuocation with al incidents, dependents, and occasions, growing and annexed therunto, to the next day, to wit saterday next and immediatly after insuing. Upon Saterday being the 26. of the sayd moneth of February, the foresayde Archbishop of Canterbury fate in the Byshops seate of the foresayde Church of S. Paule in London, and solemnly apparelled in his Pontifical attire, sitting wt hym as his assistents these reuerend fathers and Bishops, of London, Lyncolne, Harford, Exeter, Meneuensis & Roffensis Episcopi, aboue mentioned: commaunded and caused the sayd sir W. Sautry apparelled in priestly vestiments, to be brought & appeare before hym. That done, he declared and expounded in English to al the clergy and people there, in a great multitude assembled: that al processe was finished and ended against the said syr William Sautry. Whych thing finished, before the pronouncing of the sayd sentence of the Relapse against the sayd sir William as is premised, he often then and there recited & read. And for that he sawe the sayde William in that behalfe, nothyng abashed: He proceded to his degradation and actuall deposition in forme as foloweth.

Sentence of degradation. IN nomine patris & silij & spiritus sancti. Amen. We Thomas by Gods permission Archb. of Cant. Primate of al England, and Legate of the Apostolique sea: doe denounce thee William Sawtre otherwise called Chautris, Chapleine fained, in the habite and apparell of a Priest, as an heretick and one refallen into heresy by thys our sentēce definitiue, by counsaile, assent, and authoritye, to be condemned: And by conclusion of all our fellowe brethren, fellow byshops, Prelates, councell prouinciall, and of the whole clergy: do degrade and depriue thee of thy priestly order. And in signe of degradation and actuall depositiō from thy priestly dignity, for thine incorrigibility and want of amendment: we take from thee the patent and chalice,The pattēt and chalice takē frō him. and doe depriue thee of all power & authority of celebrating masse: and also wee pull from thy backe, the Casule, and take from thee the vestiment, and depriue thee of all maner of Priestly honour.

Also, wee Thomas the aforesayde Archb. by authority, counsell, and assent, which vpon the foresayd William wee haue, being Deacon pretensed, in the habite and apparel of a Deacon, hauing the new Testament in thy hands, being an heretique and twise fallen, condemned by sentence as is aforesayde: doe degrade and put thee from the order of a Deacon.The booke of a new Testamēt taken frō him. And in token of this thy degradation and actuall deposition we take frō thee the boke of the new testament, & the stole, and doe depriue thee of all authority in reading the gospel, and of all and all maner of dignity of a Deacon.

Item, we Thomas Archbish. aforesayd, by authoritie, counsell, and assent, which ouer thee the foresayde William wee haue, being a subdeacon pretensed: in the habite & vestiment of a subdeacon, an hereticke, and twise fallen, condemned by sentence as is aforesayd: do degrade & put thee from the order of a subdeacon.The Albe taken from him. And in token of this thy degradation & actuall deposition, we take from thee the albe and maniple, and doe depriue thee of all and all manner of subdiaconall dignitie.

Also, wee Thomas, Archb. aforesayd, by counsaile, assent and authority whych wee haue ouer thee the foresayde William, an Accolite pretensed, wearing the habite of an Accolite, and heretike, twise fallen, by our sentence as is aforesaid condemned: do degrade and put from thee al order of an Accolite: And in signe and tokē of thys thy degradation, and actuall deposition,The candlesticke & taper taken from hym. we take from thee the candlesticke and taper, and also Vrceolum, and doe depriue thee of all and all maner dignity of an Accolite.

Also, we Thomas, Archb. aforesayd by assent, counsel, and authority whych vppon thee the foresayd William we haue,The holy water bucke coni [...]ed from him. an Exorcist pretensed, in the habite of an Exorcist or holy water clarke, being an hereticke, twise fallen, and by our sentence as is aforesayd condemned, we doe degrade & depose thee from the order of an Exorcist: and in token of thys thy degradation and actuall deposition, we take from the booke of coniurations, and doe depriue thee of all and singular dignity of an Exorcist.

Also, we Thomas Archbish. aforesayd, by assent, counsaile, and authority, as is aboue sayd, doe degrade & depose thee the foresayde William, reader pretensed, clothed in the habit of a reader, an hereticke, twise fallen, and by our sentence as is aforesayd, condēned: from the order of a reader. And in token of this thy degradation and actuall deposition, we take from thee the booke of the deuine sections (thatHe meaneth the legend booke, as saith the Register. is the booke of the Church legende) and doe depriue thee of all and singular maner of dignity of such a reader.

Item, we Thomas Archbishop of Canterbury aforesayd, by authority, counsaile, and assent, the which we haue as is aforesaid,The Surplice taken from him. do degrade and put thee foresayd William Sawtre, sexten pretensed, in the habite of a sexten, and wearing a surplice, being an hereticke, twise fallen, by our sentence difinitiue condemned, as aforesaid: from the order of a Sexten. And in token of thys thy degradation and actuall deposition,The church dore keyes taken from him. for the causes aforesayd, we take from thee the keyes of the Church doore, and thy surplice, and doe depriue thee of all and singular maner of commodityes of a doore keeper.

And also, by the authority of omnipotent God the father, the sonne, and holy ghost, and by our authority, counsaile, & assent of our whole councel prouinciall aboue written, we do degrade thee and depose thee being heere personally present before vs,Priuilege of the clergie taken from him. from orders, benefices, priuilegies and habite in the church, and for thy pertinacie incorrigible we doe disgrade thee, before the secular Court of the hygh Constable and marshal of England, here being personally present, and do depose thee from all and singular clerkely honours and dignities whatsoeuer, by these wrytings. Also in token of thy degradation and deposition,The priestes cap taken from his head, maketh vp all in all. here actually wee haue caused thy crowne and ecclesiastical tonsure in our presence to be rased away, & vtterly to be abolished, lyke vnto the forme of a seculare lay man: and here doe put vpon the head, of thee the foresayd William, the cap of a lay secular person: beseeching the court aforesaid, that they wil receaue fauourably the sayde William vnto them thus recommitted.

Thus William Sawtre the seruaunt of Christ, being vtterly thrust out of the Popes kingdome, and metamorphosed from a clerke to a secular lay man, was committed (as ye haue heard) vnto the secular power. Which so done, the Byshops yet not heerewith contented, cease not to call vpō the king, to cause him to be brought forth to spedy execution. Whereupon the king, ready inough and to much to gratify the cleargy, and to retaine their fauours, directeth out a terrible decree against the said William Sawtre, and sent it to the Maior and Sheriffes of London to be put in execution, the tenour wherof here vnder emueth.

¶ The decree of the king against William Sawtre.

THe decree of our soueraigne Lord the king & his counsel in the Parliament,The cruell decree of the king agaynst Sawtre. against a certaine new sprong vp hereticke. To the Maior & Sheriffs of London. &c. Where as the reuerend father Thomas Archbishop of Canterbury, primate of all England, and Legate of the Apostolicke sea, by the assent, consent, & counsell of other byshops, and his brethren Suffraganes, and also of all the whole Clergy within his prouince or dioces, gathered together in his prouincial counsel, the due order of the law being obserued in al poynts in this behalfe: hath pronounced and declared by his definitiue sentence, W. Sautre somtime chaplain, to be fallen again into his most dānable heresy, the which before time the sayde W. had abiured, thereupon to be a most manifest heretike, and therfore hath decreed, that he should [Page] be disgraded, & hath for the same cause really disgraded him frō al prerogatiue & priuilege of ye clergie, decreing to leaue him vnto the secular power: and hath really so left him, according to ye lawes & canonicall sanctions set forth in this behalfe,Preposterous zeale without knowledge. and also that our holy mother the Church hath no further to do in the premisses. We therfore being zelous in religion, and reuerent louers of ye catholike fayth, willing and minding to mainteine & defend the holy church, & the lawes & liberties of the same, to roote al such errours & heresies out of our kingdome of Englād, & with cōdigne punishmēt to correct & punish all heretiques or such as be cō uict: Prouided alwaies, that both according to the lawe of God & mā, and ye canonical institutions in this behalfe, accustomed, that such hereticks conuict & condēned in forme aforesaid, ought to be burned with fire. We command you as straigtly as we may or can, firmely enioyning you, that you do cause the said Williā being in your custody, in some publike or opē place within ye liberties of your citie aforesaid (the cause aforesaid being published vnto the people) to be put into the fire, and there in the same fire really to be burned, to the great horrour of his offence, and the manifest example of other Christians. Faile not in the execution hereof, vpon the perill that will fall thereupon, Teste rege, apud Westmonast. 26. Februar. an. regni sui.

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¶ The burning of William Sawtre.

Admonition to Princes.Thus it may appeare how kinges and princes haue bin blinded and abused by the false Prelates of the Church, in so much that they haue bene their slaues and butchers, to slay Christes poore innocent members. See therefore what danger it is for Princes, not to haue knowledge and vnderstanding themselues but to be led by other mens eies, & specially trusting to such guides, who through hipocrisie both deceiue them, & through crueltie deuour the people.

K Henry the first of English kinges that tormented the Christians with fire.As king Henry the fourth who was the deposer of king Richard, was the first of all English kings that began the vnmercifull burning of Christes saints, for standing against the Pope: so was this William Sawtre the true and faithfull martyr of Christ, the first of all them in Wickliffes time, which I find to be burned in ye raigne of the foresaid king, which was in the yeare of our Lord. 1400.

After the martyrdome of this godly man, the rest of the same company began to keepe themselues more closely, for feare of the king, who was altogether bent to hold with the Popes prelacy. Such was the raigne of this Prince, that to the godly he was euer terrible, in his actions immesurable, to few men hartely beloued, but Princes neuer lacke flatterers about them. Neither was the time of his raigne very quiet, but full of trouble, of bloud, and misery. Such was their desire of K. Richard againe, in the raigne of this king, that many yeares after he was rumored to be aliue (of them which desired belike that to be true, which they knew to be false) for the which,Much murder & beheading in K. Henryes time the 4. diuers were executed. For the space of sixe or vij. yeares together, almost no yeare passed without some conspiracy against the king. Long it were here to recite the bloud of all such Nobles and other, which was spilt in the raigne of this king, as the Earle of It is to be doubted. Kent, Earle of Salisbury, Earle of Huntington, named Iohn Holland. &c. as writeth the story of S. Albans. But the English writers differ something in their names, and make mention of 4. Earles of Surrey, of Excester, of Salisbury, and Lord Spenser Earle of Gloucester.Ex calendario [...]. Ex Lib. cui tit. Calendarium Bruti.

And the next yeare following, Syr Ihon Clarendon knight, with two of his seruauntes, the Priour of Laund, with 8. friers, were hanged and quartered. And after these Henry Percy the younger, the Earle of Worcester, named Thomas Percy his vncle, Lord of Kinderton, and L. Richard de Uernoua. The Earle of Northumberland scarce escaped with his pardon.Anno 1403. an. 1403. In the which yeare, the prison in Cornhill called the tonne, was turned into the conduit, there now standing.

To let passe other moe hanged and quartered the same time, as Blount knight, & Benet Kely knight, and Thomas Wintersel Esquier. Also the same yeare was taken and executed sir Bernard Brokes knight, sir Iohn Shilley knight, Syr Iohn Mandelyn, and William Frierby. After all these L. Henry Earle of Northumberland, and L. Bardolfe conspiring the kings death, were taken in the North and beheaded, which was in the 8. yere of this king Henry.

This ciuil rebellion of so many nobles & other against the king,Archb. of Yorke, and L. Moubray against King Henry 4. declared what grudging heartes the people then bare towarde this king Henry. Among whome I cannot pretermit heere also the Archb. of Yorke named Richarde Scrope, who with the L. Moubrey Marshal of England, gathered a great company in the North countrey,L. Bardolfe, Henry Percy, Earle of Northumberland agaynst the king. Ex histor. Scala mūdi. against the foresaid king, to whom also was adioyned the helpe of L. Bardolfe, & Henry Percy Earle of Northumberland. Ex Chron. D. Albani. And to stirre vp the people more willingly to take their partes, they collected certaine Articles against the said king, to the number of 10. and fastned them vpon the doores of Churches and Monasteries, to be read of all men in English. Which articles if any be disposed to vnderstand, & for somuch as the same also containe a great part of the doings betweene king Henry & king Richard aforesayde,Articles set vpon church dores against K. Hen. 4. I thought for the better opening of the matter heere vnder to inserte the same, in such forme as I founde them in the historie of Scala mundi expressed.

¶ Articles set vp on Church doores against king Henry the fourth.

IN the name of God. Amen.Ann. 1405. Before the Lorde Iesus Christ, iudge of the quicke and dead. &c. We A.B.C.D. &c. not long sithens became bounde by othe vppon the sacred Euangelicall booke, vnto our soueraigne Lorde Richarde late king of England and France, in the presente of many prelates, potentates, and nobilitie of the realme: that wee so long as we liued, should beare true allegeance and fidelity towardes hym and his heires succeding hym in the kingdom by iust title, right, and line, accordyng to the statutes and custome of this realme of England: By vertue wherof, we are bound to foresee yt no vices or hainous offences arise in the common weale, do take effect or wyshed ende, but that we ought to geue our selues and our goodes to wtstand the same, without feare of sword or death whatsoeuer, vpon paine of periurie, which paine is euerlasting damnation. Wherfore, we seing & perceiuing diuers horrible crimes, and great enormities daily without ceassing to be committed, by the children of the deuill and sathans soldiours against the supremacie of the Church of Rome, the libertie of the church of England, and the lawes of the realme, against ye person of king Rich. and his heires against the prelates, noble men, religion, and comminaltie, and finally against the whole weale publike of ye realme of England, to the great offence of the maiesty of almighty God, and to the prouocation of his iust wrath and vēgeance towards the realme and people of the same. And fearing also the destruction both of the Churche of Rome and England, & the ruine of our coūtry to be at hand, hauing before our eyes the iustice & the kingdom of God, calling alwaies on the name of Iesus, hauing an assured confidence in his clemency, mercy and power: haue here taken vnto vs certain articles subscribed in forme folowing, to be proponed, tried, and heard before the iust iudge Iesus Christ, and the whole world, to his honour, the deliuery of the church, the cleargy and comminalty, and to the utility & profite of the weale publick. But if (which God forbid) by force, feare of violence of wicked persons we shalbe cast in prison, or by violent death preuented, so as in this worlde we shall not be able to proue the saide articles as we would wish, then do we apeale to the high celestiall iudge, that he may iudge & discerne the same, in the day of his supreme iudgement.

[Page] A bill of articles s [...]typ against king Henry 4.1. ¶ First, we depose, say, except, and entend to proue against the Lord Henry Derby, sonne of the Lord Iohn of Gaunt late Duke of Lancaster, and commonly called king of England (himselfe pretending the same, although without all right and title thereunto) and against his adherents, fautours, and complices: that euer they haue bene, are, and will be, traytors, inuaders, and destroyers of Gods Church in Rome, England, Wales, and Ireland, and of our soueraigne Lord Richard late King of England, his heires, his kingdom, and common wealth, as shall hereafter mani [...]estly appeare.

2. Secondarely we depose &c. against the said Lord Hē ry, for that he had conceaued, deutied, & conspired certaine hainous crimes and traiterous offences against his sayd soueraigne Lord Richard his state and dignitie, as manifestly did appeare in the contention betwene the said Lord Henry, and y• Lord Thomas Duke of Northfolke begon at Couentry, but not finished throughly. Afterwards he was sent in exile, by sentence of the said king Richard, by the agreement of his father the Lord Iohn Duke of Lancaster, by the voice of diuers of the Lords temporall, & nobilitie of the realme, and also by his owne consent: there to remaine for a certaine time appointed vnto him by ye said Lords, and withall he was bound by othe not to returne into Englād before he had obteined fauour & grace of the kyng. Not long after, when the king was departed into Ireland, for reformation of that countrey apperteining to the crowne of England, but as then rebelling agaynst the same: the sayd Lord Henry in the meane time contrary to his oth and fidelitie, and long before the time limited vnto him was expired: with all his fautours and inuaders, secretly entred into the Realme, swearing and protesting before the face of the people, that his comming into the Realme in the absence of the king, was for none other cause, but that he might in humble sort with the loue and fauour of the king, and all the Lords spirituall and temporall, haue and enioy his lawfull inheritance descending vnto him of right after the death of his father: which thing as it pleased all men, so cried they: Blessed is he that commeth in the name of the Lord: But how this blessing afterwards turned into cursing, shall appeare in that which followeth: and also ye shall vnderstand his horrible and wicked conspiracie against his soueraigne Lord king Richard,K. Henry periured. and diuers other Lords as well spirituall as temporall, besides yt his manifest periurie shal wel be known, and that he remaineth not only foresworne and periured, but also excommunicate, for that he conspired against his soueraigne Lord our king. Wherefore we pronounce him by these presents, as well periured as excommunicate.

3. Thirdly we depose &c. against the said Lord Henry, that he the said Lord Hēry, immediatly after his entry into England, by crasty and subtile policie, caused to be proclaimed openly throughout the Realme, that no tenths of the Clergy,K. Henry changed with vnluthe. fiftenes of the people, sealing vp of cloth, diminution of wooll, impost of wine, nor other extortiōs or exactions whatsoeuer, should hereafter be required or exacted: hoping by this meanes to purchase vnto him ye voice and fauour of the prelates spiritual, the Lords temporall, the Marchants, & comminaltie of the whole Realme. After this, he tooke by force the kings Castels and fortresses, spoiled and deuoured his goodes wheresoeuer he found it, crieng hauocke, hauocke. The kings maiestie subiects as well spirituall as temporal he spoiled and robbed, some he tooke captiue and imprisoned them, and some he slew & put to miserable death, wherof many were Bishops, prelates, Priests, and religious men. Whereby it is manifest, that the said Lord Henry is not only periured, in promising & swearing that there should be hereafter no more exactiōs, paiments, or extortions within the realme, but also excommunicate for the violence and iniurie done to Prelats and Priests. Wherefore by these presents we pronounce him as afore, as well periured as excommunicate.

4. Fourthly we depose &c. against the said Lord Henry, that he hearing of the Kings returne from Ireland into Wales,K. Henry charged with treason agaynst his soueraigne. rose vp against his soueraigne Lord the king with many thousands of armed men, marching forward with al his power towards the Castle of Flint in Wales, where he tooke the king & held him prisoner, and so led him captiue as a traitor vnto Leicester: from whence he tooke his iourney towards London, misusing the king by the way both he and his, with many iniuries and opprobrious cō tumelies and scoffes. And in the end committed him to the Tower of London, and held a Parliament, the king being absent & in prison, wherein for feare of death he compelled the king to yeeld and resigne vnto him all his right & title of the kingdome and crowne of England. After which resignation being made, the said Lord Henry standing vp in the Parliament house, stoutly and proudly before them al; said & a [...]med: that the kingdome of Englād and crowne of the same with al therunto belonging, did pertaine vnto him at that present as of very right, and to none other: for that the said king Richard by his owne deede was depriued for euer of all the right, title, & interest that euer he had, hath, or may haue in the same. And thus at length by right and wrong, he exalted himselfe vnto y• throne of the kingdome: since which time, our commō weale neuer florished nor prospered, but altogether hath bene void of vertue, for that the spiritualtie was so oppressed, exercise and warlike practises hath not bin mainteined, charitie is waxed cold, & couetousnes and miserie hath takē place, & finally mercy is taken away & vengeance supplieth the rcome. Wherby it doth appeare (as before is said) that y• said Lord Hē ry is not only periured & false by vsurping the kingdome and dominion belonging to another, but also excommunicate for the apprehending, vniust imprisoning, and depriuing his soueraigne Lord the king of his roiall crowne and dignitie. Wherefore, as in the articles before, we pronounce the said Lord Henry to be excommunicate.

5. Fiftly we depose, &c. against the said Lord Henry, that he the same Lord Henry with the rest of his fauourers & complices, heaping mischief vpon mischief, haue cōmitted and brought to passe a most wicked and mischieuous fact, yea, such as hath not bene heard of at any time before. For after that they had taken and imprisoned the king, and deposed him by open iniurie against all humane nature, yet not cōtēt with this: they brought him to Poinfret Castle, and there imprisoned him, where xv. daies & nights they vexed him with continuall hunger, thirst, and cold, and finally berest him of life, with such a kind of death as neuer before that time was knowen in England, but by Gods prouidence it is come to light.K. Henry charged with a [...] d [...]ring of his prince. Who euer heard of such a deed, or who euer saw the like of him▪ Wherefore O England arise, stand vp, auenge the cause, the death, and iniurie of thy king and prince: which if thou do not, take this for certaintie, that the righteous God will destroy thee by strange inuasions and foreigne power, and auenge himselfe on thee for this so horrible an act. Whereby doth appeare, not only his periurie, but also his excommunication most execrable: so that as before we pronounce, the said Henry not only periured, but also excommunicate.

6. Sixtly we depose, &c. against the sayd Lord Henry, that after he had attained to the crowne and scepter of the kingdome, he caused forthwith to be apprehended diuers Lords spirituall,K. Henry charged with the orders of the church. Bishops, Abbots, Priors, and religious men of all orders, whom he arested, imprisoned, & bound, and against all order brought them before the secular iudges to be examined: not sparing the Bishops whose bodies were annointed with sacred oyle, nor priests, nor religious men, but commanded them to be cōdemned, hanged, and beheaded by the temporall law and iudgement, notwithstanding the priuiledge of the Church, and holie orders, which he ought to haue reuerenced and worshipped it he had bin a true and lawfull king: for the first and chiefest othe in the coronation of a lawfull king is, to defend and keepe inuiolate the liberties and rights of the Church, and not to deliuer anie Priest or religious man into the hands of the secular power, except for heresie onely, and that after his degradation according to the order of the Church. Contrary vnto all this hath he done, so that it is manifest by this article as afore in the rest, that he is both periured and excommunicate.

7. Seuenthly we depose, &c. against the said Lord Henry that not onely he caused to be put to death the Lords spirituall and other Religious men, but also diuers of the Lords temporall and nobilitie of the Realme, and cheifly those that studied for the preseruatiō of the commonweale, not [...]casing as yet, to cōtinue his mischeuous enterprise, if by Gods prouidēce it be not preuented & that with speed. Amongst all other of the Nobilitie, these first he put to death: the Earle of Salisbury, the Earle of Huntington, the Earle of Gloucester,K. Henry charged with tyranny. the Lord Roger Clarendon the kyngs brother, with diuers other knights and Esquiers: and afterwards, the Lord Thomas Percy Earle of Worcester, and the Lord Henry Percy sonne and heyre to the Earle of Northunberland, the which Lord Henry he not onely slew, but to the vttermost of his power againe and againe he caused hym to be slayne. For after that he was once put to death, and deliuered to the Lord of Furniuale to be buryed (who committed his body to holy sepulture, with as much honour as might be, commending his soule to almighty God, with the suffrages of the blessed masse & other praiers) the said Lord Henry most like a cruel beast still thirsting hys bloud, caused his body to be exhumate & brought forth againe, and to be reposed betwene two milstones [Page] in the towne of Shreusbury, there to be [...] wyth armed men: And afterwards to be beheaded an [...] quartered, commanding his head and quarters to be caried vnto diuers cities of the kingdome. Wherefore for so detestable a fact neuer heard of in any age before, we pronounce him as in the former articles excommunicate.

8. Eightly, we depose, &c. agaynst yc said Lord Henry, for that after his atteining to the crowne, he willingly ratified, allowed, and approued a most wicked statute set forth & renued in y• parliament holden at Winchester.The K charged with euill gouernement. The which statute is directly against y• Church of Rome, the power, & principalitie therof giuen by our Lord Iesus Christ and vnto blessed S. Peter & his successors Bishops of Rome: vnto whom belongeth by full authoritie the free disposing of all spirituall promotions as wel superior as inferiour: which wicked statute, is the cause of many mischiefes vid. of simonie, periurie, adultery, incest, misorder, & disobedience, for that many Bishops, Abbots, priors, and prelats (we will not say by vertue, but rather by errour of this statute) haue bestowed y• benefices vacant vpō yong men, rude and vnworthy persons, which haue compacted with them for the same, so that scarce no one prelate is found that hath not couenanted with the partie promoted for the halfe yearely, or at the least the third part of the said benefice so bestowed. And by this meanes, the said statute is the destruction of the right of S. Peter, the Church of Rome, and England, the Cleargie and vniuersities, the mainteuance of wars, and the whole common wealth, &c.

9. Ninthly, we say and depose, &c. against the said Lord Henry, that after he had tyrannously taken vpon him the gouernement of the Realme: England neuer florished since, nor prospered, by reason of his continuall exactions of money and oppressions, yearely of the cleargie and cō minaltie: neither is it knowen how this money so extorted is bestowed, when as neither his souldiours, nor his gentlemen are payed as yet their wages and fees for their charges and wonderfull toile and labour, neither yet the poore countrey people are satisfied for the victuall taken of them:K. Hen. charged with oppression and periury. And neuertheles, the miserable clergie, and more miserable comminaltie, are forced still to pay, by menaces and sharp threatnings. Notwithstanding he sware when he first vsurped the crowne, that hereafter there should be no such exactions nor vexations, neither of the clergie nor l [...]tie. Wherfore, as afore, we pronounce him periured, &c.

10. In the tenth and last article, we depose, say, and openly protest by these presents, for our selues & all our assistents in the cause of the Church of Rome and England, and in the cause of king Richard his heires, the clergie, and comminaltie of the whole Realme: that neither our entention is, was, nor shall be, in word nor deed to offend any state, either of the prelats spirituall, Lords temporall, nor commons of the realme: but rather foreseeing the perdition and destruction of this Realme to approch, we haue here brought before you certeine articles concerning the destruction of the same, to be circumspectlie considered of the whole assembly, as well of the Lords spirituall as temporall, and the faithfull commons of England: beseeching you all in yt bowels of Iesus Christ, the righteous iudge, and for the merits of our blessed Lady the mother of God, and of S. George our defender, vnder whose displayed banner we wish to liue and die, and vnder paine of damnation, that ye will be fauourable to vs and our causes which are three in number.Three causes declared. Wherof the first is, that we exalt vnto the kingdome the true & lawfull heire, and him to crowne in kinglie throne with the diademe of England. And secondly, that we renoke the weshmen, the Irishmen, and all other our enimies vnto perpetuall peace and amitie. Thirdly and finally, that we deliuer and make free our natiue countrey from al exactions, extortiōs, & vniust paiments: Beseeching our Lord Iesus Christ to graunt his blessing, the remission of their sinnes, & life euerlasting to all that assist vs to their power in this godly and meritorious worke: and vnto all those that are against vs, we threaten the curse of almighty God by the authority committed vnto vs by Christ and his holy Church, and by these presents we pronounce them excommunicate.

These Articles being seene and read, much concourse of people daily resorted more and more to yt archbishop. The Earle of Westmerland being then not far off,Earle of Westmerland against the Archb. with Iohn the kings sonne (hearing of this) mustered his souldiours with all the power he was able to make, & bent toward the Archbishop: but seeing his part too weake to encounter with him, vseth practise of policie, where strength would not serue. And first comming to him vnder colour of frendship dissembled, laboureth to seeke out the causes of that great stirre: To whome the Archbyshop againe answering, no hurt to be entended thereby, but profit rather to the kyng and common wealth, and maintenance of publicke peace: but for so much as he stood in great scare, and danger of the king, he was therefore compelled so to doo:Falsehood in [...] And withall shewed vnto him the contents of the Articles aforesaid, which when the Earle had read, setting a faire face vpon it, seemed highly to commend the purpose and doyngs of the Bishop: promising moreouer that he would helpe also forward in that quarell, to the vttermost of his power. And required vpon the same, a day to be set, when they with equall number of men, might meere together, in some place appointed to haue farther talke of the matter. The Archbishop easilie perswaded, was content, although much against the counsaile of the Earle Marshall, and came. Where the Articles being openly published and read, the Earle of Westmerland with his companie, pretended well to like vpon the same, and to ioyne their assents together. Which done, he exhorted the Archbishop, that for so much as his garrison had bene now long in armour, and from home, he would therefore discharge the needeles multitude of his souldiers, and dismisse them home to their worke and busines,The Archb. of Yorke craftely circumuented. and they would together drinke and ioyne hands in the sight of the whole company. Thus they shaking hands together, the Archbishop sendeth away his souldyers in peace, not knowing himselfe to be circumuented, before he was immediately arested by the handes of the foresayde Earle of Westmerland,The Archb. of Yorke, L. Tho'Moubray with many Yorke shire [...]n executed, The Earle of North [...] berland, L. Tho. Bar. dolfe slaine. Anno. 1408. Abbot of [...] and shortly after the king comming with his power to Yorke, was there beheaded the monday in Whi [...]sonweeke, and with him also Lord Thomas Moubray Marshall, with diuers other moreouer of y• citie of Yorke, which had taken their parts. After whose slaughter, the King proceedeth farther to persecute the Earle of Northumberland, & Lord Thomas Bardolph. Who then did flie to Barwicke. From thence they reincoued to Wales. At length within two yeares after, fighting against the kyngs part, were slayne in the field. an. 1408. In the which yeare, diuers other also in the Northparts, for fauouring the foresaid Lords, were likewise condemned by the kyng and put to death. Among whome, the Abbot of Hales, for the like treason was hanged.

The kyng after the sheddyng of so much bloud, seeyng himselfe so hardly beloued of his subiects, thought to kepe in yet with the Clergy, & with the Bishop of Rome, seeking alwaies his chiefest stay at their hands. And therfore was compelled in all things, to serue their humour, as did appeare as well in condemning William Sawtre before, as also in other, which cōsequētly we haue now to intreat of. In the number of whom commeth now by y• course of time to write of one Iohn Badby a Tailor and a lay man, who by the crueltie of Thomas Arundel Archbishop, and other Prelates, was brought to his condemnation in this kings reigne,Anno. 1409. an. 1409. according as by their owne registers appeareth, & followeth by this narration to be seene.

¶ Iohn Badby Artificer.

IN the yeare of our Lord.Iohn Badby martyr. Ex Regist. Tho. Arundel. 1409. on Sonday beyng the first day of March, in the afternoone: The excommunication following of one Iohn Badby Taylour, beyng a lay man, was made in a certaine house or haull within the precinct of the preaching friers in Londō, in an vtter cloister: vpon the crime of heresie & other articles, repugnant to the determinatiō of the erroneous church of Rome, before Thomas Arundel Archbishop of Canterbury and other his assistants, as y• Archbishop of Yorke, of London, of Winchester, of Oxford, of Norwich, of Salisbury, of Bath, of Bangor, Et meneuensis Episcopi, and also Edmond Duke of Yorke, Thomas Bewford, the Chauncelour of England, Lord de Roos, the clerke of the rolles, & a great number of other Lords, both spirituall and temporall being then at the selfesame time present: Maister Morgan read the articles of his opinions to the hearers, according as it is contemed in the instrument read by the foresayd M. Morgan, the tenour whereof followeth and in effect is such.

In the name of God, Amen: Be it manifest to all men by this present publike instrument,The articles read. that in the yeare after the incarnation of our Lord, according to y• course and cō putation of the Church of England, otherwise in the yere 1409. in the second indictiō, in the third yeare of the Popedome of the most holy father in Christ & Lord, Lord Gregory xi. by yt diuine permission Pope, the secōd day of Ianuary, in the Chappell Caruariae of S. Thomas Martyr, high vnto the Cathedrall Church of Worcester, being situate in the said Dioces, in the presence of me the publicke Notary, and of the witnesses vnder written: the foresayd [Page] Iohn Badby a lay man, of the sayd Dioces of Worcester, appearing personally, before the reuerend father in Christ and Lord, Lord Thomas, by the grace of God Byshop of Worcester, sitting in ye said Chappell for chiefe Iudge, was detected of and vpon the crime of heresie, being heretically taught, & openly maintayned by the foresayd Iohn Badby. That is,The Sacrament of Christes body. that the Sacrament of the body of Christ, consecrated by the Priest vpon the aulter, is not the true body of Christ, by the vertue of the wordes of the Sacrament. But that after the Sacramentall words spoken by the Priest to make the body of Christ: the materiall bread doth remaine vpon the aulter as in the beginning, neither is it turned into the very body of Christ after the Sacramental words spoken of the Priest. Which Iohn Badby, being examined and diligently demanded by the foresaid reuerēd father cōcerning the premisses, in the end did answere: that it was impossible that any Priest should make the body of Christ, & that he beleued firmely that no Priest could make the body of Chrst by such words Sacramentally spoken in such sort. And also he said expressely, that he would neuer while he liued beleue, that any Priest could make the body of Christ sacramentally, vnlesse that first he saw manifestlie the like body of Christ to be handled in the hands of the priest vpon the aulter, in his corporall forme. And furthermore he sayd, that Iohn Rakier of Bristoll had so much power & authoritie to make the like body of Christ, as any priest had. Moreouer he said, that whē Christ sat at supper with his disciples: he had not his body in his hand, to the intent to distribute it to his disciples: and he said expresly, that he did not this thing. And also he spake many other words teaching & fortifieng the heresie in the same place, both greeuous, and also out of order, and horrible to the eares of the hearers, sounding against the Catholike faith.

Upon which occasion, the same reuerend father admonished and requested the said Iohn Badby oftentimes, and very instantlie to charity: for so much as he would willinglie that he should haue forsaken such heresie and opinion, holden, taught, and mainteined by him, in such sort against the Sacrament, to renounce and vtterly abiure them, and to beleeue other things which the holy mother the Church doth beleeue. And he informed the said Iohn on that behalfe both gentlie, and also laudably. Yet the said Iohn Badby, although he were admonished and requested both often and instantlie by the said reuerend father: said and answered expresselie, that he would neuer beleeue otherwise then before he had said, taught, and answered. Wherevpon, the foresaid reuerend father Bishop of Worcester, seeing, vnderstanding, and perceiuing the foresaid Iohn Badby to maintaine and fortifie the said beresie, being stubborne,I can not blame ye that ye are so angry, for it was not for your profite. and proceeding in the same stubbornes: pronounced the said Iohn to be before this time conuicted of such an heresie, and that he hath bin, and is an hereticke, and in the end declared it in these words.

In the name of God, Amen. We Thomas Bishop of Worcester, do accuse thee Iohn Badby being a lay man of our Dioces,The sentēce o [...] the B. of Worcester against Iohn Badby. of and vpon the crime of heresie before vs, sitting for cheese iudge, being oftentimes confessed and conuicted of and vpon that, that thou hast taught and openly affirmed, as hetherto thou doest teach, boldly affirme, and defend: that the Sacrament of the body of Christ, consecrated vpon the aulter by the Priest, is not the true body of Christ: But after the Sacramental words to make the body of Christ by vertue of the said Sacramentall words pronounced, to haue bin in the crime of heresie: and we do pronounce thee, both to haue bene, and to be an heretike, and do declare it finallie by these writings.

These things were done accordingly as is aboue written and are recited in the yeare, indiction, popedome, moneth, day and place aforesaid, being present the same time, Iohn Malune Prior of the Cathedrall Church of Worcester, Iohn Dudle Mōke,A table of monkes and friers about the condemnation of Iohn Badby and Iohn Haule the supprior of the said Church, Thomas Penings of the order of the Carmelites, Thomas Fekenham of the order of the preaching Friers, William Pomfret of the order of the Minorites, being professors and maisters in diuinitie, William Hailes, Gualter of London, Iohn Swippedew beeing publique Notaries,Quare fremuerunt g [...]ntes. Psal. 2. and William Beuchampe and Thomas Gerbris being Knights, Richard wish of Tredington, Thomas Wilbe of Dentbury, Iohn Weston of Yewley, being parsons of Churches, and Thomas Baleinges, the maister of Saint Wolstone in Worcester, and also Henry Haggely, Iohn Penerell, Thomas Trogmorton and William Wasseborne Esquiers of the Dioces of Worcester and Norwich,Scribes with Pharises. and many other worshipfull and honest men being witnesses and called speciallye to the things aforesaid.

And I Iohn Chew Clerke, of the Dioces of Bath and Welles, and by the authoritie apostolicall, publique Notarie of the said Bishop: haue in testimonie of the premisses, put my hand & seale to the examination, interrogatiō, monition, and aunswere of the same Iohn Badby, and to his obstinacie: & also to the procedings of al and singular other doings as is aforesaid, which against him before the sayd bishop were handled & done, in the yeare, indiction, popedome, moneth, day, and place aforesaid, which with the forenamed witnesses was personally present: and y• same, euen as I heard them and saw them to be done (being occupied with other matters) caused them to be written and published, and into this publique forme haue compiled the same. I the foresayd Notary am also priuie, vnto the words and examinations interlined betweene seauen or eight lines of y• beginning of this instrument, which lines I also the foresaide Notary doe approoue and make good.

And I Walter London Clerke, of the Dioces of Worcester, and by the authoritie Apostolicall, publique Notarie: to all and singular the foresaid things as afore by the foresaid Notary is recited, & in the yeare, indiction, popedome, moneth, day, and place aforesaid were handled and done, being with other the fore recited witnesses personally present: and to all & euery of the same (as I saw & heard them to be done, being thereunto faithfully desired and required.) In testimony of the premisses, haue signed & subscribed according to ye accustomed maner. Haec ex Reg. Cant.

And when the articles, in the foresaid instrument contained, were by the Archbishop of Canterbury publiquely and vulgarly read and approued:The aunswere of Iohn Badby to the articles. he publiquely cōfessed & affirmed, that he had both said and mainteined the same. And then the Archbishop to conuince the cōstant purpose of the said Iohn Badby, commanded the same articles againe to be read, often instructing him both by words and examples, informing and exhorting him that thereby he might be brought the sooner to the Religion that he was of. And furthermore, the said Archbyshop sayd and affirmed there openly to the same Iohn: that he would (if he would liue according to the doctrine of Christ) gage his soule for him at the iudgement day. And after that againe he caused those articles in the said instrument expressed, to be read by the foresaid Phillip Morgan, & the said Archbyshop himselfe expounded the same in English as before: wherunto Iohn Badby aunswered. As touching the first article concerning the body of Christ, he expresly sayd, that after ye consecration at the aulter, there remaineth materiall bread, & the same bread which was before: notwithstā ding (said he) it is a signe or sacrament of the liuing God.

Also; wen the second article was expounded vnto him, that it is impossible for anie Priest &c. To this article he answered and said, that it could not sinke into his minde that the words are to be taken as they litterallie lie, vnles he should denie the incarnation of Christ.

Also, being examined of the third Article concerning Iacke Raker, he said: That if Iacke Raker were a man of good liuing, and did loue and feare God, that he hath as much power so to do, as hath the Priest: and said further, that he hath heard it spoken of some doctors of diuinitie, that if he should receiue any such consecrated bread, he were worthy to be damned, & were damned in so doing.

Furthermore he sayd that he would beleue the omnipotent God in trusitie,The substance of bread not chaunged in the Sacrament. and said moreouer that if euery hoste being consecrated at the aulter were the Lords body, that then there be 20000. gods in England. But he beleeued (he said) in one God omnipotent, which thing the foresaid Archb. of Cant. denied not.

And when the other conclusion was expounded. That Christ sitting with his Disciples at supper, &c. To this he answered and said that he would greatly maruell: that if anie man had a loafe of bread, and should breake the same and giue to euery man a mouthfull, that the same loafe should afterwards be whole.

When all these things were thus finished, and that all the said conclusions were often red in the vulgar tong: the foresaid Archb. demaunded of him, whether he would renounce and forsake his opiniōs and such like conclusions or not, and adhere to the doctrine of Christ and Catholike faith? He answered, that according to that he had sayd before, he would adhere and stand to those words, which before he had made answere vnto. Then the Archb. oftentimes required the said Iohn in the bowels of Iesu Christ that he would forsake those opinions and conclusions,The cōstancy of Iohn Badby before the Archb. and that hencefoorth he would cleane to the christian faith: which thing to do in the audience of all the lords and others that were present, he expresly denied and refused.

After all this, when the foresayd Archbishop of Cant. & the Bishop of London had consulted together, to what safe keping the said Iohn Badby (vntill the wednesdaie next) might be committed: It was cōcluded, that he shold

[Page]be put in a certaine chamber or safe house within the Mansion of the Frier preachers,The Bishops make sure work. The Archb. [...] and Iaylor. and so he was: and then the Archbishop of Caunterbury sayd, that he himselfe would kepe the key therof, in the meane time. And when the foresayd wednesday was expired, being the 15. day of March, and that the foresayd Archbishop of Canterbury, with hys fellow brethren and Suffraganes were assembled in the Church of S. Paule in London:A stiterunt reges terrae & principes conuenerunt in vnum aduersus. &c. Psal. 2. The Archbish. of Canterbury taking the Episcopall seate, called vnto him the Archbishop of Yorke, Richard London, Henry Winchester, Robert Chichester, Alexander Norwich, & the noble prince Edmond the Duke of Yorke, Rafe Earle of Westmerland, Thomas Beaufort Knight Lord Chancellour of England, and the Lord Beamond with other noble men as well spirituall as temporall, that stood and sate by, whome to name it would be long: Before whome the said Iohn Badby was called personallie to answere vnto the Articles premised in the foresaid instrument. Who when he came personallie before them, the articles were read by the Officiall of the court of Cant. and by the Archb. (in the vulgare tong) expounded, publikely and expresly: and the same Articles, as he before had spoken and deposed, he still held and defended, and said, that whilest he liued, he would neuer retract the same. And furthermore he said specially to to be noted, that the Lord duke of Yorke personallie there present as is aforesaid, and euery man els for the time beeing: is of more estimation and reputation, then the Sacrament of the aulter, by the priest in due forme consecrated. And whilest they were thus in his examination, the Archbishop considering and waying that he would in no wise be altered, and seing moreouer his countenance stout and hart confirmed, so that he began to persuade other as it appeared in the same: These things considered, the Archprelate whē he saw that by his allurements it was not in his power, neither by exhortations, reasons, nor arguments, to bring the said Iohn Badbye from his constant truth to his Catholique faith (executing and doing the office of his great maister) proceeded to confirme and ratifie the former sentence giuen before by the Bishop of Worcester against the said Iohn Badby, pronouncing him for an open and publique hereticke. And thus shifting their hands of him, they deliuered him to the secular power: and desired the sayd temporall Lords, then and there present verie instantlie, that they would not put the same Iohn Badby to death for that his offence,Note here murdring wolues in sheepes cloathing. nor deliuer him to be punished or put to death, in y• presence of all the Lordsabone recited.

These things thus done and concluded by the Bishops in the forenoone: on the afternoone, the Kings writte was not far behind. By the force wherof, I. Badby still perseuering in his constancie vnto the death, was brought into Smithfield, and there being put in an emptie barrell, was bound with iron chaines fastened to a stake, hauing drie wood put about him.

And as he was thus standing in the pipe or tonne (for as yet Cherillus Bull was not in vre among the bishops) it happened that the Prince the kings eldest sonne, was there present. Who shewing some part of the good Samaritane, began to endeuour and assay how to saue the life of him, whome the hypocriticall Leuites and Phariseis sought to put to death. He admonished and counsailed him, that hauing respect vnto himselfe, he should spedelie withdraw himselfe out of these dangerous Laberinths of opinions,The pri [...] labourc [...] to turne Badby. adding oftentimes threatnings, the which might haue daunted anie mans stomacke. Also Courtney at that time Chancellor of Oxford, preached vnto him, and enformed him of the faith of holie Church.

In this meane season, the Prior of S. Bartlemewes in Smithfield, brought with all solemnitie the Sacrament of Gods body,The sacrament solemnely brought to Smithfield at the burning of Badbye. with twelue torches borne before, and so shewed the Sacrament to the poore man being at the stake. And then they demanded of him how he beleeued in it, he answering: that he knew well it was halowed bread, and not gods body. And then was the tunne put ouer him, and fire put vnto him. And when he felt fire, he cried, mercie (calling belike vpon the Lord) and so the Prince immediatelie commanded to take awaie the tunne, and quench the fire. The Prince his commandement being done, asked him if he would forsake heresie to take him to the faith of holie Church: which thing if he would doo, he should haue goods inough, promising also vnto him a yearelie stipend out of the kings treasurie, so much as should suffice his contentation.

But this valiant champion of Christ, neglecting the princes faire words, as also contemning all mens deuises: refused the offer of worldly promises, no doubt, but being more vehemently inflamed with y• spirit of God then with anie earthly desire.Ioh. Badby constant to the end. Wherfore, whē as yet he continued vnmoueable in his former mind, the prince commanded him straight to be put again into the pipe or tunne, and that he should not afterward looke for any grace or fauour. But as he could be allured by no rewards, euē so was he nothing at all abashed at their torments, but as a valiant champion of Christ, he perseuered inuincible to ye end. Not without a great and most cruell battayle, but with much more greater triumph of victorie: the spirit of Christ hauing alwaies the vpper hand in his members, maugre the furie,

¶ The description of the horrible burning of Iohn Badby, and how he was vsed at hys death.

[Page] rage, and power of the whole world. For the manifestation of which torment, wee haue here set forth the picture of his burning, in such maner as it was done.

This godly Martyr Iohn Badby hauing thus consummate his testimony and martyrdome in fire, the persecuting Bishops yet not herewith contented, and thinking themselues as yet eyther not strong inough, or els not sharpe enough agaynst tht poore innocent flock of Christ: to make all thinges sure and substantiall on theyr side,All the power of man set against the Gospel. in such sorte, as this doctrine of the Gospell nowe springing should be suppressed for euer: layd theyr conspiring heads together, & hauing now a king for theyr own purpose, ready to serue theyr turn in all poynts (during the time of the same Parliamēt aboue recited yet cōtinuing) the foresayd bishops and clergy of the realme, exhibited a Bul vnto the kings maiestie: subtily declaring, what quietnes hath ben mayntayned within this realme by his most noble progenitours, who alwayes defended the auncient rites and customes of the Church, and enriched the same with large gifts, to the honor of God and the realme: and contrariwise, what trouble and disquietnes was now risen by diuers (as they termed them) wicked and peruerse men teachinge and preachinge openlye and priuilye,The Gospel of Christ counted as wicked and hereticall. acertayne new, wicked and hereticall kinde of doctrine, contrary to the Catholicke fayth and determination of holye Church: whervpon ye king alwayes oppressed with blynd ignoraunce by the crafty meanes and subtile pretences of the clergie, graunted in the sayd Parliament (by consent of the nobilitie assembled) a statute to be obserued called Ex officio as followeth.

The Statute Ex officio.

The cruell statute, ex. officio. That is to say, that no man within this Realme or other the kinges maiesties dominions, presume or take vpon him to preach priuily or apertly, without speciall licence first obteyned of the ordinary of the same place (Curates in theyr owne parishe Churches, and persons heretofore priuiledged, and others admitted by the Canon law, onely excepted) Nor that any hereafter do preach mayntayne, teach, informe openly or in secret, or make or write any booke contrary to the catholique fayth, and determination of the holy Church. Nor that any hereafter, make anye conuenticles or assemblies, or keepe and exercise anye maner of schooles touching this sect, wicked doctrin and opinion. And further that no man hereafter shall by any meanes, fauour anye such preacher, any such maker of vnlawfull assemblies, or any such booke maker or writer, and finally any such teacher, informer, or stirrer vp of the people. And that all and singuler persons hauing anye the sayd bookes, writinges, or schedules contayning the sayd wicked doctrines and opinions, shall within forty dayes after this present proclamation and statute, really and effectually deliuer or cause to be deliuered all and singuler the sayd bookes and writinges, vnto the ordinary of the same place. And if it shall happen anye person or persons of what kinde, state, or condition soeuer he or they be, to doe or attempt anye manner of thing contrarye to this present proclamation & statute, or not to deliuer the same books in forme aforesayd: That then the ordinary of the same place in his owne diocesse by authoritie of the sayd proclamation and statute shall cause to be arested and deteined vnder safe custody, the sayd person or persōs in this case diffamed, and euidently suspected or any of them, vntill he or they so offending haue by order of lawe purged him or themselues as touching the articles layd to hys or theyr charge in this behalfe: A bloudie law of king Henry. 4. or vntill he or they haue denyed and recanted (according to the lawes ecclesiasticall) the sayd wicked sect, preachinges, teachinges: and hereticall and erroneous opinions And that the sayd ordinary by himselfe or his Commissaries proceede openly and iudicially to all the effect of law agaynst the sayd persons so arested and remayning vnder safe custody, & that he end and determine the matter within three monethes after the sayd arest, (all delayes and excuses set apart) according to the order and custom of the Canon law. And if any person, in any cause aboue mentioned, shalbe lawfully conuicted before the ordinary of the diocesse or hys Comissaries: that then the sayd Ordinary, may lawfully cause the sayd person so conuicted (according to the maner and quallitie of hys fact) to be layd in any of his owne prisons, and there to be kept so long as to hys discretion shall be thought expedient.

And further the sayd Ordinary (except in cases by the which according to the Canon law, the party offending ought to be deliuered to the seculer power) shall charge the sayd person wyth such a fine of mony to be payd vnto the kinges maiestye, as he shall thinke competent for the maner and quallitie of his offence, And the sayd diocesan shalbe bound to geue notice of the sayd fine, into the kinges maiesties Eschequer, by hys letters patent vnder his seale: to the intent that the sayd fine may be leuied to the kinges maiesties vse of the goodes of the person so conuict.

And further if any person within this realme and other the the kinges maiesties dominion, shalbe conuicted before the Ordinary of the place, or hys Comissaryes, of the sayd wicked preachinges, doctrines, opinions schooles, and hereticall and erroneous informations or any of them: and will refuse to abiure and recant the sayd wicked sect, preachings teachings, opinions, schols and informations: Or if after hys abiuration once made, the relapse be pronounced agaynst hym by the diocesan of the place, or hys Commissaryes (for so by the Canon law he ought to be lefte to the secular power, vpon credite geuen to the ordinary or hys Commissaries) That then, the Sheriffe of the same Countie, the Mayor, Sheriffes, or Sheriffe, or the Mayor or Baliffes of the same Cittie, village or Borough of the same County, and neerest inhabiting to the sayd Ordinary or hys sayd Commissaryes: shall personally be present, as oft as they shalbe required, to conferre with the sayd Ordinary or his commissaries in geuing sentence against the sayd persons offending or any of them. A bloudy statute. And after the sayd sentence so pronounced, shall take vnto them the sayd persons so offending, and any of them, and cause them openly to be burned in the sight of all the people: To the intent that this kinde of punishment may be a terror vnto others, that the like wicked doctrines and heretical opinions, or the authours and fauourers thereof be no more mayntayned within this Realme and dominions, to the great hurt (which God forbid) of Christian religion, and decrees of holy Church. In which all and singuler the premisses, concerning the statute aforesayd: Let the Sheriffes, Mayors, and Bayliffes of the sayd Counties, Cities: Villages, and Boroughes, be attendant, ayding, and fauoring, the sayd Ordinaryes and theyr Commissaries.

By this bloudy statute so seuerely and sharply enacted agaynst these simple men, here hast thou (gentle Reader a little to stay with thy selfe: and to consider the nature and condition of this present world, howe it hath bene set and bent euer from the beginning, by all might, counsayle, and wayes possible, to striue agaynst the wayes of God, and to ouerthrow that which he will haue set vp. And althogh the world may see by infinite storyes and examples, that it is but in vaine to striue against him: yet such is the nature of this world (all set in malignitie) that it will not cease still to be like it selfe.

The like law and statute in the time of Dioclesian and Maximinus was attempted,The lawe of Maximinus and the statute ex officio compared. as before appeareth, pag. 83. & for the more strength were writtē also in tables of brasse, to the entent that the name of Christ should vtterly be extincted for euer. And yet, the name of Christ remayneth, where that brasen lawe remayned not three yeres. The which law writtē thē in brasse, although it differ in maner & form, from this our statute Ex officio, yet to the same ende & cruelty, to spill the bloud of saintes, there is no difference betweene the one and the other. Neither is there anye diuersitie touching the first originall doer and worker of thē both. For the same Sathan, which then wrought his vttermost agaynst Christ, before he was bound vp: the same also now after his loosing out, doth what he can, though not after the same way, yet to the same intent. For then [...] outward violence as an open enemy, he did what he could Now by a more couert way, vnder the title of the Church he unpugneth the Church of Christ, vsing a more subtile way to deceaue, vnder gay pretēsed titles: but no lesse pernicious in the end, wherto be shouteth, as well appeareth by this bloudy statute Ex officio, the sequell wherof cost afterward, many a Christen mans life. As in processe of story remayneth more hereafter (Christ willing) to be declared.

Furthermore for the more fortification of this statute of the king aforesayd, concurreth also an other constitution made much about the same tyme by the Archb. of Canterb. Thomas Arundell. So that no industrye nor pollicy of man here did lack to set the matter forward, but specially on the bishops partes, who left no meanes vnattempted, how to subuert the right wayes of the Lord.

First, in most dilligent and exquisite execution of the kinges statute set foorth: the execution whereof they did so exactly apply, that maruell it is to consider, all other laws of kinges (commonly,) be they neuer so good) to be so coldly kept, and this onely among all the rest so neerely followed. But herein is to be scene the dilligence of the romishe Prelates, which neuer let any thing to fal, that maketh for the dignity of their estate.

Secondly, beside theyr vigilant care, in seeing y• kinges statute to be executed: No lesse industrious also were they in adding thereunto mo [...] constitutions of theyr owne, as from time to time appeareth as wel by other Archbishops hereafter, and by Pope Martine, as also by this constitution here present made by Thomas Arundell the Archb.

But before we enter to the relation of these foresayd [Page] cōstitutious of yt clergy mē, here cōmeth in more to be said and noted touching y• foresayd Statute ex Officio to proue the same not onely to be cruell and impious but also to be of it selfe of no force and validitie for the burning of anye person for cause of Religion, for the disprofe of whiche statute we haue sufficient authoritie remayning as yet in the parliament Rolles to be seene in her maiesties Courte of Recordes: which here were to be debated at large but that vpon speciall occasiō we haue differed the amp [...]e discourse therof to the cruell persecution of the Lord Cobhame hereafter ensuing as may appeare in the defence of the sayd lord Cobham agaynst Nicholas Happeffield vnder the title and name of Alanus Copus And thus referring them for the examination of this statute to the place aforesaid, let vs now returne to Thomas Arundel, and his bloudy constitutions aboue mentioned. The stile and tenour wherof, to the intent the rigour of the same may appeare to all men I thought hereunder to adioyne, in wordes as followeth.

* The constitution of Thomas Arundell, agaynst the followers of Gods truth.

A cruell constitution by the Archb. agaynst the Gospellers with 13. articles.Thomas by the permission of God, Archbishop of Canterbury, Primate of all Englande, and Legate of the see Apostolicke: To all and singuler our reuerend brethren fellow Bishops, and our Suffraganes. And to Abbots, Priours, Deanes of Cathedrall Churches, Archdeacons, Prouostes and Canons: also to all persons, vicares, chaplaynes, & Clerkes in Parish Churches, and to all lay mē whome and where so euer, dwelling win our prouince of Canterbury, greeting: & grace to stand firmely in the doctrine of the holy mother Church. It is a manifest & playne case: that he doth wrong and iniury to the most reuerend councell, who so reuolteth from the thinges, being in the sayd Councell once discussed and decided. And whosoeuer dare presume to dispute of the supreme or principall iudgment here in earth, in so doing incurreth the payne of sacrilege, according to the authoritie of ciuill wisedome and and manifest tradition of humayne law. Much more then they who trusting to theyr own wittes, are so bold to violate and with contrary doctrine to resist, and in word and deede to contemne the preceptes of lawes and Canons, rightly made and proceeding from the kaybearer and porter of eternall life and death:Blasphemy, not of pure man, but of true God. Hee meaneth here of Thomas Becket his predecessour, who had [...]is braynes beat out in the time of K. Hen. 2 Scripture clarkly applyed. This geare hangeth togea. ther lyke germa [...]es lyppes. [...], marke this you Grammarians. bearing the rowme and person, not of pure man, but of true God here in earth: which also haue bene abserued hitherto, and of y• holy fathers our predecessoures, vnto the glorious effusion of theyr bloud, & voluntary sprinkling out of theyr braynes: Are worthy of greater punishmēt, deseruing quickly to be cut off, as rotten members, from the body of the Church militent. For such ought to consider, what is in the old testament written: Moses and Aaron among hys Priestes, that is, were chiefe heads amongst them. And in the new Testament among the Apostles there was a certayne difference: And though they were all Apostles yet was it graunted of the Lord to Peter, that he should beare preeminence aboue the other Apostles: And also the Apostles themselues woulde the same, that he shoulde be the chiefetayn ouer all the rest. And being called Cephas, that is, head: shold be as Prince ouer the Apostles. Unto whome it was sayd: Thou beyng once conuerted, confirme thy brethren: as though he wold say, If there happen any doubt among them, or if anye of them chaunce to erre and stray out of the way of fayth, of iust liuing, or right conuersation: Doe thou confirme and reduce him in the right way againe. Which thing no doubt the Lord would neuer haue sayd vnto him, if he had not so minded,Marke well the popes diuinitie. An argument far fet that true doctrine conssisteth in making one head of the Church. yt the rest should be obedient vnto him. And yet al this notwithstanding, we know and dayly proue, that we are sory to speake, howe the olde Sophister, the enemy of mankinde, (foreseeing and fearing left yt sound doctrine of the church determined from ancient times by the holy forefathers: should withstand his malices, if it might keep the people of god in vnitie of faith vnder one head of y• church) doth therfore endeuour by al meanes possible, to extirp the sayd doctrine, feyning vices to be vertues. And so vnder false pretences of veritie dissimuled, soweth discorde in catholike people,How aptly he painteth the proceedinges of his owne popish Church to the intent, yt some goyng one way, some an other: He in the meane time may gather to himselfe a Church of the malignant, differing wickedly from the vniuersall mother holy church. In the which Satan transforming hymselfe into an Angell of light, bearing a lying and deceitfull ballaunce in hys hād, pretendeth great righteousnes, in contrarying the ancient doctrine of the holye mother church, and refusing the traditions of the same determined and appoynted by holy fathers: perswading mē (by fayned forgeries) the same to be nought: and so inducing other new kindes of doctrine, leading to more goodnes, as he by his lying perswasions pretendeth, although he in very truth neither willeth nor mindeth any goodnes but rather that he may sow schismes, wherby diuers opinions & contrary to themselues being raysed in yt Church fayth thereby may be diminished, and also the reuerend holy misteries through the same contention of words may be prophaned with Paganes, Iewes, and other infidels, and wicked miscreantes.Apos. 6. And so that figure in the Apos. 6. is well verified, speaking of him that sate on the blacke horse, bearing a payre of balaunce in hys hand, by yt which heretiques are vnderstand. Who at the first appearaunce lyke to weightes or ballance, make as though they would set forth right and iust thinges, to allure the hartes of the hearers. But afterward, appeareth the blacke horse, that is to say, their intention, full of cursed speaking. For they vnder a diuers shew and colour of a iust ballance,The figure of the black horse in the Apoc. doctorly expo [...] ded. with the tayle of a blacke horse sprinkling abroad heresies and erroures, do strike. And beyng poysoned themselues, vnder colour of good, rayse vp infinite slaunders, and by certayn persons fitte to doe mischiefe, do publish abroad as it were the sugred tast of hony mixt with poyson, therby the sooner to be taken: working and causing through their slight and subtiltyes, that errour shoulde be taken for veritye, wickednes for holines, and for the true will of Christ. Yea and moreouer the foresayd persons thus picked out, do preach before they be sent, and presume to sow the seede, before the seede discreetely be seperate from the chaffe. Who not pondering the constitutions and decrees of the Canons, prouided for the same purpose agaynst suche pestilent sowers, do preferre sacrifice Diabolicall (so to terme it) before obedience be geuen to the holy Church militant

We therfore considering and weying,Behold the true image of Wolues vnder sheepes clothing. that error which is not resisted, seemeth to be allowed, and hee that openeth hys bosome to wyde, whiche resisteth not the viper thinking there to thrust out her venome: And willing moreouer to shake off the dust from our feete, and to see to the honor of our holy mother Church, whereby one vniforme holye doctrine may be sowne and planted in the churche of God, (namely in thys our prouince of Caunterbury) so much as is vs doth lye, to the encrease of fayth and seruice of God, first rooting the euill weedes and offenditles which by the meanes of peruerse preaching, mad doctrine, haue sprong vp hitherto, and are lyke more hereafter to grow: purposing by some conuenient way with all dilligence possible to withstand them in tyme, and to prouide for the perill of soules, whiche we see to ryse vnder pretence of the premisses: also to remoue al such obstacles, by which the sayd our purpose may be stopped, by the aduise and assent of all our Suffragans and other Prelates, being present in this our conuocation of the Clergie, as also of the procuratours of them that be absent: and at the instaunt petition of the procurators of the whole Clergie within this our prouince of Canterbury, for the more fortification of the common law in this part, adding thereunto punishment and penalties condigne as be here vnder written, we will and command ordayne and decree.

That no maner of person seculer or reguler,The first cō stitution. being authorised to preach by the lawes now prescribed, or licenced by special priuiledge: shal take vpon him the office of preaching the word of God, or by any meanes preach vnto the clergy or Laitie, either within the Churche or without, in English, except he first present himselfe, and be examined of the Ordinary of the place where he preacheth. And so be ing found a fitte person, as well in maners as knowledge he shall be sent by the sayd Ordinary, to some one Church or more as shalbe thought expedient by the sayd Ordinary according to the quallitie of the person. Nor any person aforesayd shall presume to preach, except first he geue faythfull signification in due forme of his sending and authoritie, that is: That he that is authorised, doe come in forme appoynted him in that behalfe: and those that affirme they come by speciall priuiledge, do shew their priuiledge vnto the Parson or Vicare of the place where they preach. And those that pretend themselues to be sent by the ordinary of the place, shall likewise shew the Ordinaries letters made vnto hym for that purpose, vnder hys great seale. Let vs alwayes vnderstand, the Curate (hauing the perpetuitie) to be sent of right vnto the people of his owne cure.No priestes to preach, but by limitation of the prealates. But if any person aforesayd, shalbe bidden by the ordinary of the place, or any other superiour to preach, by reason of his errors and heresies whiche before peraduenture he hath preached and taught: that then and from thēceforth, he abstayne from preaching within our prouince: vntill he haue purged hymselfe, & be lawfully admitted agayne to preach by the iust arbitrement of him that suspended and forbad him. And shall alwaies after that, cary with hym to al places wheresoeuer he shall preach, the letters testimoniall of him that restored him.

[Page]Moreouer, the Parish Priestes or Vicares temporall, not hauing perpetuities, nor being sent in forme aforesayd shall simply preach in yt Churches where they haue charge onely those thinges whiche are expressely contayned in the prouinciall constitution set forth by Iohn our predecessour of good memory, to helpe yt ignorance of the priests, which beginneth: Ignorantia Sacerdotum. A ioly mene to bring the world into such darknes. Which book of constitutions, we would should be had in euery parish Church in our prouince of Caunterbury, within three monthes next after the publication of these presentes, and (as therein is required) that it be effectually declared by yt priestes themselues yearely, and at the tunes appoynted. And least thys wholesome statute might be thought hurtfull of some, by reason of payment of money, or some other difficultie: we therfore will & ordayne, that yt examinations of the persōs aforesayd, and the making of theyr letters by the Ordinary be done gratis and freely without any exaction of money at all, by those to whome it shall appertayne. And if any man shall willingly presume to violate this our statute grounded vpon the old lawe, after the publication of the same: he shall incurre the sentence of greater excommunication ipso facto: whose absolution we specially reserue by tenoure of these presentes, to vs and our successours. But if anye such Preacher despising this wholsome Statute, and not weying the sentence of greater excommunication doe the secōd time take vpon hym to preach: saying and alledging, and stoutly affirming that the sentence of greater excommunication aforesaid, cannot be appoynted by the Church in the persons of the Prelates of the same: That then, the Superiours of the place, doe worthely rebuke him, and forbid him from the Communion of all faythfull Christians.

And that the sayde person hereupon lawfully conuicted (except he recant and abiure after the maner of yt Church) be pronounced an hereticke by the Ordinary of the place. And that from thenceforth he be reputed and taken for an hereticke and schismaticke, and that he incurre (ipso facto) the penalties of heresie and schismacie, expressed in the law: And chiefly that his goodes be adiudged confiscate by the law, and apprehended and kept by them, to whome it shal appertayne. And that hys faurours, receiuers, & defenders being conuicted, in all cases be likewise punished, if they cease not of within one month, being lawfully warned therof by theyr superiours.

Constit. 2.Furthermore, no clergy man, or parochians of any parish or place within our prouince of Cant. shall admit any man to preach wtin their Churches, churchyardes or other places whatsoeuer, except first there be manifest knoweledge had of his authoritie, priuiledge, or sending thither, according to the order aforesayd: Otherwise the Churche, churchyarde, or what place whatsoeuer, in whiche it was so preached, shal ipso facto, receiue y• Ecclesiasticall interdict & so shall remayne interdicted, vntill they that so admitted and suffered him to preach, haue reformed themselues, and obtayned yt place so interdicted, to be released in due forme of law, either frō the Ordinary of y• place, or his superiour.

Constit. 3.Moreouer, like as a good housholder casteth wheat into the ground (well ordered for that purpose) therby to get the more encrease: euen so we wil and commaund, that the preacher of Gods word,what tyrāny is this to bynde the preachers mouth what to say. comming in form aforesayd, preaching eyther vnto the Clergy or Laity, according to hys matter proponed: shalbe of good behauiour, sowing such seed as shalbe cōuenient for his auditory. And chiefly preaching to the Clergie, he shall touche the vices commonly vsed amongst them, and to the Laitie he shall declare the vices commonly vsed among them, and not otherwise: But if he preach contrary to this order, then shall he be sharpely punished by the ordenary of that place, according to the quallitie of that offence.

Item, for as much as the part is vile, that agreeth not with the whole:Constit. 4. we do decree and ordayn, yt no preacher aforesayd, or any other person whatsoeuer, shall otherwise teach or preach concerning the sacramēt of the aulter, matrimony, confession of sinnes, or any other sacrament of the Church, or article of the fayth, then that already is discussed by the holy mother Churche, nor shall bring anye thing in doubt yt is determined by the church:A barre for the preachers. nor shal to his knowledg [...] priuily or apertly pronounce blasphemous wordes concerning the same, nor shall teach, preach, or obserue any sect, or kinde of heresie whatsoeuer, contrary to the wholesome doctrine of the Church. He that shall wittingly & obstinatly attempt the contrary, after the publication of these presentes, shall incurre the sentence of excommunication ipso facto: From the which (except in poynt of death) he shal not be absolued, vntill he hath reformed himselfe by abiuration of his heresie, at the discretion of the Ordinary, in who [...] territory he so offeded, and hath receiued wholsome penitence for his offences. But if the second tyme he shall so offend, being lawfully conuicted, he shalbe pronounced an hereticke, & his goods confiscate and apprehended, and kept by them to whome it shall appertayne. The penance before mentioned, shalbe after this manner: If anye man contrary to the determination of the Church, that is, in p• decrees, decretals, or our constitutions prouinciall, doe openly or priuily teach or preach any kinde of heresie or secte he shall in the parish Church of the same place, where he so preached, vpon one sonday, or other solemne day, or more, at the discretion of the ordinary, and as his offence is more or lesse, expressely reuoke that he so preached, taught or affirmed, euen at the time of the solemnitic of the masse, whē the people are most assembled, and there shall effectually and without fraud preach, and teach the very truth determined by the church: and further shalbe punished after the quallitie of hys offence, as shalbe thought expedient to the discretion of the Ordinary.

Item,Const. 5. for as much as a new vessell being long vsed, fauoreth after the head, we decree and ordayn, that no scholemaisters and teachers what soeuer, that instruct childrē in grammer,A caueat for schoolemasters. or others whō so euer, in primitiue sciences shal in teaching them, intermingle any thing concerning y• catholicke rayth, the sacrament of the aulter, or other Sacramentes of the Church, contrary to the determinations of y• church. Nor shall suffer theyr schollers to expound the holy Scriptures, (except the text as hath bene vsed of auncient time,) nor shal permit them to dispute openly or priuily concerning the catholicke fayth, or Sacramentes of the Churche. Contrariwise, the offender herein shalbe greeuously punished by the Ordinary of the place, as a fauourer o [...] errours and schismes.

Item,Const. 4. for that a new way doth more frequently leade a stray, then an old way: we will and commaunde that no booke or treatise made by Iohn Wickliffe, or other whom soeuer, about that time or sithence, or hereafter to be made: be from henceforth read in schooles, halles, hospitalles, or other places whatsoeuer, within our prouince of Canterbury aforesayd,Books of Iohn Wickliffe forbidden. except the same be first examined by the vniuersitie of Oxford or Cambridge, or at the last by twelue persons, whom the sayd vniuersities or one of the shal appoynt to be chosen at our discretion, or the laudable discretion of our predecessoures: and the same being examined as aforesayd, to be expresly approued and allowed by vs or our successours, and in the name and authoritie of the vniuersitie, to be deliuered vnto the Stationers to be copyed out, and the same to be sold at a reasonable price, the originall therof alwaies after, to remayn in some chest of yt vniuersitie. But it any man shall read any such kynd of booke in schooles or otherwise, as aforesayd: he shalbe punished as a sower offchisme, and a fauourer of heresie, as the qualitie or the fault shall require.

Item,Constit. 7. it is a daungerous thinge (as witnesseth blessed S. Hierome) to translate the text of the holy scripture out of one tongue into an other: for in the translation the same sense is not alwayes easily kept, as the same S. Ierome confesseth,He confesseth that S. Ierome erred in his translation. And yet the said Archb. cōmēded Queene Anne, for hauing the scripture in Englishe. that although he were inspired, yet oftentimes in this he erred. We therefore decree and ordayne, that no man hereafter by his owne authoritie, translate any text of the Scripture into English, or any other tongue, by way of a booke, libell, or treatise, and if no man read anye suche booke libell or treatise, nowe lately set foorth in the time of Iohn Wickliffe, or sithence, or hereafter to be set forth, in part or in whole, priuily, or apertly: vpon paine of greater excommunication, vntill the said translation be allowed by the Ordinary of the place, or (if the case so require) by the Councell prouinciall: He that shall do contrary to this shal likewise be punished as a fauourer of error & heresie.

Item,Constit. 8. for that almighty God cannot be expressed with any Philosophicall termes, or otherwise inuented of man: And S. Augustine faith, That he hath oftentimes reuoked such conclusions as hath bene most true, because they haue bene offensiue to the eares of the religious: we doe ordeine and specially forbid, that no maner o [...] person, of what state degree,Termes and propositions in disputing to be obserued. or condition, so euer he be, doe allege or propone any conclusions or propositions in yt catholicke fayth, or repugnant to good manners, (except necessary doctrine pertayning to theyr facultie of teaching or disputing in theyr schooles or otherwise) although they defend the same with neuer so curious termes and wordes. For as sayth blessed S. Hugh of the Sacramentes, that whiche oftentimes is well spoken, is not well vnderstood. If any man therefore after the publication of these presents, shalbe conuict wittingly to haue proponed such conclusions or propositions, except (being monished) he reforme himselfe in one month by vertue of this present constitution: He shall incurre the sentence of greater excommunication ipso facto, and shalbe openly pronounced an excommunicate, vntill he hath confessed [Page] his fault openly in the same place where he offended, and hath preached the true meaning of the sayd conclusion or proposition in one church or more, as shalbe thought expedient to the Ordinary.

Item, no manner of person shall presume to dispute vpon yt articles determined by yt church,Constit. 6. as is cōtayned in the decrees, decretals, our constitutions prouinciall, or in the general Councels. But onely to seek out the true meaning therof, & that expressely, whether it be openly or in secret:Authoritie of the popes decretals not to be doubted d vnder pain [...] of heresie. nor none shal cal in doubt the authoritie of the said decretals or constitutions, or the authoritie of him that made thē, nor teach any thing contrary to yt determination therof: And chiefly concerning the adoration of the holy crosse the worshipping of Images, of sayntes, going on pilgrimage to certayne places, or to the reliques of saintes, or agaynst yt othes in cases accustomed to be geuen in both cō mon places, that is to say, spirituall & temporall: But of al it shalbe commonly taught and preached, that the crosse & Image of the Crucifixe, and other Images of Saynts in the honour of them whom they present,Adoration of the crosse. are to be worshipped with procession, bowing of knees, offring of frankincense, kissinges, oblations, lighting of candels, and pilgrimages,With all abhomination. and with all other kind of ceremonyes and manners that hath bene vsed in the time of our predecessoures: And that geuing of othes in cases expressed in the law, and vsed of all men to whome it belongeth in both common places, ought to be done vpon the booke of the Gospell of Christ. Contrarye vnto this who so euer doth preache, teache, or obstinately affirme (except he recant in manner and forme aforesayd) shall forthwith incurre the penaltie of heresie, and shalbe pronounced an heretique, in all effect of law.

Constit 10.Item, we doe decree and ordaine, that no chaplayne be admitted to celebrate in any dioces within our prouince of Caunterbury, where he was not borne, or not receaued orders:No priest to celebrate without their letters of orders. except hee bring with him hys letters of orders, & letters commendatory from his ordinary, and also from other Bishops in whose dioces of a long lyme he hath ben conuersaunt, whereby his conuersation and maners may appeare: So that it may be knowne, whether he hath bene detained with any new opiniōs touching yt catholick faith or whether he be free from the same: otherwise, as well he that celebrateth as he that suffereth him to celebrate, shalbe sharpely punished at the discretion of the Ordinary.

Finally, because those things which newly and vnaccustomably excepeth vp,Constit. 11. standeth need of new and speedy helpe: and where more daunger is, there ought to be more mary circumspection and stronger resistance, & and not [...] out good cause: yt lesse noble ought discretly to be cut away that the more noble may the more perfectly be nourished Considering therefore, and in lamentable wife shewing vnto you, how the auncient Uniuersitie of Oxford, which as a fruitful vine was wont to extēd forth her fruitful brā ches to the honour of God,Oxford famous for sincere religion. the great perfection, and defēce of the Church: now partly being become wilde, bringeth forth bitter grapes, which being vndiscreetly eaten of auncient fathers that thought themselues skilfull in the law of God: hath set on edge y• teeth of their childrē: and our prouince is infected with diuers and vnfruitfull doctrines, and defiled with a new & damnable name of Lollardie, to the great reproofe and offence of the sayd Uniuersitie being known in forren countryes: & to the great irkesomnes of the studentes there, and to the great damnage and losse of the Church of England, which in times past by her vertue as with a strong wall, was wont to be defended, and now like to runne in ruine not to be recouered. At the supplication therfore of yt whole clergie of our prouince of Cā terbury: and by the consent and assent of all our brethren & suffragans: and other the prelates in this conuocation assembled, and the proctors of them that are absent: least the riuer being clensed: the fountayne should remayne corrupt and so the water comming from thence should not be pure entending most holesomly to prouide for the honour and vtilitie of our holy mother the Church and the vniuersitie moresayd. We do ordeine and decree: that euery warden, Prouost: or maister of euery College, or principall of euery hall wtin the vniuersitie aforesayd: shall once euery moneth at y• least, diligently enquire in the sayd College, hall, or other place where he hath authoritie, whether anye scholler or inhabitant in such colledge, or hall. &c. haue holdē, alleaged, or defended,Inquisition to bemade through Colledges and halles of Oxforde. or by any meanes proponed, any conclusion proposition o [...] opinion concerning the catholick faith or sounding cōtrary to good maners, or contrary to the determination of the Church, otherwise then appertayneth to necessary doctrine. And if hee shall finde anye suspected or diffamed herein, he shall according to his office admonish him to desiste. And if after such monition geuen, the sayde partye offende agayne in the same or suche like, hee shall incurre ipso facto (besides the penalties aforesayd) the sentence of greater excommunication. And neuerthelesse, if it be a scholier that so offendeth the second tyme, whatsoeuer he shall afterward doe in the sayd vniuersitie, shall not stand in effect. And if he be a doctour, a maister, or bacheller, he shall sorth with be suspended frō euery schollers act, and in both cases shal lose the right that he hath in the said College or hall, wherof he is, Ipso facto: and by the warde: Prouost, Maister, principall, or other to whō it appertayneth, he shalbe expelled,I would [...] like were vsed nowe for the banishing of papistry. & a Catholique, by lawful meanes forth with placed in his place. And if the sayd wardens, Prouostes or Maisters of Colledges or principalles of halles, shalbe negligent concerning the inquisition and execution of such persons suspected and diffamed by yt space of x. dayes, frō the time of the true or supposed knowledge of yt publication of these presentes: yt then they shal incurre yt sentence of greater excommunication: and neuerthelesse shalbe depriued ipso facto, of all the right which they pretēd to haue in y• colledges, halles &c. and the sayd Colledges & halles &c. to be effectually vacant: And after lawfull declaration hereof made by them to whom it shall appertayne, new wardens, Prouostes, Maisters, or principals, shalbe placed in they, places, as hath ben accustomed in colledges and halles, being vacant in the sayd vniuersitie. But if the wardens themselues, Prouostes, Maisters or principals aforesayd, be suspected and diffamed of and concerning the sayd conclusions or propositions, or be fauourers & defenders of such as doe therein offend: and doe not cease, beyng therof warned by vs, or by our authoritie: or by y• ordinary of the place: that then by law they be depriued, as well of all priuiledge scholasticall within the vniuersitie aforesayd, as also of their right and authoritie in such Colledge, hall, &c. Besides other penalties afore mentioned, and that they incurre the sayd sentence of greater excommunication.

But if any man in any case of this present cōstitution or any other aboue expressed:Constit. 12. do rashly and wilfully presume to violate these our statues in any part thereof (although there be an other penalty expressely there limitted) yee shal he be made altogether vnable and vnworthy by the spare of three yeares after, without hope of pardon to obtayn any ecclesiasticall benefice within our prouince of Caunterbury: and neuertheles according to all hys demerites and the quallitie of hys excesse, at the discretion of his superiour he shalbe lawfully punished.

And further, that y• maner of proceeding herein be not thought vncertayne: considering with ourselues,Constit. 13. that although there be a kinde of equallitie in the crime of heresie and offending the prince, as is auouched in diuers lawes: yet the fault is much vnlike, and to offend the deuine maiestie requireth greater punishment, then to oftend y• Princes maiesty. And where it is sufficient (for feare of daunger that might ensue by delayes) to conuince by iudgement the offender of the Princes maiesties proceeding agaynst hym fully & wholy,Easier to o [...] fend against the princes law then against the byshops. with a citation sent by messenger, by letters, or edict not admitting proofe by witnesses, and sentēce definitiue to be: we do ordeine, will, and declare, for the easier punishment of the offēders in the premisses, and for the better reformation of the church deuided and hurt, that all such as are diffamed, openly knowne, or vehemētly suspected in any of the cases aforesayd, or in anye article of the catholicke fayth sounding contrary to good manners: by authoritie of the ordinary of the place or other superior, be cited personally to appeare, cyther by letters, publique messenger being sworne: or by edicte openly set at that place where the sayd offender commonly remayneth, or in hys parish Church, if he hath any certayne dwelling house. Otherwise, in y• Cathedrall church of the place where he was borne, and in the parish churche of the same place where he so preached and taught: And afterwardes certificate beyng geuen, that the citation was formally executed agaynst the party cited being absent and neglecting hys appearannce it shalbe proceeded agaynst him fully and playnly without sound or shew of iudgement, and without admitting proofe by witnesses and other canonicall probations. And also after lawful informatiō had, the sayd ordinary (al delayes set apert) shall signifie declare, and punishe the sayd offender, according to the quallitie of his offence, and in forme aforesayd: and further, shall doe according to iustice, the absence of the offender notwithstanding.

Geuen at Oxford.

¶ Who would haue thought by these lawes and constitutions so substantially founded, so circumspectly prouided, so dilligently executed: but that the name and memory of this persecuted sort, should vtterly haue bene rooted vp, [Page] & neuer could haue stand. And yet such be the works of th [...] lord, passing all mēs admiratiō, all this notwithstanding so far was it of, that the number and courage of these good men was vanquished, that rather they multiplied dayly & encreased. For so I finde in Registers recorded, that these foresayd persons, whome the king and the Catholique fathers, did so greatly deteste for heretickes, were in diuers countries of this realme dispersed and increased: especially at London, in Lincolnshire in Northfolk, in Herefordshyre, in Shreusbury, in Callice, and diuers other quarters mo, with whom the Archb. of Caunterbury Thomas Arundell, the same time had much ado, as by hys own registers doth appeare. Albeit some there were, that dyd shrinke, many did reuolt and renounce, for daunger of the law. Among whom was Iohn Puruey, whiche recanted at Paules Crosse,Iohn Puruey. Iohn Edward. Iohn Becket. Iohn Seynons abiured. of whom more foloweth (the Lord willing) to be said in the yeare 1421. Also Iohn Edward priest of the dioces of Lincolne, who reuoked in the greene yard at Norwich, Richard Herbert, and Emmot Willy of Lō don, also Iohn Becket, who recanted at London. Item, Iohn Seynons of Lincolneshyre, who was caused to reuoke at Caunterbury. The articles of whom which commonly they did hold, and which they were constrayned to abiure, most specially were these as follow.

Their Articles.

The articles.First, that the office of the holy Crosse (ordayned by the whole Church) celebrated, doth contayne idolatry.

Item, they sayd and affirmed, that all they which doe reuerence and worship the signe of the crosse, do commit idolatry, and are reputed as Idolaters.

Item, they sayd and affirmed, that the true fleshe and bloud of our Lord Iesus Christ, is not in the sacrament of the aulter, after the words spoken by the priest truely pronounced.

Item, they sayd and affirmed, the sacrament of the aultar to be sacramentall bread, not hauing life, but onely instituted for a memoriall of Christes passion.

Item, they sayd and affirmed, that the body of Christe which is taken on the aulter, is a figure of yt body of christ as long as we see the bread and wyne.

Item: they sayd and affirmed, that the decree of the prelates and clergie in the prouince of Caunterbury, in theyr last conuocation, with the consent of the king and the nobles in the last Parliament agaynst him that was brent lately in the citty of London: was not sufficient to chaunge the purpose of the sayd Iohn, when the substance of materiall bread is euen as before in the sacrament of the aultar, it was no change being made in the nature of bread.

Their arcle cōmonly was thus, that who so taketh vpon him the office of a Prieste though he haue no cure of soules, nor licence of his ordinary, is bounde to preach the Gospel.* Item, that any lay man may preach the Gospel in euery place, and may teach it by his owne authoritie, without the licence of his Ordinary.

Itē, that it is sinne: to geue any thing to the preaching friers: to the Minorites, to the Augustines, to the Carmelites.

Item, that we ought not to offer at the funerals of the dead.

Item, that the confession of sins to the people, is vnneedefull.

Item, that euery good man (though he be vnlearned) is a priest.

Item, that the infant (though he dye vnbaptised) shalbe saued.

Item, that neither the pope, nor the prelate, neither any ordinary can compell any man to sweare by anye creature of God, or by the bible booke.

Item, that as well the Bishop, the simple man, the priest, and the lay man, be of like authoritie (as lōg as they liue well.)

Item, that no man is bound to geue bodily reuerence to any prelate.

¶ William Thorpe.

The examination of the constant seruaunt of God Williā Thorpe.THus much briefly being signified by the way, touching these which haue bene forced in time of this king, to open abiuration: Next commeth to our handes the worthy history of maister William Thorpe, a warriour valiaunt, vnder the triumphant banner of Christ, with the processe of his examinations, before the foresayd Thomas Arundell Archbishop of Caunterb. written by the sayd Thorpe and storyed by his owne pen, at the request of hys frendes as by hys own words in the processe here of may appeare. In whole examination (whiche seemeth first to begin. an. 1407.) thou shalt haue, good reader, both to learne and to merueile. To learne, in that thou shalt beare truth discoursed and discussed, with the contrary reasons of the aduersary dissolued. To marueile, for that thou shalt beholde here in this man, the merueilous force and strength of the Lordes might, spirite and grace, working and fighting in his souldiors, & also speaking in theyr mouthes, according to the word of hys promise. Luke xxi. To the rest of the story we haue neither added nor diminished: but as we haue receiued it,This history [...] set forth & corrected by M. W. Tyndall. copied out, & corrected by maister Williā Tindall (who had his own handwriting) so we haue here sent it, and set it out abroad. Althoughe for the more credite of the matter, I rather wished it in his own naturall speach wherein it was first written. Notwithstanding, to put away all doubt and scrouple herein, this I thought before to premonishe and testifie to the Reader, touching the certaintie hereof, that they be yet aliue whiche haue seene the selfe same copy in his own old English, resembling y• true antiquitie both of the speach, and of the time: The name of whom as for recorde of the same to auouche, is M. Whithead, who as he hath seene the true ancient copy in the hā des of George Constantine, so hath he geuen credible relation of y• sonne, both to the printer, & to me. Furthermore the sayd maister Tindall (albeit he did somewhat alter & amend the English therof, and frame it after our manner) yet not fully in al words: but that something doth remain, fauouring of the old speach of that time. What the causes were why this good man & seruaunt of Christ, W. Thorp did write it [...] and pen it out himselfe, it is sufficiently declared in hys owne preface, set before his booke, whiche here is prefixed in maner as followeth.

¶ The preface of William Thorpe.

THe Lord God that knoweth all thinges,The preface. woreth well that I am right sorrowful for to write to make known this sentence beneath written: whereby of mine euē christē set in high state & dignitie, so great blindnes & malice may be knowne: that they which doe presume of themselues to destroy vices, and to plant in men vertues, neither dreade to offend God,Gods lawes must be knowe [...] and folowed. nor lust to please him as their workes doe shew. For certes the bidding of God and hys law, whiche in the praysing of his most holy name he commaundeth to be known & kept of all men and women, yong and old, after the cunning & power that he hath geuen to them: The Prelates of this lande and their ministers, wt the couent of priests chiefly consenting to them, enforce them most busily to withstand and destroy the holy ordinaunce of God. And there through, God is greatly wroth and moued to take hard vengeance, not onely vpon them that do the euil but also on them that consent to these Antichristes limnes: which know or might know, their malice and falshoode, & dresse them not to withstand their mallice and theyr great pride.Foure caused [...]. setting forth [...].13 examination. Neuertheles, 4. things moueth me to write this sē tence beneath.

The first thing that moueth me hereto is this, yt where as it was knowne to certayn frendes, that I came from yt prison of Shrewsbury, and as it befell in deed that I shold to the prison of Caunterbury: thē diuers friends in diuers places, spake to me full hartily and full tenderly: and commaunded me then, if it so were that I should be examined before the Archb. of Cant. that if I might in any wife, I should write mine apposing, and mine aunswering. And I promised to my special frendes, that if I might, I wold gladly doe their bidding as I might.

The second thing that moueth me to write this sentēceThe 2. [...] is this: diuers frendes which haue heard that I haue bene examined before the Archbyshop, haue come to me in prison, and counsayled mee busily, and coueted greatly that I should doe the same thing. And other brethren haue sent to me, and required on Gods behalfe, that I should write out and make knowne, both mine apposing & mine aunswering, for the profite that (as they say) vppon my knowledging, may come thereof. But this they had me, that I should be busie in all my wits, to go as neare the sentence and the wordes as I could, both that were spoken to me & that I spake: Upauēture this writing may come an other time, before the archbishop and hys counsaile. And of thys counselling I was right glad: for in my conscience I was moued to doe this thing, & to aske hitherto the speciall help of God. And so then I considering the great desire of dyuers frendes of sondry places, according all in one: I occupyed all my minde & my wits so busily, that through gods grace I perceaued by theyr meaning and their charitable desire, some profite might come there through. For southfastnes and trueth hath these conditions: where euer it is impugned,Truth leaueth alwayes a sweet [...]mel behinde it. it hath asweete smell, and thereof commeth a sweet fauour. And the more violently the enemies dresse themselues to oppresse and to withstand the trueth, the [Page] greater and the sweeter smell commeth therof. And therefore, this heauenly find of Gods word, wil not as a smoke passe away with the winde: but it will descende and rest in some cleane soule, that thirsteth thereafter. And thus some deale by this writing may be perceaued thorough Gods grace, how that the enemies of the trueth (standing boldly in their malice) inforce them to withstand the fredome of Christes Gospell, for which freedome Christ became man & shed his hart bloud. And therefore it is great pitty & sorrow: yt many men & women do their own weyward will nor busy thē not to know nor to do yt pleasant wil of God.

Godly counsell geuen if it may be followed.The men & women that heare the truth and southfastnes, and heare or know of this (perceauing what is nowe in y• churche) ought here through, to be the more moued in all their wits, to able them to grace, & to set lesser price by themselues, that they without ta [...]ieng: forsake wilfully & bodely all the wrethednes of this life, since they know not how soon, nor whē, nor where, nor by whō God wil teach them,Persecution followeth the true Church. & assay their pacience. For no doubt, who that euer will liue pittiously, that is charitably in Christ Iesu, shall suffer now here in this life persecution, in one wife or an other. That is, if we shalbe saued, it behoueth vs to imagin ful busily: the vility and soulnes of sinne, and how y• Lord God is displeased therfore: & so of this vility of bidiousnes of sinne, it behoueth vs to busy vs in al our wits, for to abhorre and hold in our mind a great shame of sinne euer, & so then we owe to sorrow hartely therfore, and euer fleing all occasion therof. And then behoueth vs to take vpon vs sharpe penāce, continuing therin, for to obtayne of yt Lord forgeuenes of our foredone sinnes, and grace to abstain vs hereafter from sinne. And but if we enforce vs to do thys wilfully: and in conueniēt time, the Lord (if he will not vtterly destroy and cast vs awaye) will in diuers manners moue tyrantes agaynst vs: for to constrayne vs violentlye to do penance,The cause why persecution is suffered to come which we would not do wilfully. And trust that this doing is a special grace of the Lord, & a great token of life & mercy. And no doubt, who euer will not apply him selfe (as is sayd before) to punish himself wilfully, neither wil suffer paciently, meekely, and gladly the rod of the Lord, howsoeuer that he will punish him: their wayward willes and their impacience, are vnto them earnest of euelasting damnation. But because there are but few in number that do able them thus faythfully to grace, for to liue here so simply and purely, and without gall of malice and of grudging: herefore the louers of this worlde hate & pursue them that they knowe patient, meek, chaste, & wilfully poore, hating and fleing all worldly vanities & fleshly lusts. For surely, their verteous conditions are euen cō trary to the manners of this world.

The third cause.The third thing that moueth me to wryte this sentēce is this, I thought I shall busie me in my selfe to do faythfully, that all men and women (occupying all their busines in knowing and in keeping of Gods commaundements) able them so to grace, that they might vnderstād truely the truth, and haue and vse vertue and prudēce, and so deserue to be lightned from aboue with heauenly wisedom:Edification of other, necessary to be considered. so that all their words & their workes may be hereby made pleasant sacrifice vnto the Lord God: and not onely for helpe of their own soules, but also for edification of holy Church For I doubt not: but all they that will apply them to haue this foresayd busines, shall profite ful me kill both to freds & foes. For some enemies of the truth, through the grace of God, shall through charitable folkes be made astonied in their conscience, and peraduenture conuerted from vices to vertues: and also, they that labour to know and to keep faythfully the biddinges of God, and to suffer paciently all aduersities, shall hereby comfort many frendes.

And the fourth thing that moueth me to write this sē tēce is this:The 4. cause. I knowe by my sodein & vnwarned apposing and aunswering, that all they that will of good hart wtout faining, able themselues wilfully & gladly after theyr cunning and their power, to follow christ paciently, traueling busily, priuily, and apertly in worke and in word, to withdraw whom soeuer that they may from vices, planting in them (if the may) vertues, comforting them & furtheryng them that stand in grace: so that therwith they be not born vp in vaine glory, through presumption of theyr wisdome nor inflamed with any worldly prosperitie: but euer meek and pacient: purposing to abide stedfastly in yt wil of God, suffering wilfully and gladly without any grutching what soeuer rod the Lord wil chastise them with: that then, thys good Lord will not forget to comfort al such men and women in all their tribulations, & at euery poynt of temptation that any enemy purposed for to doe agaynst them. To such faithfull louers specially, & pacient followers of christ the Lord sendeth by his wisedome frō aboue, them which the aduersaries of the truth, may not know nor vnderstand. But through their old and new vnshamefast sinnes, those tyrantes and enemies of southfastnes,The assistance of God neuer fayleth the that are persecuted. shalbe so blinded & obstinate in e [...]ill, that they shall weene themselues to doe pleasant sacrifices vnto the Lorde God in their malicious and wrongfull pursuing and destroying of innocent mens and womens bodyes: which men & women, for theyr vertuous liuing, and for their true knowledging of the trueth and theyr pacient wilfull and glad suffering of persecution for righteousnes, deserue through the grace of God, to be heyres of the endlesse blesse of heauen. And for the feruent desire and the great loue that these men haue, as to stand in southfastnes and witnes of it: though they be sodeinly & vnwarnedly brought foorth to be aposed of their aduersaries: the holy Ghost yet that moueth and ruleth them thorough his charitie, will in that houre of theyr aunswering speake in them and shewe hys wisedome: that all theyr enemies shall not agayn say, nor agaynst stand, lawfully.

And therfore, al they that are stedfast in y• fayth of God yea, which through diligent keeping of his commaundementes, & for theyr pacient suffering of whatsoeuer aduersitie that commeth to them, hope surely in his mercy, purposing to stand cōtinually in perfect charitie. For those mē and womē, dred not so the aduersities of this life, that they wil feare (after their cunning and their power) to knoweledge prudently the truth of gods word, when, where, and to whom they thinke their knowledging may profite. Yea and though therfore persecution come to them in one wise or an other, certes they paciently take it, knowing theyr conuersation to be in heauen. It is an high rewarde and a speciall grace of God: for to haue and enioy the euerlasting inheritance of heauen, for the suffering of one persecution in so short time as is the terme of this life. For loe, this heuenly heritage & endles reward: is the Lord God hymselfe which is the best thing that may be. This sētence witnesseth the Lord God himselfe where as he sayd to Abrahā I am thy meede: And as the Lord sayd: he was and is the meede of Abraham: so he is of all his other saynts. This most blessed and best meede, he graunt to vs all for his holy name, that made vs of naught, and sent his onely most deare worthy sonne, our Lorde Iesu Christ for to redeeme vs with his most precious hart bloud. Amen.

The examination of William Thorpe, penned with hys owne hand.

KNowne be it to al men,Examinatió of William Thorpe before Tho. Arundell Archb. that read or heare this writing that on the sonday next after the feast of S. Peter: that we call Lammesse: in the yeare of our Lord. 1407. I william Thorpe being in prison in the Castle of Saltwoode, was brought before Tho. Arundel Archbishop of Canterbury and Chauncellor then of Englande. And when that I came to him: he stode in a great chamber and much people about him: and when that he saw me, he went fast into a closit bidding all seculer men yt followed hym to go foorth from him soone, so that no man was left than in that closet but the Archbishop himselfe and a Phisitian yt was called Malueren, person of S. Dunstanes in London, & other two persons vnknowne to me which were ministers of y• law. And I standing before them, by and by the Archbish. sayd to me: William, I know well that thou hast this xx. winters & more, trauelled about busily in the north coū try and in other diuers countryes of England,Loyteryng prelates, cánot abyde trauellyng preachers. The grace of God and of my Lord of Cant. be 2. thinges. sowing about false doctrine, hauing great businesse if thou might with thine vntrue teaching and shrewd will, for to infect & poysō all this land. But through the grace of God thou art now withstanded & brought into my ward, so that I shall now sequester thee from thine euill purpose, and let thee to enuenime the sheep of my prouince. Neuertheles S. Paul sayth: If it may be, as much as in vs is, we ought to haue peace wt all men. Therfore William, if y• wilt now meckly and of good hart, without any feyning, kneele downe and lay thy hand vpō a booke and kisse it,Your ordinaunce, and why not to Gods ordinance if it please your grace? promising faythfully as I shall here charge thee, yt thou wilt submit thee to my correction, & stād to myne ordinaunce, & fulfill it duely by all thy cūning and power, thou shalt yet find me gracious vnto thee. Then sayd I to the archbishop. Syr, since ye deme me an hereticke & out of beleue, will ye geue me here audience to tell my beleue. And he sayd, yea tell on. And I sayde. I beleue that there is not but one God almighty, and in this Godhead, and of this Godhead, are three persons, that is, the father, the sonne, and the sothfast holye Ghost. And I beleue, that all these three persons are euen in power and in cunning, and in might, full of grace and of all goodnes. For what soeuer that the father doth or can or will, that thing also the sonne doth and can and will: and in all theyr power, cunning and will, the holy Ghost is equall to the father and to the sonne.

[Page]Ouer this I beleue, that through counsell of this most blessed Trinity, in most cōuenient time before ordeined for the saluation of mankinde, the second person of this Trinity; was ordeined to take the forme of mā, that is, the kinde of mā. And I beleue, that this secōd person our Lord Iesu Christ, was conceiued through the holy ghost, in ye wombe of the most blessed virgin Mary, without mans seed. And I beleue, that after 9. monethes Christ was borne of this most blessed virgine, without any payne or breaking of the closser of her wombe, and without filth of her virginity.

And I beleue, that Christ our Sauiour was Circumcise [...] in the eight day after his birth, in fulfilling of the law, and his name was called Iesus, which was so called of ye Angel, before that he was conceiued in the wombe of Mary his mother.

And I beleue, that Christ, as he was about xxx. yeare olde, was Baptised in the floud of Iordane of Iohn Baptist: and in the likenes of a Doue the holy Ghost descēded there vpon him, & a voyce was heard from heauen, saying: Thou are my welbeloued sonne, in thee I am full pleased.

And I beleue, that Christ, was moued then by the holy ghost, for to go into desert, and there he fasted 40 dayes & 40. nightes without bodely meat and drink. And I beleue that by and by after his fasting, when the manhood of christ hūgred, the fiend came to him, and tempted him in glottony, in vayne glory, and in courtise: but in all those temptations, Christ concluded the fiend, and withstood him. And then without tarying, Iesu began to preach and to say vnto the people: do ye penaunce, for the Realme of heauen is now at hand.

I beleue that Christ in all his time here liued most holity, and taught the will of his father most truly: and I beleue that he suffered therfore, most wrongfully, greatest repriests and despisinges.

And after this, [...] crea [...] of [...] and [...] when Christ woulde make an end here of this rēporal life, I beleue that in the day next before that he would suffer passiō in the morne: In forme of bread and of wine, he ordeined the Sacrament of his flesh and hys bloud, that is, his owne precious body, & gaue it to his Apostles for to eat: cōmaunding them, and by them all their after commers, that they should do it in this forme that he shewed to them, vse themselues, and teach and comō forth to other men and womē this most worshipfull holyest sacrament, in mindfulnes of his holyest liuing, & of his most true preaching, & of his wilfull and patient suffering of the most paynefull passion.

And I beleue, that thys Christ our Sauiour, after that he had ordeined this most worthy Sacrament of his own precious body: he wēt forth wilfully agaynst his enemies, and he suffered them most paciently to lay their hands most violently vpō him, and to binde him, and to lead him forth as a theefe, & to scorne him, and buffet him, and all to blow or file him with their spittinges. Ouer this, I beleue, that Christ suffered most meekly and paciently his enemies, for to ding out with sharp scourges the bloud yt was betwene his skinne and his flesh: yea without grudging Christ suffered the cruell Iewes to crowne him with most sharpe thornes, and to strike him with a reede. And after, Christ suffered wicked Iewes to draw him out vpon the crosse, & for to nayle him thereupon hand and foote. And so through his pitifull nayling, Christ shed out wilfully for mans life, the bloud that was in his vaynes. And then Christ gaue wilfully his spirit into ye hāds or power of his father, & so, as he would, & whē he would, christ died wilfully for mās sake vpon the crosse. And notwithstāding that Christ was wilfully, paynefully, & most shamefully put to death, as to the world: there was left bloud and water in his hart as before ordeined, that he would shedd out this bloud & this water for mās saluation. And therefore he suffred ye Iewes to make a blinde knight to thrust him into the hart with a speare, and this the bloud and water that was in his hart, Christ would shed out formans loue, And after this, I beleue that Christ was taken downe from the crosse and buried. And I beleue that on the third day by power of hys Godhead, Christ rose againe from death to life. And the xl. day therafter, I beleue that Christ ascēded vp into heauen and that he there sitteth on the right hand of the father almighty. And the fifty day after this vp going, he sēt to hys Apostles the holy ghost, that he had promised them before. And I beleue that Christ shall come & iudge all mankind; some to euerlasting peace, and some to euerlasting paines.

And as I beleue in the father & in the sonne, that they are one God almighty, so I beleue in the holy Ghost that he is also with them the same God almighty.

And I beleue an holy church, that is, all they that haue bene, [...]hat is the holy church▪ and that now are, & alwayes to the end of the worlde shalbe, a people the which shall endeuour them to know & to keepe the commaundements of God, dreading ouer all thing to offed God, and louing and seeking most to please him. And I beleeue, that all they that haue had & yet haue, and all they that yet shall haue the foresayd vertues, surely standing in the belief of God, hoping stedfastly in his mercyfull doinges, continuing to theyr end in perfect charitye, wilfully, paciently and gladly suffering persecutiōs, by the example of Christ chieflye and his Apostles, all these haue theyr names written in the booke of life.

Therfore I beleue,The true notes of the true church. that the gathering together of this people, liuing now here in this life, is the holy Church of God, fighting here on earth agaynst the fiend, the prosperity of the world, and theyr fleshly lusts. Wherfore, seing that all the gathering together of this Church before sayd, and euery part therof, neither coueteth, nor willeth, nor loueth, nor seketh any thing but to eschew y• offēce of God, & to do his pleasing will: meekly, gladly, and wilfully, wt all mine hart, I submit my selfe vnto this holy Church of Christ, to be euer buxome & obedient to yt ordinaūce of it, & of euery member therof; after my knowledge and power by ye help of God. Therfore I knowledge now and euermore shal, if God will, that with all my hart and with all my might, I wil submit me onely to the rule and gouernaunce of them, whō after my knowledge, I may perceiue by the hauing and vsing of the before sayd vertues, to be members of the holy Church. Wherfore these articles of belief and al other (both of the olde law and of the new, which after the commaundement of God any man ought to beleue) I beleeue verely in my soule, as a sinful deadly wretch of my cunning and power, ought to beleue: praying the Lord God for his holy name, for to encrease my beliefe, and to helpe my vnbeliefe.

And for because to the praysing of Gods name, I desire aboue all things to be a faithfull mēber of holy church,What heresie in this beliefe, I pray you my Lord? I make this protesta [...]ō before you all foure that are now here present, couering that all men & women that now be absent, knew the same: that is, what thing so euer before this time I haue sayde or done, or what thing here I shall doe or say, at any time hereafter.The old Testament and new. I beleeue, that all the olde law and the new law geuen and ordeined by the coūsell of the three persons of the Trinity, were geuen and written to the saluatiō of mankind. And I beleue, that these lawes are sufficient for mans saluation. And I beleue euery article of these lawes, to the intent, that these articles ordeined and commaunded of these 3 persons of the most blessed trinity, are to be beleued.

And therfore to y• rule & the ordinaunce of these, Gods lawes, meekely, gladly and wilfully, I submit me with all mine hart: that whosoeuer can or wll by authority of gods lawe, or by open reason, tell me that I haue erred or nowe erre, or any time hereafter shall erre in any article of beliefe (from which inconuenience God keepe me, for hys goodnesse) I submit me to be reconciled and to be buxum & obedient vnto those lawes of God, and to euery article of thē. For by authority, specially of these lawes, I will, thorow the grace of God, be vntied charitably vnto these lawes. Yea sir, & ouer this, I beleeue & admit all the sentēces, authorities and reasōs of the saynts & doctors, according vnto holy scripture, and declaring it truely.

I submit me wilfully and meekely to be euer obedient after my cunning and power,Doctors so to be folowed as they folow the word. to all these saynts and Doctors, as they are obedient in worke and in word to God & to his law, and further not (to my knowledge) not for any earthly power, dignitye or state, thorow the helpe of God. But sir I pray you tell me, if after your bidding, I shal lay my hand vpon the booke, to what entent: to sweare thereby▪ And the Archby. sayd to me, yea, wherefore els? And I said to him.To sweare by a booke whether it be lawfull. Syr a book is nothing els but a thing coupled together of diuers creatures, and to swere by any creature both Gods law and mans law is agaynst it.

But Syr, this thing I say here to you before these your clerkes,How where, and when to sweare. with my foresayd protestation, that how, where when, and to whom, men are boūd to sweare or to obey in any wise after Gods law, and saints, and true Doctours, according vnto Gods law: I will thorow Gods grace be euer ready thereto, with all my cunning and power. But I pray you sir for the charitye of God, that ye will before yt I sweare (as I haue here rehearsed to you) tell me how or whereto, that I shal submit me: and shew me wherof that ye will correct me, and what is the ordinaunce that ye will thus oblige me to fulfill.

¶ And the Archbishop sayd vnto me: I will shortly that now thou sweare here to me, that thou shalt forsake al the opinions which the sect of Lollordes holde, and is slaundered with: so that after this time, neither priuilye nor apertly, thou hold any opinion which I shal (after thou hast sworne) rehearse to thee here. Nor thou shalt fauor no mā [Page] nor woman, young nor olde, that holdeth any these foresayd opinions: but after thy knowledge and power, thou shalt force thee to wtstād al such distroublers of holy church in euery dioces, that thou commest in: and them that wyll not leaue their false and damnable opiniōs, thou shalt put them vp, publishing them and theyr names, and make thē knowne to the bishop of the dioces that they are in, or to yt bishops ministers. And ouer this I will, that thou preach no more vnto the time yt I know by good witnesse & true, that thy conuersation be such, that thy hart and thy mouth accord truely in one, contrarying all the seud learning that thou hast taught here before.

☞ And I hearing these wordes, thought in my hart, that this was an vnlefull asking: and demed my selfe cursed of God, if I consented hereto, & I thought how Susan sayd: Anguish is to me on euery side. And in that I stoode still and spake not, the Archbishop sayd to me: Aunswere one wise or other. And I sayd: Syr, if I consented to you thus as ye haue here before rehersed to me, I should becom an appealer, or euery bishops espy, somoner of al Englād, For and I should thus put vp,Behold the popish procedings whereto they tende. and publish the names of men and women, I should herein deceiue full many persons: Yea sir, as it is likely by the dome of my conscience, I should herein be cause of the death both of men and womē. yea both bodely and ghostly. For many men & women that stand now in the way of saluation: if I should for the learning and reading of theyr beleue, publish them therfore vp to Bishops or to their vnpiteous ministers, I know some deale by experience, that they should be so distroubled & diseased with persecution or otherwise, that many of thē (I thinke) would rather chuse to forsake the way of truth thē to be trauailed, scorned, slaūdered, or punished, as bishops and their ministers now vse for to constrayne men & women to consent to them.

But I finde in no place in holy scripture, that this office that ye would now enfeaffe me with,No maruell why: for Christ and Antichrist how can they agree. accordeth to any Priest of Christes sect, nor to any other christen man. And therefore to do this, were to me a full noyous bond to bee boūdē with, & ouer greuous charge. For I suppose, that if I thus did, many men and women would, yea Syr, might iustly vnto my confusion say to me, that I were a traytor to God and to them: since (as I thinke in mine hart) many men & women trust so mikle in this case, that I would not for sauing of my life, doe thus to them. For if I thus should do, full many men & women would (as they might full truely) say, that I had falsly and cowardly forsaken the truth, and slaundered shamefully the word of God. For if I consented to you to do here, after your will, for bonchefe or mischief that may befall to me in this life: I deme in my cōscience, that I were worthy herefore to be cursed of god and also of all his Saynts: fro which inconuenience, keep me and all christē people, almighty God now and euer for his holy name. And then ye Archbishop sayd vnto me. Oh, thine hart is ful hard indurate as was the hart of Pharao,It is prety when Pharao iudgeth Moses harde hearted. Where learned you my Lord to call your brother Racha. and the deuill hath ouercomen thee and peruerted thee, & he hath so blinded thee in all thy wittes, that thou hast no grace to know the trueth nor the measure of mercye that I haue proferred to thee. Therfore, as I perceiue now by ye foolish aūswere, thou hast no wil to leaue thine old errors.

But I say to thee leud losell, other quickly cōsent thou to mine ordinance and submit thee to stand to my decrees: or by S. Thomas, thou shalt be disgraded, and follow thy felow in Smithfield. And at this saying, I stoode still and spake not,He meaneth Gods Martyr Williā Sautrey. but I thought in mine hart that God did to me great grace, if he would of his great mercy bring me to such an end. And in mine hart I was nothing afrayd with this manassing of the Archbishop. And I considered there two things in him. One, that he was not yet sorowfull for that he had made William Sawtre wrongfully to be burnt: & as I considered, that y• Archbishop thirsted yet after more sheding out of innocēt bloud. And fast therfore I was moned in al my wittes, for to hold the Archbishop neither for Prelate nor for Priest of God. And for that mine inward man was thus altogether departed from the Archbishop, me thought I shoulde not haue any dread of him. But I was right heauy and sorowfull, for that there was no audience of secular men by: but in my hart I prayd the Lorde God, for to comfort me and strength me agaynst them that there were agaynst the sothfastnesse. And I purposed to speake no more to the Archbishop and his clerkes then me need behoued: and all thus I prayde God for his goodnesse to geue me then and alway grace to speake, with a meke & an easy spirit: and whatsoeuer thing that I should speake, that I might thereto haue true authorities of Scriptures or open reason. And for that I stood thus still and nothing spake, one of the Archbishops Clerks sayd vnto me. What thing musest thou? Doe thou as my Lord hath now commaunded to thee here.

And yet I stood still and aunswered him not:The order and [...] of his bringing vp. And then soone after the Archbishop sayd to me: Art thou not yet bethought, whether thou wilt doe as I haue sayde to thee? And I said then to him: Syr, my father and my mother, on whole soules god haue mercy (if it be his will) spent mikle mony in diuers places about my learning, for the intēt to haue made me a Priest to God. But whē I came to yeres of discretion, I had no will to be Priest, and therefore my frends were right heauy to me, and then me thought theyr grudging agaynst me was so paynefull to me, that I purposed therfore to haue left theyr company. And when they perceiued this in me, they spake sometime full fayre & pleasaunt wordes to me: But for that they might not make me to consent of good hart to be a Priest, they spake to me full oftentimes very greuous wordes, and manassed me in diuers maners, shewing to me full heauy cheare. And thus one while in fayre maner, an other while in greuous, they were long time (as me thought) full busye about me, or I consented to them to be a Priest.

But at the last, when in this matter they would no longer suffer mine excusations, but either I should consent to them, or I shoulde euer beare their indignation, yea, theyr curse (as they sayde.) Then I seeing this, prayd them that they would geue me licence for to go to them that were named wise Priestes, and of vertuous conuersation to haue theyr counsell, and to know of them the office & the charge of Priesthood. And hereto, my father and my mother cōsented full gladly, & gaue me their blessing & good leaue to go, and also mony to spend in this iourny. And so that I wēt to those Priestes whom I heard to be of best name, and of most holy liuing, and best learned, & most wise of heauenly wisedome: and so I communed with them vnto the time that I perceiued by their vertuous and cōtinuall occupations, that their honest and charitable workes passed theyr same which I heard before of them.

Wherfore Syr, by the example of the doctrine of them: and specially for the godly and innocent workes whiche I perceiued then of them, and in them: After my cunning and power, I haue exercised me then and in this time, to know perfectly gods law, hauing a will and desire to liue therafter, which willeth that all men and women should exercise themselues faythfully there about. If than Syr, either for pleasure of thē that are neither so wise nor of so vertuous conuersation to my knowledge, nor by cōmon fame to any other mens knowledge in this land, as these men were of whom I tooke my counsell & information: I should now forsake thus sodenly and shortly, and vnwarned, all yt learning that I haue exercised my selfe in this xxx. winter and more, my cōscience should euer be herewith out of measure vnquieted: and as Syr I know wel, that many mē & women should be there through greatly troubled & sclaundered: And as I sayd sir, to you before, for mine vntruth and false cowardnes, many a one should be put into full great reproofe, yea sir, I dread that many one (as they might thē iustly) would curse me full bitterly: and sir I feare not, but the curse of God, which I shoulde deserue herein, woulde bring me to a full euil end, if I continued thus. And if thorow remorse of conscience I repented me any time, returning into the way, which you do your diligēce to cōstraine me now to forsake: yea sir, all the bishops of this lād, with full many other Priests, would desame, me, and pursue me as a relapse: & they yt nowe haue (though I be vnworthy) some confidence in me, hereafter woulde neuer trust to me, though I could teach & liue neuer so vertuously, more then I can or may. For if after your coūsell I left vtterly all my learning, I should hereby first wound & defile mine owne soule, and also I should here through, geue occasiō to many men and womē of full sore hurting, yea sir as it is likely to me, if I cōsented to your will: I should he rin by mine euill example in it, as farre as in me were, flea many folke ghostly, yt I should neuer deserue for to haue grace of god, to the edifying of his church, neither of my self, nor of none other mans life, and vndone both before God and man.

But sir, by exāple chiefly of some whose names I will not now rehearse,Phillip Repington made bish. and a persecutor. of H. of I. P. and B. and also by the present doing of Philip Rampingtō, yt is now become B. of Lincolne: I am now learned (as many moe hereafter through Gods grace shalbe learned) to hate & to flee all such sclaunder that these foresayd men chiefly haue defiled, principally themselues with. And in it that in them is, they haue enue nimed all the church of God, for the sclaūderous reuoking at the crosse of Paules, of H.P. and of B. and how now Philip Rampingtō pursueth Christes people. And the faining that these men dissemble by worldly prudence, keeping thē cowardly in theyr preaching and communing within the bondes and termes (which without blame may be spoken [Page] and shewed out to the most worldly liuers) wil not be vnpunished of God. For to y• poynt of truth yt these mē shewed out sometime, they will not now stretch forth their lines. But by example, each one of them as theyr words and their works shew, busy them through their fayning, for to sclaunder and to pursue Christ in his members, rather thē they will be pursued.

¶ And the Archbishop sayd to me: These men the whiche thou speakest of now, were fooles and heretickes, whē they were counted wise men of thee and other such losels. But now they are wise men, though thou and such other deme them vnwise. Neuerthelesse I wist neuer none that right sayd, that any while were enuenimed with your contagiousnes, that is, contaminated and spotted doctrine.

☞ And I sayd to the Archbishop: Syr, I thinke well that these mē & such other are now wise as to this world:Happy be [...] that [...] to [...]. But as theyr words sounded sometime, and their works shewed outwardly, it was like to moue me that they had earnest of the wisedome of God, & that they should haue deserued mi [...]le grace of God, to haue saued their owne soules & many other mens, if they had continued faythfully in wilfull pouerty, & in other simple vertuous liuing: and specially, if they had with these foresaid vertues continued in their busie fruitful sowing of Gods word: as to many mēs knowledge they occupyed them a season in all their wits, ful busily to know the pleasaunt will of God, trauelling all their members full busily for to do thereafter, purely and chiefly to the praysing of the most holy name of god, and for grace of edification and saluation of Christen people. [...] worth [...] coue [...]. But woe worth false couetise, and euill counsell and tyranny, by which they and many men and womē are led blindly into an euill end.

¶ Then the Archbishop sayde to me: Thou and such other Losels of thy sect, would shaue your heardes full neare for to haue a benefice. [...] pitie [...] pre [...] cannot [...] popish [...]. For by Iesu, I know none more couetous shrewes then ye are, whē that ye haue a benefice. For loe, I gaue to Iohn Puruay a benefice but a mile out of this Castle, and I heard more complaints about his couetousnes for tithes and other misdoinges, then I did of all men that were aduaunced within my dioces.

☞ And I sayde to the Archbishop: Sir, Puruay is neither with you now for the benefice that ye gaue him, nor he holdeth faythfully with the learning that he taught and writ before time: and thus he sheweth himselfe neither to be hot nor colde, and therfore he and his felowes, may sore droad, that if they turne not hastily to the way that they haue forsaken: peraduēture they be put out of the number of Christes chosen people.

¶ And the Archbishop sayde: Though Puruay be now a false harlot, I quite me to him: But come he more for suche cause before me (or we part) I shall know with whom he holdeth. But I say to thee: which are these holy men and wise, of whom thou hast taken thine information?

☞ And I sayd:A worthy [...] sa [...] of M. Iohn Wickliffe. Syr, Maister Iohn Wickliffe was holden of full many men, the greatest clearke that they knew then liuing, and therwith he was named a passing ruely man & an innocent in his liuing: and herefore, great men communed oft with him, and they loued so his learning, that they writt it, & busily inforced them to rule themselues thereafter. Therfore sir, this foresayd learning of M. Iohn Wickliffe, is yet holden of full many men and women, the most agreable learning vnto the liuing and teaching of Christ & of his Apostles, and most opēly shewing & declaring how the church of Christ hath bene and yet should be ruled and gouerned. Therfore, so many men and women couet thys learning and purpose,M. Iohn [...], Ramington, [...] Her [...], Dauy [...], I. [...]. through Gods grace, to cōforme their liuing like to this learning of Wickliff. M. Iohn Aston taught & writ accordingly, and full busily, where and when, and to whom that he might, and he vsed it himselfe right perfectly vnto his liues end. And also Philip of Rā pington while he was a Canō of Lecester. Nicholas Hereford, Dauy Gotray of Pakring Monke of Byland and a Maister of Diuinitye, and Iohn Puruay and many other which were holden right wise men & prudent, taught and writ busily this foresayd learning, & cōformed them thereto. And with all these men, I was oft right homely & communed with them long time and oft: and so before al other men I those willingly to be informed of them and by thē, and specially of wickliffe himselfe, as of the most vertuous and godly wise man that I heard of or knew. And therfore of him specially and of these men I tooke the learning that I haue taught: and purpose to liue thereafter (if God wil) to my liues end. For though some of those mē be contrary to the learning that they taught before, I wote well that their learning was true which they taught: and therefore with the helpe of God I purpose to hold and to vse yt learnyng which I heard of them, while they fate on Moyses chayre, & specially while that they sat on y• chayre of Christ. But after yt workes that they now do, I will not doe with Gods helpe. For they feyne, and hide, & contrary yt trueth, which before they taught out playnely and truly. For as I know well, when some of those men haue bene blamed for their slaunderous doyng: they graunt not that they haue taught a misse or erred before time, but that they we [...]e constrayned by payne to leaue to tell out the soth, & thus they chuse now rather to blaspheme God, then to suffer a while here persecution bodely, for sothfastnesse that Christ shedde out his hart bloud for.

¶ And the Archbishop sayd:The testimony for Wickliffe, out of the mouth of his own aduersary. That learning that thou callest truth and sothfastnes, is open slaunder to holy church, as it is proued of holy Church. For albeit, that Wickleffe your author was a great clerke, and though that many mē held him a perfect liuer: yet his doctrine is not approued of holy church, but many sentences of his learning are damned as they well worthy are.Many such [...] our [...]. But as touching Philip of Rampington, that was first Chanon, and after Abbor of Leicester, which is now Bishop of Lincolne: I tell thee, that the day is commē, for which he fast the euen. For neither he holdeth nowe, nor will holde, the learning that hee taught, when he was a Canon of Leicester. For no byshop of this land pursueth nowe more sharpely them that holde thy way, then he doth.

☞ And I sayd:Repington became a pers [...]cut [...]r, after he was made byshop. Sir full many men and women wondereth vpō him, and speaketh him mikle shame, and holdeth him for a cursed enemy of the truth.

¶ And the Archbish. sayd to me: Wherfore taryest thou me thus here with suche fables, wilt thou shortly (as I haue sayd to thee) submit thee to me or no?

☞ And I sayd: Sir I tell you at one word, I dare not for the dread of God submit me to you, after the tenour & sentence tharye haue aboue rehearsed to me.

And thus as if he had be [...]e wroth, he sayd to one of his clerkes. Fetch hether quickly, the certification that came to me [...]rō Shrewsbury vnder the [...] seale witnessing the errors and heresyes, which this Losel hath venunously sowne there.

Then hastely the clarke tooke out and layde forth on a cupbord, diuers rolles and writinges, among which there was a litle one, which the clarke deliuered to the Archbyshop. And by and by the Archbishop read this roll conteyning this sentence.

The third sonday after Easter,The sacrament after consecration materiall bread. Articles obiected against William Thorpe. the yeare of our Lorde 1407. William Thorpe came vnto the towne of Shrewsbury, and thorow leaue graunted vnto him to preache: He sayd openly in S. Chaddes church in his sermon, that the sacrament of the aulter, after the consecration, was materiall bread. And that images, should in no wise be worshipped. And that mē should not go on pilgrimages. And that priestes haue no title to tithes. And that it is not lawful for to sweare in any wise.

¶ And when the Archbishop had red thus this roll,Holesome enough for mans soule though not for your kitchyn. he rolled it vp agayne, and sayd to me. Is this wholesome learning to be among the people?

☞ And I sayd to him: Sir I am both ashamed on theyr behalf, and right sorowful for them that haue certified you these thinges thus vntruelye: for I preached neuer, nor taught thus priuily nor apertly.

¶ And the Archbishop sayd to me, I will geue credence to these worshipfull men which haue written to me, and witnessed vnder theyr scales there amōg them. Though now thou denyest this,O Shreuesbury, thouhast a cause to repēt th [...]e, in that thou wouldest not rec [...]iue the truth whē it was offered thee weenest thou that I will geue credence to thee? Thou Losell, hast troubled the worshipfull communalty of Shrewsbury, so that the Balifes and comminalty of that towne haue writtē to me, praying me that am Archbishop of Cant. primate and Chancellor of England, that I will vouchsafe to graunt them: that if thou shalt be made (as thou art worthy) to suffer open iouresse for thine heresies, that thou may haue thy iouresse openlye there among them: So that all they whome thou and suche other Losels haue there peruerted,The Romish church must be stablished, by persecuting of true preachers. may thorow feare of thy deed be reconciled agayne to the vnity of holy Church. And also they that stand in true fayth of holy Church, may thorow thy deed be more established therein. And as if this asking well pleased y• Archbishop, he sayd. By my thrift, this harty prayer, and feruent request, shall be thought on.

But certaynely, nother y• prayer of the men of Shrewsbury, nor the manassing of the Archbishoppe made me any thing afrayd. But in rehearsing of this malice, and in the hearing of it,A sure trust in Gods truth, cō foūdeth the malice of tyran [...]es. my hart greatly reioysed, & yet doth. I thank God for the grace, that I then thought, and y [...]t think shall come to all the Church of God here thorow, by the speciall mercifull doing of the Lord. And as hauing no dread of the malice of tyrantes, by trusting stedfastly in the helpe of the Lord, with full purpose for to knowledge the sothfastnes, [Page] and to stand therby after my cunning and power: I said to the Archbishop, Sir if the truth of Gods word might now be accepted as it should be, I doubt not to proue by likely euidence, that they that are famed to be out of the fayth of holy Church in Shrewsbury,If the touchstone might try: truth should be knowne. The description of the right Christians in Shreuesbury. The Catholikes of Shreuesbury. Shreusbury, except thou turne frō thy wicked wayes, thou canstnot receiue the trueth. & in other places also, are in the true fayth of holy Church. For as theyr wordes found, and theyr workes shew to mans iudgement (dreading and louing faythfully God) theyr will, their desire, ther loue & theyr busines are most set to dread, to offend God, & to loue for to please him in true & faythfull keeping of his cōmaū dementes. And agayne, they that are sayd to be in the faith of holy Church in Shrewsbury & in other places, by open euidence of their proud, enuious, malicious, couetous, lecherous, and other foule words & workes: neither know, nor haue wil to know, nor to occupy their wits truely and effectuously in the right fayth of holy Church. Wherefore all these, nor none that folow theyr maners, shall any time come verely in the fayth of holy church, except they inforce them more truely to come in the way which now they despise. For these men and women that are now called faithfull and holden iust, nother know, nor will exercise thēselfe to know (of faythfulnes) one commaundement of God.

And thus full many men and womē now, and specially mē that are named to be principall lims of holy church, styree God to great wrath, & deserue his curse for that they call or hold them iust mē, which are full vniust, as their vicious wordes, their great customable swearing, and theyr slaunderous and shamefull works shew openly and witnes. And therfore, such vicious men & vniust in theyr own confusion, call them vniust men & womē, which after their power and cunning busy themselues to liue iustly after the cōmaundement of God. And where sir ye say, that I haue distroubled the cōminalty of Shrewsbury, & many other men and women with my teaching: If it this be, it is not to be wondred of wise men,Ierusalem troubled by the p [...]eaching of Christ. since all the communalty of yt City of Ierusalem was distroubled of Christes own person, that was very God and man, and most prudent preacher that euer was or shalbe. And also all the Sinagoge of Nazareth was moued agaynst Christ, & so fulfilled with ire towards him for his preaching, that the men of the Sinagoge rose vp and cast Christ out of theyr City, & led him vp to the top of a moūtayn for to cast him down there headling. Also accordingly hereto, the Lord witnesseth by Moises, that he shall put dissention betwixt his people, and the people that cōtrarieth and pursueth his people. Who sir is he, that shall preach the truth of Gods word to the vnfaith full people, and shall set the sothfastnes of the Gospell, and the prophecy of God almighty to be fulfilled?

¶ And the Archbishop sayd to me. It foloweth of these thy wordes, that thou and such other thinkest: that ye do right well for to preach and teach as ye do, without authority of any Bishop. For ye presume, that the Lord hath chosē you onely for to preach, as faythful disciples and speciall folowers of Christ.

The worde of God ought truly to be preached.☞ And I sayd: Syr by authority of Gods law and also of Sayntes and Doctors I am learned to deme, that it is euery Priestes office and duty for to preach busilye, freely & truely the word of God. For no doubt euery Priest should purpose first in his soule, & couer to take the order of priesthood chiefly for to make knowne to the people the word of God, after his cunning and power: approuing his words euey to be true by his vertuous works, and for this intent we suppose that Bishops & other Prelates of holy church, should chiefly take and vse their prelacye, and for the same cause Bishops should geue to Priestes their orders.If this lesson had bene well folowed, the world had not bene brought to such darknes by blind & dumme priestes. For Bishops should accept no man to Priesthood, except that he had good wil and f [...]l purpose, & were wel disposed, and wel learned to preach. Wherfore sir, by ye bidding of Christ, & by the example of his most holy liuing, & also by the witnessing of his holy Apostles and Prophets, we are bounde vnder full great payn, to exercise vs after our cunning and power (as euery Priest is likewise charged of God) to fulfil duely the office of priesthood. We presume not here of ourselues for to be estemed (neither in our owne reputatiō nor in none other mās) faythful disciples, & special folowers of Christ. But sir, as I sayde to you before, we deeme this by authority chiefly of Gods word, that it is the chief duety of euery priest, to busy thē faythfully to make the law of God knowne to his people, & so to commune the cōmaūdement of God charitably, how that we may best, where, whē, and to whom that euer we may, is our very duety. And for the will & busines that we owe of due debt to do iustly our office through the styrring and speciall helpe (as we trust) of God,An effectuous prayer, God graunt in all ministers. hoping stedfastly in his mercy: we desire to be ye fayth full disciples of Christ, and we pray this gracious Lord or his holy name, that he make vs able to please him with deuout prayers, & charitably Priestly works, that we may obtaine of him to folow him thankefully.

¶ And the Archbishop sayd to me: L [...]ud losell, whereto makest thou such vayne reasons to me? Asu [...]h not Saynt Paule,Why [...] pr [...]ched without [...] byshops l [...] cence. how shoulde Priestes preache, except they be sent? But I sent thee neuer to preache. For thy venemous doctrine is so knowne throughout England, that no Bishop will admitte thee to preache by witnessing of theyr letters. Why thē lewd Idiot, willest thou presume to preach, since thou art not sent nor licensed of thy soueraigne to preache. Sayth not S. Paul, that subiects ough to obey theyr soueraignes, and not onely good & vertuous: but also tiraunts that are vicious?

☞ And I sayd to the Archbishop: Sir, as touching your le [...]ter of licence or other Bishops,He answereth to [...] question [...] cerning [...] letter of [...] cence. which ye say we shoulde haue to witnes that we were able to be sent for to preache: We know wel that neither you sir, nor any other bishop of this land, wil graūt to vs any such letters of licence, but if we should oblige vs to you, and to other bishops by vnlefull othes, for to passe not the bondes and termes which ye sir, or other bishops will limit to vs. And since in this matter your termes be some to large, & some to strait: we dare not oblige vs thus to bee bounden to you for to keepe the termes, which you will limit to vs, as you do to Friers, & such other Preachers.The incōuenience [...] of seeking of the bi [...]ops letter or lycence. And therefore, though we haue not your letter sir, nor letters of any other bishops writrē with inke vpon parchmēt: we dare not therfore leaue ye office of preaching (to which preaching, all Priests after their cunning and power are boūd: by diuers testimonies of Gods law, and great Doctors) without any mention making of Bishops letters. For as mikle as we haue taken vpon vs the office of Priesthood (though we are vnworthy thereto) we come and purpose to fulfill it with the helpe of God, by authority of his own law, and by witnesse of great doctors and Sayntes, accordingly hereto trusting stedfastly in the mercy of God.The witnes of the preachers, i [...] the good life of the folowers. For that he commaūdeth vs to do the office of Priesthood, he will be our sufficient letters and witnes, if we by example of his holy liuing and teaching, specially occupy vs faythfully to do our office iustly: yea yt people to whom we preach (be they faythfull or vnfaythfull) shall be our letters, that is our witnesse bearers: for ye truth where it is sowne, may not be vnwitnessed. For all yt are conuerted & saued by learning of Gods word, & by working thereafter: are witnes bearers: that the trueth and sothfastnesse which they heard and did after, is cause of theyr saluation. And agayne, all vnfaythfull men and women which heard the truth told out to them, and would not do therafter: also all they that might haue heard the truth, & would not hear it, because that they would not do therafter.

All these shall beare witnes agaynst themselues, & the truth which they woulde not heare, or els heard it & despised to do therafter, through theyr vnfaythfulnes, is & shalbe cause of theyr damnation. Therfore sir, since this aforesayd witnessing of God, and of diuers Sayntes and Doctors, & of al the people good & euill, suffiseth to al true preachers: we thinke that we doe not the office of Priesthood, if that we leaue our preaching, because that we haue not, or may not haue duely Bishops letters, to witnesse that we are sent of them to preach. This sentence approueth Saint Paul, where he speaketh of himselfe, & of faithfull Apostles and disciples saying thus. We need no letters of commendatiō as some preachers do, which preach for couetousnesse of temporall goods,Two mine of soueraignes. and for mens praysing. And where ye say Syr, that Paule biddeth subiectes obey theyr soueraignes, that is soth, and may not be denied. But there is two maner of soueraignes, vertuous soueraignes and vicious tyrauntes.He meaneth prelates that be vnuertuous. Therfore, to these last soueraignes, neither mē nor womē that be subiect, owe to obey in two maners. To vertuous soueraignes & charitable, subiectes owe to obey wilfully and gladly, in hearing of their good counsel, in cō senting to their charitable biddinges. and in working after their fruitfull workes.

This sentence Paul approueth where he sayth to subiectes. Be ye mindefull of your soueraignes, that speake to you the word of God, & follow you the fayth of thē, whose cōuersation you know to be vertuous. For as Paul sayth, after these soueraignes, to whom subiectes owe to obey in following of the maners: worke besely in holy studying, how they may withstand and destroy vices, first in thēselues, and after in all their subiectes, and how they may best plāt in them vertues. Also these soueraignes, make deuout and feruēt prayers for to purchase grace of God, that they and their subiects may ouer all thing, dread to offend hym, and to loue for to please him. Also these soueraignste whō Paul biddeth vs obey, as it is said before, liue so vertuously: that all they that will liue well, may take of them good example, to know & to keep the cōmaundements of God. But in this foresayd wise, subiectes ought not to obey nor [Page] to be obedient to tyrantes, while they are vitious tyrants, since their will,Two maner [...]be [...]ing: [...] folowing their do [...]ges and examples. 2. [...] suffering their [...]ranges, Wicked [...] are not [...] folowed in euill. Well reaso [...] my lord [...] lyke a [...]. their counsell, their biddinges, and theyr workes are so vicious, that they ought to be hated & lefte. And though such tyrantes be maisterfull and cruel in boas [...]ing and manasing, in oppressions & diuers punishinges: S. Peter biddeth the seruauntes of such tyrauntes, to obey meekely such tyrantes, sufferinges paciently their malitious cruelnes. But Peter counselleth not any seruaunt or subiect, to obey to any Lord or Prince, or soueraign in any thing that is not pleasing to God.

¶ And the Archbishop sayd vnto me. If a soueraigne byd his subiect do that thing that is vitious, this soueraygne herein is to blame: but the subiect for his obedience, deserueth meede of God. For obedience pleaseth more to God, than any sacrifice.

☞ And I sayd. Samuell the Prophet sayd to Saule the wicked king, that God was more pleased with yt obediēce of his commaundement, then with any sacrifice of beastes. But Dauid saieth, and S. Paule, and S. Gregory accordingly together,Obedience [...] be ge [...], but in [...] leful [...] lawfull. that not onely they that do euill, are worthy of death and damnation: but also they that cōsent to euill doers. And sir, the law of holy Church teacheth in the decrees, that no seruant to his Lord, nor childe to the father or mother, nor wife to her husband, nor monke to his Abbot, ought to obey, except in lefull things, and lawfull.

¶ And the Archbishop said to me. All these alledgings that thou bringest forth, [...] pre [...]mption [...] stādeth [...] your [...]derfull [...]bition. [...] in [...] they [...] priest [...]ood, they resent to [...]. Math. 10. [...] vlt. [...] 10. are not els but proude presumptuousnesse. For hereby thou inforcest thee to proue, that thou and such other are so iust, that ye ought not to obey to Prelats. And thus against the learnyng of S. Paule that teacheth you not to preach, but if ye were sent: of your owne authoritie, ye will go forth and preach, and do what ye lift.

☞ And I saide. Syr, presenteth not euery Priest the office of the Apostles, or the office of the disciples of Christ? And the Archbishop sayd, yea.

And I sayde. Syr, as the x. chapt. of Mathew, and the last chapter of Marke witnesseth: Christ sent his Apostles for to preach. And the x. chapter of Luke witnesseth, that Christ sent his two and seuēty disciples for to preach, in euery place that Christ was to come to. And S. Gregorie in the cōmon law saith, that euery man that goeth to priest hoode,The office [...] the [...] of [...]ching. taketh vpon him the office of preaching: For as hee sayth, that Priest stirreth God to great wrath, of whose mouth is not heard the voyce of preaching. And as other more gloses vpon Ezechiell, witnesse: that the Prieste that preacheth not busilye to the people, shall be partaker of their damnation that perish through his default. And though the people be saued by other speciall grace of God then by the Priestes preaching,Priests that [...] not, [...] of [...] people. [...]. yet the Priests, in that they are ordeined to preach, and preach not, as before God, they are manslears. For as farre as in them is, such Priests as preach not busily and truely, sleyeth all the people ghostly: in that they withholde from them the word of God, that is life and sustenaunce of mens soules. And Saynt Hydore sayd, Priestes shall be damned, for wickednesse of the people, if they teach not them that are ignoraunt, or blame not them that are sinners. For all the worke or businesse of Priestes,Doctrine of [...]. Discipline of workes. standeth in preaching and teaching, that they edify all men, as well by cunning of fayth, as by discipline of workes, that is vertuous teaching. And as the Gospell witnesseth: Christ sayd in his teaching. I am borne & comē into this world, to beare witnesse to the truth, and he that is of the truth, heareth my voyce.

Then Sir, since by the word of Christ specially, that is his voyce,Priests not [...] sent [...] preach, [...] cōmanded to preach. Gregorius. Lincolniensu. Whatsoeuer a man doth leauing that [...]alone which hee is [...]chieflye [...]und to do, is sinne. Yet this byshop plucketh him not by the [...], nor burneth not of his hand, a [...] Bone [...] did. Holychurch Priestes are commaunded to preache: whatsoeuer priest that it be, that hath not good wil and full purpose to doe thus, and ableth not himselfe after his cunning and power to doe his office by the example of Christ and of hys Apostles: whatsoeuer other thing that he doth displeaseth God. For loe, S. Gregory sayth, that thing left, that a man is bound chiefly to do, whatsoeuer other thing that a man doth: it is vnthankfull to the holy ghost: and therfore sayth Lincolne. The Priest that preacheth not the word of God, though he be seene to haue none other defaulte, he is Antichrist and Sathanas, a night theefe, and a day theefe, a sleyer of foules, and an aungel of light turned into darckenes. Wherefore Syr, these authorityes and other well considered, I deme my selfe damnable, if I either for pleasure or displeasure of any creature, apply me not diligētly to prech the word of God. And in the same damnation I deeme all those Priestes, which of good purpose and will, enforce thē not busily to do thus, & also all them that haue purpose or will to let any Priest of this busines.

¶ And the Archbishop sayde to those 3. Clerkes that stoode before him. Lo Syrs, this is the maner and busines of this Losell and such other, to picke out such sharpe sentences of holy Scripture and Doctours, to mayntayne theyr sect & lore agaynst the ordinaunce of holy Church. And therefore Losell, it is thou that couetest to haue agayne the Psalter that I made to be taken frō thee at Caunterbury, to record sharpe verses agaynst vs. But thou shalt neuer haue that Psalter, nor none other booke, till that I know yt thy hart & thy mouth accordfully, to be gouerned by holy Church.

☞ And I sayd: Syr,2. Partes of the Church. all my will and power is, & euer shal be (I trust to God) to be gouerned by holy Church.

¶ And the Archbishop asked me, what was holy Church.

☞ And I sayd: Syr, I tolde you before, what was holye Church. But since ye aske me this demaund: I call Christ and his Saintes holy Church.

¶ And the Archbishoppe sayd vnto me. I wore well that Christ and his Saintes are holy Churche in heauen, but what is holy Church in earth?

☞ And I sayd: Syr, though holy Churche be euery one in charity, yet it hath two partes. The first and pricipall part, hath ouercomen perfectly all the wretchednesse of this life, and raigneth ioyfully in heauen with Christ. And the other part is here yet in earth, busily & continually fighting day and night agaynst temptations of the fiend: forsaking and hating the prosperity of this world, dispising and withstā ding theyr fleshly lustes, which onely are the pilgrimes of Christ, wandring toward heauen by stedfast fayth & groū ded hope, and by perfect charity. For these heauenly pilgrimes, may not, nor will not, be letted of their good purpose, by the reasō of any doctors discording from holy scripture, nor by the floudes of any tribulation temporall, nor by the wind of any pride, of boast, or of manasing of any creature: For they are all fast grounded vpon the sure stone Christ, hearing his word and louing it, exercising them faithfully and continually in all their wittes to do therafter.

And the Archbishop sayd to his Clerkes. See ye not how his hart is indurate, and how he is trauelled with the deuill occupying him thus busily to alledgr suth sentences to mayntaine his errours and heresies? Certayne, thus he would occupy vs here all day, if we would suffer him.

One of the clerkes aunswered,Well helpt forward M. Clark. Sir, he sayd right now that this certification that came to you from Shrewsbury, is vntruely forged agaynst him. Therefore sir, appose you him nowe heare in all yt points which are certified against him, & so we shall heare of his own mouth his answeres, and witnesse them.

And the Archb. took the certification in his hand, & looked theron a while, and then he sayd to me.

Loe here it is certified against thee by worthy men and faithfull of Shrewsbury, that thou preachedst there openly in S. Chads church: that the Sacramēt of the aultar was material bread after the consecratiō, what sayst thou? was this truely preached?The foresayd articles renued against Thorpe.

☞ And I sayd: Sir, I tell you truly yt I touched nothing therof the sacrament of ye aultar, but in this wise, as I will with Gods grace tel you here. As I stood there in the pulpit, busiyng me to teach the commaundemēt of God: there knilled a sacring bel, & therfore mickle people turned away hastily, and with noyse ran fro towardes me. And I seing this, sayd to them thus: Good men ye were better to stand here still and to heare Gods word.The vertue of the sacrament standeth in the beliefe, more then in the outward signe. For certes the vertue & the mede of the most holy Sacrament of the aultar stādeth mikle more in the beliefe therof yt ye ought to haue in your soule, thē it doth in the outward sight therof. And therfore, ye were better to stand still quietly to heare gods word, because that through ye hearing therof, mē come to very true belief. And otherwise sir, I am certaine I spake not there, of the worthy sacrament of the aultar.

¶ And the Archb. sayd to me: I beleeue thee not whatsoeuer thou sayst, since so worshipful mē haue witnessed thus agaynst thee.Material bread. But since thou deniest that thou sayedst thus there, what sayst thou now? Resteth there after the consecration in the host, materiall bread or no?

☞ And I sayd: sir I know in no place in holy Scripture where this terme materiall bread is written: and therfore sir, whē I speak of this matter, I vse not to speake of materiall bread.

¶ Then the Archb. sayd to me: Now teachest thou men to beleue in this sacrament?

☞ And I sayd: Syr, as I beleeue my selfe, so I teach other men.

¶ He sayd, tell out playnely thy beliefe thereof.

☞ And I sayd with my protestation: Sir, I beleeue that the night before that Christ Iesu woulde suffer (wilfully) passiō for mankind on the morne after: he took bread in his holy and most worshipfull hands, lifting vp his eyes, and giuyng thankes to God his father, blessed this bread and brake it, and gaue it to his disciples, saying to them: Take and eate of this all you, this is my body. And that this is & ought to be all mens beliefe, Mathew, Marke, Luke and [Page] Paule witnesseth. Other beliefe Sir I haue none, nor wil haue, nor teach: for I beleue, that this suffiseth in this matter. For in this beliefe with Gods grace I purpose to liue and dye, knowledging as I beleue and teach other men to beleue that the worshipfull Sacrament of the aultar, is the Sacrament of Christes flesh and his bloud, in forme of bread and of wine.

¶ And the Archb. sayd to me. It is sooth that this Sacrament is very Christes body in forme of bread. But thou & thy sect teachest it to be substance of bread. Thinke you this true teaching?

☞ And I sayd: Neither I, nor any other of the sect that ye damne, teach any otherwise then I haue tolde you, nor beleue otherwise to my knowing. Neuertheles sir, I aske of you for charity, that ye will tell me here playnly, how ye shall vnderstand the text of Saint Paule, where he sayth thus: This thing fele you in your self that is in Christ Iesu, while he was in the forme of god. Sir, calleth not Paul here the forme of God, the substance or kinde of God? Also sir, sayth not the church in the houres of ye most blessed virgin accordingly hereto, where it is writtē thus? Thou author of health remember, that sometime thou tooke of ye vndefiled virgine, the forme of our body. Tell me for charitye therefore, whether the forme of our body, be called here the kinde of our body or no?

The papistes haue none other defence for thē but onely the Church. Euery ordinance of Churchmen byndeth not our fayth.¶ And the Archb. sayde to me: Wouldest thou make me to declare this text after thy purpose, since the Church nowe hath determined: that there abideth no substaunce of bread after the consecration, in the sacrament of the aultar? Beleuest thou not this ordinaunce of the church?

☞ And I sayd: Sir, whatsoeuer Prelates haue ordeyned in the Church, our beliefe standeth euer whole. I haue not heard, that the ordinaunce of men vnder beliefe, should bee put into beliefe.

¶ And the Archb. sayd to me: If thou hast not learned this before, learne now to know that thou art out of beliefe. If in this matter and other, thou beleauest not as the holye Church beleueth. What say Doctors treating of this Sacrament?

The greatest Doctors of the church be Apostles. S. Paule calleth it bread. The Canō of the masse calleth it bread.☞ And I sayd: Sir, S. Paule that was a great Doctor of holy Church, speaking to the people, and teaching thē in ye right belief of this most holy Sacrament: calleth it bread yt we breake. And also in the Canon of the masse after the cō secratiō: this most worthy Sacramēt is called holy bread. And euery priest in this lād, after that he hath receiued this sacrament, sayth in this wise: That thing that we haue taken with our mouth, we pray God that we may take it wt a pure and clean mind. That is as I vnderstand, we pray God that we may receiue throw very beliefe, this holy sacrament worthely.S. Austē calleth it bread. And Sir, Saint Augustine sayth: that thing that is seene, is bread: but that mens fayth asketh to be informed of, is very Christes body. And also, Fulgence an ententife Doctour, sayth: As it were an errour to say that Christ was but a substaunce, that is very man, and not very GGD: or to say that Christ was very God, and not very man: so is it (this Doctour sayth) an errour to say, that the Sacrament of the aultar is but a substaunce: And also Sir, accordingly hereto, in the secret of the midde Masse on Christmas day,The secreat of the masse on Christmas day, nameth it a terrene substaunce. it is written thus: Idem refulsit Deus, sic terrena substantia nobis conferat quod diuinum est: which sentence sir, with the secret of the fourth fery, quatuor temporum Septembris: I pray you sir declare here openly in English.

My Lord can reuile apace he can declare but a little. Choke him vp my Lord.¶ And the Archbishop sayd to me, I perceiue well enough where about thou art, and how the deuil blindeth thee, that thou may not vnderstand the ordinaunce of holy Church, nor consent therto. But I commaund thee now, aunswere me shortly: Beleuest thou that after the consecratiō of this foresayd Sacrament: there abideth substaunce of breade, or not?

☞ and I sayd: Sir, as I vnderstand it is all one to graūt or beleue, that there dwelleth substance of bread, & to graūt and to beleue that this most worthy sacrament of Christes owne body is accidēt without subiect.To graunt the reall being of the body without bread, is as much as to graūt the a [...]cident to be without the subiect. But Sir, for as mikle as your asking passeth my vnderstanding, I dare neither deny it nor graūt it, for it is schole matter, about whiche I busied me neuer for to know: & therfore I committe this terme accidens sine subiecto, to those Clerkes which delight them so in curious and subtle sophistry, because they determine oft so difficult and straūge matters, & wade and wander so in them from argument to argument, wt pro & contra, Against proud Sophisters. Templum domini. Templum domini. till that they wot not where they are, & vnderstand not thēselues. But the shame that these proude Sophisters haue to yelde them to men, and before men, maketh thē oft fooles and to be concluded shamefully before God.

¶ And the archb. said to me: I purpose not to oblige thee to the subtle arguments of clerks, since thou art vnable therto: but I purpose to make thee obey to the determination of holy Church.

☞ And I sayd: sir, by open euidence and great witnesse, a M. yeare after the incarnation of Christ, the determination which I haue here before you rehearsed, was accept of holy Church as sufficient to the saluation of all them that would beleue it faythfully,The church stood [...] till the [...] broke [...]. and work thereafter charitably. But Sir, the determination of this matter whiche was brought in since the fiend was loosed by Frier Thomas agayne, specially calling the most worshipfull Sacramēt of Christes owne body an accident without subiect:Transubstantiation brought in by [...]yer Tho. Aquin. whiche terme, since I know not that Gods lawe approueth it in this matter, I dare not graūt, but vtterly I deny to make this Friers sentence, or any such other, my beliefe, do with me God what thou wilt.

¶ And the Archb. sayd to me:It is happy he did not flye in his face as [...]nner did. The 2. point touching Images. Thorpe charged with an vntru [...]th. Wel, wel, thou shalt say otherwise or that I leaue thee. But what sayest thou to this second point that is recorded agaynst thee by worthy men of Shrewsbury, saying that thou preachedst there, that Images ought not to be worshipped in any wise.

☞ And I sayd: Syr, I preached neuer thus, nor through gods grace I wil not any time consent to think nor to say thus, neyther priuily nor apertly. For lo, the Lord witnesseth by Moses, that the thinges which he made were right good, and so then they were, and yet they are & shalbe good and worshipfull in theyr kind. And therfore, to the end that God made them to, they are al praisable and worshipful, & specially man that was made after the image & likenesse of God,Man a worshipfull image of God. is full worshipfull in hys kinde, yea this holy image that is man, God worshippeth. And herefore euery man should worship other, in kinde, and also for heauenly vertues that mē vse charitably. And also I say, wood, tin, gold siluer, or any other matter that images are made of: al these creatures are worshipful in their kinde, and to the end that God made them for.Though m [...] accept the painting of or caruing of images, yet is it not the right way to learn to serue God. But the caruing, casting, & payntyng of an imagery, made within mans hād, albeit that this doyng be accept of man of highest state and dignitie, & ordayned of them to be a Calender to lend men, that neyther can nor will be learned to know God in hys word, neyther by his creatures, nor by hys wonderfull & diuers workings: Yet this imagery ought not to be worshipped in fourme, nor in the likenes of mans craft. Neuerthelesse, that euery matter the paynters paynt with since it is Gods creature, ought to be worshipped in the kinde, and to the ende that God made and ordayned it to serue man.

¶ Then the Archbishop sayd to me, I graunt well that no body ought to doe worship to any suche images for themselues. But a crucifixe ought to be worshipped for the passion of Christ that is paynted therein,The image of the Trinitie. and so brought there through to mans mind: and thus the images of the blessed Trinitie, and of the Virgine Mary Christes mother, and other images of sayntes,A similitude of the kings seale or letters, to proue the worship of images. ought to be worshipped. For loe, earthly kinges and Lordes which vse to send theyr letters ensealed with their armes, or with theyr priuy signet to them that are with them, are worshipped of these men. For when these men receiue theyr Lordes letters, in whiche they see and know the willes and biddinges of the Lords in worship of theyr Lordes they doe off theyr caps to these letters. Why not them, since in Images made wyth mans hande, we may read and knowe many diuers thinges of GOD, and of hys Sayntes, shall we not worship their images?

☞ And I sayd,No similitude to be made betwene erthly thinges & spirituall, namely, when Gods word doth expresse to the contrary. So you say my Lorde, but God saith cōtrary in his commandem [...]ts. Painters deuotion & the Popes diuinitie do well agree. Preparation of the painters to make a faire and a deuout Image. within my foresaid protestation I say, that these worldly vsages of temporal lawes that ye speak now of, may be done in case without sinne. But this is no similitude to worshippe Images made by mans hande, since that Moyses, Dauid, Solomon, Baruch, and other saints in the Bible, forbid so playnely the worshipping of suche Images.

¶ Then the archbishop sayd to me: Leud losell: in the olde law before that Christ tooke mankinde, was no likenes of any person of ye trinitie, neither shewed to man nor known of man: But nowe since Christ became man, it is lefull to haue Images to shew hys manhoode. Yea though many men which are right great Clerkes & other also, held it an errour to paynt the Trinitie: I say it is well done to make and to paynt the Trinitie in images. For it is great moouing of deuotion to men, to haue and to behold the Trinitie and other images of saints, carued, cast, & paynted. For beyond the sea, are the best paynters that euer I saw. And sirs I tell you, this is their maner, and it is a good maner. Whē yt an Image maker shall carue, cast in molde, or paint any Images, he shall go to a Priest, & shriue him as clean, as if he should then dye: and take penance, and make some certayne vowe of fasting or of praying or pilgrimages doing, praying ye Priest specially to pray for him, that he may haue grace to make a fayre and a deuout Image.

[Page]☞ And I sayd: Sir, I doubt not if these paynters that ye speake of, or any other painters vnderstoode truly the text of Moyses, of Dauid, of y• wise man, of Baruch, and of other saints and doctors: These painters should be moued to shrine thē to God wt ful inward sorowe of hart, taking vpon them to do right sharpe penāce for the sinful & vaine cra [...]t of painting, caruing, or casting they had vsed: Promising God faithfully, neuer to do so after: knowledging openly before al men their reprouable learning. And also sir, these priests that shrine (as you do say) painters, & enioine thē to do penance, & pray for their speede, promisyng to thē helpe of their prayers for to be curious in their sinful crafts: sinne herein more greuously, then the painters. For these priests do comfort and geue them, counsail to do that thing, which of great pain, yea vnder y• pain of gods curse, they should vtterly forbid them. For certes sir, if the wonderful working of God, & the holy liuing & teachyng of Christ, and of his Apostles and Prophetes, were made knowen to the people by holy liuing & true, and busy reaching of priests: these thinges (sir) were sufficient bookes and Kalenders to know God by, & his Saynts, without any images made with mans hand.The true [...]ookes and [...]alenders to [...]on God. But certes, ye vicious liuing of priests and their couetousnes, are chiefe cause of this errour, and all other viciousnes that raygneth amōg the people.

¶ Then the Archbish. sayd vnto me, I hold thee a vicious Priest and a curst, and all them that are of thy sect, for all priests of holy church, & all images that moue men to deuotion, thou & such other go about to destroy. [...]etter [...]ot my [...], than [...] see blind [...] there [...] be wor [...]ipped. Losel, were i [...] a faire thing to come into the church and see therin none Image?

☞ And I sayd: sir, they that come to y• church for to praye deuoutly to the lord God, may in their inward wittes be the more feruent, that al their outwarde wits be closed frō al outward seing & hearing, and frō all disturbance, & lettings. And since Christ blessed thē that saw him not bodely, and haue beleued faithfully in him: it suffiseth then to al mē (through hearing and knowing of gods word, and to do thereafter) for to beleue in God,The [...]ight [...]ice of a C [...]stian. though they see neuer images made with mans hand after any person of y• Trinitie, or of any other saint.

¶ And the Archb. said to me, with a feruent spirit: I say to thee Iosell that it is right wel done to make and to haue an image of the Trinitie,My Lord, [...]ryea, [...]il not [...]were Gods nay. Yea, what saist thou? is it not a stirring thing to behold such an image?

☞ And I said: Sir, ye said right now that in the old lawe or Christ toke mākind, no likenes of any person of ye Trinity was shewed to men: wherefore sir, ye said it was not thē leful to haue images, but nowe ye saye, since Christ is becomen mā, it is leful to make & to haue an image of the Trinitie,Note this [...]worship [...]s and [...]nteiners [...] Images. & also of other saints. But sir, this thing would I learne of you: since ye father of heauen, yea & euery persō of ye Trinitie was without beginning God almightye, & many holy prophets that were deadly mē, were martired violētly in the old law, and also many men & women thē died Confessors: Why was it not then as leful & necessary as nowe to haue made an Image of the father of heauen, and to haue made and had other images of Martirs, prophets, and holy Confessors, to haue ben Kalenders to aduise men and moue thē to deuotion, as ye say that images now do?

The Syna [...]e of Antichrist will haue authoritie.¶ And the Archb. sayd: The sinagogue of the Iewes had not authoritie to approue those thinges as the Church of Christ hath now.

☞ And I sayd: Sir: S. Gregory was a great man in the new lawe, & of great dignity, and as the cōmon law witnesseth, he commended greatly a Bishop, in that he forbad vtterly the Images made with mās hand should be worshipped.

¶ And the Archb. sayd: Ungracious Iosell, yu sauourest no more truth then an hound. Since at the roode at ye Northdore at Londō, at our Lady at Walsingam, & many other diuers places in Englād, are many great & praysable miracles done: should not ye images of such holy saynts and places,Great miracles done by [...]mages, but my Lorde doth not tel by whose power. Myracles importing worship to be done to Images may well be suspected not to come of G [...]d. at the reuerence of God & our lady & other saintes be more worshipped then other places and images, wher no miracles are done?

☞ And I said: Sir, there is no such vertue in any imagery, that any images should herefore be worshipped, wher fore I am certaine that there is no miracle done of god in any place in earth, because that any images made wt mans hād should be worshipped. And herfore sir, as I preached openly at Shrewsbury & other places, I say now here before you: That no body should trust that there were anye vertue in imagery made with mans hand, and therfore no body should vow to thē nor secke them, nor kneele to thē, nor bow to them, nor pray to them, nor offer any thing to them,A Christian man ought not to vow, seeke, nor how, nor pray, nor offer nor kille an Image. For the vnfaithfulnes of men, the deuill may worke myracles. nor kisse them, nor ensence thē. For lo the most worthy of such images, the brasen Serpent (by Moises made, at Gods bidding) the good K. Ezechie destroied worthely & thankfully, & al because it was ensenced. Therfore sir, if men take good heede to the writing and to the learning of S. Augustine, of S. Gregory, and of Saint Iohn Chrisostome, and of other Saints and doctors, howe they spake & write of miracles, that shalbe done now in the last ende of the world: It is to dreyd, that for the vnfaythfulnesse of men & women, the Fiende hath great power, for to work many of the miracles that nowe are done in such places. For both men and women delight now more for to heare and know miracles, then they do know Gods worde, or to heare it effectuously. Wherefore, to the great cōfusion of all them that thus do Christ sayth: The generation of adulterers requireth tokens,The worde of God suffiseth vs to saluation, without myracles. That which is of nature vnknowne, cannot be resembled by any visible creature knowne. miracles, and wonders. Neuertheles as diuers saints say, now when the faith of god is published in Christendome, the word of God suffyseth to mans saluation, without such miracles: and thus also the worde of God suffiseth to all faythfull men & women, without any such images. But good sir, since the father of heauen that is God in his godhead, is ye most vnknowen thing that may be, and the most wonderful spirit, hauing in it no shape or likenesse, and members of anye deadlye creature: in what likenes or what image may God the father be shewed or painted?

¶ And the Archb. said:Holy church of your owne building. as holy church hath suffered the Images of the Trinitie, & al other images to be paynted & shewed: it sufficeth to them yt are mēbers of holye church. But since thou art a rotten member, cut away from holye church: thou fauorest not the ordinaunce therof. But since the day passeth, leaue we this matter

ANd then he sayd to me:The 3. article. What sayest thou to the third point that is [...]fied against thee, preaching opēly in Shreusbury,Pilgrimage. that pilgrimage is not lefull: and ouer this, thou saidest that those men and women that go on pilgrimages to Canterbury, to Beuerley, to Karlington, to Walsingam, and to any such other places, are accursed and made foolish, spending their goods in waste.

☞ And I said: Sir, by this certification I am accused to you that I should teach,Two maner of Pilgrimages. that no pilgrimage is lefull. But I said neuer thus. For I know that there be true pilgrimages and lefull, and full pleasant to God: and therfore sir, howsoeuer mine enimies haue certified you of me, I told at Shrewsbury of two maner of pilgrimages.

¶ And the Archbishop said to me, whom callest thou true pilgrimes?

☞ And I said:The true pilgrimage is to trauell in heauenly thinges. Sir, with my protestation, I call them true pilgrimes traueling toward y• blisse of heauen, which in the state, degree, or order that God calleth them to, do busie them faithfullie for to occupie all their wits bodelie and ghostlie, to knowe truelie, and to keepe faithfullie the biddings of God, hating and fleeing all the seauen deadlie sins, and euerie branch of them: Ruling them vertuouslie (as it is said before) with all their wits, doing discretlie, wilfully, and gladly, all the workes of mercy, bodelie and ghostly, after their cunning and power, abling them to the gifts of the holy ghost, disposing them to receiue them in their soules, and to hold therein, the right blessings of Christ: Busieng them to knowe and to keepe, the seauen principall vertues, and so then they shall obteine heere through grace, for to vse thankefully to God, all the conditions of charitie. And then, they shall be moued with the good spirit of God, for to examine oft and diligentlie their conscience, that neither wilfullie nor wittinglie they erre in anie article of beleefe, hauing continually (as frailtie will suffer) all their busines, to dread and to flee the offence of God, and to loue ouer all, and to seeke euer to do his pleasant will.Euery good worke, is a good steppe to heauen. Of these pilgrimes I said, what soeuer good thought that they any time thinke, what vertuous word that they speake, and what fruitfull worke that they worke: Euery such thought, word and worke is a step numbred of God, toward him into heauen. These foresaid pilgrimes of God, delight sore when they heare of Saints or of vertuous men and women, how they forsooke wilfully the prosperitie of this life,The maner and examples of saintes. how they withstood the suggestion of the fiend, how they restrained their fleshly lusts, how discret they were in their penance doing, how pacient they were in all their aduersities, how prudent they were in counseling of men and women, mouing them to hate all sinne, and to flie them, and to shame euer greatly thereof, and to loue all vertues, and to drawe to them, imagining how Christ and his followers by example of him, suffered scornes and sclaunders, and howe paciently they abode and tooke the wrongful manasing of tyrantes: How homely they were and seruisable to poore men, to relieue and comfort them bodely and ghostly, after [Page] their power and cunning, and how deuout they were in prayers, how feruent they were in heauenly desires, and how they absented them from spectacles of vaine sayings and hearings, and how stable they were to let and to destroy al vices, and how laborious and ioyfull they were, to sowe and to plant vertues. These heauenly conditions and such other, haue pilgrimes, or endeuour them for to haue: whose pilgrimage God accepteth.

And agayne, I sayde, as their workes shewe, the moste part of men and women that goe nowe on pilgrimages, haue not these foresaid conditions, nor loueth to busie thē faythfully for to haue. For as I well knowe, since I haue full oft assayde, examine whosoeuer will xx. of these pylgrimes, and he shall not finde three men or women that know surely a commaundement of God, nor can say their Pater noster, & Aue Maria, nor their Creede readely in anye maner of language. And as I haue learned & also knowe somewhat by experience of these same pilgrimes, tellynge the cause, why that many men and women go hether and thether now on pilgrimage: It is more for the health of their bodies, then of their soules: more for to haue ryches and prosperitie of this world, then for to be enriched with vertues in their soules: more to haue here worldly & fleshly frendship, then for to haue frindship of God, and of his saints in heauen. For whatsoeuer thinge man or woman doth,Pilgrimage displeasaunt to God. the frendship of God, nor of any other Saint cānot be had, wythout keeping of Gods commaundementes. Further, with my protestation, I say nowe as I sayde in Shrewsbury, though they that haue fleshly willes, trauel farre their bodies and spend mekel money, to seeke and to visite the bones or Images (as they saye they doe) of thys Saint or of that: such pilgrimage going is neither praisable nor thankful to God nor to any saint of God, synce in effect, al such pilgrimes dispise God and al his cōmaundements & Saints. For yt cōmaundemēts of God they will nother know nor keepe, nor cōform thē to liue vertuously by example of Christ and of his Saints.Goods euill bestowed in pilgrimage. Wh [...]refore sir, I haue preached and taught openly, and so I purpose al my life time to do with Gods help, saying that such fond people waste blamefully Gods goods in their vain pilgrimages, spending their goods vpon vitious hostelars, which are oft vncleane womē of their bodies: & at the least, those goods with the which they should do works of mercy after Gods bidding, to poore needy men and women.

These poore mens goods and their liuelode, these runners about,The incōueniēce that commeth by pilgrimage. offer to riche priestes which haue me kill more liuelode then they neede. And thus those goods they wast wilfully, & spend them vniustly against gods bidding vpon straungers, with which, they should helpe and relieue, after Gods wil, their poore nedy neighbors at home: ye & ouer this folly, oft times diuers men and women, of these runners thus madly hether and thither into pilgrimage: borow hereto, other mens gooddes, ye and sometime they stealemens goods hereto, and they pay them neuer again. Also sir, I know wel that when diuers men and women wil go thus after their owne wills, and fyndinge out one pilgrimage: they will ordeyne wyth them before, to haue with them both men and women, that can wel sing wanton songs, and some other pilgrimes, wil haue with them bagge pipes: so that euery town that they come through, what with the noyse of their singing, and with the soūd of their piping, and with the iangling of their Caunterbury bels, and with the barkyng out of dogges after them, that they make more noyce, thē if the king came there away, wt all his clarions, & many other minstrels. And if these men and women be a month out in their pilgrimage, many of them shall be an halfe yeare after, great ianglers, tale tellers, and lyers.

¶ And y• Archb. said to me: Leud Iosel, thou seest not farre inough in this matter, for thou considerest not y• great trauaile of pilgrims:Well spoken my Lord for Lincolnshire bagpipes. And why then blamed Boner Philpot for singing in the stockes? therfore, thou blamest that thing that is praysable. I say to thee, that it is right wel done, that pilgrimes haue with them both singers and also pipers: that when one of them that goeth barefoote, striketh his to vpon a stone, and hurteth him sore, & maketh him to blede: it is well done that he or his felow begin thē a song, or els take out of his bosom a bagpipe, for to driue away wt suche mirth, the hurt of his fellow. For with such solace, the trauayle and wearynes of pilgrymes, is lightly, and merily borne out.

☞ And I sayd: sir, S. Paule teacheth men to weepe with them that weepe.

¶ And the Archb. said, what ianglest thou against mēs deuotion? Whatsoeuer thou or such other say,A new found way to grace of the bishops making. I say that y• pilgrimage that now is vsed, is to thē that do it, a praysable and a good meane to come the rather to grace. But I hold thee vnable to know this grace, for thou enforcest thee to let the deuotion of the people: since by authoritie of holye scripture, men may lefully haue & vse such solace as yu reprouest. For Dauid in his last Psalme, techeth mē to haue diuers instruments of musike for to praise therwith God:

☞ And I saide:Instrumētes & musike of the old testament, how they are to be applyed and vsed in the new testament. sir, by the sentence of diuers Doctours expoūding the psalmes of Dauid: that musike and minstrelsie yt Dauid & other saints of the olde lawe spake of, ought now nother to be taken nor vsed by the letter, but these instrumēts with their musike ought to be interpreted ghostly: For al those figures are called vertues and grace, with which vertues men should please god, & praise hys name. For S. Paul sayth: al such things befell to them in figure. Therfore sir, I vnderstād, that the letter of this psalme of Dauid and of such other Psalmes and sentences doth slay them that take thē now litterally. This sentence as I vnderstand sir, Christ approueth himself, putting out y• minstrels, or that he would quicken the dead damsell.

¶ And ye Archb. said to me.Orgaynes in the Church. A fitt comparison my Lord, & like your selfe. Lend losel, is it not lefull to vs to haue Organes, in ye church for to worship there withall God? And I sayd, ye sir, by mans ordinance: But by ye ordinance of God, a good sermon to ye peoples vnderstāding were mekil more pleasant to God.

☞ And the Archb. said, that Organes and good delectable songs, quickned & sharpened more mēs wits then should any sermon.

¶ But I saide: sir, lusty men & worldly louers, delite and couet & trauail to haue al their wittes quickned & sharpened wt diuers sensible solace: But al the the faythful louers and followers of Christ, haue al their delite to heare gods word, and to vnderstand it truely, and to worke therafter faithfully and continually. For no doubt, to dread to offēd God, and to loue to please him in all things quickneth and sharpeneth all the wittes of Christs chosen people: and ableth them so to grace, that they ioy greatly to withdrawe their eares and al their wits and members, frō al worldly delite and from all fleshly solace.The saying of Ierome. For S. Ierome (as I thinke) sayth. No body may ioy with this world & raigne with Christ.

☞ And ye Archb. (as if he had ben displeased wt mine aunswer) said to his clerks. What gesse ye that this Idiot wyll speak there,You sweare my Lord. wher he hath no dread: since he speaketh thus now here in my presence? Wel, wel, by God thou shalt bee ordayned for. And then he spake to me al angerly.

WHat saiest thou to this fourth point,The 4. article concerning priestes tithes. that is certified against thee, preaching openly & boldly in Shrewsbury, that priests haue no title to tithes.

And I sayd. Sir, I named there no worde of tythes in my preaching. But more then a month after that I was arested: there in prison, a man came to mee into the pryson, asking me what I sayd of tythes. And I sayd to him. Sir, in this towne are many clerkes and priests, of which some are called religious mē, though many of them be seculars. Therefore, aske ye of them this question. And thys man sayd to me. Syr, our Prelates say, that we also are obliged to pay our tithes of all thinges that renue to vs: and that they are accursed,A paradox without Gods word. that withdraw anye part wittingly fro them of their tythes. And I sayd (sir) to that man, as wt my protestation I say now before you: that I wonder that any priest dare say, men to be accursed, without the ground of Gods word, And the man said. Syr our priests say, that they curse men thus by authoritie of Gods law. And I said Sir I know not where this sentence of cursing is authorised now in the Bible. And therefore syr, I pray you that ye will aske the most cunning clerke of this town, that yee may know wher this sentēce of cursing thē yt tithe not, is now writtē in gods law: for if it were writtē there, I wold right gladly be learned wher. But shortly this mā would not go fro me, to aske this questiō, of an other body: But required me there, as I would aunswer before God, if in this case, that cursing of priests were lawfull & approued of God? And shortly herewith came to my mind the learning of S. Peter, teaching priests specially to halowe the Lord Christ in their harts: being euermore redy (as farre as in them is) to aunswer thorough faith and hope to thē that aske of them a reason. And this lesson Peter teacheth men to vse with a meeke spirit & with dread of the Lord. Wherefore sir, I said to this man in this wise. In the old law,A difference to be put betwixt the old law and the new. Priestes had the x. part of the tithes geuen to the Leuites. which ended not fully, till the time that Christ rose vp againe from death to life: God cōmanded tithes to be giuen to the Leuits, for the great busines and daily trauaile that perteined to their office. But priests, because their trauel was mekil more easy & light, then was the office of the Leuits: God ordeined y• priests should take for their liuelode to do their office, the tenth part of those tithes yt were giuen to ye Leuits. But now (I said) in the new law, neither Christ nor any of his apostles tooke tithes of ye people [Page] nor cōmanded the people to pay tithes, neither to Priests nor to deacons.Christ com [...]undeth [...]es, not [...] his, ex [...]pt tithes [...]almes. But Christ taught the people to do almes, that is, works of mercy, to poore needie men (of surplus, that is superfluous of their temporall goods) which they had, more then them needed reasonably to their necessarie liueloode. And thus (I sayde) not of tithes, but of pure almes of the people, Christ liued and his Apostles: when they were so busy in preaching of the word of God to the people, y• they might not trauell otherwise for to get their liueloode. But after Christes ascension, and when the Apostles had receiued the holy Ghost: they trauayled wyth their hands, for to get their liuelode, whē that they might thus do for busy preaching. Therefore by example of himselfe, S. Paule teacheth al the priestes of Chryst for to trauaile with their hand, when for busy teaching of the people they might thus do. And thus, all these Priests whose priesthode God accepteth now, or will accept, or did in the Apostles time, and after their discease: wil do to ye worlds end. But (as Cisterciensis telleth) in the thousand yeare of our Lord Iesus Christ. 211. yeare, one Pope the x. Gregory ordeined new tithes first to be geuen to priestes now in the new law.Tithes by [...]h [...]m and when they were first commaūded [...]a the new [...]w. But Saint Paule in his tyme, whose trace or example all Priestes of God enforce them to follow, seing the couetousnes that was among the people, desiring to destroy the soule sinne through the grace of God & true vertuous liuing and example of himselfe: wrote & taught all priestes for to follow him as he followed Christ, pacyently, willingly, and gladly in hygh pouerty: Wherefore, Paule sayth thus.Paule ha [...]ng power to take, yet [...]ed it not. Paule wold not be chargeous. [...] priestes were coue [...]us than, what be they now? This rule, with the rule of begging Frices, can not stand togeather The Lord hath ordeyned that they that preach the Gospell, shall lyue of the Gospel. But we (saith Paul) that couet and busye vs to be faythfull followers of Christ, vse not this power. For lo (as Paul witnesseth afterward) when he was full poore and needy, preaching among the people: he was not chargeous vnto them, but wyth hys handes he trauayled not onely to get his owne lyuing, but also the lyuing of other poore and needye creatures. And since the people was neuer so couetous, nor so auarous (I gesse) as they are nowe: It were good counsell that al priests toke hede to this heauenly learning of Paul following him herein wilful pouerty, nothyng chargyng ye people for their bodily liueloode. But because that many Priests do contrary to Paule in this foresayde doctrine: Paul biddeth the people take hede to those priests that folow him as he had geuē them example. As if Paul would say thus to the people: Accept ye none other Priests then they, that liue after the forme that I haue taught you. For certain, in whatsoeuer dignity or order y• any Priest is in, if he conforme him not to follow Christ & his Apostles in wilful pouerty, & in other heauenly vertues, and specially in true preaching of Gods word: though such a one be named a Priest,Holesome [...]ough my Lord if your [...]it were to [...]uour it. But it con [...]rieth not the ordināce [...]eyther of God nor of his worde▪ If priestes would not [...]acke in their duetie, they should not lacke in hauing sufficient. Fallax argumentum secundum, non causam [...]vt causam. The euill demeanor of the priestes, is the cause why the people be so slacke in their tithes. Priestes being content with sufficiency, and a bare liuing, ought to part the residue to the poore. yet he is no more but a priest in name, for the worke of a very Priest, in such a one wanteth. This sentence approueth Augustine, Gregory, Chrisostom, & Limcolne plainly.

¶ And the Archb. saide to me. Thinkest thou this wholesome learning for to sow openly, or yet priuily among the people? Certein, this doctrine contrarieth plainly ye ordynance of holy fathers which haue ordeined, graunted, & licenced priests to be in diuers degrees, & to liue by tithes & offrings of the people, and by other dueties.

☞ And I said, sir, if priests were now in measurable measure & number, and liued vertuously, & taught busilye and truly the word of God, by example of Christ & of his apostles, without tithes, offrings, & other dueties that priests now chalenge & take: the people would geue them freely, sufficient liuelode.

¶ And a clerke said to me. How wilt thou make this good, that the people will geue freely to priestes their liuelode: since that now by the law euery priest cā scarcely cōstraine the people to geue them their liuelode.

☞ And I said. Sir it is now no wonder though the people grudge to geue priests the liuelode that they aske: Mekil people know now, how yt priests should liue, & howe that they liue contrarye to Christ & to his Apostles. And therfore, the people is ful heauy to pay (as they doe) their temporal goods to parsons and to other vicares & priests, which should be faythfull dispensatours of the parishes goodes: taking to thēselues no more, but a scarce liuing of tithes, nor of offrings, by the ordinance of the cōmon law. For whatsoeuer priests take of the people (be it tithe or offering, or any other duety or seruice) the priests ought not to haue thereof no more, but a bare liuing: & to depart the residue to the poore men & womē specially of the parish of whom they take this temporal liuing. But ye most dele of priests nowe wasteth their parishes goodes, and spendeth them at their owne wil after the world, in ther vain lusts: So that in few places poore mē haue duly (as they should haue) their own sustenāce, nother of tithes nor of offrings nor of other large wages & foundations that priests take of the people in diuers maners aboue yt they nede for nede full sustenance of meat & clothing.Priestes did so than, but our priestes doe not to now. But the poore nedy people are forsaken and left of Priests to be sustayned o [...] ye parishens, as if the priests toke nothing of the parishers for to helpe the people with.

And thus sir, into ouer great charges of the parishens they pay their tēporal goods twice where once myght suffice, if priests were true dispensatours. Also sir, the parishners that pay their temporal goods (be they tithes or offerings) to priests that do not their office amōg them iustly are parteners of euery sinne of those Priests:Whether tithes are to be paid to priestes doing not their duetie. because that they sustaine those priestes folly in their sinne, with their temporal goods. If these things be well considered, what wonder is it thē sir, if the parishners grudge against these dispensators?

¶ Then the Archb. said to me,Gostly mother? nay, an vngostly stepdam, to all Gods children. Thou that shouldst be iudged & ruled by holy church, presumptuously thou deemest holy church to haue erred in the ordinance of tithes & other dueties to be paid to priests. It shal be long or thou thriue Losel, that thou despisest thy ghostly mother. How darest thou speake this (Losel) among the people? Are not tithes geuen to priests for to liue by?

☞ And I said:By the law none could chaleng tithes, but onely the seed of Leuy Our priestes be not of the seede of Leuy. Ergo by the law our priestes cannot chalenge tithes. Sir S. Paule saith, that tithes were geuen in the old law to Leuites and to Priests, that came of the linage of Leuy. But our priests he sayth, came not of the linage of Leuy, but of the linage of Iuda, to whych Iuda no tithes were promised to be geuen. And therfore Paule saith, since the priesthode is chaūged from ye generation of Leuy to the generation of Iuda: It is necessary that chā ging also be made of the law. So that priests liue now, wt out tithes & other duety that they now claime, following Christ & his Apostles in wilfull pouerty, as they haue geuē thē example.As the priestbood is chāged, so is the law chaunged. For since Christ liued (all the tyme of hys preaching) by pure almes of the people. And by example of him, his Apostles liued in the same wise, or els by ye trauaile of their hāds as it is sayd aboue. Euery priest, whose priesthode Christ approueth, knoweth wel, & confesseth in worde and in worke, that a disciple ought not to be aboue his maister, but it sufficeth to a disciple to bee as hys maister, simple, and pure, meke and pacient: and by example specially of his maister Christ, euerye Priest shoulde rule him in al his liuing, & so after his cūning & power, a priest should busy him to enforme and to rule, whom so euer hee might charitably.

¶ And the Archbish. said to me with a great spirite,Blesse but curse not saith S. Paule. Gods curse haue thou & mine for this teachinge: for thou wouldest hereby, make the olde law more free and perfect thē y• new law. For thou saiest, that it is leful to Leuites and to priests to take tithes in the old law,He goeth neare you my Lord, when he toucheth your tithes. and so to enioy their priuilegies: but to vs priests in the new law, thou sayest it is not lawfull to take tithes. And thus thou geuest Leuites of the old law, more freedome than to priests of the new law.

☞ And I said. Sir, I maruell, that ye vnderstand thys plaine text of Paule thus.The difference of the freedoms betwene the old and new lawes. Ye wot well, that the Leuites and priests in the old lawe that tooke tithes, were not so free nor so perfect, as Christ and his Apostles that tooke no tithes. And sir, there is a Doctor (I thinke that it is Saint Ierome) that saith thus. The priests that chalenge now in the new law,For what cause tithes were geuē in the olde law, tithes: Say in effect, that Christ is not become man, nor that he hath yet suffered death for mans loue. Wherefore, this Doctor saith this sentence. Since tythes were the hires and wages limitted to Leuites and to priests of the old law for bearing about of the tabernacle, and for slayeng and fleing of beasts, and for burning of sacrifice, and for keeping of the temple, and for tromping of battell before the hoste of Israell, and other diuers obseruances that perteined to their office: Those priests that will chalenge or take tithes, deny that Christ is come in the flesh, and do the priests office of the old law, for whome tithes were granted: for els (as this Doctor saith) priests take now tithes wrongfully.

¶ And the archb. said to his clarkes. Heard ye euer Losell speake thus? Certaine, this is the learning of them all, that whersoeuer they come, and they may be suffered: they enforce them to expugne the freedome of holy Church.

☞ And I said.If you take a way tithes, you vndoe the church. Sir, why call you the taking of tithes, and of such other duties that priests chalenge now (wrongfullie) the freedome of holy church: Since neither Christ nor his apostles, chalenge nor tooke such duties. Herefore these takings of priests now are not called iustly the freedome of holy church, but all such geuing and taking ought to be called and holden, the slanderous couetousnes of men of the holy church.

¶ And the archb. said to me. Why Losell, wilt not thou [Page] and other that are consedered with thee, seeke out of holy scripture, & of the sence of doctors, al sharpe authorities against lords, knights, and squiers, & against other secular men, as thou doest against priests.

Thorpe, preach agaynst whom thou wilt, so thou touch not this scabbe.☞ And I said: Sir, whatsoeuer men or women, lords of ladies, or any other that are present in our preaching specially, or in our cōmoning after our cūning, we tell out to thē their office & their charges: But sir, since Chrisostome sayth, that priests are the stomack of ye people, it is nedeful in preaching, & also in commoning, to be most busy about this priesthode:The viciousnes and pride of priestes infecteth [...]ll the world. Since by the viciousnes of priestes both Lordes & cōmons are most sinfully infected & led into the worst. And because y• the couetousnes of priests & pride, & the boast that they haue & make of their dignity and power: destroyeth not onely the vertues of priesthod in priests thēselues, but also ouer this, it stirreth God to take great vengeance both vpon the Lords, & vpon cōmons, whych suffer these priests charitably.

A spitefull meeknes that is in skarlet gownes.¶ And the Archb. said to me. Thou iudgest euery priest proud y• wil not go arayed as thou doest. By god I deme him to be more meke y• goeth euery day in a scarlet gown, thā thou in thy threed bare blew gown. Wherby knowest thou a proud man?

☞ And I said. Sir a proud priest may be known, when he denieth to follow Christ & his Apostles, in wylfull pouerty and other vertues:The signes and markes of proud priestes. & coueteth worldly worship, and taketh it gladly, & gathereth together with pleding, manasing, or with flattering, or wt simony any worldly goodes: And most, if a priest busy him not chiefly in himselfe, & after in all other men, and women after his cunning & power, to withstand sinne.

Paule saith, god shall iudge all fornicators, what say you my Lord?¶ And the Archb. sayd to mee. Though thou knewest a priest to haue al these vices, & though thou sawest a pryest louely lye now by a womā, knowing her fleshly: wouldst thou therfore deme this priest dānable? I say to thee yt in the turning about of thy hand, such a sinner may be verily repented.

☞ And I sayd. Sir I wil not damne any man for any sinne that I know done or may be done, so that the sinner leaueth his sinne. But by authoritie of holy Scripture, he that sinneth thus openly as ye shew here, is damnable for doing of such a sinne: and most specially, a priest ye shoulde be example to al other for to hate & flye sinne.Priestes ought to be examples of good lining. And in how short time that euer ye say ye such a sinner may be repēted: he ought not of him ye knoweth his sinning, to bee iudged verily repentant, without open euidence of great shame & harty sorow for his sinne. For whosoeuer (and specially a priest) that vseth pride, enuy, couetousnes, lechery, simony or any other vices: sheweth not as open euidēce of repentance as he hath geuen euil exāple & occasion of sinning, if he cōtinue in any such sinne as long as he may: it is likely that sinne leaneth him, & he not sinne. And as I vnderstād such a one sinneth vnto death, for whō no bodye oweth to pray, as S. Iohn sayth.

Clarkly spoken and like a Parasite.¶ And a Clerke saide then to the Archb. Sir, the lenger that ye appose him, the worse he is: and the more ye busye you to amend him, the waywarder he is. For he is of so shrewd a kinde, that he shameth not onely to be himselfe a soule nest, but withou: shame he busyeth him to make his nest souler.

Forget nothing I pray you my Lord.☞ And the Archbishop saide to hys Clerke. Suffer a while, for I am at an ende with him, for there is an other poynt certyfyed agaynst hym, and I will heare what hee sayth thereto.

¶ And so thā he said to me. Lo it is here certified against thee, yt thou preachedst opēly at Shrewsbury, that it is not lawful to sweare in any case.

☞ And I said, Sir I preached neuer so openlye, nor I haue taught in this wise in any place. But sir, as I preached in Shrewsbury, wt my protestation I say to you now here:Not lawfvll to sweare by any creature. Men ought not to sweare when without an othe he may excuse himselfe that is compelled to sweare. that by the authoritie of the Gospell of S. Iames, & by witnes of diuers Saints & doctours: I haue preached opēly in one place or other, that it is not leful in any cause to sweare by any creature. And ouer this Sir, I haue also preached and taught by the foresaid authorities: ye no body should sweare in any case, if that without othe in any wise he that is charged to sweare might excuse him to them that haue power to compel him to sweare, in leful thing & lawful. But if a man may not excuse him without oth, to them that haue power to cōpel him to sweare, than he ought to sweare onely by God, taking him onely that is southfastnesse, for to witnes the southfastnes.

Well said Sir Iohn of you, your holy mother stroke your head.And then a Clarke asked me if it were not leful to a subiect at the bidding of his Prelate, for to kneele downe and touch the holy Gospel booke, and kisse it, saying: So helpe me God and this holydome, for he should after hys cunninge and power, doe all thynges that hys Prelate commaundeth hym.

☞ And I said to them: Sirs, ye speake here full generally or largely. What if a prelate commaūded hys subiect to do an vnlawful thing, should he obey therto?

¶ And the Archb. said to me: A subiect ought not to suppose,These prelates would be thou be to be good, be they neuer so bad. that his prelate wil bid him do an vnlawfull thinge. For a subiect ought to thinke that his prelate wil bid him do nothing but that he wil aunswer for before God, that it is leful: And then, though ye bidding of the prelate bee vnleful, the subiect hath no peril to fulfil it, since that he thinketh & iudgeth, that whatsoeuer thing his prelate byddeth him do, that it is leful to him for to do it.

☞ And I sayd, sir I trust not thereto. But to our purpose: Sir I tel you, yt I was once in a gentlemās house, and there were then two Clarkes there, a maister of diuinity, and a man of law, which man of law was also communing in diuinitie. And among other things, these men soake of othes,A communication betwixt a lawier and a diuine. & the man of law sayd: at the bidding of his soueraigne, which had power to charge him to sweare, he would lay his hand vpon a booke, and heare hys charge: and if his charge to his vnderstanding were vnlefull, he would hastely withdraw his hand vpō the booke, taking there onely God to witnes, that he would fulfil that lefull charge, after his power. And the maister of diuinitie sayde then to him thus. Certaine, he that layeth his hand vpō a booke in this wise, and maketh there a promise to do that thing that he is commaunded: Is obliged therby by boke othe, then to fulfil his charge. For no doubt, hee that chargeth him to lay his hand thus vpon a booke (touching the booke, & swearing by it, and kissing it, promisinge in this forme to do this thing or that) wil say and witnes, that he that toucheth thus a booke, and kisseth it, hath sworne vpon that booke. And al other mē that see that man thus do, and also all those that heare hereof, in the same wise wyll say and witnes, that this man hath sworne vpon a booke. Wherefore,To sweare by a booke is to sweare by creatures. the maister of diuinitie sayde, it was not lefull neyther to geue nor to take any such charge vpon a booke: for euery booke is nothing els, but diuers creatures, of which it is made of. Therefore to sweare vpon a booke, is to sweare by creatures, and this swearinge is euer vnlefull. This sentence witnesseth Chrisostome playnely,Chrisostom blameth booke oath. blaming them greatly that bring forth a booke for to sweare vpon, charging Clarkes, that in no wise they constrayne any body to sweare, whether they thinke a man to sweare true or false.

¶ And the Archbishop and his Clarkes,Here now lacked Boner, to scratch hym by the face. scorned mee, and blamed me greatly for this saying. And the Archb. manassed me with great punishment & sharpe, except I left thys opinion of swearing.

☞ And I said: Sir, this is not myne opinion, but it is the opinion of Christ our sauiour, & of S. Iames, & of Chrysostome, & other diuers saints and doctours.

¶ Than the Archb. had a clarke read this homely of Chrisostom: which homely, this clerke held in his hand writtē in a roule: which roule the Archb. caused to be taken from my fellow at Caūterbury. And so then this clark read this role, til he came to a clause where Chrisostome sayth, that it is sinne to sweare well.

And then a clark Malueren (as I gesse) said to ye Archb. Sir,Fither Malueren, or els Syr Bryan Blowcole. I pray you were of him, how he vnderstādeth Chrysostome here, saying it to be sin to sweare well.

And so the Archbish. asked me, how I vnderstode here Chrisostome.

And certaine,Christ promiseth & geueth mouth & vtterance. I was somwhat afraid to aunswer hereto: For I had not busied me to study about the sense therof, but lifting vp my minde to God, I praied him of grace, And as fast as I thought how Christ said to his apostles: When for my name ye shall be brought before Iudges, I shall geue into your mouth, wisedome yt your aduersaries shal not against say. And trusting faithfully in the word of God, I said: Sir, I know wel that many men & women, haue nowe swearing so in custome,The place of Chrisostome expounded, how it is sin to sweare well. that they knowe not, nor wil not know, yt they do euil for to sweare as they do: But they thinke and say, that they do wel for to sweare as they do, though they know wel that they sweare vntruely. For they say, they may by their swearing (though it be false) voide blame or temporal harme, which they shoulde haue,What it is to sweare well. if they sweare not thus. And sir, many men and women maintaine strongly that they sweare well, when that thing is sooth that they sweare for. Also, full many men & women say nowe, that it is well done to sweare by creatures, when they may not (as the say) otherwise be beleeued. And also, ful many men and women now say, that it is wel done to sweare by God, and by our Ladye, and by other saints, for to haue them in minde. But since al these sayings are but excusatious, and sinne: mee thinketh sir, that this sense of Chrisostom may be alleaged wel against [Page] all such swearers: witnessing that al these sinne greuously though they thinke themselues for to sweare in thys foresayd wise, well. For it is euil done and great sinne, for to sweare truth, when in any maner, a man may excuse himselfe without othe.

¶ And the Archbishop sayd, that Chrysostome might bee thus vnderstand.

Pope holy Church.And then a clerke sayd to me: wilt thou tarye my Lorde no lenger, but submit thee here mekely to the ordinance of holy Church, and lay thy hand vpon a booke touching the holy Gospell of GOD, promising not onelye wyth thy mouth, but also with thine hart to stand to my Lords ordinaunce?

☞ And I sayd: Sir haue I not told you here, how that I heard a maister of diuinity say: that in such case it is al one to touch a booke,To touch a booke is to sweare by a booke. It is happy that he cal [...]ed not for a candle, and made a Sce [...]ola of him, as [...]oner did [...] Tomkins. and to sweare by a booke?

¶ And the Archb. sayd: There is no maister of diuinitie in England so great, y• if he hold this opinion before me, but I shall punish him as I shal do thee, except thou sweare as I shall charge thee.

☞ And I sayd: Sir, is not Chrisostome an ententife Doctour?

¶ And the Archb. sayd, yea.

☞ And I sayd: if Chrisostome proueth him worthye great blame, that bringeth forth a booke to sweare vpon: it must nedes followe, that he is more to blame that sweareth on that booke.

It is happy that Chrisostome was not here, or els he would haue had him by the backe. But that word cannot be touched. Thorpe refseth not sweare.¶ And the Archb. said: if Chrisostome ment accordingly to the ordinance of holy church, we wil accept him.

☞ And then said a clerke to me. Is not ye word of God & God himselfe equipolient, that is, of one authoritie?

¶ And I sayd, yea.

☞ Then he said to me, why wilt thou not sweare then by the Gospell of God, that is gods word, since it is al one to sweare by the word of God, & by God himselfe.

¶ And I said: Sir, since I may not now otherwise be beleued, but by swearing: I perceiue (as Austen saith) that it is not spedeful that ye y• should be my brethren should not beleue me: therfore I am redy by the word of God (as the lord commaunded me by his word) to sweare.

☞ Then the Clarke sayd to me. Lay then thine hand vpon the booke, touchinge the holy Gospell of God and take thy charge.

¶ And I said: Sir I vnderstand that the holy Gospell of God may not be touched with mans hand.

☞ And the Clearke sayde I fonded, and that I sayde not truth.

¶ And I asked this clerk whether it were more to reade y• Gospel to touch the Gospell.

☞ And he said it was more to read the Gospell.

Whether the booke be the Gospell. [...]om saith the Gospel is not the Gospel for [...]rading, but for beleuing. The Gospel is not the leaues of the booke, but the roote of reason. S. Paule.¶ Then I said: Sir, by authority of S. Hierome, the gospel is not the gospel for reading of the letter, but for the belief that men haue in the word of God. That it is the gospel that we beleue, and not the letter that we read: for because the letter that is touched with mans hand, is not the Gospel, but ye sentence that is verily beleued in mās hart, is the Gospel. For so Hierome saith. The Gospel, yt is the vertue of Gods word, is not in yt leaues of the boke, but it is in the roote of reason. Neyther the Gospel (he sayeth) is in the writing aboue of the letters, but the Gospell is in ye marking of the sentence of scriptures. This sentence approueth S. Paule, saying thus. The kingdome of God is not in word but in vertue. And Dauid saith: The voice of the Lord that is his word, is in vertue. And after Dauid sayth: Through the word of God ye heauēs were formed, and in the spirite of his mouth is all the vertue of thē. And I pray you sir,Dauid. vnderstand ye wel how Dauid sayth, then in the spirit of the mouth of y• Lord, is all the vertue of angels and of men.

And the clarke sayd to me. Thou wouldest make vs to fond with thee.This clarke was well [...]eene in the Masse booke Say we not that the Gospels are written in the Masse booke?

☞ And I sayd. Sir, though men vse to saye thus, yet it is vnperfect speech. For the principal part of a thinge is properly the whole thing. For lo, mans soule yt may not now be sene here, nor touched wt any sensible thing, is properly man. And al the vertue of a tree is in the roote thereof that may not be sene, for do away the roote, & ye tree is destroied And sir,The Gospel is not the letter but hid in the letter. as ye sayd to me right now, God & hys word are of one authoritie: And sir, S. Hierome witnesseth, y• Christ (very God & very mā) is hid in the letter of the law: thus also sir, y• gospel is hid in the letter. For sir, as it is ful likely many diuers men and womē here in the earth, touched Christ & saw him, & knew his bodely persō, which neither touched, nor saw, nor knewe ghostly his godhead. Right thus sir, many men now touch & see, & write, & read ye scriptures of gods law, which neither see, touch, nor read effectually the gospel. For as the godhead of Christ (that is the vertue of God) is knowen by the vertue of beliefe, so is ye Gospel, that is, Christes word.

¶ And a clerke said to me.Misty matters for your blind eyes. These be full misty matters and vnsauery that thou shewest here to vs.

☞ And I said: Sir, if ye, yt are maisters, know not plainly this sentence, [...]e may sore dread that ye kingdome of heauen be taken from you, as it was frō the princes of priests and from the elders of the [...]owes.

¶ And then a Clerke (as I gesse) Malueren, sayde to me. Thou knowest not thine equiuocations: for the kingdom of heauen hath diuers vnderstandings. What callest thou the kingdom of heauen in thys sentence, that thou shewest here?

☞ And I said:The kingdome of God taken for the vnderstanding of Gods word. Sir, by good reason and sentence of doctors the Realme of heauen is called here, the vnderstanding of Gods word.

¶ And a clerke said to me. From whom thinkest thou that this vnderstanding is taken away?

☞ And I sayde: Sir (by authoritie of Christ himselfe) the effectuall vnderstanding of Christes word is taken away from al them chiefly,This salte was somewhat two sharpe for their rotten fleshe to abide. which are great lettered men, & presum to vnderstand high things, & wil be holden wise men & desire maistership & high state & dignitie: but they wyll not conforme them to the liuing and teaching of Christ & of his Apostles.

¶ Then ye Archb. said. Wel, wel, thou wilt iudge thy soueraignes. By God, ye king doth not his duety, but he suffer thee to be condemned.

☞ And then an other Clerke sayd to me.Helpe downe with him sir Iohn. Why (on Fryday that last was) counsailedst thou a man of my Lordes that he should not shriue him to no man but onely to god?

¶ And with this asking I was abashed: And then by and by I knew that I was subtilly betraied of a mā that came to me in prison on the Friday before, cōmoning with mee in this matter of confession.Note here the crafty practise of this holy church. And certaine, by his words I thought, that this man came then to me, of ful feruent and charitable will: But now I know he came to tempt me & to accuse me, God forgeue him if it be his wil. And withal mine hart when I had thought thus, I said to this clerk, Sir, I pray you that ye would fetch this man hether: and all the wordes as nere as I cā repete them, which that I spake to him, on Friday in the prison. I wil rehearse now here before you all, and before him.

☞ And (as I gesse) the Archbishop said then to me. They that are now here, suffice to repete them. How saidst thou to hym?

¶ And I sayd: Syr, that man came and asked me in diuers thinges,A false brother. and after hys asking, I aunswered him (as I vnderstoode) that good was: And as he shewed to me by his wordes, he was sory of hys liuing in court, and right heauy for his owne vicious liuing, and also for the viciousnes of other men, and specially of priests euil liuing: & herefore he sayd to me with a sorrowfull hart (as I gessed) that he purposed fully within short time for to leaue the court, and to busie him to know Gods lawe, and to confirme all hys life thereafter. And when he had sayd to me these wordes & moe other whiche I would rehearse and he were present, he prayed me to heare hys confession. And I sayd to him, sir, wherefore come ye to me, to be confessed of me, ye wote wel y• the Archb. putteth & holdeth me here, as one vnworthy either to geue or to take any sacrament of holy Church.

☞ And he sayd to me. Brother I wote well, and so wote many other moe, that you and such other are wrongfully vexed, and therefore I common with you the more gladly. And I sayd to him. Certayne I wote well that many men of this court, and specially the priestes of this housholde would be full euill apayd both you & with me, if they wist that ye were confessed of me.A crafty trayne of a popishe dissembler. And he sayd, that he cared not therfore, for he had full little affection in them: And as me thought, he spake these wordes and many other, of so good will and of so high desire, for to haue knowne and done the pleasant will of God. And I sayd to hym, as with my foresayd protestation I say to you now here: Syr, I counsayle you, for to absent you from all euill company, and to draw you to them that loue and busie them to knowe and to keepe the preceptes of God: And then the good spirite of God will moue you for to occupy busily all your wittes in gathering together of all your sinnes, as farre as ye can bethinke you, shaming greatly of them and sorrowing hartely for them: Yea syr, the holy Ghost will thē put in your hart a good will and a seruent desire for to take and to hold a good purpose, to hate euer and to flie, (after your cūning and power) al occason of sinne: and so then, wisedome shal come to you from aboue, lightening (with diuers beames of grace and of heauenly desire) all your wittes,Auricular confession. enforming you how ye shall trust stedfastly in the mercy of the Lorde: [Page] knowledging to him onely all your vicious liuing, praying to him euer deuoutly of charitable counsel and contynuance. Hoping without dout, that if ye cōtinue thus, busying you faythfully to know & to kepe his biddings, that he wil (for he onely, may) forgeue you al your sinnes. And this man said to me. Though God forgeue men their sins yet it behoueth men to be assoyled of priests, & to do ye penance that they enioyne them.

And I sayde to him, Sir, it is all one to assoyle men o [...] their sinnes, & to forgeue mē their sinnes. Wherefore, sined it pertayneth only to God to forgeue sinne:God onely forgeueth sinne, man onely can coūsell to leaue sinne. It sufficeth in this case, to counsel men & women for to l [...]aue their sinne, and to comfort them that busy them thus to do, for to hope stedfastly in the mercy of God. And agayne ward, Priestes ought to tel sharply to customable sinners, that if they wil not make an ende of their sinne, but cōtinue in diuers sin [...] while that they may sinne, all such deserue payne without any en▪ And herefore, Priests should ouer busye them to liue wel and holyly, and to teach the people [...] & truly the worde of God, shewyng to all folke in open preaching and in priuy counseling; that the lord God only forgeueth sinne. And therefore, those priests yt take vpō thē to assoyle mē of their sinnes, blaspheme God: since that it perteineth onely to the Lord, to assoile men of all their sinnes, For no doubt, a thousand yeare after y• Christ was man, no Priest of Christ durst take vpon him to teach the people, neither priuily nor apertly, that they behoued nedes to come to be assayled of them, as Priests now do. But by authoritie of Christes word: Priests bounde indurate customable synners, to euerlasting paines, which in no time of their lyuing, would busy thē faithfully to knowe the biddinges of God, nor to kepe thē. And again, al they that would occupy al their wits to hate & to flye al occasion of sinne, dreading ouer al thing, to offend God, and louing for to please him continually: to these men & women Priests shewed, how the Lord assoyleth them of all their sinnes. And thus Christ promised to confirme in heauen, al the binding and loosing that priests by authoritie of his word, binde men in sinne that are indurate therin, or loose thē out of sinne here vpon earth,Shrife & cōfessiō to priestes. that are verely repentaunt. And this mā hearing these words said, that he might well in conscience cō sent to this sentence. But he sayd. Is it not nedefull to the lay people yt can not thus do, to go shrine them to priests▪ And I said, If a man feele himselfe so distroubled with any sinne,A good secular man may be counseller, where a priest faileth by S. Augustine. y• he can not by his own witte auoide this synne without counsel of them that are herein wiser than he. In such a case, the counsell of a good Priest is full necessarye. And if a good priest fayle as they do now cōmonly, in such a case S. Augustine sayth, that a man may lawfully common and take counsel, of a vertuous secular mā. But certain, that mā or womā is ouerladen and too beastly, which cannot bring their owne sinnes into their minde, busying them night and day for to hate & to forsake al their sinnes, doing a sigh for them after their cunning and power. And sir, full accordingly to this sentence vpō Midlentō Sūday (two yeare as I gesse now agone) I hard a Monk of Feuersam that men called Morden,Morden Monke of Feuersam preaching of cō fession. preache at Caūterbury at the crosse within Christ Church Abbey, saying thus of cōfession. That as through the suggestiō of the feend without counsell of any other body, of themselues many men & women, can imagine and find meanes & ways inough to come to pride, to theft, to lechery, and other diuers vices: In contrary wise this Monke said. Since the Lord God is more ready to forgiue sinne than the feend is or may be of power, to moue any body to sinne: than whosoeuer wil shame and sorow hartely for their sinnes,Harty repētāce to God, needeth no confession to a priest. knowledging them faithfully to God, amending them after their power and cunning, without counsell of any other body than of God and himselfe (through the grace of God) all such men and women may find, sufficient meanes to come to Gods mercy, and so to be cleane assoiled of all their sinnes. This sentence I sayd sir to this man of yours, and the selfe words as neere as I can gesse.

¶ And the Archbishop said. Holy Church approoueth not this learning.No nor nothing els that is good.

☞ And I said. Sir, holy Church of which Christ is head in heauen and in earth, must needs approue this sentence. For loe, hereby all men & women may, if they will, be sufficiently taught to know & to keepe the commandements of God,Christ geueth freedome, the pope geueth thraldome. & to hate & to flie continually all occasion of sinne, and to loue and to seeke vertues busily, & to beleue in God stably, and to trust in his mercy stedfastly, & so to come to perfect charitie & continue therin perseuerantly. And more the Lord asketh not of any man here now in this life. And certaine, since Iesu Christ died vpon the crosse, wilfully to make men free: Men of the Church are to bold and to busie, to make men thrall, binding thē vnder ye paine of endles curse (as they say) to do many obseruaunces and ordynaunces, which neither the liuing nor teachyng of Chryst nor of his Apostles approueth.

And a Clerke said thē to me: Thou shewest plainly here thy deceit, which thou hast learned of them that trauell to sow people amōg ye wheat. But I coūsel thee to go away cleane frō this learning, & submit thee lowly to my lorde, and thou shall finde him yet to be gracious to ther.

¶ And as fast then, an other Clerke said to me: How wast thou so bold at Paules Crosse in London, to stande there hard with thy upper boundē about thine head, and to reproue in his Sermon the worthy clerke Alkerton, drawing away al that thou mightest: yea, & the same day at afternoone, thou meeting the worthy Doctour in Watlyng streete, calledst him false flatterer and hipocrite.

☞ And I said: Sir, I thinke certainely that there was no man nor womā that hated verelye sinne, & loued vertues (heauing ye Sermō of the clerk at Oxford, and also Alkersons Sermon) but they sayd, or might iustly say, that Alkerton reproued that clerke vntruely, and slaundered him wrongfully and vncharitably. For no doubt, If the liuing & teaching of Christ chiefly and of his Apostles be true, no body that loueth God and his law, wil blame any sentēce that the clerke then preached there: since by authoritie of Gods word, & by approued Saints & Doctours, & by opē reason, this Clerke approued all thinges clearely that hee preached there.

¶ And a Clerke of the Archbishops saide to me, his Sermon was false, and that he sheweth openlye, since he dare not stand forth and defend his preaching that he thē preached there.

☞ And I saide: Sir, I thinke that he purposeth to stande stedfastly thereby, or els he scaundereth fouly himself, and also many other that haue great trust that he will stand by the truth of the Gospel. For I wote wel, this Sermon is writen both in Latin and English, and many men haue it & they set great price thereby. And sir, If ye were present with y• Archbishop at Lambeth when this Clarke appeared and was at his aunswere before the Archbishoppe, ye wote wel that this Clerke denied not there his Sermon, but two daies he maintained it before the Archbishop and his Clerkes.

And then the Archbishop or one of his Clerkes said (I wote not which of them) that harlot shalbe met wyth, for that Sermon. For no man but he and thou, and such other false harlots, prayseth any such preaching.

¶ And then the Arbhb. said. Your cursed sect is busie, and it ioyeth right greatly to contrary & to destroy ye priuilege and fredome of holy Church.

☞ And I said:The true freedome of holy church not destroyed but increased by true preachers. Sir, I know no men that trauell so busily as this sect doth (which you reproue) to make rest and peace in holy church. For pride, couetousnes, and simony, which distrouble most holy Church: this sect hateth & fleeth, and trauayleth busilye to moue all other men in like maner, vnto meekenes and wilfull pouerty, and charitie, and free ministring of the Sacraments: this sect loueth & vseth, and is full busie to moue all other folkes thus to do. For these vertues, owe all mēbers of holy church, to their head Christ.

Then a Clerke said to the Archbishop: Sir, it is farre dayes, and ye haue farre to ride to night: therfore make an end with him, for he wil none make. But the more sir, that ye busy you for to draw him toward you, ye more cōtumax he is made, and the farther fro you.

¶ And then Malueren said to me:Take my Lords blassing & stand vp. William, kneele down, and pray my Lord of grace, & leaue al thy phantasies, and become a child of holy church.

☞ And I said: Sir, I haue prayed the Archbishop oft, and yet I pray him for the loue of Christ, that he wil leaue hys indignation that he hath against me: and that he wil suffer me after my cūning & power, for to do mine office of priesthode, as I am charged of god to do it. For I couet nought els, but to serue my God to hys pleasing in ye state that I stand in, and haue taken me to.

¶ And y• Archbishop said to mee: If of good hart thou wilt submit thee now here meekely, to be ruled from this time forth by my counsel,My Lord hath hast, for being benighted. obeying mekely and wilfully to mine ordinance, thou shalt finde it most profitable & best to thee for to doe thus. Therefore tary thou me no lenger, graunt to do this yt I haue sayd to thee now here shortly, or denie it vtterly.

☞ And I said to the Archbishop: Sir, owe we to beleeue that Iesu Christ was and is, very God and very man?

¶ And the Archbishop sayd Yea.

☞ And I said: Sir, owe we to beleue that al Christes lyuing and his teaching is true in euery point?

¶ And he sayd, yea.

[Page]☞ And I sayd: Syr, owe we to beleue, that the liuinge of the Apostles, and the teaching of Christ, and all the Prophetes, are true whiche are written in the Bible, for the health and saluation of good people?

¶ And he sayd yea.

☞ And I sayd: Syr, owe all Christen men & women after their cunning and power, for to conforme all their liuing, to the teaching specially of Christ, and also to the teaching and liuing of his Apostles and of Prophets, in all thinges that are pleasaunt to God, and edification of his Church?

¶ And he sayd, yea.

☞ And I sayd: Syr ought the doctrine, the bidding, or the counsell of any body, to be accepted or obeyed vnto: except this doctrine, these biddings, or this counsel, may be graū ted and affirmed by Christes liuing and his teaching specially, or by the liuing and teaching of his Apostles & Prophetes?

¶ And y• Archbishop said to me: Other doctrine ought not to be accepted,And why compel you this man to the contrary nor we owe not to obey to any mans bidding or counsell, except we can perceiue that his bidding or counsell, accordeth with the life and teaching of Christ, and of his Apostles and Prophets.

☞ And I sayd: Syr, is not all the learning, and biddings and counsels of holy Church, meanes and healefull remedies, to know and to withstand the priuy suggestions,Thorpe cō tent to submit himself to the ordi [...]unce of councels. and the aperte temptations ot the fiende? and also wayes and healeful remedies, to slea pride and all other deadly sinnes, and the braunches of them, and souereign meanes to purchase grace, for to withstand and ouercome all the fleshlye lustes and mouinges?

¶ And the Archbishop sayd yea.

☞ And I sayd: Syr, whatsoeuer thing ye or any other body bid or counsel me to do, accordingly to this forsayd learning, after my cunning & power, through the helpe of god, I will meekly with all my hart obey therto.

¶ And the archbishop sayd to me: Submit thee than now here meekly and wilfully, to the ordinance of holy church, which I shall shew to thee.

☞ And I sayd: sir, accordingly as I haue here now before you rehearsed, I will nowe be ready to obey full gladly to Christ the head of the holy Church, & to the learning and biddinges, and counselles of euerye pleasing member of him. [...]f Boner [...] bene [...], hee would not [...] strokē [...] cupbord

¶ Thē the archbishop striking with his hand fiercely vpō a cupborde, spake to me with a great spirit saying: By Iesu, but if thou leaue such additions, obliging thee now here without any exceptiō to mine ordinance (or that I go out of this place) I shall make thee as sure, as any theefe that is in the prison of Lanterne. Aduise thee now what thou wilt do. And then as if he had bene angred, he went fro the cupborde where he stood, to a window.

¶ And then Malueren and an other Clerke came nearer me, and they spake to me many words full pleasantly: and an othe while they manassed me, and counselled full busily to submitte me, [...] multi [...]e is not [...] folo [...]ed in euil. or els they sayd I shoulde not escape punishing ouer measure: For they sayd, I should be degraded, cursed, and burned, & so then damned. But now they sayd, thou mayst eschew all these mischiefes, if thou wilt submit thee wilfully & meekely to this worthye prelate, that hath cure of thy soule. And for the pitty of Christ (sayde they) bethinke thee, howe great Clerkes the Bishop of Lincolne, Hereford, and Purney were, and yet are, and also B. that is a well vnderstanding man. Which also haue forsaken & reuoked, all the learning and opinions, that thou and such other hold. [...] what [...] is, God [...]ing him [...]to him [...]fe. Wherfore, since each of them is mikle wiser thē thou art, we counsell thee for the best: that by the example of these foure Clerkes, thou follow them submitting thee as they did.

And one of the Bishops Clerkes sayd then there, that he heard Nicoll Hereford say: that since he forsook & reuoked all the learning & Lolards opiniōs, he hath had mikle greater fauour and more delite to hold agaynst them, then euer he had to hold with them, while he held with them.

[...] cleane [...] thrift [...] sin.And therefore Malueren said to me: I vnderstand and thou wilt take thee to a Priest, and shriue thee cleane, forsake all such opinions, & take the penance of my Lord here, for the holding & teaching of them: within short time, thou shalt be greatly comforted in this doing.

☞ And I sayd to the Clerkes, that thus busily counselled me to folow these foresayd men: Sirs, if these mē of whom ye counsell me to take example, had forsakē benefices of tē porall profite, & of worldly worship, so that chey had absē ted them, and eschewed from al occasions of couetousnes & of fleshly lustes, and had taken upon them simple liuing, & wilfull pouerty: they had herein geuen good example to me and to many other, to haue folowed thē. But now, since all these foure men, haue slaunderously and shamefully done the contrary, consenting to receiue and to haue and to hold tēporall benefices, liuing now more worldly & more fleshly then they did before, conforming them to the maners of this world: I forsake them herein, and in all their foresayd slaunderous doing. For I purpose with the helpe of God (into remissio of my sinnes, and of my [...]oule cursed liuing) to hate and to flee priuily and apertly, to follow these men, teaching and counselling whome so euer that I may,Other mens examples are so to be folowed, as they be the followers of Christ for to flee & eschew the way that they haue chosen to go in, which will lead them to the worst end, (if in conuenient time they repent them not) verely forsaking and reuoking opēly the flaunder that they haue put, and euery day yet put, to Christes Church. For certayne, so open blasphemy and slaunder as they haue spoken and done, in their reuoking & forsaking of the truth, ought not nor may not priuily be amē ded, duely. Wherfore sirs, I pray you that you busy not for to moue me to follow these mē, in reuoking and forsaking the trueth, and sothfastnes as they haue done, and yet doe: wherein, by open euidence they stirre God to great wroth, and not onely agaynst themselues, but also agaynst all thē that fauor them, or consent to them herein, or that communeth with them, except it be for their amendement. For where as these mē first were pursued of enemies, now they haue obliged them by othe for to slaūder and pursue Christ in his members. Wherfore (as I trust stedfastly in ye goodnes of God) the worldly couetousnes, and the lusty liuing and the sliding from the truth of these runnagates: shall be to me and to many other men and women, an example & an euidence, to stand more stifly by the truth of Christ.

For certayne,Promotions commonly and great liuinges, choke truth. right many men and women, doe marke and abhorre the foulnes and cowardnes of these foresayd vntrue men, how that they are ouercome & stopped wyth benefices, and withdrawen from the truth of Gods word, forsaking vtterly to suffer therfore bodely persecution. For by this vnfaythfull doing and apostasye of them (specially that are great lettered men) and haue knowledged openly the truth:Men folowing the wayes of Balaam. and now, either for pleasure or displeasure of tyrauntes, haue taken hire and temporall wages to forsake the truth and to hold agaynst it, slaundering and pursuing them that couet to followe Christ in the way of righteousnes, many men and womē therefore are now moued. But many mo thorow the grace of God, shall be moued hereby for to learne the truth of God, and to doe thereafter, and to stand boldly thereby.

¶ Then the Archbishop sayd to his clerkes. Busye you no lenger about him, for he and other such as he is, are cō sedered together,Thorpes felow refuseth to sweare to the prelates. that they will not sweare to be obedient, & to submit them to prelates of holy church. For now since I stoode here, his fellow also sent me word that he will not sweare, and that this fellow counselled hym that he should not sweare to me. And losell, in that thing that in thee is, thou hast busied thee to lose this young man, but blessed be God, thou shalt not haue thy purpose of him. For he hath forsaken all thy learning, submitting him to be buxum & obedient to the ordinaunce of holy church, and weepeth full bitterly, and curseth thee full hartily for the venemous teaching which thou hast shewed to him, counselling hym to do thereafter.

And for thy false counselling of many other & him, thou hast great cause to be right sory. For long time thou hast busied thee to peruert whomsoeuer thou mightest. Therfore, as many deathes thou art worthye of, as thou hast geuen euill counselles. And therefore by Iesu, thou shalt go thether, where Nicoll Harford & Thom. Puruay were harbered. And I vndertake, or this day viij. dayes, thou shalt be right glad for to doe what thing that euer I did thee to do.Vide supra. pag. 497. And Losell, I shal assay, if I can make thee there as sorowfull (as it was tolde me) thou wast glad of my last goyng out of England. By S. Thomas, I shall turne thy ioy into sorow.

☞ And I sayd: Syr there can no body proue lawfully that I ioyed euer,Arundell the Archb. going out of England. The gentlenes of the B. of Lō don to Thorpe. So promised Winchester in Queene Maries time, but that passed his power to performe. A notable aunswer of Thorpe to the Byshop, promising to destroy all the Gospellers. of the maner of your going out of this land.

But Syr, to say the soth, I was ioyfull when ye were gone: for the bishop of London in whole prison ye left me, found in me no cause for to hold me lenger in his prisō, but at the request of my frēdes, he deliuered me to them, asking of me no maner of submitting.

¶ Then the archbishop sayd to me. Wherefore that I yede out of England, is vnknowne to thee: But be this thinge well knowne to thee, that God (as I wote well) hath called me agayn, and brought me into this land, for to destroy thee and the false sect that thou art of: as by God, I shall pursue you so narowly, that I shall not leaue a slip of you in this land.

☞ And I sayd to the archbishop: Syr, the holy Prophette Ieremy sayd to the false Prophet Anany. When the word that is the prophecy of a Prophet, is knowne or fulfilled: [Page] then it shalbe knowne, that the Lorde sent the Prophet in trueth.

¶ And the Archbishop (as if he had not bene pleased with my saying) turned him awayward hether and thether, and sayd. By GOD, I shall set vpon thy shinnes a payre of pearles,Such pearles would better beseeme my Lord your golden shooes. that thou shalt be glad to chaunge thy voyce.

These and many moe wonderous and conuicious wordes, were spoken to me, manassing me and al other of the same sect, for to be punished and destroyed vnto the vttermost.

And the Archbishop called then to him a Clerke, and rowned with him:At illi clamabāt dicentes tolle, tolle, crucifige eum. Luke 23. and that Clerk went forth, and soone he brought in the Constable of Saltwoode Castle, and the Archbishop rowned a good while with him: And then the Constable went forth, and then came in diuers seculars, & they scorned me on euery side, & manassed me greatly. And some counselled the Archbishop to burne me by and by, & some other counselled him to drowne me in the Sea, for it is neare hand there.

And a Clerke standing beside me, there kneeled downe to y• Archbishop, praying him that he would deliuer me to him, for to say Martins with him: & he would vndertake: that within three dayes I shoulde not resist any thing that were commaunded me to do of my Prelate.

And the archbishop sayd, that he would ordayn for me himselfe.

And then after, came agayne the Constable and spake priuily to the Archbishop: And the archbishop cōmaunded the Constable to lead me forth thence with him, & so he did. And when we were gone forth thence, we were sent after againe. And whē I came in agayne before the archbishop: a Clerke bad me kneele downe and aske grace, and submit me lowly, and I should finde it for the best.

Obedience to God and to hys lawe woulde not serue.☞ And I sayd thē to the archbishop. Syr, as I haue sayd to you diuers times to day, I will wilfully & lowlye obey and submit me to be ordeined euer after the cunning and power, to God & to his law, and to euery member of holy Church, as farre forth as I can perceiue that these members accord with their head Christ, and will teach me, rule me, or chastise me by authority, specially of Gods law.

¶ And the archbishop sayd. I wist wel he would not with out such additions submit him.

And then I was rebuked, scorned & manassed on euery side:In patience and silence possesse your soules. and yet after this, diuers persons cried vpon me to kneele downe and submit me, but I stood still and spake no word. And then there was spoken of me and to me many great words, & I stood and heard them manasse curse and scorne me: but I sayd nothing.

Then a while after, ye archbishop sayd to me. Wilt thou not submit thee to the ordinaunce of holy Church?

☞ And I sayd: Syr, I will full gladly submitte me, as I haue shewed you before.

¶ And then the Archbishop bad the Constable, to haue me forth thence in haste.

And so then I was led forth, and brought into a foule vnhonest prison,Thorp cast in prison. where I came neuer before. But thanked be God, when all mē were gone forth then from me, & had sparred fast the prison doore after them: By and by after, I therin by my selfe, busied me to thinke on God, & to thanke him of his goodnesse. And I was then greatlye comforted in all my wits, not onely for that I was then deliuered for a time from the sight, from the hearing, from the presence, from the scorning, and from the manassing of mine enemies: but much more I reioysed in the Lord,Thorpe comforted & strengthened of the Lord, after his conflict with the bishop because that through his grace he kept me so, both among the flattering specially, and among the manassing of mine aduersaryes, that without heauinesse and anguish of my conscience, I passed away from them. For as a tree layd vpon an other tree, ouerwharte or Crosse wise, so was the Archbishoppe and hys three Clerkes alwayes contrarye to me, and I to them.

Now good God for thine holy name, and to the praysing of the most blessed name: make vs one together, if it be thy will (by authority of thy word, that is true perfite charity) and els not. And that it may thus be, all that this writing read or heare, pray hartely to the lord God, that he for his great goodnesse that can not be with tongue expressed, graunt to vs and to all other, which in the same wise, and for the same cause specially, or for any other cause be at dystaūce, to be knit & made one in true fayth, in stedfast hope, and in perfite charity. Amen.

¶ Besides this examinatiō here aboue described, came an other treatise also to our hands of the same W. Thorne, vnder the name and title of his testament: which rather by the matter and handling thereof, might seme to be counted a complaynt of vicious Priestes: which treatise or Testament, in this place we thought not meere to be left out.

MAthew an Apostle of Christ, Christ dwelleth in a faythfull soule. and his Gospeller, witnesseth truly in the holy Gospell, the most holy liuing and the most wholesome teachyng of Christ. He rehearseth how that Christ likeneth thē that heare his wordes and keepe thē, to a wise mā that buildeth his house vpon a stone, that is a stable and a [...]ad ground. This house is mans soule in whome Christ delighteth to dwell, if it be grounded, that is stablished faythfully in his liuing & in his true teaching, adourned or made faire with diuers vertues, which Christ vsed and taught without any medling of any error, as are chiefly the conditions of charity.

This foresaid stone is Christ, Christ is the stone wheron we must build [...]. vpon which euery faythful soule must be builded, since vpon none other ground then vpon Christes liuing and his teaching, no bodye may make any building or housing, wherein Christ will come and dwell. This sentence wytnesseth S. Paule to the Corinthians, shewing to them that no body may set any other ground then is set, that is, Christes liuing and teaching. And because that all men and women shoulde geue all their businesse here in this life, Howe we are made the temple of God. to build them vertuously vpon this sure foundation: S. Paule knowledging the seruent desire, and the good will of the people of Ephesye, wrote to them comfortablye saying: Now ye are not straungers, guestes, nor yet comelinges, but ye are the Citizens and of the householde of God, builded aboue vpon the foundement of the Apostles and Prophetes. In which foundement, euery building that is builded or made thorough the grace of God, it encreaseth or groweth into an holy tē ple, that is: Euery body that is grounded or builded faythfully in the teaching and liuing of Christ, is there through, made the holy temple of God.

This is the stable groūd and stedfast stone Christ, which is the sure corner stone, Marke what we haue by Christ. fast ioyning & holding mightely together, two walles. For through Christ Iesu, meane or middle person of the Trinitye: the Father of heauen is pitious or mercifully ioyned and made one together to mankinde. And through dread to offēd God, and seruent loue to please him, mē be vnseparably made one to God and defended surely vnder his protection. Also, this foresayd stone Christ, The propertie of a square stone was figured by the square stones of whiche the temple of God, was made. For as a square stone, wheresoeuer it is cast or layd, it abideth and lyeth stably: so Christ and euery faythfull member of his Church by example of him, abideth and dwelleth stably in true fayth, and in all other heauēly vertues in all aduersityes that they suffer in this valley of teares.

For loe, when these foresayd square stones were hewen and wrought for to be layde in the walles or pillers of Gods temple, none noyse or stroke of the workeman was heard. Certaine this silēce in working of this stone, figu [...]eth Christ chiefly and his faithfull members, which by example of him, haue bene and yet are, and euer to the worldes end shall be so meeke and pacient in euery aduersity, that no sound nor yet any grudging shall any time be perceiued in them.

Neuerthelesse, this chiefe and most worshipfull corner stone which onely is ground of all vertues, proude beggers repriued: but this despight and reproofe, Christ is an example of all perfect meekenes. Christ suffered most meekely in his owne person, for to geue example of all meekenesse and pacience to all his faythfull folowers. Certayne, this world is now so full of proud beggers which are named Priestes: but the very office of working of Priesthood which Christ approueth true, and accepteth, is farre from the multitude of Priests that now reigne in this world.

For from the highest Priest to the lowest all (as who say) study, that is, Priests see [...] the pleasure of this world. they imagine and trauell busilye, how they may please this world and theyr flesh. This sentence and many such other dependeth vpon them, if it be well considered, other God the father of heauen hath deceiued all mankinde by the liuing specially and teaching of Iesu Christ, and by the liuing and teaching of his Apostles and Prophetes: or els all the Popes that haue bene, since I had any knowledge or discretion, with all the Colledge of Cardinals, Archbishops, Great odd [...] betwixt the life of [...] and Ch [...] and hys Apostles. and Bishops, Monks, Canons, and Friers, with all the contagious flock of the communalty of Priesthood, which haue (all my life time and mikle lenger) reigned and yet reigne, & increase damnably from sinne into sinne: haue bene and yet bee proud, obstinate heretickes, couetous simoners, and defouled adulterers in the ministering of the Sacramentes, and specially in the ministring of the Sacrament of the aultar. For as their workes sheweth whereto Christ biddeth vs take heed: the highest Priestes and Prelates of this Priesthood, Whē prie [...] forget God truth, [...] whether they runne headlong. The gre [...] infect the small. chalenge and occupy vnlefull, tē porall Lordships. And for temporall fauour and meed, they sell & geue benefices to vnworthy and vnable persons, yea these simoners sell sinne, suffering men and women in euery degree and estate, to lye, and continue, from yeare to yere, in diuers vices slaū derously. And thus by euil example of high priests in the church, lower Priestes vnder them are not onely suffered, but they are mayntayned to sell full deare (to the people for temporall meed) all the Sacraments.

And thus all this foresayd Priesthoode, is blowne so high and borne vp in pride and vaine glory of their estate and dignity & so blinded with worldly couetousnes: Fleshlye priests cannot [...] with th [...] thinges. That they disdayne to follow Christ in very meekenesse and wilfull pouerty, liuing holylye and [Page]preaching Gods word truely, freely and continually, taking theyr liuelihood at the free will of the people of their pure almes, where and when they suffice not for theyr true and busy preaching to get their sustenaunce with their handes. To this true sentence grounded on Christes owne liuing and teaching of his Apostles, these foresaid worldly & fleshly Priests wil not consent effectually. They hunt after this with tooth and nayle. But as theyr workes and also their wordes shew: boldly and vnshamefastly these forenamed Priestes and Prelates, couet, and enforce them mightely and busily, that all holy scripture were expounded and drawne accordingly to their maners, and to theyr vngrounded vsages and findinges. For they will not (since they hold it but folly and madnesse) conforme their maners to the pure and simple liuing of Christ and his Apostles, An exhortation to all degrees, to see priesthood amended. nor they will not followe freely their learning. Wherefore, all the Emperours and Kinges, and all other Lordes and Ladyes, and all the common people in euery degree and state, which haue before time knowne or might haue knowne, and also all they that now yet know or might know this foresayde witnes of Priesthood, and would not nor yet will, enforce them after theyr cunning and power, to withstand charitably the foresayd enemies and traytors of Christ, and of his churche: all these striue with Antichrist agaynst Iesu. And they shall heare the indignation of God almighty without end, Prelates & priestes negligent in their duties. if in conuenient time they amend them not, and repent them verelye, doing therefore due mourning and sorow, after their cunning & power. For through presumtuousnesse and negligence of Priestes & Prelates (not of the Churche of Christ, but occupying theyr prelacye vnduely in the Church) and also flattering and false couetousnes of other diuers named Priestes: Lousengers and lounderers, are wrōgfully made and named Heremites, and haue leaue to defraud poore and needy creatures of their liuelode, and to liue by theyr false winning and begging, in slouth and in other diuers vices. And also of these Prelates, these coker noses, are suffered to liue in pride and hipocrisy, and to defoule themselues both bodelye and ghostly. Also by the suffering and counsell of these foresayde Prelates and of other Priestes, are made both vayne brotherhoodes and sisterhoodes, full of pride and enuye, which are full contrary to the brotherhood of Christ, since they are cause of mickle dissetion, and they multiply and susteyne it vncharitably: for in lustye eating and drinking, vnmeasurably and out of time, they exercise themselues. Also this vaine confederacy of brotherhoodes, is permitted to be of one clothing, and to hold together.

And in all these vngrounded and vnlefull doinges, priests are parteners and great medlers and counsellers. And ouer this viciousnesse, Heremites and Pardoners, Ankers, and straūge beggers, are licensed and admitted of Prelates and Priestes, for to beguile the people with flatteringes and leasinges slaunderously agaynst all good reason and true beleue, and so to encrease diuers vyces in themselues, and also among all them that accept them or consent to them.

And thus, the viciousnesse of these foresayd named Priestes & Prelates, haue bene long time, and yet is, and shal be cause of wars both within the Realme and without. And in the same wise, these vnable Priestes haue bene, and yet are, and shalbe chiefe cause of pestilence of men, and morein of beastes, and of barrennesse of the earth, and of all other mischiefes, to the tyme that Lordes and cō mons able them through grace, for to know and to keepe the cō maundements of God, inforcing them than faythfully and charitably by one assent, for to redresse and make one this foresayde Priesthood, to the wilfull, poore, meeke, and innocent liuing and teaching, specially of Christ and his Apostles.

Therefore, all they that know or might know, the viciousnes that raigneth now cursedly in these Priests and in theyr learning, if they suffice not to vnderstand this contagious viciousnesse: let them pray to the Lord hartily for the health of his Church, absteining them prudently from these indurate enemyes of Christ and of his people, and from all their Sacraments, since to them all that know them or may know, they are but fleshly deedes and false: as S. Cyprian witnesseth in the first question of decrees, Cirp. 1. q. 1. cap. Si quis inquit. and in the first cause. Ca. Si quis inquit. For as this Saynt and great Doctour witnesseth there, that not onely vicious Priestes, but also all they that fauour them or consent to them in their viciousnesse: shall together perish with them, if they amend them not duely, as all they perished that cōsented to Dathan and Abiron. For nothing were more confusion to these foresayd vicious Priestes, than to eschew them prudently in all theyr vnlefull Sacramentes, while they cō tinue in their sinnefull liuing slaunderously, as they haue lōg time done and yet do. And no body need to be afrayde (though death did folow by one wise or other) for to dye out of this world without taking of any Sacrament of these foresayd Christes enemyes: since Christ will not fayle, for to minister himselfe all Iefull & healfull Sacramentes and necessary at all time (and specially at end) to all them that are in true fayth, in stedfast hope, and in perfect charity.

But yet some mad fooles say (for to eschew slaunder) they wil be shriuen once in the yeare, and communed of theyr proper Priestes, though they knowe them defouled with slaunderous vyces. No doubt, but all they that thus do or consent priuely or apertly to such doing, are culpable of great sinne: since S. Paul witnesseth, that not onely they that do euill, are worthy of death and damnation, but also they that consent to euill doers. Also (as their slaū derous workes witnesse) these aforesayd vicious Priestes, despise and cast from them heauenly cunning, that is geuen of the holye ghost Wherefore, the Lord throweth all such despisers from him, that they vse nor do any Priesthood to him.

No doubt than, all they that wittingly or wilfully, take or cō sent that any other body should take any Sacrament of any suche named Priest, sinneth openly and damnably agaynst all the Trinity, and are vnable to any Sacrament of health.

And that this foresayd sentēce is altogether true, into remission of all my sinnefull liuing, trusting stedfastly in the mercye of God, I offer to him my soule.

And to proue also the foresayde sentence true with the helpe of God, I purposefully for to suffer meekely and gladly my most wretched bodye to bee tormented, where God will, of whom he will, and when he will, and as long as he will, and what temporall payne he will and death, to the praysing of his name, and to the edification of his Church.

And I that am most vnworthy and wretched caytife, shall now through the speciall grace of God, make to him pleasaunt sacrifice with my most sinnefull and vnworthy body. Beseechyng hartely all folke that read or heare this end of my purposed Testament, that through the grace of GOD, they dispose verely and vertuously all their wittes, and able in lyke maner all their members for to vnderstand truely, and to keepe faythfully, charitably, and continually all the commaundementes of God, and so than to pray deuoutly to all the blessed Trinitie, that I may haue grace with wisedome and prudence from aboue, to end my lyfe here in this foresayd truth and for this cause, in true fayth and stedfast hope, and perfect charitie. Amen.

What was the ende of this good man and blessed seruant of God Williā Thorpe, I finde as yet in no story specified. By all coniectures it is to be thought,The ende of W. Thorpe vncertayne. that the archbishop Thomas Arundull being so hard an aduersarye agaynst those men, would not let him goe. Much lesse it is to be supposed, that he would euer retract his sentence and opinion, which he so valiantly mayntayned before the byshop, neither doth it seeme that he had any such recanting spirite. Agayne, neyther is it founde, that he was burned. Wherfore it remayneth most like to be true, that he beyng committed to some straight prison (according as the Archbyshop in his examination before, dyd threaten him) there (as Thorpe confesseth himselfe) was so straightly kept, that eyther he was secretly made away, or els there he dyed by sicknesse.

The like end also I finde to happen to Iohn Aston, an other good folower of Wickliffe, who for the same doctrine of the sacrament was condemned by the Bishops, And because he would not recant, he was committed to perpetuall prison, wherein the good man continued till his death. An. 1382.

¶ Iohn Puruey.

FUrthermore, in the sayd examinatiō of Williā Thorpe, mention was made (as ye heard) of Iohn Puruey,Iohn Puruey. of whom also something we touched before: promising of the sayd Iohn Puruey, more particularly to entreate in order and processe of time. Of this Puruey, Tho. Walden writeth thus in his second tome, Iohn Puruey sayth he, was the Library of Lollordes, and gloser vpon Wickliffe. He sayde, that the worshipping of Abrahā was but a salutatiō. And in his third Tome, he sayth: this Iohn Puruey with Harford a doctour of diuinity, were greuously tormented, and punished in the prison of Saltwood, and at ye length recanted at Paules crosse at London (Tho. Arundel being then Archb. of Canterbury.)Iohn Puruey prisoned after his recantation. Afterward agayne, he was emprisoned vnder Henry Chicheley Archb. of Canterbury, in the yeare of our Lord 1421. Thus muche writeth Walden. The workes of this man which he wrote, were gathered by Richard Lauingame his aduersarye, whiche I thinke worthy to be remēbred. First, as touching the Sacrament of the last supper, the Sacrament of penaunce, the Sacrament of orders, the power of the keyes, the preaching of ye Gospell, of Mariages, of Uowes, of possessiōs, of the punishing and correcting of the Clergy, of the lawes and decrees of the Church, of the state and condition of the Pope and the clergy: Of all these generally, he left diuers monuments grauely and exactly written, part whereof, here in the end of his story we thought to exhibite, being translated out of Latine into English.

The articles which he taught, and afterward was forced to recant at Paules crosse,Articles of Iohn Puruey recāted. were these hereafter folowing.

1. That in the Sacrament of the aultar after the consecration, there is not, neither can be, any accident without the subiect: But there verely remaineth the same substaūce [Page] and the very visible and incorruptible bread, & likewise ye very same wine the which before the consecration were set vpon the aultar to be consecrate of the Priest: likewise as when a Pagan or infidell is baptised, he is spiritually conuerted into a member of Christ through grace, and yet remayneth the very same man whiche he before was in his proper nature and substaunce.

2. Auricular confession or priuate penaunce, is a certeyne whispering, destroying the libertye of the Gospell & newly brought in by the Pope and the Clergye, to intangle the consciences of mē in sinne, & to draw their soules into hel.

He speaketh of priestes here, & not of publique ministers appointed in the Church.3. Euery lay man being holy, and predestinate vnto euer lasting life (albeit he be a lay man) yet is he a true Priest before God.

4. That diuers Prelates and other of the Clergy, do liue wickedly contrary to the doctrine and example of Christ & his Apostles. Therefore they whiche so liue, haue not the keyes neyther of ye kingdome of heauen, neither yet of hell: neither ought any christian to esteme his cēsure any more, then as a thing of no force. Yea albeit the pope should peraduenture interdite the realme, yet could he not hurt, but rather profite vs, for so much as thereby we should be dismissed from the obseruation of his lawes, and from saying of seruice according to the custome of the Church.

Vowes.5. If any man do make an othe or vow, to keepe perpetuall chastity, or do any thing els whereunto God hath not appoynted him, geuing him grace to perform his purpose: the same vow or othe, is vnreasonable and vndiscreet, neither can any Prelate compell him to keep the same, except he will do contrary vnto Gods ordinaunce. But he ought to commit him, vnto the gouernance of the holy ghost & of his owne conscience: for so much as euery man which will not fulfill his vow or othe, can not do it for that cause.

The charge of priests.6. Whosoeuer taketh vpon him the office of priesthood, although he haue not the charge of soules cōmitted vnto him according to the custome of the Churche: Not onely they may, but ought to preach the Gospel frely vnto the people otherwise he is a thief, excommunicated of God, and of the holy Church.

Against transubstantiation.7. That Innocentius the third Pope, and 600. bishops, and a thousand other Prelates, with all the rest of the clergy, which together with the same Pope agreed and determined: that in the sacrament of the aultar, after the couersion of the bread and wine into the body & bloud of Christ, that the acesdentes of the sayd bread and wine do remayne there, without any proper subiect of the same: the whiche also ordeyned, that all Christians ought to confesse theyr sinnes once a yeare vnto a proper priest, & to receiue the reuerent Sacrament at Easter, & made certaine other lawes at the same time: All they sayth he, in so doing were fooles and Blockeheades, Heretickes, Blasphemers and Seducers of Christian people. Wherfore, we ought not to beleue their determinations, or of their successours, neither ought we to obey theyr lawes or ordinances, except they be plainly grounded vpon the holy Scripture, or vpon some reasō which can not be impugned.

¶ Other Articles drawne out of Purueyes bookes more at large by Ry. Lauingham.

Articles out of Purueys bookes collected by R. Lauingham.AS touching the Sacramēt of thanks geuing, he sayth: That that chap. of repentance and remission: Omnis vtriusque sexus, wherin it is ordeined that euery faithfull mā ought once euery yeare at the least, that is to say, at Easter to receiue the Sacrament of Eucharist: is a beastly thing, hereticall and blasphemous.

The Sacrament of the popish aultar.Item, that Innocenius the 3. Pope, was the head of Antichrist, who after the letting loose of Sathan, inuented a new article of our sayth, and a certayn fayned verity touching the Sacrament of the aultar: That is to say, that the Sacramēt of the aultar is an accidēt without a substance, or els an heape of accidences without a substaunce. But Christ and his Apostles doe teach manifestly, that the Sacrament of the aultar is bread, and the body of Christ together after the maner that he spake: And in that he calleth it bread, he woulde haue the people to vnderstande as they ought with reason, that it is very and substaunciall bread, and no false nor sayned bread.

Pope Innocentius head of Antichrist.And although Innocētius that Antichrist doth allege, that in the councell at Lions where this matter was decided were 600. Bishops with him, and 1000. Prelates, which were in one opiniō of this determination: Al those notwithstanding he talleth. fooles according to that saying of Eccl. Of footes there are an infinite number. And so in like maner he calleth them false Christes & false prophets; of whom Christ speaketh the 24. of Mathew: Many false Christes and false Prophets shall arise and deceiue many: And therfore, euery Christian man ought to beleue firmly that the sacrament of the aultar is very bread in deed, and no false nor sayned bread, And although it be very bread in deed, yet notwithstāding, it is the very body of Christ in ye sort he spake and called it his body: and so it is very bread, and the very body of Christ.The sacrament in substāce bread: in signification the body of Christ And as Christ concerning hys humanity, was both visible and passible, and by his Diuinity was inuisible and unpassible: So likewise, this sacrament in that it is very bread, may be sene with the corporal eie, and may also abide corruption. But although a man may see that Sacrament, yet notwithstanding, cannot the body of Christ in that Sacrament be seene with the corporall eye, although it be the body of Christ in that maner he spake it: For that notwithstanding, the body of Christ is now incorruptible in heauē. So the Sacrament of the cup is very wine, & the very bloud of Christ, according as hys maner of speaking was. Also Innocentius, 3, with a great multitude of his secular Clerkes, made a certayne new determination: that the Sacrament of the aultar is an accidence without a substance,Transubstā tiation not openlye taught 1000 yeares after Christ. whereas, neither Iesus Christ nor any of his Apostles, taught this sayth (but openly and manifestly to the contrary) neither yet the holy Doctours, for the space of a thousand yeares & more, taught this faith openly.

Therefore, when Antichrist or any of his shauelinges doth aske of thee that art a simple Christian, whether that this Sacrament be the very body of Christ or not: affirme thou it manifestly so to be. And if he aske of thee whether it be materiall bread, or what other bread els: say thou, that it is such bread as Christ vnderstood and ment by his proper word:The Sacrament both bread, and the body in diuers respectes. and such bread, as the holy ghost ment in S. Paule when he called that to be very breade whiche he brake, and wade thou no further herin. If he aske thee, how this bread is the body of Christ: Say thou, as Christ vnderstoode the same to be his body which is both omnipotent and true, & in whom is no vntrueth. Say thou also, as the holy Doctors do say, that the terrestriall matter or substaunce, may be conuerted into Christ, as the Pagan or infidell may bee Baptised: and herby spiritually to be conuerted and to be a member of Christ, and so after a certayne maner to become Christ, and yet the same man to remayne still in his proper nature. For so doth S. Augustine graunt, that a sinner forsaking his sinne and being made one spirite with God by fayth, grace, and charity: may be cōuerted into God, and to be after a maner, God: as both Dauid, and S. Iohn do testifye, and yet to be the same person in substaunce and nature, and in soule and vertue to be altered & chaūged. But yet, men of more knowledge and reasō, may more plainely conuince the falsity of Antichrist both in this matter and in others, by the gift of the holy Ghost working in thē. Notwithstanding, if those that be simple men will hūbly holde and keepe the manifest and apparaunt wordes of the holy scripture, & the playn sense and meaning of the holy ghost, and proceed no farther, but humbly to commit that vnto ye spirite of God which passeth theyr vnderstanding: Then may they safely offer themselues to death, as true Martyrs of Iesus Christ.

As touching the Sacrament of penaunce: That chapter Omnis vtriusque sexus, by which a certayne newe founde auricular confession was ordeined:Auricular confession and penance. is full of hipocrisye, heresy: couetousnes, pride, & blasphemy he sayth, and reproueth the same chapter verbatim, and that by the sentences of the same proces. Also, that the penaunce and paynes limited by the Canons, be vnreasonable and vniust, for the austerity and rigorousnes which they conteine, more then are taxed by Gods law. He also doth exemplify, of the solemne and publicke deniall of penitentes to be receiued into orders, according to the decree of the generall Councell Distinctione 50. cap Ex poenitentibus. Also of the seuenfold penitence of a priest committing fornication, according to the chapter. Praes biter Distinct. 82. And farther sheweth, an other example of the penitence of Priestes according to that chater. Qui praes biterum &c. Whereas the decretall of the generall Counsell sayth, that such a one ought to remayne continuing his life, in the warres, and not to mary. And how Innocentius 3. brought in a new founde confession: whereby, the Priestes do oppresse the simple lay men. And that many other things they do, compelling them to confesse themselues to blind and ignoraunt Priests, in whom is nothing els then pride and couetousnes, hauing suche in contempt as are learned and wise. Also, that the Decretall of Innocentius 3. touching the foresayd auricular or vocal confession: was brought in and inuented, to intricate & intangle mens consciences with sinne, & to draw thē downe to hell. And furthermore, that such maner of confession, destroyeth the Euangelicall libertye, and doth let men to inquire after, & to retayn, the wise counsell & doctrine of such [Page] as be gods priests: which know faithfully how to obserue his precepts and commaundements, & which would willingly teach the people, the right way to heauē. For which abuse, all Christen men and spicially all Englishmē, ought to exciayne agaynst such wicked lawes.

The order of Priesthood.As touching the Sacrament of order he sayth: That al good christians, are predestinate and be ordeined of God, & made true Priestes to offer Christ in themselues, and to Christ, themselues: as also to teach and preach the Gospell to their neighbors, as well in word as in exāple of liuing. But the worldly shauelings do more magnify the naked & bare signes of priesthood (inuented by sinfull men) then the true & perfect priesthood of God,He meaneth of priuate preaching to theyr neighbours. True ministers may be made without shauing. grounded by a true & liuely sayth, annexed with good works. Also, if it were needfull to haue such shauelinges, God knoweth how, & can make when it pleaseth him, priestes (without mans working & sinfull signes, that is to say, without either sacramentes or characters) to be known & discerned of the people, by their vertuous life and example, and by their true preaching of ye law of God for so made he the first made priestes & elders before the law of Moyses: and so made he Moyses a priest before Aaron, & before the ceremonies of the law, without mans operation at all: And euen so hath God made al such as are predestinate, to be his priestes. But such as be true Christians,Priests here haue a pri [...]ne not a publique vnderstanding. receiue none such as Priestes, but vnlesse they follow Christ and his apostles, neither do they beleue that they make the sacrament of the auitar (which they affirme to be Gods body) when it pleaseth thē: least happely God be not with them, forasmuch as that they do this thing for couetousnes sake, or els to brag of their owne power And therfore such as be simple men, will worship that Sacrament in this doubtfulnes, with a silent conditiō, that is, if it be made by Gods authority, and to haue their deuotiō to the body of Christ in heauen. Also, that as such be elders, if they be Gods priestes, be Bishops, Prelates, and Curats of their Christian brethren, whom they may lead to heauē by the example of their holy conuersariō, and by preaching of the gospell although they make no sacrifice to that Antichrist of Rome for their confirmation: neither be they dedicated to the world by secular diuine thinges, and by consuming the liuinges of the poore: as be those secular bishops, prelates & curates.What if there were [...]o Pope knowen, yet the Church could stand. Also, that although there were no pope according as the custome of the church is: yet Christ which is the hed of his church, doth ordeyne such a Pope as pleaseth him: and that is, whomsoeuer is most humble & lowly and best doth the office of a true Priest, although he be vnknown to ye world. And although ther were no such proud bishop aboue all the rest, as the church doth vse: yet all the priestes might well gouern the church by common asient, as once they did, before such wordly pride crept in amōgst the Bishops, &c. And admit that no such Priestes were according to the accustomed vse now of receiuing of order & torsure,I [...]nsure [...]th not [...]Priest. by such a mytred Byshoppe and his tonsure: yet: Christ knoweth both how to make and chuse such as shall well please him, both in conuersation of life, & sincere preaching of the Gospell, in ministring to his people all necessary sacraments. And euery holy man which is a minister of Christ, although he be not shauen, is a true Priest ordeined of God, although no mitred Bishoppe euer lay his character vpon him: So, that the Pope and Prelates, doe make more estimation of their Characters (as tonsures & crownes by them inuented) then of the true and perfect priesthood ordeined of God: whereas, all those that are predostinate, are true Priestes made of him.

The Popes [...]esures, like the blast of Lucifer.As touching the authoritye of the keyes and censures, no Christian man ought to esteeme Sathan (whom men call the pope) and his vniust cēsures: more then the hissing of a serpēt, or the blast of Lucifer. Also, that no man ought to trust or put confidence in the false indulgences of couetous Priestes, which indulgences do draw away the hope which men ought to repose in God, to a sort of sinful men, and do robbe the poore of such almes as is geuen to them: Such Priestes be manifest betrayers of Christ and of the whole Church, and be Sathans own stuardes to beguyle christen soules by theyr hipocrisy and fayned pardons. Also, forasmuch as those prelates and clergy men liue so execrable a life, contrary to the gospel of Christ, and examples of his Apostles, & teach not truly the gospell, but only lies and the traditions of sinfull wicked men:Popishe priests haue not the ke [...]e [...] of heauen, but rather of hell. It appereth most manifestly that they haue not the keyes of the kingdome of heauen, but rather the keyes of hell. And they may be right well assured, that God neuer gaue vnto them authority to make & establish so many ceremonies & traditions, which be contrary to the liberty of the Gospell, and are blocks in christen mens wayes, that they can neither know nor obserue the same his Gospel, in liberty of cōscience, and so attayne a ready way to heauen.

Also, that al maner of religious men, notwithstanding the chapter Religiosi, touching the priuiledges in the Clementines: may lawfully minister all sacramēts to the that are worthy the same. Forasmuch as the same is a worke of charity, which onely the will and ordinance of the pope and his sautors in this case is to hinder and set. Item, if the Pope shall interdict this our realme: that connot hurt vs,The popes curse hurteth not, but profiteth. but much profite vs: Because that therby he should seperate vs from all his wicked lawes, and frō the charges of sustaining of so many thousand shauelings, which with smal deuotiō or none at all, patter and charter a new solid song seoundum vsum Sarum. So that not whatsouer ye pope in his generall counsell hindeth in earth, is bound of God in heauen: either for that he hindeth vnreasonably, and cō tradictorily doth agaynst himself, or els for that he hath forsaken the iudgement of God.

As touching the preaching of the Gospell: whoseuer receiueth or taketh vpō him ye office of a priest or of a bishop and dischargeth not the same by the example of his good cō uersation and faythfull preaching of the Gospel: is a theef, excommunicate of God, and of holy church. And further if the curates preach not the word of God, they shalbe damned, and if they know not how to preach, they ought to resigne their benefices: So that those prelates which preach not the Gospel of Christ (although they could excuse themselues from the doing of any other euill) are dead in themselues, are Antichristes, and Sathans trāffigured into angels of light, might theues, manquellers by day night, & betrayers of Christ his people.

Concerning the sacrament of Matrimony:Gossopry not sufficient cause to restraine matrimony. Notwithstanding any spirituall kinred or gossopry, a man and woman may lawfully mary together by the law of god, with out any dispensatiō papistical. And in ye same place he sayth that if our realm do admit one not borne in matrimony or illegitimate to the imperiall crowne, so that he doth well discharge the office of a king: God maketh him a king, and by cōsequence doth reiect an other king or heyre of ye kingdome, being borne in matrimony and legitimate: So, for such spirituall kindred there ought no diuorse to be made. Also notwithstanding the Cap. Si inter de sponsalibus: If any man shall make any contract with any woman by yt wordes of the future tence, by an oth taken: & afterwards shall with an other woman make the like contract by the wordes of the present tence:The first mariage lawfully before witnes made, standeth. that then the second contract standeth. Also, it a man make any cōtract with a womā by the wordes of the future tence, vpō his oth taken: & maketh afterwardes the like contract with another not altering the words and hath carnal copulation vpon the same: the first contract maketh the matrimony good, and not the second. Also, if a man before witnes assure himselfe to a woman by a contract made in the present tence, & hath children by the same woman: & afterward the same man marieth another woman, with the like wordes in the present tence, before witnesse: Although the first witnesses be deade, or els by bribes corrupt, and ye second bring his witnesses before the iudge to proue the second contract: the first cōtract yet standeth in force, although the Pope (allowing the secōd contract) doth compell them to liue in adultery agaynst ye conmaundement of God. Also, he condemneth the decretall of the restitution of things stollen Cap. Literas tuas: which wrileth, that a man and woman hauing carnall copulation in the degree of consanguinity forbiddē, and hath no witness hereof: If the woman will depart from the man she shall be compelled by the censures, to remayne with him, and to yelde her debt. Also, in case where a man hath made cōtract with two women, with one secretly hauing no witnesse, and wich the other openly hauing witnesse: Then were is better to acknowledge the insufficiency of the law, and to suffer men to be ruled by their owne consciences, then by the censures to compell them, to committe and lyue in adultery.

As touching the keping and making of vowes:Keeping & making vowes. That vow or othe is beastly, and is without al discretion made: which to performe and keep a man hath no power but by grace geuen him of God. Because that some such there be, whom god doth not accept to perseuere in the state of chastity and perpetuall virginity: and such a one cannot keep his vow, although he make the same. Also that euery one making a vow of continencye or chastitye, when making the same he shall not be accepted of God: doth very vndiscretly, and as one without al reason maketh the same, whē he is not able of himself without ye gift of God to fulfil his promise: according to that saying of the wise mā. cap. 8. No man hath the gift of cōtinency, vnles that God geue it vnto him. For otherwise, if god help not such a one to perform the vow or othe which he hath made and sakē: No prelate can compell him, vnles he do cōtrary to Gods ordinance: [Page] but he ought to cōmit himself to the gouernment of Gods holy spirit, and his owne conscience.

Possessions of the Church.For the possessions of the Church: In another treatise it is declared, how the king, the Lordes and commōs may without any charge at all, kepe 15. garrisons, & finde 15000. souldiours, (hauing sufficient landes and reuenues to liue vpon) out of the temporalties gotten into the hands of the clergy & fained religious men: which neuer do that, which pertayneth to the office of curates to doe, nor yet to secular lords. And moreouer, the king may haue euery yere 20000 pound to come freely into his cofers and aboue. Also, may find or sustaine 15. Colledges more: and 15000. priestes and clerkes, with sufficient liuing: and a 100. hospitals for the sicke & euery house to haue one hundreth marks in lands. And all this may they take of the foresayde temporaltyes, without any charge to the realme: wherunto, the king, the Lords, and the commons are to be inuited. For otherwise there seemeth to hang ouer our heads, a great and maruelous alteratiō of this realme, vnlesse the same be put in execution. Also, if the secular Priestes and sayned religious, which be simoniackes and heretiques, which sayne themselues to say masse, and yet say none at all, according to the Canons,1. q. 3.24. q. 1. Cap pudenda. which to their purpose the bring and alledge. 1. q 3. Audiuimus. & cap. Pudenda. & cap. Schisma: By which chap. such priestes and religious do not make the Sacrament of the aultar: That then all Christians, especially all the soū ders of such Abbeyes and indowers of bishoprickes, priories, and chaunteries: ought to amend this fault and treason committed agaynst their predecessors, by taking from them such secular dominiōs which are the mayntenance of all their sinnes. And also, that Christian Lords & princes are bound to take away from the clergy, such secular dominion as noseleth & nourisheth them in heuesies: & ought to reduce them vnto the simple and poore life of Christ Iesus, and his Apostles.

And further, that all Christian Princes (if they will amend the maledictiō and blasphemy of the name of God) ought to take away their temporalities frō that shauen generation,Belly cheare of yl disposed prelats, and of Monasteries not to be nourished with temporalties and appropriations. which most of all doth nourish them in such malediction: And so in likewise, the fat tithes from Churches appropriat to rich monks & other religions fained by manifest lying, & other vnlawful meanes, likewise ought to debar their golde to the proud Priest of Rome, which doth poyson all Christendome with Simony and heresy. Further, that it is a great abhomination that Bishops, mōks, and other prelates, be so great Lords in this world, where as Christ with his Apostles, and disciples, neuer took vpon thē secular dominion, neither did they appropriat vnto them churches as these men do: but led a poore life, & gaue a good testimony of theyr priesthood. And therfore, all Christians ought to the vttermost of theyr power and strength to sweare that they will reduce such shauelings, to the humility and pouerty of Christ and his Apostles: And whosoeuer thus doth not, consenteth to theyr heresy. Also, that these two chapiters of the immunitye of Churches, are to be condemned, that is, cap. Non minus, and cap. Aduersus. Because they doe decree, that temporall Lordes may neyther require tallages nor tenthes, of any Ecclesiasticall persons.

Correction of the clergie.Now to the correction of the clergy: By the law of god and by reason, the king and all other Christians may take reuenge of Italye, and of all the false Priests and Clerkes within the same, and to reduce them vnto the humble ordinaunce of Iesus Christ. Also, that the law of Siluester the Pope,2 q. 5. Praesul. Ibid Nallam. which is declared in 2. q. 5. cap. Praesul, and cap. Nullam, is cōtrary to the law of Christ & either testament. And that proud and ambitious Siluester by this lawe, so defended two Cardinals which were not to be defended by the law of Christ: that by no meanes they might be conuinced, although they were both vicious & euil. And although christ susteined and suffered the iudgemēt of vniust temporal iudges: Our mitred prelates in these dayes, so magnify themselues beyond christ and his Apostles, that they refuse and will none of such iudgements. Also, that those decretals of accusations cap. Quādo & Qualiter. Which do prohibite that any clerkes should be brought before a secular iudge to receiue iudgement: do contayne both heresy, blasphemy, and error, and bringeth great gayne and commodity to Antechristes cofers.

Furthermore, that all Christian kinges and Lordes, ought to exclayme agaynst the Pope and those that be hys sautors, and banish them out of theyr landes, till such time as they will obey God, and his Gospell, Kings and other ministers of Gods iustice. Also, that bishops and theyr fauourers, that say it appertayneth not to kings and secular Lordes (but vnto them and theyr Officials) to punish adultery and fornicatiō: do fall into manifest treason agaynst the king,Punishing of adultery belongeth to secular magistrates rather then to prelates. and heresy agaynst the scripture. Also, that it appertayneth to the king, to haue the order both of priests & bishops, as these kings Salomon and Iosaphat had.

Furthermore, that chapter Nullus iudicium de foro conpetenti, by the which secular iudges are forbidden without the Bishops commandement to condemne any Clerk to death: Is manifestly agaynst the holy scripture, declaryng that kinges haue power ouer clerkes & priestes to punish thē for their deserued crimes. Also that the decree of Boniface de poenis in 6. cap. foelicis, made agaynst the persecutors, strikers, and imprisoners of Cardinals, as contrary both to the holy scripture & to all reason. Also, that by the law of God and reason a secular Lord may lawfully take a Cardinal & put him in prison for committing the crime of open sunony, adultery, & manifest blasphemy. Also yt the chapier Si Papa dist. 40. which sayth that the Pope ought to be iudged of none, vnles he be deuius a fide, is cōtrary to ye gospell which sayth: If thy brother sinne agaynst thee correct him. Also where as S. Gregory and S. Augustine called themselues the seruaunts of Gods seruants: this proud bishop of Rome which will not be iudged by his subiects (which be in very deed his Lordes, if they be iust & good men) doth destroy the order of Gods law, and all humility, and doth extoll himself aboue God and his Apostles. Also, that christian kings ought, not onely to iudge this proud bishop of Rome, but also to depose him, by the example that Cestrensis lib. 6. cap. 8. declareth, of Otho the Emperour, which deposed Iohn the xii. and did institute Leo in his place.Good kings ought to depose wicked Popes. And further, he maketh an exhortation to the Princes to iudge the Church of Rome, which he calleth the great and cursed strompet, of whom S. Iohn writeth in the Apocalips, chap. 17.

Lastly, touching the lawes and determinations of the church: Christians haue reasonable excuses and causes to repell the statutes of the pope and of his shauelings, which be not expresly grounded in the holy scriptures, or els vpon reason ineuitable. Also he sayth that that law whiche is set forth of consecration distinctione. 2. cap. Seculares & cap. Omnis homo, & cap. Et si non frequentius, & cap. In coena domini: De censecratione, id est. 2. cap. Seculares. That such secular men as do not receiue the sacrament ot the aultar at Christmas, Easter, and Whitsontide, are not to be counted amongest the number of Christians, nor are to be estemed as christiās: wherby it followeth, that all Clerkes and lay men that obserue not the same, it seemeth they go strait to hell. But if this law be of no force, for that the custome and vse in receiuing is contrary to the same: then may we blesse such rebellion & disobediēce to the pope and his law, for otherwise we should flee to hel without any stay or let. Wherby we may conclude, that all Christiās ought well to practise this schoole of disobedience against ye Pope and all his lawes (not founded vpon the holy scripture) which do let men to clime to heauen by the keping of charity, and the liberty of the Gospell. Also, that Christian men haue great cause to refuse the lawes and statutes of these worldly clerkes, which ye people call the papal lawes and bishoplike statutes, for the couetousnesse and voluptuousnesse of them: without the which, the church & congregation of God might safely run towards heauē by ye sweet yoke of the Lord, as it did 1000. yeres before the said lawes were prescribed and sēt to the Uniuersities, and withdrew mē from studiyng of ye holy scripture, for the desire of benefices and worldly goods. Also that simple men do reuerētly receiue the sentences of the Doctors and other lawes,The Popes lawes contrarye to themselues. so farre forth as they be expresly groūded vpon the holy scripture or good reason. Also, that where as the Popes lawes, & lawes of his ministers & clerks be both cōtrary to them selues, and haue not theyr foūdation neither vpon ye scripture, nor yet vpon reason: simple mē ought to bid thē farewell. Also, that when all the apostles faith fayled thē in the time of the Lords passiō, fayth thē rested in the blessed virgin: much more might that proud priest of Rome with all his rabble easily erre in the fayth, and yet is the Christian fayth preserued whole and safe, in the faythful members of Christ, which are his true Church: But the Pope and all his rablement,The pope & his Cardinals no part of the true Church. cannot proue that they be any part of thys Church. Also, that the Pope with all his fautours, may as well be deceiued by a lying spirite, as was Achab and all his prophetes: and that one true prophet, as was Micheas may haue the verity shewed vnto him contra concilium, Also, that all good Christians ought to cast from them the Popes lawes, saying: Let vs breake their bandes in sonder, and let vs cast from our neckes those heauy yonkes of theyrs.The Canon lawe full of heresie. Also, that where these prelates doe burne one good booke, for one errour perhaps conteyned in the same: they ought to burne all the books of the Canon law, for the manifold heresies contayned in them.

¶ And thus muche out of a certaine olde written booke [Page] in parthment borowed ouce of I.B. which booke conteining diuers auncient records of the vniuersitie: seemeth to belong sometimes to the library of the Uniuersitie, bearing the yeare of the compiling thereof. 1296. Which computation if it be true, then was it written of him or that he recanted before Thomas Arundell Archbishop at Saltwood, where he was imprisoned. Whereunto I thought also to annexe, a certayne godly and most frutefull Sermon, of like antiquitie, preached at Paules crosse much about the same time, learned clerke, as I find in one old monument, named R. Wimbeldon. Albeit among the auncient registers and records belonging to the Archbishop of Canterbury: I haue an old worne copy of the said Sermon, written in very old English, and almost halfe consumed with age: purposing the said autor beere of bearing also the foresayd name. The true copy of which Sermon, in his owne speech wherein it was first spoken and preached at the crosse, on the Sonday of Quinquagesima, and after exhibited to the Archbishop of Canterburie (being then as it seemeth William Courtney) here foloweth.

A Sermon no lesse godly then learned, preached at Paules Crosse on the Sonday of Quinquagesima. ann. 1389. by R. Wimbeldon.

1

Redde rationem Gillicationis tuae.

Luce & [...]i.

Math. 20. The sermon of K. Wimbeldon. My dere frends, ye shullen vnderstond: that Christ autor and doctour of trueth, in his booke of the Gospell (likening the kingdome of heauen to anhousholder) saith on this maner. Like is the kingdome of heuen to an housholding man, that went out first on the morow to hire workemen into his vine. Also, about the third, sixt, nienth and enleuente houres he went out, and found men stonding idel. And sayd to them. Go ye into min vineyerde, and that right is, I wille geue you. Whan the day was agoo, he clepid his stuward and high to geue echē man a peny.

The calling of God is [...]iuers.The spirituall vnderstonding of this housholder, is our Lord Iesu Christ that is head of the houshold of holy Church. And thus clepith men in diuerce houres of the day, that is in diuerce agees of the werld. As in time of law of kinde, he cleped by enspiryng, Abel, Ennok, Noe, and Abraham. In time of the old law, Moses, Dauid, Isay, and Ieremy. And in time of grace, Apostles Martyrs, and Confessours and Virgines. Also he cleped men in diuers agees, some on childhode, as Iohn Baptist: some on state of wexing, as Iohn the Euangelist: some in state of manhoode, as Peter and Andrew: and some in old agee as Gamaliel, and Ioseph of Arimathie. And all these he clepeth to trauaile in his vine, that is the Church, and that in diuers maner. For right as yee seeth, that in tilling of the materiall vine there ben diuers labours, for some kutten awey the voyde braunches, some maken forkis and railes to beren vp the vine, and some diggen away the olde earth fro the rote, and leyn there fatter. And all this offices ben so necessary to the vine, that if any of them faile, it shall harme greatly, other destroy the vine: For but if the vine be kutte, she shall waxe wilde, but if she be rayled she shall be ouergo with netles and wedis. And but if the rote be fatted with donge, shee for feblenes shuld waxe baraine.

Right so in the Church beth nedefull thes three offices, priesthood, knythode, and laborers. To priests it falleth, to kut away the void braunches of sinnes with the swerd of her tong. To knighthode it falleth to letten wronges, and thefftes to ben done, and to maintaine Goddis law, and them that ben teachers therof, and also to kepe the londe from enemies of other londes. And to labourers it falleth, to trauail bodelich, and with ther sore swete, geten out of the earth bodillech lifelode for hem, and other parties. And these states beth also nedefull to the Church, that none may well ben without other, for if priesthod lacked, the people for default of knowing of Gods lawe, should waxe wilde in vices, and deyen gostely. And if the knithod laked, and men to rulin the puple by law and hardinesse, theeues and enemies shulden so encres that no man shuld liue in peace. And if the laborers were nought, both knightes and priestes must bicome acre men and herdis: and els, they shuld for defaute of bodily sustenaunce deye. And therfore saith clerk Auicenne, that euery vnreasonable best if he haue that that kind hath ordeined for him: as kinde hath ordeined it: he is suffisaunce to liue by himselfe without any helpe of other of the same kind. As if there were but one horse other one shepe in the world, yet if he had grasse and corne as kind hath ordeined for such beastes, he shuld liue well I now. But if there ne were but O man in the world, though he had all that good that is therein, yet for defaut he shuld deie, or his life shuld be wors tha if he were naught, & the cause is this for that thing that kind ordeineth for a mans sustenaunce, without other arraieng than it hath of kind, accordeth nought to him. As though a man haue corne as it commeth from the earth, yet it is no meate according to him, vnto it be by mans craft, chaunged into bread: and though he haue flesh other fish, yet while it is rawe as kinde ordeined it, till it be by mans trauaile sodden, rosted, or baken, it cordit not to mans lifelode. And right so, wolle that the sheepe beareth mot by mannis diuers craftis and trauailes be chaunged or it be able do cloth any man: and certis O man by himselfe; shuld neuer doo all these laboures. And therefore saith this clerke, it is neede that some be acre men, some bakers, some makers of cloth, and some marchaunts to fetch that, that on londe fetteth from an other there it is plentie.

And certis this shuld be a cause why, euery state shuld loue other. And men of o craft shuld nor despise ne hate men of none other craft, fith they be so nedefull euerich to other. And oft thelke craftes that ben most vnhonest, might worst ben forbore: and o thing I dare well say that he that is neither trauailing in this world, on studieng, on praiers, on preaching, for helpe of the people as it falleth to prists, neither ruling the people, mainteining ne defending fro enemies as it falleth to knights, neither traueling on the earth, in diuerse craftes, as it falleth to labourers: Whan the day of rokening commeth that is, the end of this life, right as he liued here withouten trauaile, so he shall there lack the reward of the pense, that is, the endles ioie of heauen. And as he was here liuing after none state ne order, so he shall be put than in that place that no order is in, but euerlasting horror and sorow, that is in hell. Herfore, eueriche man se to what state God hath cleped him, and dwell he therin by trauaile according to his degree.Iob. 10 2. Cor. 7. 1. Peter. 2. Thou that art a laborer or a crafty man, do this truelly. If thou art a seruaunt or a bond man, be suget and lowe in drede of displeasing of thy Lord: If thou art a marchaunt, disceiue nought thy brother in chaffering. If thou art a knight or a Lord, defend the poore man and needy fro handes that will harme them.1. Thes. 4. Prou. 8. 2. Tim. 4. If thou art a Iustice or a Iudge, go not on the right hand by fauour, neyther on the left hand, to punish any man for hate. If thou art a priest, vndernine, praye, and repreue, in all maner patience and doctrine. Vnderuime thilke that ben negligent, pray for thilke that bene obedient, reproue tho that ben vnobedient to God. So euery man trauaile in his degree. For whan the euen is come, that is, the end of this worlde: than euerye man shall take reward, good or euill, after that he hath traualled here.

The wordes that I haue taken to make of my sermon, be thus muche to say. Yelde reconing of thy bayly. Christ autour of pitye and louer of the saluation of his people, in the proces of this gospell enfourmeth euery man what is his baylye, by maner of a parable of a bayly that he speaketh of, to aray him to answer of the goodes that God hath taken him, when the day of straight reconing shall be come, that is the day of dome. And so I at this tyme throwe the helpe of God, folowing him that is so great a maister of autoritie, because that I know nothing that should more drawe away mans vnreasonable loue fro the passing ioy of thys world, then the minde of the dreadfull reconing. As much as suffice, I shall shewe you how ye shall dispose you to auoide the vengeaunce of God, when ther shalbe time of so straight doome, that we shall geue reconing of euery idle word that we haue ispoken. For than it shal be said to vs,Nota, and we shall not flee it: Yelde reconing of thy bayly.

But for forther proces of this first party of this sermon, yee shall wete: that there shall be three bay lifes that shall be cleped to this straight reconing. Twaine to answer for them selfe and for other, that bene priests that haue cure of mens soules, & temporal mē that haue gouernayle of people: and the thirde baylyf shall acount onely for himselfe, and that is euerye Christen man, of that he hath receiued of God. And euery of these shall aunswer to three questions:Three questions The first. Second. Third. To the first question, how hast thou entred? The second, how hast thou ruled: And to the third, how hast thou liued? And if thou canst well assoile these three questions, was there neuer none earthly Lord that euer so well rewarded his seruant without comparison, as thy Lord God shal reward thee, that is with blisse, and ioye, and life that euer shall last. But on that other side, and thou wilt now be recheles of thine owne welfare, and take none heede of this reconing: If that day take thee sodainly, so that thou passe hence in deadly sinne (as thou worst neuer what shall fall thee) all the toungs that euer were, or euer shall be, mow not tell the sorrowe and wo that thou shalt euer be in, and suffer. Therefore, the desire of so great ioy, and the dread of so great paine, thoughe loue ne dread of God were not in thine hart: yet should that make thee afeard to sinne, for to thinke that thou shalt giue reconing of thy bayly. Therefore as I say to thee, the first question that shall be proposed to the first bayly, that is a prelat other a Curat of mens soules, is this: How hast thou entred? Math. xxij. Friend, how entredst thou hether? Who brought thee in to this office? Truth or Symony? God or the Deuill? Grace or mony?Against Simony The flesh or the spirit? Giue thou thy reconing if thou canst. If thou canst not, I rede that thou tary for to learne. For vp hap ere night thou shalt be cleped. And if thou stande dombe for vnkunning, [Page] or els for confusion of thy conscience: thou fall into the sentence that anon followeth: Binde his handes and his feete, and cast him in to the vtter warde of darknes, there shall be weeping and grenning of teethe. Therfore I rede thee, that thou aduise thee how thou shalt answer to this question. How hast thou entred? whether by cleeping, or by thine owne procuring: for that thou wouldest trauaile in Gods gospell, other for thou wouldest be richly arayed? Answere now to thy owne conscience as thou shalt answer to God, thou that hast take now the order of prieste, whether thou be curate or none: who stirred thee to take vpon thee so high an estate? Whether for thou wouldest liue as a priest ought to do studying of Gods law to preach, and most hartely to pray for the people: or for to liue a delicious life, vpon other mens trauayle, and thy selfe trauaile nought.Questio. Why also setten men theyr sonnes either their cousins to schole? Whereto, but for to get them great aduancements, or to make them the better to knowe howe they shoulden serue God?Solutio. This men may see openly, by the sciences that they set them to. Why I pray you, put men their sonnes to the law ciuill,Questio. or to the kings court to write letters & writs: rather thā to Philosophy or Diuinity, but for the hope that these occupations shoulde be euer means, to make them great in the world. I hope that ther wil no man say, that they ne shoulde better learne the rule of good liuing in the booke of Gods law, than in any bookes of mans worldly wisedome?Solutio. Iohannes Chrisostomus Homelia 27. But certes now it is so the, that Iohn Chrisostom saith Mothers be louing to the bodies of their children, but the soule they despise, they desire them to wel fare in this world, but they take none hede what they shall suffer in the tother: Some or deinen fees for their children, but none ordeine them to godward: The lust of their bodies they wol deere by, but the health of their soule the reke nought of. If they see them poore or sicke, they sorrow and sigheth, but though they see them sinne, they sorrowe not. And in this they shew that they brought forth the bodies but not the soules.Note. And if we take heede truly, what abhominations be scattered and spread abrode in holy church now adayes among priestes: we shul wel wit, that they come not all to the folde of Christ by Christes clepping for to profite: but by other wayes to get them worldly welth, and this is the cause of lesing of soules, that Christ bought so deare, and of many errours among the people: and therefore, it is iwrit in the booke of mourning, where the prophet speaketh thus to God. Tre 1. The enemy hath put his hand to all things desyrable to him:The rashe making of ministers. for he hath let lawles folke enter into the sanctuary, of the which thou hadst commaunded, that they should not enter into the church: This enemy is Sathanas, as his name sowneth, that hath put his hande to all that him liketh. What sinne I pray you will the fiend haue sow on men, that nis now yvsed? In what plentie is now pride, enuy, wrath and couetise? Whan were they so great as they be now, and so of all other sinnes. And why trowest thou? But for there be a lawles people entred into thy sanctuarie, that neither keepe in hemselfe the law of God, ne konne teachen other:Ose. 4. And to euery such, saith God by the prophet, Ose 4. For that thou hast put away cunning: I shall put thee away that thou shal vse no priesthoode to me. Lo that God expresly heere in holy writte, forbiddeth men to take the state of pristhoode on them, but they haue cunning, that needeth them. Thou than that canst neither rule thy selfe ne other, after the lawe of God, beware how thou wilt answer to God, at his dreadfull dome, when he shall say to thee, that which I tooke to my theame.

Yeld the reckening of thy baily, how thou hast entred.

The second question, that euery curate and prelate of holye Chirch shall aunswer to, is this. How hast thou ruled? That is to say, the soules of thy suggets, and the goods of poore men: Geue now thine acounte. First, how thou hast gouerned gods folke that were take thee to keepe: Whether art thou an herde or an hired man? that doost all for loue of bodelich hi e? As a father, or as a Wolfe, that eaten his sheepe and keepeth them nought? Say whome thou hast turned from his cursed liuing, by thy deuout preaching,Bernardus. Whome hast thou taught the law of God that was earst vncunning: Ther shal ben heard a greuous accusing of fatherles children, and a hard aledging, that priests haue liueden by their wages, and not done away their sins. Yelde also rekoning how thou hast ruled and spended the goodes of poore men. Harke what S. Bernard saith. Dreade clarkes, dreade the ministers of the Church, the which ben in the place of saintes, that they do so wickedly, nought holding them apayd with such wages that were sufficient to them: That ouerplus that needy men shuld be sustained by, they be not ashamed to wast in the house of their pride and leachery, and withholden to themselfe wickedly and cursedly that which should be the lifeloode of poore men. With double wickednes truly they sinne. First, for they reeuen other mens goods, and faith they misuse holy things in their vanities and in their filthes. Euery such Bayly therefore beware, for anone, to the last far thing he shall recken with Christ. Trowest thou not then, that thou ne shalt be disalowed of God of that thou hast mispended in in feeding of fat Palfreys, of hounds, of Haukes, and if it so be that is worst of all, on lecherous women? Heare what is sayd of suche. They had led their dayes in wealths. And in a poynt they bene gone down into hell: Think therefore I rede thee, that thou shalt yelde reckening of thy bayly.

The third question that this baily shal aunswer to, is this: How hast thou lyued? What light of holynes hast thou shewed in thy liuing to the people, or what mirrour hast thou ben of holynes to them? Geue now thy reconing, how thou hast liued, as a priest, or as a leude man as a man or as a beast. That is to wonder truelye how the lyfe of priestes is chaunged They be clothen as knights, they speaken as vnhonestly as carels, other of wynnyng as Marchaunts: They riden as princes, and al that is thus spended, is of the goodes of poore men, and of Christs heretage. Therfore saith an holy doctor: The clay of Egypt was tough and stinking, and medled with bloud. The slates were harde to bee vndoe, for they were baked with fire of couetise, and with the light of lust. In this trauayleth riche men, in this they wake, a wayting poore men. In these trauaileth prelates, that ben to much blent with to much shining of riches, that make them houses lyke churches in greatnes, that with diuers pointries, coloren their chambers, that with diuers clothinges of colours, make images gay: but the poore mā for default of clothes beggeth; and with an empty wombe cryeth at the doore: And if I shall the foth say, saith this doctor, oft tyme poore men be robbed for to clothe the trees and stones:Esa. 22 quis in bio aus quasi quid his. Of such speaketh the Prophet. Howe art thou here? or as who art thou? Here thou art occupying the place of Peter and of Poule, or of Thomas or of Martine: But how, as Iudas among the Apostles, as Symon Magus among the disciples, as a candle now queinte that stincheth all the house in steede of a light lanterne, as a smoke that blindeth mens eyen, in place of cleane fire. If thou contrarye thus the forme of liuing that Christ and his disciples left to priests:Iere. 31. Lo what saith the prophet Ieremye. They haue entred, and they haue had and nought ben obedient. They hauen with false title or with their false and corrupt intention, had poore mens goodes to their misusing, and they haue not bee obedient to the lawe of God in their owen liuing.Sap. 6. Therefore it is writ, that the hardest dome shall fall on such. An hard dome, for they haue misentred An harder dome, for they haue misruled. And the hardest dome, for they haue so cursedlie liued. Thinke therefore I rede, how thou wilte giue reckning of thy bayly.

The second Bayliff,Kinge [...], Princes and magistrates admonished. How thou hast entred. that accounteth at this dome for himselfe and also for other, is he: that keping hath of any communite, as kings, princes, Maiers, and Shireues, and iustices. And these shull also answer to the same three questions. The first question, how hast thou hentred, that is to say, into thine office: Other for help of the people to destroy falshed and forthren treuth? other for desire of winning or worldly worship? If thou take such an office, more for thine owne worldly profite, than for helpe of the comunite, thou art a tirant as the pholosopher seith. For it is to feare least there bene too many that desiren suche states, that they may the rather oppresse thilke that they hateth, and take giftes to spare to punish thilke, that hauen trespassed, and so maketh them parteners of their sinnes. And many such, when they ben so high, they reck nought that they beeth poore mens brethren: but they wene to passe them in kind, as they passeth in worldly worship, that is but winde: of which God faith by the prophet, they hauen raigned, but nought of me, they haue bene princes but I knowe nought.Os [...]. 8. 2. Para. 10. So we reade of Roboam, that was the son of king Salomon, what time he was first king, the people of Israell comen to him, and sayd: Thy father in his last dayes, put on vs great charge. We pray thee some deale make it lighter, and we willen serue thee. And the king tooke counsayle of the olde wise men, and they counsailden to answer them faire, and that should be for the best. But he left these old wise mennis counsayle, and did after the counsayle of children that were his playferen, and sayd to the people, when they came agayne: My left finger, is greater then my fathers riegge. My father greeued you somewhat, but I will echen more thereto. And the people heard this, and rebeleden to him, and tooke them another king and fithe, the kingdome came neuer whole againe. And therefore it is good, that euery ruler of cominalties, that they be not lad by follies, ne by none other eare rowner, that he ne haue an eygh of loue to the comontie that he hath to rule. For were ye well be he neuer so high, that he shall come afore his higher, to yelde reconing of his bayly.

The second question is:How hast thou ruled. How hast thou ruled the people, and the office that thou haddest to gouerne? Thou that hast bene a Iudge in causes of poore men, how hast thou kept this hest of God? Thou shalt not take heede to the person of a poore man, to bee to him the harder for his pouertie,Deut. 9. ne thou shalt not behold a rich mans semblance, to spare or to fauour him in his wrong for his riches. O Lorde, what abusion is there among officers of both lawes, now adayes: If a great man pleadeth with a poore man, to haue ought that he holdeth, euery officer shall be readie to hye all that he may, that the rich man might haue such an end as he desired. But if a poore man pleade with a ritch man, than there shall be so manye delayes, that though the poore mans right be open to all the Countrie, for pure faute of spending, he shall be glad to cease. Shriues and Bayliffes willen retourne [Page] poore mens writs, with tarde Genit, but gif they feelen meede in their hands. And yet I heare sale, men that hauen seyen both lawes,Pro. 13. that ilke court that is cleeped Christes court, is much more cursed. Therefore it is writ: giftes they taken out of mens bosoms,Math. 7. to ouerturne the right way of dome. But it is to dread the word of Christ: In what dome ye deeme, ye should be demed when ye comen to yelde a reconing of your bayly.

The third question is: Howe hast thou lyued, thou that deemest and punishest other men for their trespas. A great doctor saith:How hast thou liued. thee behoueth to flee the wickednes of other men, that thou chastieest them for their trespas. For if thy selfe do vnlawfullich in deeming other men, thou damnest thy selfe, sythe thou doest that thou damnest. And Poul saith: why teachest thou nought thy selfe,Rom. 5. that thou teachest other? Why stealest thou, that teachest nought other men to steale? Saint Gregorie saith: He shall not take gouernaile of other, that can not go before them in good liuing. And when anye man stand before him in dome, he must take heede to fore what Iudge he shall stand him selfe, to take his dome after his deedes. But it is to dread, that manie fareth as the twe false priests that woulden haue damned to death holie Susan,Susan. for she would not assent to their leacherie. Of the which it is writ: they turned awaie their eyen, for they would not see heauen, ne haue mynde of rightfull domes. So it happeth ofte, they that were more woorthie to bee hanged, damneth them that be lesse woorthye, as a clarcke telleth of Socrates the Philosopher,Socrates. sayth hee, vpon a day a man asked of hym why hee laughed. And hee sayd: for I see great theeues leaden a little theefe to hanging. I pray thee, whether is hee a greater theefe that bynimeth a man hys house and hys land from hym and from his heyres for euermore,Valerius Maximus libro. 7. other hee that for making of great neede, stealeth a sheepe or a calfe. Whether trow wee nought, that it happeth such extortioners to be other whyle Iudges, and demeth men thus: But I read thee that thus deemest other, thinke on that dome thou shalt come to, to yelde the rekening of thine bayly.

The third Baylife that shall be cleped to this dreadfull a count shall bee euerie Christian man, that shall geue rekening to his Lord God, for goods that he hath had of hys. And heere I wyll speake but of the first question,The third Baily. Austen. The third admonition in generall to euery christé man. that is this: How entrest thou, And heere by the waie, yee that haue goten anie, worldly good, other take by extortion, by rauayne, by vsurie, other by disceit: Wo shall be to him at this dreadfull daie as Sainct Austen sayth. If he be cast into the fire that hath nought giuen of his owne good: where trowest thou shall he be castin, that hath reued other mens from them. And if he shulle brenne with the send that hath nought clothed the naked,Moralli. Greg. 8. [...]atha. 6. where trowest shall he brenne that hath made him naked that was earst clothed. But as Sainct Gregorie sayth, two thinges maketh men to liue thus by rauaine of other neighbours, that they desire heynes and drede pouertie, and what vengeaunce falleth of this sinne of couetise, I may see by figure in holy writ, whan the Angell sayd to Prophet Zacharie. Rere vp thine eyen, and see what is that goeth out. And the Prophet sayd what is it? Then the Angell sayd, this is the pot going out, this is the eize of hem on all the earth, And there was a weihgt of lede I bore, and there was a woman sitting in the middle of this potte. And the Angell sayd, this is impietie: And he tooke her, and cast her into the middle of this pot, and he tooke the gobette of leed and caste it into the pots mouth. And the Prophet lift vp his eye,Expositio. and he saw twoo women comming out, and spirites in her wing is like two kytes other gledes: and they are rid vp this pot betweene heauen and the earth, and than the Prophete spake to the Aungell, whider wol these beare this pot? And he sayd, into the lond of Sennaar: This pot is couetise. For right as a pot hathe a wide open mouth, so couetise gapeth after worldly good: and right as the licour in the pot, profiteth nought to the pot, but to men that draweth and drinketh thereof: so worldlie good ofte, profiteth not to churlles, but to other that commeth after, as it is written. He that hath money, shall haue no frute of it. And this couetise is the eye of couetous men:Eccl. 5. for they ben blinde to see how they shuld see to go to heauen, but to winning of worldly things they see manie wayes, lyke to owles, and nightcrowes, that seene better by night than by day. The gobbet of lead, is the syn of obstination. The woman that sat in the pot, is vnpittie, as the Angell sayd, that foloweth vnrighteousnes and auarice. For through auarice, a man leeseth the pitie that he shuld haue of the mischiefe of his soule. For oft tyme, men leese the lyfe of theyr soule, by deadlie sinne that they doo to haue worldly winning: and also they leese the pitie that they should haue of their bodie, putting them selfes to manie great bodelye trauayls and perils both by sea, and land, and all maketh couetise. This pot is stopped with the gobbet of leade, when vnpitie is thus by synne of obstination closed in couetise, that he may not goe out of the chinches harte by penaunce.Iob. 22. For as Iob sayth: when he is fulfylled, he shall bee stopped. The two women that bare vp this pot, are pride and lust of flesh, that be cleped in holie writ the twey daughtren of the water Lethe, crying: bring, bring. And they had wings: the fyrst wing is grace spirituall, as cunning, wisedome, and counsell, with such other manie For which gifts manie men wexe proud. The second wing is bodely grace,Against couetise. as strength, fairehood, gentrie, and manie other such, whereof men wexe proud. The winges of the second woman that is fleshlie desire, both glotony and slouth. Of glotonie speaketh S. Gregorie:Gregory. August. de conflictu Sortutis & Socorum Bartholomeus de proprietatibus rerum. Austen. when the wombe is fulfilled, the prickes of leacherie beth meued. And of slouth S. Austine sayth: Lot the whyle he dwelled in busines among shrewes in Sodome, he was a good man. But when he was in the hyll slowe, for sykkernes, he in his dronkennes lay by hys daughtren. And these women had wynges lyke Kytes, that with a crieng voyce seecheth theyr meate, as Bartholomeus sayth. And thus fareth couetise of men. Witnessing Sainct Austine, what is the greedynes of fleshlye desire. In as much as the rauenous fyshes haue sometime measure, yet when they hunger, they rapin, and when they fulfill, they spare: But onely couetise of men may not bee fulfilled. For euer he taketh, and neuer hath inough. Neither hee dreadeth God, neither shame of men. He ne spareth hys father, ne knoweth his mother, ne accordeth with his brethren, neyther keepeth truth with hys frende. He ouerpresseth widowes and fatherles children. Freemen he maketh bond, and bringeth foorth false witnes, and occupieth dead mens things, as he shoulden neuer dye. What manhoode is this, sayth this doctour, thus to leese lyfe and grace,Augustin. Psal. 54. Innocentius. and get death of soule? Win gold, and leese heauen? And herefore sayth the Prophet, haue trauaile in the midst, and leaue vnrighteousnes. Also Innocent speaking of the harmes that come of couetoise, sayth thus: O how manie men hath couetise deceiued and spilt? When couetise Balaam would for giftes that the kinge profered him, haue cursed Gods people, his owne Asse reproued hym, and hurt his foote agaynst a wall. Achor was stoned to death, for couetise made him steale gold and clothes, against the commaundement of God. Giesy was smit with mesilrie,Nume 22. Iosne. 7. 4 Reg. 5. Acts. 5. for he sold Naamans heale, that came of Gods grace. Iudas for couetise sold Christ, and afterward hoong himselfe. An any and Zaphira his wife were dead sodainlie, for they forsoken to giue Peter theyr money that they had. And couetise maketh also that rich men eate the poore, as beastes done their lesous holding them lowe. This may we see all daye, in deede I dread. For if a ritche man haue a field, and a poore man haue in the middest or in the side thereof one acre, and a riche man haue all a streete saueth O house, that some poore brother of hys oweth, he ceaseth neuer till he get it out of the poore mans hand, eyther by prayer, or by bying, or by pursuing of disceit. Thus fared it by kyng Achab, that throughe his false Queenes ginne slowe the poore man Naboth, for that he woulde not sell hym hys vyneyard that was nye to the Kings palace. Vpon which proces,Ambrosius de sue libello de Naboth. thus sayth Sainct Ambrose: How far wyll yee ritche men stretche your couetise? Wyll yee dwell alone vppon the earth, and haue no poore man wyth you? Why put yee out your felow by kynde, and chalenge to your selfe the possession comen by kynde? In commune to all ritch and poore the earth was made, Why will yee ritche chalenge proper right heerein? Kynde knoweth no riches, that bringeth foorth all men poore. For wee bee not got with rich clothes, ne borne wyth golde ne wyth syluer. Naked hee bringeth them to this world, needie of meate and of drinke and clothing. Naked the earth taketh vs, as she naked brought vs hyther. She can not close with vs our possession in sepulchre, for kynde maketh no difference be [...]weene poore and rich, in comming hyther, ne in goyng hence. All in o manner hee bringeth foorth, all in o manner he closeth in graue. Who so wyll make difference of poore and rytch, abyde tyll they haue a little whyle leyne in the graue. Than open and looke among dead bones who was rych, and who was poore, but if it be thus that mo clothes rotteth with the ritche, then wyth the poore: and that harmeth to them that beth on lyue,Iohn. 24. and profytte not to them that beene deade: Thus sayth the Doctour of suche extortion as it is writ. Other mens fields they repeth, and fro the vyne of hym that the harme oppressed, they plucke awaye the grapes: they leueth men naked, and taketh awaye her clothis that hath nought wherewith to helle them in cold, and liften vp this pot bytwene heauen and earth. For couetous men nother haueth charite to ther brethren vpon earth, neyther to God in heauen: and they bare this pot into the lond of Sennaar, that is to say, into the lond of Stenche, that is hell, for there shall be stench, in stede of sweete smelling as I say sayth. Beware I rede, that yee nought haue to do with this pot, no with the woman therein: and on all maner that ye be nought wed did to her for than yee must be both one. This is thilke foule lecherous woman: the kynges and marchauntis of the earth haue done leachery, and of her vertue they haueth bee made riche, whose dampnation is writen in the booke of priuities in these wordes. In o day, shall come all this vengeaunces of her death, weping and hunger and fire shall brenne her, for stronge is God that shall venge hym on her, and than shulleth weepe and howle vp on her the kynge [...] of the earth, that haueth done lechery with her, and haueth liu [...] delices when they shull see the smoke of her brenning, stonding aferre weping and weyling and saying. [Page] Alas alas, thilke great citie that was clothed with bis and purpre, and brasile, and ouergilte with gold and precious stones and pearle. For in one houre all these great riches shall be destroyed, than shall they sey that shall bee damned with her. We haue erred fro the waye of trouth and rightwisnes, light haue not shined to vs, and the sonne of vnderstonding haue not resen to vs: we haue be made weery in euerich way of wickednes and of lust, and haue gone hard wayes, but the wayes of God we knew nought: what hath pride profited to vs, or the boast of riches what hath it brought to vs? All this is as a shadow of death, and we mow now shew no token of holynes: in our wickednes we be wasted away. Thinke therefore I read, that thou shalt yelde rekening of thy bayly.

Here endeth the first part of this Sermon, and beginneth the second part.

2

IN which secōd part with the helpe of God I will shew first, who shall clepe vs to this recKenyng. Afterward, to fore what iudge we shall reckyn: and last what punishyng shall be do to them that ben found false seruauntes and wicked, and what reward shall be gyue to them that be founde good and true. For the first ye shall wetoen that there shall be twey domes. The first doome anone after the departyng of body and of soule, an this shall be speciall. And of this rekenyng or doome speaketh the Gospell of Luke. The second reckenyng or doome shal be anone after the generall resurrection,Math. 27. & shal be vniuersal. And of this is to spekē in the Gospel. To the first euery man shalbe cleped after other, as the wolrde passeth. To the secunde shall comeo togedre in the stroke of an eye all mankynde.3. sumners. Sicknesse. Age. Death. To the first, men shalbe cleped with three sumners other Sergeauntes: the firstlis sicknesse, the second is age, and the third is death: the first warneth, the second thretneth, and the third taketh. This is a kyndly order, but otherwise it fayleth, for sume we seeth dyeth that neuer wist what was sicknes ne age, as children that ben sodenly slayne. And sume, ye the most part that deyeth now a dayes deyeth, byfore her kynde agee of deeth: therefore I say, that the first that clepeth to this speciall reckning is sicknes, that followeth all mankind, so that euery man hath it: and sum is sicknesse that sume men haueth but nought all. Yet the first sickenesse is double, for sume is withinne in the mightes of the soule, and sume is without in feblenes of the bodie that needis mo be stroyed, whan time by hem selfe is cause of corruption as Philosophie sayth, that thereby feblenes and sicknes. And so may we see hereby, though that a man shut out of the house of hys hart all maner of worldlie and fleshlie thoughtes, yet vnneth shall a man for ought that he can doo, thinke on God onelie, the space of o Pater noster, but that some other thing that is passing, entreth into the soule, and draweth her from contemplation. But O Lorde God, what seekenes is this, an heuie burden on the sonnes of Adam, that on fowle moock and fen of the world we may thinke long ynow. But on that the soule should most delectation haue by kinde, mow we nought thinke so little a space, but if the cokle enter among the whete. Of this seekenes speaketh Poule, where he sayth. I see a lawe in my limmes fighting agenes the lawe of my sprite, and taking me into the law of sinne. So that it fares by vs, as by a man that would looke ageyns the sun, and may nought do it long for nothing. And forsoth that is for no default that is in the sunne, for she is most cleere in her selfe, and so by reason best should be seyn, but it is for feblenes of mans eye. Ryght so, syth Adam our first fader was put out of Paradyse, all hys offpring haue ben thus sicke, as the Prophet seyth. Our fadres haue eat a bitter grape, and the teeth of the children be wexe an edge. The second sicknes, that is commune to all mankind, commyth of feblenes of the body: as hunger and thorst, cold and heate, sorow & werines, and many other as Iob. 18. sayth.Iob. 14. A man that is ibore of a woman, liuing a little whyle, is fulfilled with many miseases. Yet there is other sicknes that commeth to some men,Deutero. but not to all, as Lepvr, Palsey, Feuer, Dropsie, Blindnes, and many other, as it was seyden to the people of Israell, in holy writ. But thou keepe the commaundements that be writ in this booke, God shal echen the sicknes of thee and of thy seede, great sickenes and long abiding. Yet yee shall vnderstond, that God sendeth other while, such sicknes to good men, and other while to shrewes. To good men God doth it for two causes, and that is sooth. Of sicknes I wol to be vnderstond also, of all maner of tribulations. The first cause, for they shold alway euer know, that they haue none perfection of them selfe,Corinth. 12. but of God onely, and to echen theyr meekenes. And thus sayth Poule, least the greatnes of reuelations rere me vp into pride, is giuen a pricke of my fleshe, the Aungell of Sathanas to smite me on the necke, wherefore I haue thrise prayed God, that he shuld go fro me, and he answered me: My grace is suffisant to thee for vertue is fulfilled in sicknes, where on thus sayn the glose. The fend axing Iob to be tempted, was herd of God, and nought the Apostle axing his temptation to be remoued. God herd him that shuld be damned, and he herd nought him, that he shuld saue. For oft the sick mā axit many things of the leche, that he wol not geue him, & that is for to make him whole of sicknes. Also God sendeth Saincts oft sicknes & po [...]ution, to giue vs sinfull wretches example of patience: For if he suffer his Saincts to haue such tribulation in this world, and they thankin him thereof, much more wretchis that God sendeth not the hundred aparty of their sorowe, shulden beare it meekely sith we haue diserued a thousand so much as they haueth.Tobi. 2. Whereof, Tobie that one day whan he was wery of byrying of poore men, the which shulden haue ley vnburyed, and haue be etene of houndis, and foules, as caraynes, of other vnreasonable bestes, whan for werynesse he had leide him to reste, through Goddis sufferaunce the swallowes that bredden aboue on his hous, maden ordure into his eyen, and he wexet blind. Thus it is writ of this temptation for soth▪ Therefore God suffered to come to him, that to them that comen after, shuld be geuen ensample of pacience, as by the temptation of holie Iob. For sith from his childhod, euermore he drede God, and euer kept his hestes: He was not agreeued ayenst God that the misthiefe of blindnesse fell to him: but vnmoueable dwelled in the dread of God, thanking him all the dayes of his life. Lo that holy writ sayth expresly, that God suffered this holie man to haue that sicknes, to geue them that should come after him ensample of pacience. Also other whyle, God sendeth syckenes and tribulation to wicked men, and for two causes. First for that they should the rather dreade God, and leaue their sinne.Antioche. As it is writ: their sickenes hath bene multiplied, and after they haue hyed to Godward. For we see oft men in sicknes know their God, that neuer would haue turned to him whyle they had beene whole. Also God sendeth them sicknes oft to agast other men, lest they follow their sin. As the sickenes of kyng Antioche, whome God smote with such a sickenes, that wormes fell out of hys body whyle he lyued, in so farforth, that he stanke so foule, that his frends were so wearye of it, that they might not suffer it. And at the last, when he himselfe might not suffer his owne stinch, then he began to know himselfe, and sayd: It is rightfull, to be subiect to God, and a deadly man not to hold himselfe onely euen with God, and the story saith he asked mercie of God, and made a vowe to God, that he would make the Citie of Ierusalem free, and the Iewes to make them as free as the men of Athens: and that hee would honour Gods temple wyth pretious ary, and multiply the holy vessels, and finde of his owne rent and spenses perteining to the sacrifice. And he would become a Iew, and go ouer all the lond to preach Goddes might. And yet God gafe him not such mercy as he desired. And I trow certein that it was for good. In as much as God knew he would not afterward hold his couenaunt, or els for he axket it too late. What mede was it for him to forsake his wickednes whan hee was vnmightie to doo good or euill. Neuertheles, I trow he was not dampned, in as much as he had such repentaunce, for repentaunce in this life come neuer too late if it be trew. But by thys vengeaunce that God tooke on thys king, should men see, what it is to be vnobedient to God. And also it is to take heede, that whan euer sickenes commeth, euer it sheweth, that hee that suffreth this deadly, shall nedes dye For though he may skape of his sicknes, yet hee may not skape death. And so thou must needs come giue rekening of thy bayly. The second somnour that shall clepe thee to this particuler doome,The second somnet, Properties of death. is elde or age. And the condition of him is this, though that he tarie with thee, he will not leue thee, till he bring thee to the thirde, that is death. But there be many that though they haue this somnour with them, they take none hede, though they see ther he are hore, her back crook, her breth stynke, her teeth fayle, her yen derk, her visage riuely, her crene wexit heuy to her. What meneth all this, but that age sunneth to the dome.

But what more madhead may be than a man to be cleped, and drawe to so dreadfull a reckenyng there, where but he aunswere well he forfeteth both body and soule to damnation for euer. If seing a litle wordly merth on the way, he thinketh so mekill theron, that he forgetteth who draweth him, or whether he draweth. So doth he that is smiten with age and liketh so on the false world is wealth, that he forgetteth whether he is away: Herefore sayth an holy Doctour, that among all abusions of the world most is of an old man that is obstinate: for he thinketh not on his out going of this world, ne of passing into the lyfe that is to come: he heareth messengers of death, and he leueth hem not, and the cause is this, for the threfold cord that such an old mā is bounden with, is hard to breke. This cord is custome, that is of three plightes, that is, of idel thought, vnhonest speach, and wicked deede: the whiche if they groweth in a man from the childhood into mans age, they maketh a treble cord to bynde the old man on custome of sinne.Esaye. Herefore sayth Esay breake the bondes of sinne. Thinke herefore whosoeuer that thou be that art thus sumned, that thou might not scape that thou ne shalt yeld the rekenyng of thy baily.

The third somner to this reckenyng, is death. And the condition of him is,The third somner distinstio mortis. Augustinus. that whan euer he come, first, other the secōd, other the last houre he ne spareth, neither power, ne yougth, ne he dreadeth no thretning, ne he ne taketh hede of no prayer ne of no gift, ne he graunteth no respit, but withouten delay he bringeth forth to the dome. Herefore seyth Sainct Austen. Well ought euerie man drede the day of his death. For in what state a mans last day findeth hym, whan he dyeth out of this worlde, in the same state [Page] he bringeth hym to hys dome. Herfore seyth the wise man. Sonne, thinke on thy last day, and thou shalt neuer sinne. Therfore I rede that thou thinke, that thou shalt geue reconing of thy bayly.The day of Iudgement. I sayd also, that there shall be another doome, to the which all men shall come together, and this shall be vniuersall. And right as to the other dome, euery man shall be cleped with these three sumnours: so to this dome all this world shall be cleped with three generall clepers. And right as the other three messengers tell a mans end, so these tell the end of the world. The first cleper is the worldly sicknes,In knowen the worlds sicknes. the second cleper is feblenes, and the third is the ende. The sicknes of the world thou shalt know by charitie a cooling. His elde and febles thou shalt knowe by tokens fulfilling, and hys end thou shalt know by Antichristes pursuing. First I sayd, thou shalt knowe the worldes sicknes by charitie a cooling. Clerkes that treate of kynde sayne: that a bodie is sicke, when his bodely heate is to lite, or when his vnkindely heate is too muche.Math. 21. Sythe then all mankynde is one bodye, whose kindly heate is charity (that is loue to God and to our neighbors) vnkindly heate is lustfull loue to other creatures. When therefore thou seest that the loue of men to Godwa [...]de and to their neigbour is litle and faynt, and the loue of worldlye thynges and lustes of the flesh is great and feruent: then wit thou well, that vnkindly heate is too great, and kindly heate is too little. That this be acknowlich of this sicknes, I may proue by autoritie of Christ. For he himselfe gaue them as a signe of the drawing to the ende of the world: For that wickednes shall be in plente, charitie shall acoole. Therfore whan thou seest charitie this little in the worlde and wickednes encrease, know well, that this world passeth and hys welth, and that this somner is come. [...]. Tim. 3. And thus seyth Seint Poule, Wit ye well, that in the laste dayes shall come perilous times, and there shall be men louing them selfe, that is to say, their bodyes, couetous by pride, vnobedient to father and mother, vnkynd fellons, withouten affection, withouten peace, blamers, incontinent, vnmylde, withonten benignitie, traytours, rebels, swelling, louers of lustes more then of God, hauing a lykenes of pietie, and denying the vertue thereof. And these flee thou. If thou seest the people busied wyth such conditions, wyt thou well that the firste sumnour warneth all the world, that the day of reconing draweth towarde.

The second Sumnour, that warneth all the world, is elde or age of the world and hys feblenes, and sheweth tokens fulfillyng. But I know wel, that we be nought suffisaunt to know the times other the whyles that the fader in trinitie hath put on hys owne power, to shew certeinly the day, yeere, other houre of this dome, sith this knowleche was hid fro the priuey Apostles of Christ, and fro Christs manhode as to shew it to vs. Natheles, we inough by authoritie of holy writ, wyth reasons, and expositions of Saints, well and openly shew, that thys day of wrath is nygh:Luke. 12. But yet least any man sey in hys hert as it is writen of solie baylies, that they shall seien, my Lord, that is, tarrieth to come to the dome, and vppon hope hereof he taketh to smite seruauntes and hynen of God, eate and drinke and make him dronk: I shall shewe that this day is at the hond,1. Co. 10. howe ny neuertheles, can I not seie ne wole For if Poule sayd now for a thousand and three hundred yeer, and passed moe: we ben thilke, into whome the endis of the worlde ben come, much rather may we seie the same that been so much neere the end than he was.Chrisostom. Also S. Chrysostome sayth: thou seest ouer all darkenesse, and thou doutest that the day is go, first on the valeyes is darknesse whan the day draweth downeward: whan therefore thou seest the valeies I derked, why doutest thou whether it be nigh euen, but if thou see the sunne so lowe that derknesse is vpon the hilles, thou wolt seie doutles, that it is night. Right so, if thou see first in the seculers and the lewd christen men begynneth derknesses of sinnes and to haue the maistrie,A proper similitude. it is token that this world endeth. But whan thou seest priests that ben put on the high toppe of spirituall dignities, that shulden be as hilles abouen the commune people in perfit liuing, that derknesse of sinnes hath taken them, who douteth that the world nis at the end. And also Abbot Ioochim in exposition of Ieremye, seyeth: Fro the yeare of our Lord 1200. all times beth suspect to me, and we ben passed on thys suspecte time nigh 200. yeare.Ioachim Maide Hildegar. Also mayden Hyldegare in the booke of her prophecie the third partie, the xj. vision, the vij. chapter, meueth thys reason. Ryght as on seauen dayes God made the world, so in 7000. yeare the world shall passe. And right as in the sixt day man was made and fourmed: so in 6000. yeares he was brought ageine and reformed. And as in the seauenth daye the world was full made, and God left off hys working, right so its the 7000. yeare, the number of them that shullen be saued shall be fulfilled, and rest shall be to Seintes full in bodye and soule. If that it be so as it seemeth to followe of this maydens words, that 7000. in passing of the world accordeth to seauen dayes in hys making it, see what lacketh that these 7000. yeares ne beth fulfilled. For if wee reken the number of yeeres fro the natiuitie of Christ, to the yeares fro the beginning of the world, to Christ, and thou wolt folowe Austyne, Bede, and Orosie, and most probable doctors treating of this matter,Augustine. are passed now almost, sixe thousand and sixe hundred as it is open in a booke that is cleped Speculum iudiciale So it suweth, that this last day is more than a halfe a go, if we shulden geue credence to thys maydens reasun: But if we shull lene to the Gospell, than we shall finde in the Gospell of Mathew, that the Disciples axiden of Christ three questions First,Math. 24. what time the Citie of Ierusalem should be destroyed. The second, what token of hys comming to the doome. And the third, what signe of the endyng of the world. And Christ gaue them no certayne tyme of these thinges when they shoulden fall, but he gaue them tokens, by which they myght know when they drew nighe, and so as to the first question of the destruction of Ierusalem,Note. he sayd: when the Romaines come to beseege that Citie, then soone after she shall bee destroyed.

And as to the second and the thirde, hee gaue manye tokens, that is to say: that Realme shall rise against Realme, and people agaynst people, and pestilences and earthquakinges, the which we haue seene in our dayes. But the last token that hee gaue, was thys: when yee seene the abhomination of elengnesse sayd of Daniel the Prophet, standyng on the Sanctuary: then who so readeth, vnderstand. Vpon which text, thus argueth a Doctour in a booke that he maketh of the end of the world. If the wordes of Daniel hauen autoritie (as God sayth that they hauen) it sufficeth of the number of the yeares of the ende of the world, that Daniell hath written. Now Daniell in the twelfth chapter, speakyng of thys abhomination, putteth betweene the ceasing of the busie sacrifice of the Iewes, the whych fell, when by Titus and Vespasianus, Ierusalem was destroyed, and the people of Iewes were disparkled into all the world. And thys abhomination that Doctors sayne, shall be in the great Antichristes dayes. 1290.Antichrist to come an. 1400. This sermon ergo was made, an. 1389. Apo. 6. Nowe proueth thys Doctour, that a daye must be taken for a yeare, both by autoritie of holy writ in the same place, and in other, and also by reason: So it seemeth to this clerke, that the great Antichrist shoulde come in the 1400. yeare fro the birth of Christ, the which nomber of yeares is now fulfilled, not fully twelue yeares and a half lacking. And this reason put not I as to shewe anie certayne tyme of hys commyng, sithe I haue not that knowledge: but to shewe that he is nye, but how nygh I wot neuer. But take we heede to the fourth part of the second vision of Saint Iohn, put in the booke of Reuelations, in the which vnder the opening of the seauen seales, is declared the state of the Churche, from the time of Christ into the end of the world. The opening of the foure first seales, shew the state of the Church, fro the tyme of Christ, to the tyme of Antichrist and his foregoers, the whych is shewed in the opening of the other three seales. The opening of the fyrst seale, telleth the state of the Church in the tyme of the preaching of Christ and of hys Apostles. For the first, that is, the Lyon, gaue hys voyce, that betokeneth the preachers of Christes resurrection and hys ascension. For then yede out a whyte horse, and he that sat vppon hym, had a bow in hys hand, and he yede out ouercomming to ouercome. By thys whyte hors we vnderstand, the cleane life and conuersation that these preachers haden: and by the bowe, their true teaching, pricking sorow in mens hartes for their sinnes withouten flatteryng. And they wenten out of Iewry that they comen of, ouercommyng some of the Iewes, and maken them to leaue the trust that they hadden in the olde law, and to beleeue in Iesus Christe, and shewen hys teachynge. And they wenten out to ouercome the Paynemes, shewyng to them that theyr Images were no Gods, but mens woorkes, vnmighty to saue them selfe, or any other, drawyng them to the beliefe of Iesus Chryst God and man. In the opening of the second seale, there cryed the second beast, that is, a calfe, that was a beast wonted to be slayne, and offered to God in the old law. Thys sheweth the state of the Churche in the time of Martyrs,Expositio. Nero. Constantinus magnus. Siluester. that for their stedfast preachyng of Gods true law, shed theyr bloud, that is signifyed by the red hors that went out at thys seale opening: and thys estate began at Nero the cursed Emperour, and dured into the time of Constantine the great, that endowed the Church. For in thys tyme, many of Christes seruaunts, and namely the leaders of Gods flocke were slayne. For of xxij. Byshops of Rome that were betwene Peter and Siluester the first, I reade but of foure, but that they weren Martys for the lawe of Christ. And also in the tyme of Dioclesian the Emperour, the persecution of the Christen men was so great, that in xxx. dayes weren slayne xxij. thousand men and women in diuers counties, for the law of God.

The opening of the third seale, telleth the state of the Church in time of Heretikis that beth figured by the blacke hors,The 3. seale. for false vnder standing of holy write: for than cryed the third beest that is a man, for at that time was it neede to preache the mistery of Christes incarnation, and his passion ayenst these erretikis that feliden mis of these pointis:Expositio. how Christ tooke verreyly mans kynde of our Lady, hym beyng God as hee was bifore, and hys moder beeyng mayden byfore and after. The opening of the fourth scale, telleth the state of the Church in tyme of ypocritis, [Page] that beth signified by the pale hors,The 4. seale. Expositio. that beth signes of penaunce with outfoorth to blinde the people. And he that sate vpon thys hors his name was death, for they shulle flee gostly them that they leden, and teacheth to trust vpon other thing than God: and helle foloweth him, for helle receiueth thilke that these disteineth. At that time shall it neede, that the fourth beast that is the Egle make hys cry, that flyeth highest of foules to reare vp Gods Gospell: and to preise that law aboue other, least mens wit, and their traditions ouergone and treden downe the law of God, by enforming of these ypocritis, and this is the last state, that is, other shall be in the Church, bifore the comming of the great Antichrist.The 5. seale. The opening of the fift seale, telleth the state of the Church that than shall folow, and the desire that louers of Goddis law shulleth haue after the end of this world to be deliuered of thys wo.The 6. seale. The opening of the sixt seale telleth the state of the Church, in time of Antichristis times, the which state yee may know to be in the Church whan ye seth fulfilled, that Saint Iohn Prophecieth to fall on the opening of thys, where hee sayth thus: After thys I saw foure Angels stonding vpon foure corners of the earth, holdyng the foure windes of the earth that they blowen nought vpon the earth, ne vpon the sea, ne vpon eny tree. These foure Angels beth the number of all the Deuils ministers, that on that tyme shulleth in the pleasance of their Lord Antichrist, stoppe the four windis that beth the foure Gospels to be preached, and so let the breath of the grace of the holie Ghost to fall vpon men morning for sinne, and calling them to amendement, and to other that wolden encrease in vertues, other vpon perfit men. What is there after thys to fall, but that the mystery of the seauenth seale be shewed, that he come in hys owne person. That Iesu Chrst shall slee with the spirite of hys mouth, whan the fiend shall shew the vtmost persecution, that he and hys seruauntis may doo to Christis limmes, and that shall be the third warning that the world shall haue to come to thys dreadfull dome.

In all thys matter haue I nought seid of my selfe, but of other Doctours that beth proued.The 7. seale. I seyd also in my second principall part, that it were to wete tofore what Iudge we shull reken. Wherefore we shulleth wite, that God him selfe shall heere thys rekening, he that seeth all our dedis, and all our thoughtes fro the beginning of our lyfe to the end, and he shall shew there the hid thingis of our hert opening to all the world the rightfulnes of hys dome. So that with the myght of God, euery mans dedis to all the world shall be shewed,Apoca. and so it semeth by the wordes of Seint Iohn, in the booke of preuites, there he seith thus. I saw dede men litel and great, stondyng in the sight of the throne, and bookes weren opened: and an other booke was opened that was of lyfe, and dede men weren iudged after the thyngs that weren written in the bokes after their worchings. These bokes beth mens consciences that now beth closed. But than they shulleth be opened to all the world to reden therein both dedis and thoughtes. But the booke of life, is Christs liuing and doctrine, that is now hid to men that shulleth be damned thrugh theyr owne malice, that demeth men to serue the world, rather than God: In the first booke shall be writ all that we haueth doo, in that other booke, shall be write that we shulden haue doo, and than shulle dede men, be demyd of thilke thingis that ben written in the bokis: For if the dedis that we hauen do, the which ben written in the bookis of our conscience, bee accordyng to the booke of Christes teachyng and hys liuing, the whych is the booke of lyfe, we shulle be saued, and els we shulle be damned, for the dome shall be geuen after our workis. Looke therefore now what thing is written in the booke of thy conscience, while thou art here: and if thou findest ought contrary to Christis life, other to hys teaching, with the knite of penaunce and repentaunce, scrape it awaie and write it better, euermore hertly thynkyng that thou shalt yelde rekening of thy bayly.

Also I said principally that it were to witen, what reward shal be geue on that doome, to wise seruauntes and good, and what to false seruauntes and wicked. For the which it is to wite, that our Lord Iesu Christ, shall come to the dome here into this world, in the same body that he tooke of our Lady, hauyng thereon the wound is that he suffred for our agayne bieng. And all that euer shullen be saued, taking agayne their bodies clyuing to their head Christ, shull be rauished metyng him in the ayre as Paul sayth: They that shall be damned lyen vpon the earth, as in a tonne of wyne the dreggis dwellen byneth and the cliere wyne houeth aboue. Than shall Christ axe rekenyng of the deedes of mercy, reprouyng false Christen men for the leuyng of them, rehearsing the deedes of the same, and other truth is by the which his trewe seruauntes than folowed hym: than shulle thike false seruauntes goe with the deuill, whom they haue serued in the earth, then swallowyng into the endlesse fire. And rightfull men shullen goe into euerlastyng lyfe, than shall be fulfilled that is written, in the booke of priuitees. Woe, woe, woe, to hem that dwellen in the earth. Woe to the paynyme that gafe that worshyp to dead Images wrought of mans handes, and to other creatures that hee shuld haue gone to GOD that him wrought: Woe to the Iewe that trusteth so muchil in the ould law, than shall he see Maries sonne deemyng the world whō he despised and set on the Crosse: Woe to the false Christen man that knew the will of his Lord, and fulfilled it nought.

Also woe for sinne of thinkyng to thee, that thou hast shyt out the meine of God, that is mynde of his Passion, holy contemplation, of his goodnesse and memorie of his benefites, fro the chaumber of thine herte: and hast made it an house of swyn and a den of theeues, by vncleane thoughtes and delites. As thou here hast sperd God out of thine hert, so he shall spere thee out of heauen: Thou hast herberwid the meine of the fiend, and with them in hell thou shall thou shalt euer abide: woe also for sinne of speach, for thou might nought open they foule and stynkyng mouth with the whiche thou hast spoken vnhonesty, cursyng, fraude, deceite, leasinges, forswearyng, scornyng, and backebityng, to prayse God in the felowshyp of Saintes. For louyng is nought comynlych, in mouthes of sinners. For in the whiche gif thou haddest kept thy mouth cleane, thou shouldest haue songen in felowshyp of Aungels this blessed song: Sanctus, Sanctus, Sanctus, Domenus Deus omnipotens. Holy, holy, holy, Lord God almighty. Than yellyng and weepyng thou shalt cry in company of deuils. Ve, Ge, Ge, quante sunt tenebrae. Woe, woe, wo, how great beth these darkenes, wo also for sinne of deede. Thou hast bene proud, thy pryde shall be drawen to hell, as Esay sayth, or thou hast bene brent wyth enuye of the deuill. Enuy entred into the world, and they shoulden folowen him that ben on hys syde, as Salomon sayth. Or thou hast be stirred with wrath, and euerich man that beareth wrath to hys brethren, is gilty in dome, as Christ in the Gospell sayth of Mathew. Or thou hast be slowe to good deedes, myssawe shall come to thee as a wayfaring man, and thy pouert as a man iarmed, as the booke of Prouerbes sayth. Or thou hast haunted lechery, glotonye, or couetise. That forsoth wete ye, that euerych auouterer, or vncleane man, that is a gloton, other chynch, shall neuer haue heritage in the Realme of Christ and of God, as Poule sayth. But fire, brimstone, and the spirit of tempests, that is, the fiend of hell, shulen be a partie of their payne, as it is written in the Psaulter, when these damned men bee in this woe, they shulen syng thys reufull song that is ywritten in the booke of mourning.Note. The ioye of our hart is a go, our quier is turned into wo, the crowne of our heade is fallen vs fro. Alas for synne that we haue do. But ioye and ioye, and ioye to them that be saued. Ioy in God, ioy in them selfe, ioy in other that ben saued. Also ioy for theyr trauayle is brought to so gracious an end.Conclusion. Ioy, for they scaped the payne of hell, ioy fore theyr blisse that they han in the sight of God, Cui sit honor & gloria, in secula seculorum, Amen.

And thus much concerning this worthie and fruitfull Sermon, whych as by the auncienines of the phrase seemeth to be preached much about the time of Iohn Wicklesse: so I thought heere, by the occasion of William Thorpes examination, best to place the same: for the apt coherence both of the spirit, and of the matter. Especially hauing before our eyes, the publique vtilitie of the Reader, to whome by the studious reading thereof, might rise plentifull matter of true Christian information, both of the wholesome fearing of God, and of the right guiding of euery Christian mans life.

Wherevnto I thought good to anexe further in our story, after the examination of William Thorpe, and the martyrdome of William Sawtrey, and of Iohn Badby thus described (as ye haue heard) which was about the yeare 1409. By the way here is to be considered, at least to be admonished, that al this while the schisme in the church of Rome did yet continue, and so endured till the councell of Constance, which was in whole, the space of xxix. yeres. The origine whereof (as was sayd page. 000.) first began at Urbanus. 5. which Urbanus being dead, an. 1389. next folowed Pope Boniface the 9. who sate 14. yeares. Vide supra, pag. 429. He in selling his pardons was so impudent and so past shame, that he brought the keyes of Peter (as sayth Platina) in contempt. Vrbanus. 3. Bonifacius. 9. Innocentius. 7. Gregorius. 12. After hym succeeded Innocentius. 7. and sate 2. yeares: who being dead, the Cardinals consulting together, and seeing the foule enormitie and inconuenience growing vpon this contentious schisme in their Church of Rome (minding to prouide some remedie for the same, after the best deuise they could) in their conclaue where they were assembled for a new election of the Pope, The Cardinals deuise to cease the schisme. The vow & othe of the Cardinals made for the schisme. tooke this order, promising among themselues with solemne vow made to God, to Mary the blessed virgine, to Peter and Paule, and to all the blessed company of saints: That if any of them within the colledge or without the colledge, should be called to that high place of Apostolicall preeminence: he should effectuously renounce the iurisdiction and title of his Popedome, if or whensoeuer the cōtrary Pope for the time being, would in like maner renounce his place[Page]and title, and his Cardinals in like maner to cōdescend to the other Cardinals of Rome. So that both these two colledges of Cardinals agreeing together: one chiefe byshop might be chosen and takē out of them both, to be made the true Pope. Prouided moreouer, that none should seeke any releasement or absolution from the sayd promise, vow, and bond, once passed among them: Unto al which things furthermore, euery one subscribed with his hande. These things thus prefixed and ratified vpon the same, they proceeded to ye election. In whych was chosen Gregorius the xii. who the same day of hys election, in the presence of all the cardinals: confirmed the vow, sacrament and promise made, The oth and vow of pope Gregory. 12. subscribing the same with his hand in forme as followeth. And I Gregorie, thys day being the last of Nouember, in the yeare of our Lorde 1407. chosen and elected for bishop of Rome: do sweare, vowe, and promise, & confirme all the premisses aboue contained. &c. Thys being done, shortly after he was crowned, being of the age of 80. yeares. As the time thus passed, the people and Cardinals were in great expectation, waiting when the Pope according to his othe would geue ouer, wyth the other pope also. And not long after, the matter began in deede betwene the two Popes to be attempted, Ex Chron. D. Albani. by letters from one to another: assigning both day and place, where and whē they should meete together: but yet no effect did folow.

This so passing on, great murmuring was among the Cardinals, The pope falsely periured. Cardinals leaue the periured pope. to see their holy periured father, so to neglecte his othe, and vow aforenamed. In so much, that at length, diuers of them did forsake the Pope, as being periured (as no lesse he was) sending moreouer to kings and princes of other lands, for their counsell and assistance therein, to appease the schisme. Amongest the rest, Cardinall Bituriensis was sent to the king of Englande: who publishing diuers propositions and cōclusions (remaining in the registers of Thomas Arundell) disputeth, that the pope ought to be subiect to lawes and councels. Ann. 1409. Then K. Henry (moued to write to Gregory the pope) directeth his letter here vnder ensuing, which was the yeare of our Lorde. 1409. The contents of the letter be these.

The letter of king Henry the fourth, to Pope Gregory 12.

MOst blessed father, if the discrete prouidence of the Apostolike sea,King Henry 4. to pope Gregory. 12. would call to mind, with what great pearils the vniuersall world hath ben damnified hetherto, vnder pretēce of thys present schisme: and especially would consider, what slaughter of Christen people to the number of two hūdreth thousand (as they say) hath bene throughe the occasion of warre raised vp in diuers quarters of the world,2. hundred thousand slaine by schisme of Rome. 30 thousād slaine in campe fighting for the bishoprick of Leodium. and now of late, to the number of thirty M. souldiours which haue bene slaine through the dissention moued about the Bishopricke of Leodium, betwene two set vp, one by the authoritie of one Pope, the other by the authoritie of the other Pope, fighting in campe for the title of that Bishoprike: Certes yee would lament in spirite, & be fore greeued in minde for the same. So that, with good conscience you wold relinquish rather the honour of the sea Apostolike, then to suffer such horrible bloudshed heereafter to ensue, vnder the cloake of dissimulation, followinge herein the example of the true mother in the booke of kings: who pleading before Salomon for the right of her childe, rather would depart from the childe, then the childe shoulde bee parted by the sword. And although it may be vehemently suspected by the new creation of 9. Cardinals, by you last made contrary to your othe (as other men do say) that you do but little heede or care for ceasing the schisme: Yet farre be it from the hearing and noting of the world, that your circumspect seat shoulde euer be noted & distained with such an inconstancie of minde: whereby the last errour may be worse, then the first. Ex Chron. D. Albani. part. 2.

¶ King Henry the 4. to the Cardinals.

King Henry 4. to the Cardinals. ANd to the Cardinalles likewise, the sayde King directeth an other letter wyth these contentes heere following: Wee desiring to shewe what zeale wee haue had and haue, to the reformation of peace of the Churche: by the consent of the states of the Realme, haue directed to the Byshop of Rome our letters after the tenoure of the copie herewith in these presentes enclosed, to bee executed effectually. Wherefore, we seriously beseeche your reuerende colledge, that if it chaunce the sayde Gregory to be present at the councell of Pise, Concilium [...]sanum. and to render vp hys Popedome, according to your desire, and hys owne othe: you then so ordaine for hys state totally, that chiefly God may be pleased therby, and that both the sayde Gregory, and also wee which loue intierly hys honor and commodity, may haue cause to geue you worthely condigne thankes for the same. Ibid.

This being done in the yere of our Lorde 1409. afterward in the yere next folowing,Exchro. D. Albani. an. 1410. the Cardinals of both the Popes, to witte of Gregorius, and Benedictus: By common aduise assembled together at the citie of Pise,Anno. 1410. for the reformation of vnity and peace in the Churche. To the which assembly,Concilium Pisanum. a great multitude of Prelates and bishops being conuented, a newe Pope was chosen, named Alexander 5.Pope Alexander. 5. 3. popes togeather. But to thys election, neither Gregorius, nor Benedictus did fully agree. Whereby there were 3. Popes together in the Romaine churche (that is to vnderstande) not 3. crownes vpon one Popes head, but 3. heads in one Popish churche together. This Alexander being newly made pope, scarcely had well warmed his triple crowne: but straight geueth out full remission, not of a fewe, but of all maner of sinnes whatsoeuer: to all them that conferred any thing to the monastery of [...]. Bartlemew by Smithfeld resorting to the saide church any of these dayes following: to wit,The vaine remissiō by the popes indulgence. Pope Alexander dead. on Maundy thursday, good Friday, Easter euen, the feast of the Annunciation, from the first euēsong to the latter. But thys Pope which was so liberall in geuing remission of many yeares to other, was not able to geue one yere of life to himselfe: for within the same yere he died.Pope Iohn 23. In whose stead stept vp Pope Iohn 23.

In the time of this Alexander, great stirre began in the country of Bohemia,Ex Ioā. Chocle [...] De historia Hussiaru. lib. 1. The Gospell beginneth to take roote in Bohemia. by the occasion of the bokes of Iohn Wickliffe, which then comming to the hands of I. Husse, and of other both men & women, especially of the lay sort, and artificers, began there to doe much good. In so much, that diuers of them not onely men, but women also, partly by reading of those bookes translated into their tounge, partly, by the setting forwarde of Iohn Husse, a notable learned man, and a singulare preacher at that time in the vniuersitye of Prage: were in short time so ripe in iudgement, and prompt in the scriptures, yt they began to moue questions, yea and to reason wyth the Priestes, touchyng matters of the Scriptures.

By reason whereof, complaint was brought to the sayd Pope Alexander the fifte,The letter of pope Alexāder. 5. to the Archbish. Swinco of Bohemia. who caused eftsoones the forenamed Iohn Husse to bee cyted vp to Rome. But when hee came not at the Popes citation, then the sayde Pope Alexander addressed hys letters to the Archbyshop of Suinco. Wherein he straightly charged him to prohibit and forbid, by the authority Apostolicall, all manner of preachings or sermons to be made to the people, but onely in Cathedrall Churches or Colledges, or Parish churches, or in Monasteries, or els in theyr Churchyardes. And that the articles of Wickliffe, shoulde in no case of any person of what state, condition or degree so euer, be suffered to be holdē, taught, or defended, eyther priuily or apertlye. Commaunding moreouer and charging the sayde Archbyshop, that wyth foure Bachelers of Diuinitie, and two Doctours of the Canon lawe ioyned vnto hym: would proceede vpon the same, and so prouide that no person in churches, schooles, or any other place,The Popes cruell bull against Iohn Hasse. should teach, defend, or approoue any of the foresayd Articles. So that who so euer should attempt the contrary, should be accounted an hereticke. And vnles he shall reuoke solemnly and publikely the sayde articles, and shall for euer abiure the bookes wherein the foresayde articles be contained, so that they may be vtterly abolished out from the eyes of the faithfull: the same to be apprehended and imprisoned, all appellation set apart, the help also of the secular arme being called thereunto, if nede shall require. &c. These were the contentes of this mighty & fierce bull of Pope Alexander.

Against the whych bull on the other side Iohn Husse iustly complaining,Ihon Husse obiecteth against the popes cruell Bull. excepteth againe and obiecteth manye things, as appeareth in his boke intituled De Ecclesia. cap. 18. Where he declareth thys mandate of the pope to stande directly against the doings and sayings both of Christ and of his Apostles:Tbe popes Bull cōtrary to christ. Considering, how Christ himself preached to the people, both in the sea, in the desert, in fields, in houses, in synagoges, in villages: and the Apostles also in all places did the same, the Lord mightely working in them. He declared moreouer, the said mandate or bul of the pope to redound vnto the great detriment of the church, in binding the word of God, that it might not haue his free passage. Also, the same to be preiudicial vnto chappels newly erected for the word of God to be preached in them. Wherfore (sayeth he) from thys commaundement or mandate of Pope Alexander,The notable iudgement of God in striking the aduersaries of the Gospell. I did appeale vnto the sayd Alexander, being better informed and aduised. And as I was persecuting my appeale, the Lord Pope (sayth Iohn Husse) immediately died.

Then the Archbishop of Suinco aforesayde, to whome this present bul was directed, whē he saw the proces, buls and mandates of the bishop of Rome, to be thus cōtemned of Iohn Husse, and hys fellows, neyther hauing any hope of redresse in winceslaus the king: which semed to neglect [Page] the matter, went out of hys countrey into Hungarie, to complaine vnto Sigismonde kyng of Hungarie, and brother to the sayd Winceslaus. But this quarelling Archbyshop, whether before (as the Bohemians say) or after (as Syluius sayeth) that he had spoken with Sigismond: immediatly there (by the iust iudgement of God) died in Hū gary,The Gospel seldom times long quiet. as the story saith for sorrow. Wherby a little more liberty and quiet was geuen by the Lord vnto hys Gospel, newly beginning to take rote among the Bohemians. Albeit, this tranquility there, did not long continue without trouble and persecution, neither coulde it in those furious daies and raigne of Antichrist.Pope Iohn 23. For after this Alexander aforesayde succeeded Pope Iohn 23. Who likewise playing hys parte in this tragedy, bent all his might and maine to disturbe the Bohemians, as more heereafter (Christ willing) shalbe declared in further processe of our history, comming to the yere of our Lord. 1413.

Thus the poore Christians (as ye see) like to the seely Israelites vnder the tyrāny of Pharao, were infested and oppressed in euery place, but especially heere in England: and yt so much the more here, because that the king not like to Winceslaus, went ful and whole wyth the pope and his prelates against the Gospellers.

The pride and glory of the clergie of England in those dayes.By reason wherof, the kingdome of the Pope and hys members here in this realme began to be so strong, yt none durst stirre or once mute agaynst them. The Byshops hauing the king so full on their side, armed moreouer wyth lawes, statutes, punishments, imprisonments, sword, fire and fagot: raigned and ruled as they listed, as kings and princes wythin thēselues. So strong were they of power, that no humaine force was able to stande against them: so exalted in pride and puft vp in glory, that they thought all things to be subiect to their reuerent maiesties. What so euer they set foorth or decreed, it must of all men be receyued and obeyed.

And such was their superstitious blindnesse and curious vanitie, that whatsoeuer toy came once in their fantasye: it was straightwayes determined and stablished for a lawe of all men to be obserued, were it neuer so friuolous or superstitious. As wel appeareth by Thomas Arundell Archb. of Cant. and other, who hauing now a litle laisure from slaying and killing the innocēt people, Martyrs and Confessors of the Lord, & hauing nowe brought their enemies (as they thought) vnder feete: began to set vp themselues, and to inuent newe customes, as the guise is of the Popes church, euer to intrude into ye church of God, some ceremony or custome of their owne making, whereby the Churche of Christ hath bene hitherto exceedingly pestred. So likewise this Thom. Arundel, thinking the church yet not sufficiently stuffed with ceremonies and vaine traditions of men: bringeth in a new found gaud, commonly called the tolling of Aues, in honour of our Ladye, wyth certaine Aues to be saide, and daies of pardon to be geuen for the same. For the ratification wherof, vnder the pretence of the kings request,XI. dayes of pardon geuen by Tho. Arundel Archb. he directed his mandate to the Byshop of London, well stuffed wyth woordes of I dolatry, as by the reading thereof may appeare, in forme of termes as followeth.

* A mandate of Tho. Arundel directed to the Bishop of London, to warne men to say certayne prayers at the tolling of the Aues, or ringing of Curphew.

Ringing of Curphew.THomas, &c. To the right reuerend our brother, the Lorde Robert by the grace of God bishoppe of London, greeting. &c. While we lift our eyes rounde about vs, and beholde attentiuely with circumspect consideration, how the most high woorde that was in the beginning with God, chose to him an holy and immaculate virgin of the kingly stocke: in whose wombe he tooke true flesh by inspirall inspiration, that the mercifull goodnesse of the sonne of God that was vncreate, might abolish the sentence of condemnation, which all the posterity of mankind that was created, had by sinne incurred. Amongst other labours in the vine of the Lorde of Sabaoth, we song to God our sauiour with great ioy in him: carefully thinking, that though all the people of the Christian religion did extol with voices of praises so worthy a virgin, by whō we receiued the beginnings of our redemptiō, by whom the holy day first shined to vs, which gaue vs hope of saluation. And although all the same people were drawen to reuerēce her, which being a happy virgin, cōceiued the sonne of God, the king of heauen, the redemer and sauiour of all nations, ministring light to the people that were miserably drowned in the darkenesse of death: We truely as the seruaunts of her owne If this be not blasphemous & derogatory to Christ: let the reader iudge. inheritance, and such as are wrytten of, to be of her peculiar dower, as we are by euery mans confession acknowledged to be: we I say, ought more watchfully then any others, to shewe the endeuours of our deuotion in praising her. Who being hetherto mercifull to vs, yea being euen cowardes, would that our power being, as it were spred abroad euery where through all the coastes of the world, shoulde with a victorious arme, feare all foreine nations. That our power being on all sides so defended with the buckler of her protection, did subdue vnto our victorious standards, and made subiect vnto vs, nations both neare at hand and farre off.

Likewise our happy estate (all the time that wee haue passed since the beginning of our liues) may be well attributed onely to the helpe of her medicine:These men make a Bellona of our Ladie. to whom also we may worthely ascribe nowe of late in these our times vnder the mighty gouernment of our most Christian king, our deliuerāce from the rauening wolues,False helpe fought, and set vp of Idolaters. and the mouthes of cruell beasts: which had prepared against our bankets, a messe of meat mingled full of gall, and hated vs vniustly, secretly lying in wait for vs, in recompence of the good wil that we shewed to them. Wherfore, that shee being on high sitting before the throne of the heauenly maiestie, the defendresse & patronesse of vs all, being magnified with al mens praises: may more plentifully exhibite to vs the sonnes of adoption the teates of her The Papists would sucke our Ladies pappes. grace, in all those things that we shall haue to do. At the request of the speciall deuotion of our Lord the king himself, we commād your brotherhode, straightly enioyning you: that you commaund the subiects of your citie and diocesse, and of al other suffraganes, to worship our Lady Mary the mother of God, and our * Will you stand to this doctrine yee Catholikes. patronesse and protectresse, euermore in all aduersity: with such like kinde of prayer and accustomed maner of ringing, as the deuotiō of Christes faithful people is wont to worship her at the ringing of coure le feu.* Popishe blasphemy fighting against the grace of Christ. Ringing of Curphew. And when before day in the morning ye shall cause them to ring, that with like maner of praier & ringing, she be euery where honored deuoutly by the aforesaid our and your suffraganes and their subiects as wel religious as secular, in your and their monasteries and collegiate churches: That wee so humbly calling vpon the mercy of the heauenly father, the right hande of the heauenly piety, may mercifully come to the helpe the protection & defence of the same our Lord the king, who for the happy remedy of quietnesse, and for our succour from tempestuous flouds, is ready to apply his hands to worke, and his eyes with all his whole desire to watching. We therefore coueting more earnestly to stirre vp the mindes of all faithfull people to so deuout an exercise of God. &c. Wee graunt by these presents, to all and euery man. &c. that shall say the Lordes prayer and the saluation of the Angell fiue times at the morning peale with a deuout mind,XI. dayes pardon, for 5. Aues. totiens quotiens, (how oft so euer) 40 dayes of pardon by these presents.

Geuen vnder our seale in our manor of Lambeth the 10. day of February, Anno nostrae trans. 9.

Ex. Regist. Thom. Arundel.

By this friuolous and barbarous constitution wt many other of like sort heaped into the church by the papists: appeareth the proper nature and cōdition of this catholick generation. Heaping vp ceremonies in the church. Who being thēselues not greatly exercised nor experienced in any serious cogitation of spirituall matter (as semeth) take vpon them to gouern the spiritual church of Christ, wherof in deede they haue no skill or very little. And therefore according to their vnskilfull handling, they lead and rule the church after such outward sights and ceremonies, seemely perhaps to their owne grosse affection: but not agreeing (nay rather cleane contrary) to the ryght nature & condition, of the spiritual house and kingdome of the Lord. And like as in their inuentions they swarue vtterly from the right handling of all spiritual gouernment: so in their maners & forme of life likewise, they do resemble little or no part almost, of such as are and ought to be, true pastors and ministers of the mysticall body of Christ.

Examples heereof are plenty and plaine, in these Romaine Prelates to be noted: who so well considering the humble state and lowly spirite which ought to be in pastorall leaders of the church, will compare the same wyth the vsuall pompe of these glorious potestates.

As for example, The pompe of the popes Church noted. what can be more conuenient for a true pastor ecclesiasticall, then humility of hart and spirit, according to the example of the head bishop himselfe? So, what greater shew of arrogācy and pride could there be, then in this: whom I haue oft named before. Th. Arundel, archb. of Cant. who passing by the high streat of London, did not only looke and waite for the ringing of the belles, for a triumph of his comming, but tooke great snuffe and did suspende all suche Churches in London (not onely wyth the steeple and bels, but also with the organes) so many as did not receiue his comming with the noyse of bels: according as out of his own registers may appeare, ye wordes wherof written to his owne Somner, I haue hereto annexed in his owne forme as followeth.

¶ A Commission directed to the Somner, to suspende certaine churches of London, because they rong not their bels, at the presence of my Lord the Archb. of Canterbury.

THomas by the permission of God, &c. To oure well beloued Thom. Wilton our Somner sworn, health, grace, and blessing. [Page] The comelinesse of our holy Church of Canterb. ouer whych wee beare rule:Churches of London suspended for not ringing at the comming of the Archb. deserueth and requireth, that while wee passe throughe the prouince, of the same our Churche (hauing our crosse caryed before vs) euery parish church in their turnes, ought & are bounden in token of speciall reuerence that they beare to vs, to rynge theyr bels. Which notwithstanding, ye on Tuesday last past, when wee betwixt 8. and 9. of the clocke before dinner, passed openly on foote as it were, through the middest of the citie of London, with our crosse caried before vs: Diuers churches whose names are heere beneath noted, shewed towardes vs willingly (though they certainly knewe of our comming) vnreuerence rather then reuerence, and the duety that they owe to our church of Canterb. ringing not at all at our comming. Wherefore, wee being willing to reuenge this iniurie,Oh iniurious enemies to Christ his humilitie. for the honor of our spouse as we are boū den: commaunde you, that by our authoritie, you put all those churches vnder our interditement, suspēding Gods holy organes and instruments in the same Which we also suspend by the tenor of these presentes, till the ministers of the aforesayde Churches be able hereafter to attaine of vs the benefit of more plentifull grace. Geuen. &c.

What great reason was in this, why this Archb. either should thus looke for the ringing of the belles, or why hee should be so displeased with not ringing, I do not see. Belike his minde in the meane time was greatly occupied wt some great muse, as feling of Gods feare, with repentance and remembrance of hys sinnes, with zelous care and sollicitude for his flocke, wyth the earnest meditation of the passion & life of our sauiour, who in this world was so despised: or else was set vppon some graue studie, while hee so waited for the ringing of the bels, which are wont to be so noisome to all students. And why were not the trūpetters also shent as well, because they did not soūd before his person? But and though the bels did not clatter in the sreples, and therefore his thunderbolt should haue fallen vpon the steples which had deserued: why shoulde the bodye of the churche therefore be suspended? At least, the poore Organes (me thinketh) had some part of wrong to be put to silence in the quier, Organs suspended in the Church because the belles dyd not ryng. because the bels rang not in the tower.

Of the like matter also we read in the sayde registers, falling betweene the B. of Worcester, and the priorie of the same towne, for not ringing at the bishops comming into the church. Wherupon much sute and contention was betweene them, till at length the Archb. of Cant. tooke vp the matter, moderating it, as in the said registers, fol. 441. appeareth to be seene as followeth.

VNiuersis. &c. Thomas &c. where as there happened variance lately betwene our reuerend brother the Lorde B.Ex Regist. Tho. Arundels. of Worcester on the one partye, and the religious and discrete men the Prior and couent of the same churche on the one partye, for not ringing of bels at the comming of our saide brother to his foresayde church,Variance betweene the B. and Prior of Worcester for not ringing at the Bishoppes comming. at length the parties (considering the great incōuenience that might come therof) at our instance and request did agree on this maner: that as often as it shall happen our reuerende brother to go to his aforesaide church, either to celebrate orders, or to visite his church in the head or in the inferiours, or to make creame and oyle in the same church: also in the feast of the Assumption of the blessed virgin Mary, which is the chiefest feast in the Abbey aforesayde: then the Prior and the couent, and their successours for the time being, shall ring solemnly against his comming, or shall cause to be ronge solemnly without all contradiction, or any reclaiming hereafter to be made against the same. Which agrement that it may be more firmely kept, we let you all vnderstād by these presents, sealed with our seale. Geuen at our palace of Canterb. 12. Iuly, the 10. yeare of our gouernment.

The like stirre for bel ringing and for processyons had almost hapned betwene the Archb. of Can. successor to this Tho. Arundel, named Hen. Chichly on the one party, and the abbey of S. Albons on the other party, had not the abbot in time submitting hymselfe to the Archb. so prouided, that the ringing of their bels at hys comming, myght not redounde to any derogation of their liberties. Whereunto the Archb. graunted by these his letters as followeth.

Ringing in, the Archb. at S. Albōs.HEnry &c. to the religious men, the Abbot and Couent of the Monastery of S. Albons in the diocesse of Lincoln, health. &c. When as of late there happened a matter of variance betwene vs, and you the Abbot & Couent, by reason of not geuing reuerence to vs, being due to our prouince of Cant. that is, for not ringing the bels and meeting vs with processions when wee passed by diuers places of our prouince as well due of common custome as of olde vse,Ex. Regist. Hem. Chicheley Fol. 365. and for the prerogatiue of the Churche of Canterb. as also being due of euery one being within the compasse of this our sayd prouince, when and as often as we shal passe by their places: at length your Lord Abbot (comming personally to vs) did grant both for you and the Couent aforesaye, to do and to geue of your gentlenesse all reuerence and honour, wyth such reuerence be the to vs and our church of Cant. as often as wee passe by your monasterie, or the places nigh or adioyning therto, or shall hereafter go by: So that it might not be preiudicial to your exemption and nothing be attempted to the violating of your priuiledge: and that it might not be chalenged for duety hereafter. Wherefore, wee desiring to kepe you from damage, let you vnderstande by these presents, that it is not our entent to derogate your exemptions or priuiledge whatsoeuer herein: nor by any meanes to be preiudiciall to you by these your reuerences or other dueties, whatsoeuer you haue or shall graunt to vs of your deuotion and liberalitie, both by you, and in places vnder your dominion. In wytnesse where of. &c.

Dated the 28. day of Ianuary 1425. at S. Albons, the 12. yere of our gouernment.

To expresse moreouer and describe the glorious pompe of these princelike prelates in these blinde dayes of popish religion raigning then in the church: I thought to adioyn hereunto an other example not much vnlike, neither differing muche in time, W. Courtney Archb. of Cant. concerning certaine poore men cited vp, and enioyned straight penance by W. Courtney predecessour of the sayd Tho. Arundel, for bringing litter to hys horse, not in waines as they should do, but in priuy sacks, in a secrete maner vnder their clokes or cotes. For ye which so hainous and horrible trespasse, the sayd Archbishop sitting in hys tribunall seate, did call and cite before hym the sayde persons (pro litera. i. for litter, after his owne Latine) and after theyr submission enioyned them penance. Whych penance, what it was, & what were the names of the foresaid parties, Ex Regist. W. Courtney. here followeth out of the sayd Arch. registers, both by his owne words, & by picture of the persons in the same registers annexed and painted, in all resemblance, as there standeth, and heere is also to be seene.

A description of the poore men doing their penaunce, with their strawe on their backe.

This bagge full of strawe I beare on my backe.

Because my Lordes horse his Litter did lacke.

If ye be not good to my Lordes graces horsse,

You are like to goe barefoote before the crosse.

[figure]

The picture of them drawen in all proportion according to the exemplar standing in the Register.

ERroris mater ignorantia, quosdam Hugonem Pennie, Iohannem Forstall, Iohannem Boy, Iohannem Wanderton, Gulielmum Hayward, & Iohannem White, Tenentes domini de Wengam taliter obcoecauit,Ex Registro. W. Courtney. quòd ante aduentum dicti domini Archiepiscopi ad palatium suum Cantuariae in vigilia dominice in ramis palmarum, anno domini millesimo trecentesimo non agesimo, de cariendo & ducendo ad dictum palatium, foenum, stramen, siue literam,Mark ye Gramarians litera for littour. prout ex tenura terrarum, & tenura suorum quas & quae tenent de domino & ecelesia sua Cantuariae astringuntur per balliuum domini ibidem iussi & legitimè praemoniti debita seruitia more solito impēdere dedignātes, stramē huiusmodi nō in carrucis & vehiculis publice in sufficiēti quātitate, sed modice in saccis sublatibulo, pontificis ad palatium praedictum perduxerūt, [Page] in vilipendium domini ac subtractionem: iurium ecclesiae suae Cantua. Vnde super hoc euocati coram domino, die Iouis in hebdomada Paschae in castro suo de Statewode pro tribunali sedente personaliter comparentes, ipsius iudicio in hac parte se humiliter submiserunt, veniam & misericordiam pro commissis deuotè petēdo. Et deinde dominus praefatus, Hugonem Pennie, Iohannem Forstal, Iohannem Boy, Iohannem Wanderton, Gulielmum Hayward, & Iohannem White, destando mandatis ecclesiae, & fideliter peragendo poenam eis pro eorum demeritis iniu [...]gendam, iuratos absoluit in forma iuris, nunciata eis & eorum cuilibet, pro modo culpae poena salutari: videlicet, quòd die dominica tunc proximè sequente, praedicti poenitētes nudi capita & pedes, processionem apud ecclesiam collegiatam de Wengham faciendam cum singulis saccis super humeris suis palam portantes (plenis videlicet foeno & stramine) ita quòd stramen & foenum huiusmodi ad ora saccorum patentium intuentibus prominerent, lentis incessibus procederent humiliter & deuote.Ex Regist. W. Courtney Archbish. Cant. In English.

IGnorance the mother of error so much hath blinded and deceiued certaine persons, to witte, Hugh Penny, Iohn Forstall, Iohn Boy, Ihon Wanderton, Will. Haywarde, and Iohn White, tenaunts of the Lord of Wengham: that against the comming of the aforesayde Archbishop to hys palace of Canterbury on Palmes Sonday euen, the yeare of our Lord 1390, Where they being warned by the baillife, to conuey and cary hay, strawe, and other littour to the aforesayd palace, Penance enioyned for bringing straw to Lords horse. as they were bounde by the tenor of theyr landes, which they hold of the sea of Canterbury: refusing and disdaining to doe their due seruice, as they were accustomed, brought their straw and other littor, not in cartes and waines openly & sufficiently, but by peece meale, and closely in bagges or sackes, in contempt of their Lord, and derogation of the right and title of the sea of Canterbury. Wherupon they being ascited & presented before the archb. sitting in iudgement at hys manour of Statewood, yelded and submitted themselues to hys Lordshyppes pleasure, humbly crauing pardon of their trespasse. Then the aforesayd archbishop absolued the aboue named Hugh Penny, &c. they swearing to obey the lawes and ordinance of holy church, Excommunication and absolution abused. and to do the punishment that shuld be appoynted them for their desertes, that is: that they going laysurely before the procession, euery one of them should cary openly on hys shoulder, his bagge stuffed with hay and strawe, so that the sayd hay and strawe should appeare hanging out, the mouthes of the sackes being open.

* Notes of certaine Parliament matters passed in this kings dayes.

To proceede now further in the raigne of this king, & to intreat also some thing of his parliamentes, as we haue done of other before,Notes of this kings parliaments. first we wil beginne with the Parliament holden in the first yere of hys comming in.

Moreouer, forsomuch as our Catholike papistes will not beleue yet the cōtrary, but that the iurisdiction of their father the pope hath euer extended throughout all ye world, as well here in England as in other places: here therefore speaking of the Parliaments holden in this kings dayes concerning thys matter, I refer them to the Parliament of the sayd king Henry in his first yere holden,The popes iurisdiction excluded out of this realme. and to the 27. article of the same. Where they may reade in the 10. obiection laid against K. Richard in plaine words: how that, for asmuch as the crowne of this realme of England, and the iurisdiction belonging to ye same, as also the whole realme it selfe, at all times lately past, hath ben at such libertie, and enioyed such prerogatiue, that neyther the Pope, nor any other out of the same kingdome ought to intrude himselfe, nor intermedle therein: it was therefore obiected vnto the forenamed king Richarde the 2. for procuring the letters Apostolical from the Pope, to the confirming and coroborating of certaine statutes of hys, and that hys censures myght be prosecuted against the breakers thereof. Whyche seemed then to the Parliament, to tend against the crowne and regall dignitie, as also against the statutes & liberties of the said thys our realme of England.Ex Anno. 1. Reg. Henrici. Act. 27. Act. Parl. An. 1. Reg. Henrici 4. Act 27.

Furthermore, in the second yeare of the saide king, thys was in the Parliament required, that all such persones as shalbe arested by force of the statute made against the Lollardes,Anno. Reg. Henr. 4. Ast. 29. in the 2. yeare of Henry 4. may be bailed, and freely make their purgation: That they be arested by none other then by the Sheriffes or such like officers, neither that any hauocke be made of their goods. The king granted to take aduise therein.

In the 8. yeare moreouer of thys kings raigne, it was likewise propounded in the Parliament,An. 8. Reg. Henri. 4. Act. 116. that all suche persons as shall procure or sue in the court of Rome any processe touching any benefice, collation, or presentation of the same, shal incurre the paine of ye statute of prouisors, made in the 13. yeare of Richard 2. whereunto the king granted,An 8. Reg. Hen. 4. act. 114. that the statutes herefore prouided should be obserued.

Item, in the sayde Parliament, there it was put vp by petition, that the king might enioy halfe the profits of euery parsons benefice, who is not resident thereon. Therunto the king aunswered, that the ordinaries should do theyr duties therein, or els he would prouide further remedie, to stay their pluralities.

Item,Ibide act. 37 in the sayde Parliament, it was required: that none do sue to the court of Rome for any benefice, but only in the kings courtes.

¶ In the next yere folowing, which was the 9. of this Kyng, an other petition of the Commons was put vp in Parliament against the court of Rome, whych I thought good here to expresse as foloweth.

The Commons do beseeche, that forasmuch as diuers prouisors of the benefices of holy Church,Ex Rotulo Parlamenti. an. 9. Henrici. 4. dwelling in the Court of Rome, through their singular couetounes now newly imagined to destroy those that haue bene long time incumbents in diuers their benefics of holy church peaceably, some of them by the title of the king, some by title ordinary, and by the title of other true patrōs therof, by coulor of prouisions, collations, and other grauntes made to the sayd prouisors by the Apostoil, of the sayd benefices, do pursue processes in the said court by citation made beyond the sea,The wickednes of popes prouisors in citing and depriuing beneficed men in England, their citation being not knowen in the realme. without any citations made within the Realme in deede against the same incumbents, whereby many of the said incumbents through such priuy & crafty processes and sentences of priuation and inhabilitation, haue lost theyr benefices, and others put in the places of the saide incumbents before the publication of the same sentēces, they not knowing any thing, and many are in great hassarde to lose theyr benefices through such processes, to theyr perpetuall destruction and mischiefe: and forasmuch as thys mischiefe cannot be holpen wythout an especiall remedy be had by parliament: Pleaseth it the king to consider the great mischiefe and daunger that may so come vnto diuers hys subiects without their knowledge through such citations out of the realme, and therupon to ordaine by the aduise of the Lords of this present Parliament, that none presented, be receiued by any ordinarie vnto any benefice of any such incumbent for any cause of priuation or inhabilitation wherof the processe is not founded vpon citation made wythin the realme, and also that such incumbents may remaine in all theyr benefices, vntil it be prooued by due enquest in the court of the King, that the citations whereupon such priuations & inhabilitations are graunted, were made within the Realme: and that if such Ordinaries, or such presented or others, doe pursue the contrary, that then they and theyr procurators, fautours and counsellours doe incurre the paines contained in the statute made against prouisors in the 13. yere of the raigne of the late Richard king of England the second, by processes to be made as is declared in the statute made against suche prouisors in the 27. yeare of the raigne of king Edward, predecessour to our Lorde the king that nowe is, any royall licences or grauntes in any maner to the contrary notwithstanding, and that all other statutes made against prouisors, and not repealed before this present Parliament, be in their full force, and be firmly kept in all poyntes.

That the kings counsell haue power by authoritye of Parliament, in case that any man finde himselfe griened in particular, that he may pursue: and that the said counsel by the aduise of the iustices do right vnto the parties. This to endure vntil the next parliament, reseruing alwayes vnto the king his prerogatiue and libertie.

Item,Ann. 9. Regis Henrici. 4. act. 43. that no Popes collector thenceforth should leuy any money within the realme, for first fruites of any ecclesiasticall dignitie, vnder payne of incurring the statute of prouisions.

Besides in the sayd Parliament holden the 11. yeare of this king,Ex Chronic. D. Albani, Fabiano, & alijs. is to be noted: how the commōs of the land, put vp a Bill vnto the kyng, to take the temporall landes out from spirituall mens handes or possession. The effecte of which Bill was, that the temporalities, disordinately wasted by men of the Churche, might suffice to finde to the K. xv. Earles, xv. C. Knightes, vi. M. CC. Esquires, and a C. houses of almose, to the reliefe of poore people, moe then at those dayes were wythin England: And ouer all these foresayd charges, the king might put yearely in his cofers xx. M. pounde.

Prouided, that euery Earle should haue of yerely rent iii. M. marke, and euery Knight C. marke, and iiii. plough landes: Euery Esquier xl. marke by yeare, with ii. plough landes, & euery house of almose C. marke, wyth ouersight of two true seculars vnto euery house: And also with prouision, [Page] that euery towneship should keepe all pore people of their owne dwellers, whych might not labour for theyr liuing: with condition, that if moe fell in a towne then the towne might maintaine, than the said almes houses to relieue such towneships.

And for to beare these charges, they alledged by theyr sayd bil,A computation of Churche goods, to how much they doe mount. yt the temporalties, being in the possession of spiritual men, amounted to iii. C. and xxii. M. marke by yeare. Wherof they affirmed to be in the see of Cant. with the abbaies of Christes church, of S. Augustines, Shrewsbury, Coggeshale, and S. Osus xx. M. marke by yere. In the see of Yorke and Abbeyes there xx. M. marke. In the see of Winchester, and abbeys there xx. M. marke. In the see of London, wt abbeys and other houses there, xx. M. marke. In the see of Lincolne, wyth the abbeys of Peterborowe, Ramsey and other, xx. M. marke. In the see of Norwych, with the abbeys of Bury and other, xx. M. marke. In the see of Ely, Spalding and other, xx. M. marke. In the see of Bathe, wyth the abbey of Okinborne and other, xx. M. marke. In the see of Worcester, wyth the abbeys of Euisham, Abingdon & other, xx. M. marke. In the see of Chester with the precinct of the same, with the sees of s. Dauid, of Salisbury, and Exceter, wyth their precinctes xx. M. marke. The abbeis of Rauens or Reuans of Fountains, of Bernons, and diuers other to the number of v. moe, xx. M. marke. The abbeys of Leicester, Walthan, Gosborne, Merton, Ticetir, Osney and other, vnto the number of vi. mo, xx. M. marke. The abbeys of Douers, Batil, Lewys, Couentry, Dauentre, & Tourney, xx. M. marke. The abbais of Northhampton, Thortō, Bristow, Killingworth, Winchcombe, Nailes, Parchissor, Frideswide, Notly, and Grimmisby, xx. M. marke.

The which foresaid sommes amount to the full of iii. c. M. marke. And for the odde of xxii. M. marke, they apointed Hardford, Rochester, Huntingdō, Swineshed, Crowland, Malmesbury, Burton, Teukesbury, Dunstable, Shirborne, Taunton and Biland.

And ouer this they alleaged by the sayde bill, that ouer and aboue the said summe of iii. C. and xxii. M. marke, diuers houses of religion in England, possessed as many tē poralties as might suffice to find yerely xv. M. priests and clerks, euery priest to be allowed for his stipend vii. marke by the yeare.

To the which Bill no answer was made, but that the king of this matter wold take deliberation & aduisement, and wyth that answer ended, so that no further labor was made.

Ann. 1413.These things thus hitherto discoursed, touching suche actes and matters as haue bene incident in the lyfe time of this king, followeth next the 13. yeare of his raigne. In the which yeare, the sayd king Henry the 4. after that hee had sent a little before a certaine company of captaines & souldiours to aide the duke of Burgundy in Fraunce (among whome was the Lord Cobham) keping his Christenmas at Eltham, fell greeuously sicke. From thence, he was conneied to London, where he began to call a parliament, but taryed not the end. In the meane time, the infirmitie of the king more and more increasing,The kyng had a prophecie, that he should die in Ierusalem. Prophecies deceiueable Ex vetust. Chron. Anglico, cui initium est. he was takē and brought into a bed in a fair chamber at Westminster. And as he lay in his bed, he asked how they called the same chamber: and they answered and sayde, Ierusalem. And then he sayde it was his prophecie, that he should make his ende in Ierusalem. And so disposing himselfe towarde hys ende, in the foresayd chamber he died: vpon what sicknesse, whether of leprosie, or some other sharpe disease, I haue not to affirm. Ex vetust. Chron. Anglico, cuius initium, That all men called. The like prophecy we read, that pope Siluester, 2. pa. 180. to whom being inquisitiue for the time and place where he should die,That al men called. The prophecie of pope Syluester. 2. it was answered, that he shuld die in Ierusalē. Who then saying Masse in a Chappel (called likewise Ierusalem) perceiued his end there to be nere, and died. And thus K. Henry the 4. successor to the lawful K. Richard 2. finished hys life at Westminster, and was buried at Cant. by the tombe of Thomas Becket. &c. An. 1413.

¶ King Henry the fift.

King Henry. [...]. AFter thys Henry the 4. reigned Henry the 5. hys sonne, which was borne at Munmorth in Wales, of whose other vertues and great victories gotten in Fraunce, I haue not greatly to intermeddle: Especially, seeing the memory of hys worthy prowesse, being sufficiently described in other writers in this our time, may both content the reader and vnburden my labor herein. Especially, seing these latter troubles and perturbatious of the Churche offer me so much, that vnneth any vacant laisure shalbe left, to intermeddle wyth matters prophane,

After the coronatiō then of this new king,Great tempest at the coronatiō of the new king. which was the 9. day of April, called then passion Sonday, which was an exceding stormy day, and so tēpestuous, that many did wonder at the portent thereof: not long after the same, a parliament began to be called & to be holden after the feast of Easter, at Westminster An. 1413. At whych time, Thomas Arundel the Archbishop of Canterburie, collected in Paules church at London,A synode called at London. S. George and S. Dunstanes day made double feast. an vniuersal Synode of all the bishops and clergie of England. In that Synode among other weighty matters and ponderous, was determined: that the day of S. George, and also of S. Dunstane should be double feast, called Duplex Festum in holy kitching, in holy Church I would say.

And because the order and maner of those Pope holy feastes, either yet is not sufficiently knowen to some rude and grosse capacities, or may peraduenture growe out of vse, and to be straunge & vnknowen to our posteritie hereafter: Therfore to geue a litle memorandum therof (by the way for eruditiō of times hereafter to come) touching this misticall science of the Popes deepe and secreate diuinitie: here is to be noted, that the feastes of the Popes holy mother Catholique churche,The feast of the popes church, described and deuided. be deuided in sondry members: Like as a plentifull roote in a fruitfull fielde riseth vp and burgeneth into manifold armes, and the armes againe do multiply into diuers and sondry brāches, out of the which moreouer although no frute do come, yet both leaues and flowers doe bud and blossome in most copious wise, right beautifull to beholde:Festum duplex. Principale duplex. Maius duplex. Minus duplex. Inferius duplex. Euen so thys Festum, conteinyng a large matter of great variety of dayes and feasts, groweth to it selfe and multiplieth, being thus deuided: first into Festum duplex, and into Festum simplex, that is into feast double, and to feast simple. Againe, thys Festum duplex brauncheth foure folde wise, to wit, into Festum principale duplex: into Maius duplex: into Minus duplex, and infernis duplex, that is, in principal double, in greater double, in lesser double, and inferior or lower double. Unto these seneual sorts of feasts what daies were peculiarly assigned, it were to long to recite. For this present purpose it shall suffice to vnderstand: that as vnto the principall double feast onely belonged 8. daies in the yere:Constitution against councell. Ex tab. festorum so the Maius duplex festum, had geuen vnto him by thys conuocation, the day of S. George, and of S. Dunstane, as is afore remembred: albeit by constitution it was so decreed, yet by custome it was not so vsed. Item, to be noted, that these two feastes, to witte, Principale duplex, and Maius duplex, did differ and were knowen from all other by foure notes, by seruice in the kitching, and by seruice in the Church, which was both double: by ringing in the steple, which was with double peale: by copes in the quier, and by thurifyeng or censing the aultares. For in these two principall and greater double feasts, the vii, viii, and ix. lesson must be read wyth silken copes. Also at the said feasts in the time of the lessons, the altars in the church must be thurified, that is, smoked with incēse. &c. And likewise the Minus duplex, and Inferius duplex had also their peculiar seruice to them belonging.

Secondly the Simplex festum, Simplex festum. in the popes church. whych is the seconde arme springing of this diuision, is thus diuided: Eyther hauing a triple inuitorie, or a double, or els a single inuitorie. Of the which moreouer, some haue 3. lessons, some haue 9. &c.

And thus much by occasion for Popish feasts, not that I doe so much deride them, as I lament, that so much and manifest idolatry in them is committed to the great dishonor of our Lord our God, whych is onely to be honoured.

¶ The trouble and persecution of the Lord Cobham.

BUt to lette this by matter passe,Trouble of the Lord Cobham. Ex Chron. Monac. Albanensis. againe to returne to the foresayde vniuersal Synode assembled by Thomas Arundel at S. Paules churche in London, as is before remembred: the chiefe and principall cause of the assembling thereof (as recordeth the Chronicle of S. Albones) was to represse the growing and spreading of the Gospell, and especially to withstand the noble & worthy Lorde Cobham: Who was then noted to be a principall fauourer, receiuer, and maintainer of them, whome the Byshop misnamed to be Lollards, especially in the diocesses of London, Rochester, and Hereforde: setting them vp to preache whome the byshops had not licensed, and sending thē about to preach, which was against the constitution prouinciall, before remembred, pag. 5 24. holding also and teaching opinions of the sacraments,Vid. pag. 508. of images, of pilgrimage, of the keyes and church of Rome, contrary and repugnant, to the receiued determination of the Romish church. &c.

In ye meane time, as these were in talke amōgst them, [Page] concerning the good Lord Cobham: resorted vnto them the 12. Inquisitors of heresies (whom they had appoynted at Oxford the yeare afore,Walden in fasciculo. Zizaniorum Wicleui. to searche out heretickes, wyth all Wickleffes bookes) who brought 200. and 46. conclusions, which they had collected as heresies out of the sayd bookes. The names of the sayd Inquisitors were these.

1. Iohn Witnam, a maister in the now Colledge.

2. Iohn Langedon, Monke of Christ church in Cant.

3. William Vfford, regent of the Carmelites.

4. Thomas Claxton, regent of the Dominickes.

5. Robert Gilbert.

6. Richard Earthisdale.

7. Iohn Lucke

8. Richard Snedisham.

9. Richard Flemming.

10. Thomas Rotborne.

11. Robert Ronbery.

12. Richard Grafdale.

These things thus done, & the Articles being brought in: further they proceded in their communication, concluding among themselues, that it was not possible for them to make whole Christes coat wtout seame (meaning therby their patched Popish synagoge) vnlesse certaine great men were brought out of the way which seemed to be the chiefe maintainers of the sayde Disciples of Wickleffe. Among whō thys noble knight sir Iohn Didcastle the Lord Cobham, was complained of by the generall proctors to be the chiefe principall.The L. Cobham accused for maintayning the Gospel of Christ. Him they accused first for a mighty maintainer of suspected preachers in the dioces of London, Rochester, and Hereford, contrary to the mindes of their ordinaries. Not only they affirmed him to haue sēt thether the saide preachers, but also to haue assisted them there by force of armes, notwithstanding their Synodall constitution made afore to the contrary. Last of al, they accused him, that he was farre otherwise in beliefe of the sacrament of the altar of penaunce,The L. Cobham accused for his Christen belefe of pilgrimage, of image worshipping, and of the Ecclesiastical power, then the holy Church of Rome had taught many yeares before.

Processe against him.In the ende it was concluded among them, that wtout any further delay, processe shoulde be awarded out against him, as against a most pernitious hereticke.

A spiritual practise.Some of that felowship which were of more crafty experience then the other: thought it not best to haue yt matter so rashly handled, but by some preparation made therunto before. Considering the sayde Lorde Cobham was a man of great birth, and in fauour at that time with the K. their counsaile was to know first the kings minde, to saue all things vpright. This counsaile was well accepted, and thereupon the Archbyshop thomas Arundell wyth hys other bishops, and a great part of ye clergye, went straight waies vnto the king, then remaining at Keningston. And there laid forth most greuous complaints against the sayd Lorde Cobham, to his great infamy and blemish, being a man right godly. The king gently heard those bloud thirsty Prelates,The kyng speaketh for him. and farre otherwise then became his princely dignitie: notwythstanding requiring, and instantly desiring them, that in respect of hys noble stocke and knighthode, they should yet fauourably deale with him. And that they would if it were possible, without all rigor or extreme handling, reduce him againe to the Churches vnitie. Hee promised them also,His gentle promise. that in case they were contented to take some deliberation, hys selfe would seriously common the matter wyth him.

The kinges admonishment to the L. Cobham.Anone after, the king sent for the saide Lorde Cobham. And as he was come, he called him secretely, admonishing him betwixt him and him, to submit himself to his mother the holy church, and as an obedient child, to acknowledge himselfe culpable.The aunswere of the L. Cobhā to the king. Rom. 13. 1. Pet. 2. L. Cobham obedient to the king. A most christen obedience. 2. Thesl. 2. Math. 24. The L. Cobhā forsaken of the king. Unto whome the Christen knight made this aunswer: You most worthy Prince, saith he, I am alwaies prompt & willing to obey, for somuch as I knowe you a christen king, & the appoynted minister of God, bearing the sworde to the punishment of euil doers, & for safegard of them that be vertuous. Unto you (next my eternal God) owe I my whole obedience, & submit thereunto (as I haue done euer) all that I haue, eyther of fortune or nature, ready at all times to fulfil whatsoeuer ye shall in the Lord, commaund inc. But as touching the Pope and hys spiritually, I owe them neither sure nor seruice, forsomuch as I knowe him by the Scriptures to be the great Antichrist, the sonne of perdition, the open aduersary of God, & the abhomination standing in the holy place. When ye king had heard thys, wt such like sentences more, he would talke no longer with hym, but left him so vtterly.

And as the Archbyshop resorted againe vnto hym for an answere, he gaue him his full authority to cite him, examin him, & punish him according to their deuilish decrees, which they called the lawes of holy church. Then the sayde Archb.Lord Cobham sommo [...]ed by the Archb. by the counsaile of his other Byshops and Clergy, appoynted to cal before him Sir Iohn Didcastle the Lord Cobham, and to cause hym personally to appeare, to aunswere to such suspect Articles as they shoulde lay agaynst hym. So he sent forth hys chiefe Sommoner, wyth a very sharpe citation vnto the castle of Cowling, where as he at that time dwelt for his solace. And as the sayd Sommoner was come thether, hee durst in no case enter the gates of so noble a man wythout his licence, and therfore he returned home againe, hys message not done.

Then called the Archbish.Iohn Butles playeth Iudas part. one Iohn Butler vnto him, which was then the doore keper of the kings priuy chamber: and wyth him he couenaunted through promyses and rewards, to haue this matter craftly brought to passe, vnder the kings name. Whereuppon, the sayde Iohn Butler tooke the Archbyshops Somner with him, and went vnto the saide Lord Cobham: shewing him, yt it was the kings pleasure that he should obey that citation, and so cited him fraudulently. Then saide he to them in few words, that he in no case would consent to those most deuilish practises of the Priestes. As they had informed the Archbyshop of that aunswere, and that it was for no man priuately to cite him after that, without pearil of life: he decreed by & by to haue him cited by publique processe or open cōmandement. And in all the hast possible, vpon the Wednesday before the Natiuity of our Lady in September: he commaunded letters citatorir, to be set vppon the great gates of the Cathedrall church of Rochester (whych was but 3. English miles frō thence) charging hym to appeare personally before him at Ledis the 11. day of the same moneth and yeare,Citation set vp against the Lord Cobham. all excuses to the contrary set apart. Those letters were taken down anone after,The citatiōs takē downe. by such as bare fauor vnto the Lord Cobham and so conueyed aside. After that caused the Archbish. new letters to be set vp on the natiuity day of our Lady, whych also were rent downe and vtterly consumed.

Then for somuch as he dyd not appeare at the day appoynted at Ledys (where her sate in Consistorie, as cruell as euer was Cayphas, with his court of hypocrites about him) he iudged him, denounced him, and condemned him, of most depe contumacy. After that, whē he had bene falsly informed by his hired spies,False accusations against the Lord Cobham. and other glosing glauerers: that the sayd Lord Cobh. had laughed him to scorn, disdained al his doings, maintained his old opinions, contemned the churches power, the dignity of a Bishop, & the order of priesthood (for all these was he than accused of) in his mody madnes wtout iust profe, did he openly excommunicate him.L. Cobham excommunicated. L. Cobham againe cited. Yet was not withal this, his fierce tiranny satisfied: but commanded him to be cited a fresh, to appeare afore him the Saterday before the feast of S. Mathewe the Apostle, wt these cruel threatnings added thereunto: that if he did not obey at the day, he wold more extremely handle him. And to make himselfe more strong towardes the performāce thereof, he compelled the lay power by most terrible manasings of curses and interdictions: to assist hym against that seditious apostata, schismaticke, and hereticke, the troubler of the publike peace, that enemy of the realme and great aduersary of all holy Church, for al these hateful names did he geue him.

Thys most constant seruant of the Lorde and worthy Knight sir Iohn Didcastle, the Lorde Cobham, beholding the vnpeaceable furie of Antichrist, thus kindled agaynst him:L. Cobham confesseth his God before men. perceiuing himself also compassed on euery side wyth deadly daungers: He tooke paper and pen in hand, and so wrote a Christen cōfession or rekening of his faith (whych followeth heereafter) both signing and sealing it wyth his owne hand. Wherein he also answered to the 4. chiefest articles that the Archbyshop laid against him. That done, he tooke the copie with him, and went therewith to the king, trusting to finde mercy & fauour at his hande.The Apostles faith. None other was yt confession of his, then the common beleue or summe of the Churches faith, called the Apostles Creede, of all Christen men than vsed, with a brief declaration vpon the same, as here vnder ensueth.

¶ The Christen beliefe of the Lorde Cobham.

I Beleue in God the father almighty, maker of heauen and earth.The commō creede of Christians. And in Iesu Christ hys onely sonne our Lorde, which was cōceiued by the holy ghost, borne of the virgin Mary, suffred vnder Ponce Pilate, crucified dead and buried, went downe to hell, the thirde day rose agayne from death, ascended vp to heauen, sitteth on the ryght hande of God the father almighty, and from thence shal come again to iudge the quicke & the dead. I beleeue in the holy ghost, the vniuersal holy Church, the communion of Saints, the forgeuenesse of sinnes, the vprising of the flesh, and euerlasting life. Amen.

And for a more large declaration (sayth he) of thys myA doclaratiō of his belief. [Page] sayth in the Catholicke Churche: I stedfastly beleue, that there is but one God almighty, in and of whose Godhead are these three persons, the father, the sonne, and the holye Ghost, and that those three persons are the selfe same God almighty. I beleue also, that the second person of this most blessed Trinitie, in most conuenient tune appoynted therunto afore,1. Iohn. 5. Galla. 4. Iohn. 1. Luke. 2. Christ is the onely head of his Church. tooke flesh and bloud of the most blessed virgin Mary, for the sauegarde and redemption of the vniuersall kind of man, which was afore lost in Adams offence.

Moreouer I beleeue, that the same Iesus Christ our Lord thus being both God and man, is the onely head of the whole Christian Churche, and that all those that hathe bene or shalbe saued, be members of this most holy church. And this holy Churche I thinke to be deuided into three sortes or companyes.

Wherof the first sort be now in heauen, and they are the sayntes from hence departed.The church deuided in three partes. These as they were here cō uersant, conformed alwayes their liues to the most holye lawes and pure examples of Christ, renouncing Sathan, the world, and the flesh, with all their concupiscences and euils.

Contrary wrote he, ad parliamétū, Ex Waldeno.The second sort are in Purgatory (if any suche place be in the scriptures) abiding the mercy of God and a full deliueraunce of payne.

The third sort are here vpon the earth, and be called the Church millitant. For day and night they contend against crafty assaultes of the deuill, the flattering prosperities of this world, and the rebellious filthines of the flesh.

This latter congregation by the iust ordinance of God is also seuered into three diuers estates,The church militant deuided in three. that is to say, into priesthood, knighthood, and the commons. Among whom the will of God is, that the one should ayd the other, but not destroy the other. The priestes first of al secluded from all worldlines, should conforme theyr liues vtterly to the examples of Christ and his Apostles. Euermore shoulde they be occupyed in preaching and teaching the scriptures purely,What the priestes should be. and in geuing wholesome examples of good liuing to the other two degrees of men. More modest also, more louing, gentle, and lowly in spirite, should they be, then ano other sortes of people.

In knighthood are all they, which beare sword by law of office. These should defend Gods lawes, and see that the Gospell were purely taught,Knighthood what it should doe. conforming theyr liues to yt same, and secluding all false preachers: yea these ought rather to hazard their liues, thē to suffer such wicked decrees as either blemisheth the eternall Testament of God, or yet letteth the free passage therof, whereby heresies & schismes might spring in the Churche. For of none other arise they as I suppose,Marke here a most christen hart. then of erroneous constitutiōs, craftely first creeping in vnder hipocriticall lies, for aduauntage. They ought also to preserue Gods people from oppressours, tyrauntes, and theeues, & to see the clergie supported so long as they teach purely, pray rightly, and minister the Sacramentes freely. And if they see them doe otherwise, they are bound by the law of office to compell them to chaung their doinges: & to see all thinges performed according to gods prescript ordinaunce.

What the commō peoought to doe.The latter fellowship of this Church, are the common people: whose duery is, to beare their good mindes & true obedience, to the aforesayd ministers of God, theyr kinges ciuill gouernours and Priestes. The right office of these, is iustly to occupy euery man his facultie, be it marchaundise, handicraft: or the tilthe of the ground. And so one of them to be as an helper to an other, following alwayes in their sortes the iust commaundementes of the Lord God.

Beliefe of the L. Cobham concerning the Sacramentes.Ouer and besidés all this, I most faythfully beleeue ye the Sacramentes of Christes Churche are necessary to all Christen beleuers: this alwayes seen to: that they be truly ministred according to Christes first institution and ordinaunce. And forasmuch as I am maliciously & most falsly accused of a misbeliefe in the sacrament of the aulter, to the hurtfull slaunder of many: I signifie here vnto all men, yt this is my fayth concerning that.The Sacrament of the aulter. I beleue in that Sacrament to be contayned very Christes body and bloud vnder the similitudes of bread and wyne, yea the same body yt was conceiued of the holy ghost, borne of yt virgine Mary done on the crosse: dyed, that was buryed, arose the thyrd day from the death: and is now glorified in heauen. I also beleue, the vniuersall law of God to be most true and perfect, and they which doe not so follow it in theyr fayth and works (at one time or an other) can neuer be saned: Where as he that seketh it in fayth, accepteth it, learneth it, delighteth therin, and performeth it in loue, shall cast for it the felicitie of euerlasting Innocencie.

Gods law to be preferred before mans lawe.Finally, this is my fayth also, that God will aske no more of a Christen beleuer in this life, but onely to obey yt preceptes of that most blessed law. If any Prelates of the Church require more, or els any other kinde of obedience, then this to be vsed: he contemneth Christ, exalting hymselfe aboue God, and so becommeth an open Antichrist. Al the premisses I beleue particularly, and generally all that God hath left in his holy scripture:A Christen desire of the L. Cobham. This request was lawfull. that I should beleeue. Instantly desiring you my siege Lord and most worthye king, that this confession of mine, may be iustly examined by the most godly wise and learned men of your Realme. And if it be found in all pointes agreeing to the veritie, thē let it be so allowed: and I therupon holden for none other then a true Christian.Obedience vnto his king. If it be proued otherwise: then let it be vtterly cōdemned: prouided alwayes, that I be taught a better beliefe by the word of God: and I shall most reuerently at all times obey therunto.

This briefe confession of this fayth, the Lorde Cobham wrote (as is mentioned afore) and so tooke it with him to the court, offering it withall meekenes vnto the kyng to read it ouer.The Christen stomacke and māhoode of the L. Cobham. The king would in no case receaue it, but cō manded it to be deliuered vnto thē that should be his iudges. Then desired he in the kinges presence, that an hundred knightes and Esquiers might be suffered to come in vpon hys purgation, which he knew, woulde cleare hym of all heresies. Moreouer he offered himsel [...]e after the lawe of armes, to fight for life or death in any man liuing, Christen or heathen, in the quarrell of hys fayth, the king and the Lordes of hys Councell excepted.No reasonable offer would serne. Finally with all gē tlenes he protested before all yt were present, that he wold refuse no maner of correction that shold after the lawes of God he ministred vnto him, but that he would at al times with all meekenes obey it. Notwithstanding all this,L. Cobham appealeth frō the Archb to the pope. the king suffered him to be sommoned personally in his owne priuy chamber. Then sayd the Lord Cobham to the king that he had appeled from the Archbishop to the Pope of Rome, & therefore he ought he sayd, in no cause to be hys iudge. And hauing his appeale there at hand ready writtē,Straight handling of the kings. he shewed it with al reuerence to the king. Wherewith the king was then much more displeased then afore, and sayde angerly vnto him, that he should not pursue hys appeale: but rather he should tary in hold, till suche time as it were of the Pope allowed. And thē, would he, or nild he, yt archbishop should be his iudge.L. Cobham would not obey the beast. Thus was there nothing allowed that the good Lord Cobham had lawfully afore required. But for so much as he woulde not be sworne in all things to submit himselfe to the Church, and so take what penaunce the archbishop would enioyne him: He was arested agayne at the kinges commaundement, and so ledde forth to the Tower of London, to keepe hys day (so was it then spoken) that the archbishop had appoynted him afore in the kinges chamber.

The confession & answer of the L. Cobham newly copyed.Then caused he the foresayd confession of his fayth to be copyed agayne and the aunswere also (which he had made to the foure articles proponed agaynst him) to be written in maner of an Indenture in two sheetes of paper: That when he should come to hys aunswere, he might geue the one copy vnto the archbishop, and reserue the other to him selfe. As the day of examination was come,Cayphas sitteth in consistory. which was the 23. day of September the Saterday before the feast of saint Mathewe: Thomas Arundell the Archbishop, sitting in Cayphas rowme in the Chapter house of Paules, wyth Richard Clifford Byshop of London, and Henry Bolnig broke Byshop of Winchester: sir Robert Morley knight and Liefetenant of the Tower, brought personally before hym the sayd Lord Cobham, and there left him for the time vnto whom the archbishop sayd these wordes.

* The first examination of the Lorde Cobham.

Antichrist was here in full power.SIr Iohn▪ in the last generall conuocation of the clergie of this our Prouince, ye were detected of certayne heresies, and by sufficient witnesses found culpable. Whereupon ye were by forme of spirituall law cited, and woulde in no case appeare. In conclusion, vpon your rebellious cō tumacie, ye were both priuately and openly excommunicated. Notwithstanding we neyther yet shewed our selues vnready to haue geuen your absolution (nor yet doe not to this houre) would ye haue meekely asked it. Vnto this the Lord Cobham shewed, as though he had geuen no eare; hauing hys minde otherwise occupyed,A signe of gods true [...]. and so desired no absolution. But sayd, he would gladly before him and hys brethren make rehearsal of that fayth which he held and en tended alwayes to stand to, if it woulde please them to licence him thereunto. And then he tooke out of his vosome a certayn writing endented, concerning the articles wherof he was accused, and so opēly read it before them, geuing it vnto the Archbishop, as he had made thereof an ende. Whereof this is the copy.

[Page] The Sacrament of the Lords [...]ody.I IOhn Didcastle Knight Lord of Cobham, will that all Christen men weet and vnderstād: that I clepe almighty God into witnesse, that it hath bene, nowe is, and euer with the helpe of God, shall be mine entent and my will, to beleue faythfully and fully all the sacramentes that euer God ordayned to be do in holy Church: and moreouer to declare me in these foure poynts, I beleue that the most worshipfull Sacrament of the aulter is Christes body in forme of bread, the same body that was borne of the blessed virgin our Lady sayne Mary, done on the crosse, dead and buryed, the thyrd day rose from death to life, the which body is now glorified in heauen.

Penaunce.Also as for the sacrament of penaunce I beleue, that it is needefull to euery man that shalbe saued to forsake sinne and do due penaunce for sinne before done, with true confession, very contrition, and due satisfaction as Gods lawe limitteth and teacheth, and els may he not be saued: which penaunce I desire all men to doe.

And as of Images I vnderstand, that they be not of beleue, but that they were ordayned sith the beleue was zewe of Christ,Images. by sufferaunce of the Church to be Calenders to lewd men, to represent and bryng to minde the passion of our Lord Iohn Christ, and martyrdome and good liuing of other sayntes: And that who so it be, that doth the worship to dead Images that is due to God, or putteth suche hope or trust, in helpe of them, as he should doe to God, or hath affection in one more then in an other, he doth in that the greatest sinne of maumerry.

Pilgrimage.Also I suppose this fully, that euery man in this earth is a pilgrime toward blisse, or toward payne: and that he that knoweth not, ne will not know ne keepe the holy comaundementes of God in his liuing here (albeit that he be go on Pilgrimages to all the world, and he dye so) he shalbe damned: and he that knoweth the holy commaundementes of God, and keepeth them to hys ende, he shalbe saued though he neuer in hys lyfe goe on pilgrimage, as men now vse to Caunterbury or to Rome or to any other place.

The aunswer examined. Quarel picked: where [...] was geuen.This aunswere to hys articles thus ended and read, he deliuered it to the Bishops as is sayd afore. Than counceled the Archbishop with the other two Bishops, and with diuers of the Doctours, what was to be done in this matter: commaunding hym for the tyme to stand aside. In cō clusion by their assent & information, he said thus vnto him Come hether Syr Iohn. In this your wryting are many good thinges contayned,The Christen aunswere of the Lord Cobham vnto their quarellinges. and right Catholicke also, we deny it not: but ye must consider yt thys day was appoynted you to aunswere to other pointes concerning those articles, wherof as yet no mention is made in this your Bil. And therefore ye must yet declare vs your minde more playnly.

And thus: whether that ye holde, affirme, and beleeue, that in the sacrament of the aulter, after the consecration rightly done by a priest, remayneth materiall bread, or not? Moreouer,The wolfe was hungry, he must needes be fed with bloud. whether ye do hold, affirme and beleue, that as concerning the sacrament of penaunce (where as a competent nomber of priestes are) euery Christen man is necessarely bound to be confessed of hys sinnes to a priest ordained by the Church, or not.

After certayn other communication, this was the answere of the good Lord Cobham. That none otherwise would he declare his minde, nor yet aunswere vnto hys articles, then was expressely in his writing there contayned. Then sayd the Archbishop agayne vnto hym:A tyrannous whore is that mother. Syr Iohn, beware what ye do. For if ye aunswere not clearely to those thinges that are here obiected agaynst you (especially at the time appointed you onely for that purpose) the law of holy Church is, that compelled once by a iudge, we may openly proclayme ye an hereticke. Unto whome he gaue this aunswere: Do as ye shall thinke best, for I am at a poynt.His aūswer not to their mindes. Whatsoeuer he or the other Byshops did aske him after that, he had them resorte to hys Bill: for thereby would he stand to the very death. Other aunswere woulde he not geue that day, wherwith the Bishops and Prelates were in a maner amased and wonderfully disquieted.

Antichrist setteth men aboue God.At the last, the archbishop councelled agayne with hys other Bishops and Doctours, and in the end therof declared vnto him, what the holy Church of Rome (following the saying of S. Augustine, S. Hicrome, S. Ambrose, and of other holy Doctours) had determined in these matters, no maner of mention once made of Christ.The L. Cobhā resorteth vnto Christ. Whiche determination (sayth he) ought all Christen men both to beleue and to follow.

Then sayd the Lord Cobham vnto him, that he would gladly both beleue and obserue whatsoeuer holy church of Christes institution [...]ad determined, or yet whatsoeuer God had willed him either to beleue or to do. But that the pope of Rome with his Cardinals,What could be more reasonably had if they had reasō to receaue it. Archbishops, bishops and other prelates of that Churche had lawfull power to determine such matter as stoode not with his worde throughly: that would he not (he sayd) at the time affirme. With this yt archbish. had him to take good aduisement til the monday next following (which was the 25. day of September) and then iustly to aunswere, specially vnto thys poynt: whether there remayned materiall breade in the sacrament of the aulter, after the wordes of consecration, or not? He promised him also, to send vnto hym in writing those matters clearely determined,A doctrine of deuils to blinde the simple. that he might then be the more perfect in his answere making. And all this was nought els, but to blinde the multitude with somewhat. The next day following, according to his promise, ye Archbishop sent vnto hym into the Tower, this foolishe and blasphemous writing made by him and by hys vnlearned Clergy.

* The determination of the Archbyshop and Clergy.

Ex magna professu Thom 4 Arundel. The first Article.THe faith and determination of ye holy Church touching the blisfull sacrament of the aultar, is this: that after the Sacramentall wordes be once spoken by a Priest in hys Masse, the material bread, that was before bread, is turned into Christes very body. And the materiall wine, that was before wine, is turned into Christes very bloud. And so there remayneth in the sacrament of the aulter, from thenceforth, no materiall bread, nor materiall wine, which were there before the Sacramentall wordes were spoken: Now beleue ye this article?The second Article. Holy church hath determined that euery Christen man liuing here bodely vpon the erth ought to be shriuen to a priest ordeined by the Church, if he may come to him. Now feele ye this article?

Christ ordayned S. Peter the Apoistle to be his vicare here in earth,The third Article. whose sea is the holy churche of Rome: And he graunted, that the same power which he gaue vnto Peter, should succeed to all Peters successours, which we call now Popes of Rome:The seede of the Serpent. By whose power in Churches particuler, be ordayned Prelates, as Archbishops, Byshops, Parsons, Curates, and other degrees more. Unto whom Christen men ought to obey after the laws of the church of Rome. This is the determination of holy Church. Howe feele ye this article?

Holy churche hath determined,The fourth Article. that it is meritorious to a christen man, to go on pilgrimage to holy places: And there specially to worship holy reliques and Images of Saintes, Apostles, and Martyrs, Confessours, & all other Saintes besides, approued by the church of Rome. Howe feele ye this article?

And as the Lorde Cobham had reade ouer this most wretched writing,He seeth their ignoraunce and malice. he maruailed greatly of their mad ignorance. But that he considered agayne, that God had geuen them ouer for their vnbeliefes sake, into most deepe errors & blindnes of soule. Agayne, he perceiued hereby, that their vttermost mallice was purposed agaynst him, howsoeuer he should answere.He putteth his life in Gods hand And therefore he put hys life into the handes of God, desiring hys onely spirite to assiste hym in his next answere. When the sayd xxv. day of September was come (whiche was also the Monday before Michaelmas) in the sayd yeare of our Lord, 1413.Ex [...]troque exemplari. Thomas Arundell the Archbishop of Caunterbury commaunded his indiciall seate to be remoued from yt chapter house of Paules to the Dominicke Friers within Ludgate at Londō. And as he was there set with Richard Byshop of London: Hē nry the Byshop of Winchester:The coūsell of Cayphas and Bennet the Byshop of Bangor: He called in vnto him his counsell & his officers, with diuers other Doctours and Fryers, of whome these are the names here following, maister Henry ware, ye Officiall of Caunterbury: Phillip Morgan, Doctour of both lawes: Howell Kiffin, Doctor of the Canon lawe.The phariseis and Scribes. Iohn Kempe, Doctor of the Canon lawe. Williā Carleton, Doctour of the Canon law. Iohn Witnā, of the new College in Oxford. Iohn Wighthead, Doctor in Oxford also, Rob. Wōbewel, Vicare of S. Laurence in the Iewry, Thomas Palmer, the Warden of Minors, Robert Chamberlayne, Prior of the Dominickes, Richard Dodington,A rable of Antichristes Prior of the Augustines. Thomas Walden: Priour of the Carmelites, all Doctours of Diuinitie. Iohn Stephens also, and Iames Cole, both Notaryes, appoynted there purposely to write all that shoulde be eyther sayd or done. All these with a great sorte more of Priestes, Monkes, Chanons, Friers, Parishe Clerkes, belryngers, Pardoners, disdayned him, with innumerable mockes & scornes, reconing him to be an horrible hereticke, and a man accussed afore God.

[Page] Conciliū ma lignansiū.Anone the Archbishop called for a masse booke, & caused all those Prelates and Doctors to sweare there vpon, that euery man should faythfully doe his office and duety that day. And that neyther for fauour nor feare, loue nor hate of the one party nor the other: any thing should there be witnessed,For a false coulor sweare they spoken or done, but according to the truth, as they wold answer before God & all the world at the day of dome. Then were the two foresayd Notaryes sworne also, to wryte and to witnesse the processe that there shoulde be vttered on both parties, and to say their mindes (if they otherwise knew) before they should register it.All done to deceiue the ignoraunt. And al this dissimulation was but to colour their mischiefes, before the ignoraunt multitude.

Consider herein (gentle reader) what this wicked generation is, and how far wide from the iust feare of God for as they were then, so are they yet to this day.

After that, came forth before them Syr Robert Morley Knight and lieftenant of the Tower,Lord Cobham commeth againe before them. and he brought with him y• good Lorde Cobhā, there leauing him among them as a Lambe among wolues, to his examination and aunswere.

* An other examination of the Lorde Cobham.

Ex [...]etusto exemplari Londinēsiū.THen saide the archbishop vnto him: Lord Cobham ye be aduised (I am sure) of the wordes & processe which we had vnto you vpon Saterday last past in the chapterhouse of Paules: which processe were nowe to long to be rehearsed agayne?The curse of Antichrist. I said vnto you then, that ye were accursed for your contumacie & disobedience to holy Church thinking that ye should with meekenes haue desired your absolution.

Then spake the Lord Cobham with a chearful countenaunce, and sayde. God sayde by his holy Prophet, Maledicam benedictionibus vestris, Malachi. 2. whiche is as much to say as I shall cursse where you blesse.

The archbishop made then as though he had continued forth his tale and not hearde him,A woluishe after of gentlenesse. saying: Sir, at that tyme I gently profered to haue assoyled you if ye woulde haue asked it. And yet I doe the same if ye will humbly desire it in due forme and maner, as holy church hath ordayned.

Then said the Lord Cobham. May forsooth will I not for I neuer yet trespassed agaynst you,L. Cobham confesseth himselfe into God. and therefore I will not do it. And with that he kneeled downe on the pauement, holding vp his handes to wardes heauen, and sayd, I shriue me here vnto thee my eternall liuing God, that in my frayle youth I offended thee (Lord) most greuously in pride, wrath, and gluttony: in couetousnes, and in lechery. Many men haue I hurt in mine anger,Mans law before Gods law preferred. [...]liere. 51. and done many other horrible sinnes, good Lorde I aske thee mercye. And therewith weepingly he stoode vp agayne and sayde with a mighty voyce. Loe, good people, loe. For the breaking of Gods law and his great commaundementes, they neuer yet cursed me. But for their owne lawes and traditions, most cruelly doe they handle both me and other mē. And therfore, both they and theyr lawes, by the promise of God, shall vtterly be destroyed.

At this the archbishop and his companye were not a litle blemished. Nothwithstanding, he tooke stomack vnto him agayne after certayne words, had in excuse of their tyranny, and examined the Lord Cobham of his Christen beleue.

Whereunto the Lord Cobham made this godly aunswere. I beleue (sayth he) fully and faithfully the vniuersall lawes of God. I beleue that all is true whiche is conteyned in the holy sacred scriptures of the Bible. Finally I beleue,The Christen beliefe of the Lord Cobham. all that my Lord God would I shoulde beleue. Then demaunded the Archbishop an answere of that Bill whiche he and the Clergie had sent him into the Tower the day afore, in maner of a determination of the Churche concerning the foure Articles whereof he was accused, specially for the Sacrament of the aulter, howe he beleeued therein.

Whereunto the Lord Cobham sayd, that with that bill he had nothing to doe. But this was his beliefe (he sayd) concerning the sacrament. That his Lord and Sauiour Iesus Christ, sitting at his last supper with his most deare disciples, the night before he should suffer, tooke bread in his hand. And geuing thanks to his eternall father, blessed it, brake it, and so gaue it vnto them, saying: Take it vnto you,Math. 26. Mark. 14. Luke. 22. 1. Cor. 11. and eat therof all, this is my body whiche shall be betrayed for you: Doe this hereafter in my remembraunce. This doe I throughly beleue (sayth he) for this sayth am I taught of the Gospell in Mathewe, in Marke, and in Luke, and also in the first Epistle of S. Paule to the Corinthians. chap. 11.

Then asked the Archbishop,Antichrist alloweth not this faith. if he beleeued that it were bread after the consecration or sacramentall words spoken ouer it.

The Lord Cobham said. I beleue that in the sacramēt of the aulter is Christes very body in forme of bread, the same that was borne of yt virgin Mary, done on the crosse, dead, and buryed: and that the third day arose from death to life, which now is glorified in heauen.

Then sayd one of the Doctors of the law.The sacrament of the aultar. After the sacramentall wordes be vttered: there remayneth no bread, but onely the body of Christ.

The Lorde Cobham sayd then to one Maister Iohn whitehead:Iohn Whithead, gone from his opinion. All this would not helpe. You sayd once vnto me in the castell of Couling, that the sacred host was not Christes body. But I held then against you, and proued that therin was his body, though the seculars and Friers could not therein agree but held ech one against other in that opinion. These wer my wordes then, if ye remember it.

Then shouted a sorte of them together and cryed wyth great noyse.A blasphemous bloode. Quarell pickers. We say all that it is Gods body.

And diuers of them asked him in great anger, whether it were materiall bread after the consecration or not?

Then looked the L. Cobham, earnestly vpon the archbishop, and said: I beleue surely that it is Christes body in forme of bread. Syr beleue not you thus?

And the archbishop sayd,The sacramēt of Christes body is both the body and bread. Neither will scripture nor reason serue. yes mary do I?

Then asked him the Doctors, whether it were onely Christes bodye after the consecration of a Priest, and no body or not?

And he sayd vnto them, it is both Christes body and bread I shall proue it as thus. For like as Christ dwelling here vpon yt earth, had in him both Godhead & manhood, and had the inuisible Godhead couered vnder that manhode, which was onely visible and seene in him:This opiniō hath S. Augustine. So in the sacrament of the aultar, is Christes very bodye and bread also, as I beleue the bread is the thinge, that we see wyth our eies, the body of Christ (which is his flesh & his bloud) is there vnder hyd and not seene, but in fayth.

And moreouer,Gelasius contra Eutichen. to proue that it is both Christes bodie and also bread after the consecration, it is by playne wordes expressed by one of your owne Doctours writing agayne Eutiches, whiche faith: Like as the selfe same Sacraments, do passe by the operation of the holy Ghost, into a Diuine nature: and yet notwithstanding keepe the propertie still of their former nature: so, that principall mistery declareth to remayne, one true, and perfect Christ. &c.

Then smiled they eache one vpon other,The popes diu [...] nitic. that the people shoulde iudge him taken in a great heresie. And with a great brag diuers of them sayd. It is a foule heresie.

Then asked the Archbishop what bread it was? And the Doctors also inquired of him whether it were materiall or not?

The Lorde Cobham said vnto thē.Materiall. The scriptures maketh no mention of this worde materiall, and therfore my faith hath nothing to doe therwith. But this I say and beleue, that it is Christes body and bread.Iohn. 6. For Christ sayd in the vi. of Iohns Gospell. Ego sum panis viuus, qui de coelo descendi. I which came downe from heauen, am the liuing and not the dead bread. Therfore I say now agayne as I sayd afore, as our Lord Iesus Christ is very God and very man: so in the most blessed sacrament of the aulter, is Christes very body and bread.

Then sayd they all with one voyce.An heresie after the papistes making. It is an heresie.

One of the Byshops stoode▪ vp by and by, and sayd. What? it is an heresie manifest, to say that it is bread after the Sacramentall wordes be once spoken, but Christes body onely.

The Lord Cobham sayd: S. Paule the Apostle was (I am sure) as wise as you be now,1. Cor. 10 and more gladly learned. And he called it bread, writing to the Corinthians. The bread that we breake, sayth he, is it not the partakyng of the body of Christ?The sacrament is called bread. Lo, he called it bread and not Christes body, but a meane whereby we receaue Christs body.

Then sayd they agayne. Paule must be otherwise vnderstand. For it is sure on heresie to say that it is bread after the consecration, but onely Christes body.

The Lord Cobham asked,The determination of the church must stand, whatsoeuer Paule saith A most christen aunswere. The iudgement of L. Cobham concerning the determinatiō of the Church. how they could make good that sentence of theirs?

They aunswered him thus. For it is agaynst the determination of holy Church.

Then sayd the archbishop vnto him. Syr Iohn, we sēt you a writing concerning the fayth of this blessed Sacrament, clearely determined by the church of Rome our mother, and by the holy Doctors.

Then he sayd agayne vnto him. I know none holyer then is Christ and his Apostles. And as for that determination I wore, it is none of theyrs: for it standeth not with the [Page] scriptures, but manifestly against them. If it be the Churches, as ye say it is, it hath bene hers onely since she receaued the great poyson of worldly possessions, and not afore.

Then asked they him, to stop his mouth therwith. If he beleued not in the determination of the Church?

The Doctours consounded in their owne question.And he sayd vnto them. No forsooth, for it is no God. In all our Creede, this word (in) is but thrise mentioned concerning beleue. In God the father, in God the sonne, in in God the holy Ghost three persons and one God. The byrth, the death, the buriall, the resurrection and ascension of Christ, hath none (in) for beleue, but in him. Neyther yet hath the Church, the sacramentes, the forgeuenes of sinne, the latter resurrection, nor yet the life euerlasting nor anye other (in) then in the holy ghost.

Then sayd one of the Lawyers. Such, that was but a word of office. But what is your beliefe concerning holy Church?

The L. Cobhā beleueth not in the Pope.The Lord Cobham aunswered. My beliefe is: (as I sayd afore) that all the scriptures of the sacred Bible are true. All y• is grounded vppon them I beleue throughly. For I know, it is Gods pleasure that I shuld so do. But in your Lordly lawes and idle determinations, haue I no beliefe. For ye be no part of Christes holy churche, as your open deedes doth shew: But ye are very Antichristes, obstinately set agaynst his holy law and wil. The lawes that ye haue made, are nothing to his glory, but onely for your vayne glory and abhominable couetousnes.

An heresie after the papistes.This they sayd, was an exceeding heresie (and that in a great fume) not to beleeue the determination of holye Church.

Then the Archbishop asked hym, what he thought of holy Church.

Holy church defined.He sayd vnto him my beliefe is, that the holye Churche is the number of them, which shalbe saued, of whō Christ is the head. Of this churche, one part is in heauen wyth Christ, an other in purgatorye (you say) and the thyrd is here in earth.Consider him to be then in shrewde handlinge. This latter part standeth in three degrees in knighthoode, priesthoode, and the communaltie, as I sayd afore playnely in the confession of my beliefe.

Then sayd the Archbishop vnto hym. Can you tell me who is of this church?

The Lord Cobham answered: Yea truely can I.

Then sayd Doctor walden the Prior of the Carmelits It is no doubt vnto you who is thereof.Walden contra Wieleuistas. li. ar. 2. Cap. 67 How we may iudge or not iudge by the scriptures. Math. 7. For Christ sayeth in Mathewe Nolite iudicare, presume to iudge no man. If ye be here forbidden the iudgement of your neighboure or brother, much more the iudgement of your superiour.

The Lorde Cobham made him this aunswere: Christ sayth also in the selfe same chapter of Mathew, that like as the euill tree is knowne by hys fruit, so is a false Prophet by his works, appeare they neuer so glorious: But that ye left behind ye. And in Iohn he hath this text: Operibus credite, belecue you the outwarde doinges.Iohn. 1. Iohn. 7. Deut. 16. Psal. 56. And in an other place of Iohn: Iustum iudicium iudicate, when wee knowe the thing to be true, we may so iudge it, and not offend. For Dauid sayd also: Rectè iudicate filij hominum. Iudge rightly alwayes ye children of men. And as for your superiority were ye of Christ, ye shoulde be meeke ministers, and no proud superiours.

Then said Doctor walden vnto him, ye make here no difference of iudgementes.Diuersitie of iudgementes. Ye put no diuersitie betwene y• euill iudgementes, whiche Christ had forbidden, and the good iudgementes, which he hath cōmaunded vs to haue. Rash iudgment, and right iudgement, al is one with you. So swift iudges alwayes are the learned schollers of Wicklisse.

Vnto whom the Lord Cobham thus aunswered: It is wel sophistred of you, forsooth. Preposterous are your iudgementes euermore.A persite aunswere. Esay. 5. Esay. 55. For as the Prophet Esay sayth, ye iudge euill, good, and good, euill. And therefore the same prophet concludeth, that your wayes are not Gods waies nor Gods wayes your wayes. And as for that vertuous man wicklisse, whose iudgementes ye so highly disdayne: I shall say here of my part,Walden in prafasione doctrina. 7. both before God and man, that before I knew that despised doctrine of his, I neuer abstayned from sinne. But since I learned therin to feare my Lorde GOD, it hath otherwise I trust, bene with me: so muche grace coulde I neuer finde in all your glorious instructions.

A great aduersary.Then said Doctor Walden agayne, yet vnto him: It were not well with me (so many vertuous men liuing, & so many learned men teaching the scripture, being also so open, and the examples of fathers so plenteous) If I thē had no grace to amend my life, till I heard the deuil preach S. Hierome sayth,Hieroni. in breni [...]ri im minori. that he whiche seeketh suche suspected Maysters, shall not finde the midday light, but the midday deuill.

The Lord Cobham sayd:Luke 11. Iohn 10. Doctours when the scripture faile, they begin to raise. The clergie to sit on life or death, hath no ground in scriptures. Followers of Cayphas. Your fathers the old Phariseis, ascribed Christes miracles to Belzebub, and his doctrine to the deuil. And you as their natural children, haue still the selfe same iudgement, concerning his faythfull followers. They that rebuke your vicious liuing must needs be heretickes, and that must your doctors proue, whē you haue no scripture to do it. Then sayde he to them all: To iudge you as you be, we neede no further go, then to your owne proper actes. Where do ye find in all Gods law, that ye shold thus sit in iudgement of any Christen men, or yet geue sentence vppon any other man vnto death as ye doe here dayly? No grounde haue ye in all the Scriptures so Lordly to take it vppon you, but in Annas and Cayphas, which sat thus vpon Christ, and vppon his Apostles after hys ascension. Of them onely haue ye taken it to iudge Christes members as ye doe, and neither of Peter nor Iohn.

Then sayd some of the Lawyers: yes forsooth syr, for Christ iudged Iudas.

The Lord Cobham sayd: No, Christ iudged him not, but he iudged himselfe, and thereupon went forth, & so did hange himselfe: But in deede Christ sayde, woe vnto him, for that couerous act of hys, as he doth yet still vnto many of you. For since the venune of him was shed into ye church ye neuer followed Christ: neither yet haue ye stande in the perfection of Gods law.

Then the Archbishop asked him, what he ment by that venune?

The Lord Cobham sayd: your possessions and Lordeships. For then cried an aungell in the ayre (as your owne Chronicles mentioneth) wo,26. Bishops of Rome togeather mat tirs saue one ly 4. A cōparison betwene the martirs and the Popes tyme. A cōparison betwene Christ and the Pope. Rome is Antichristes neast. wo, woe, this day is veuime shed into the church of God. Before that time, all the Byshops of Rome were martyrs in a manner. And since that time, we read of very few. But in deede since yt same time, one hath put down an other, one hath poysoned an other, one hath cursed an other, and one hath slayne an other, and done much more mischiefe besides, as all the Chronicles telleth. And let all men consider well this, that Christ was meeke, and mercifull. The pope is proude, and a tyraunt. Christ was poore and forgaue. The pope is riche and a malicious manslear, as hys dayly actes doe proue hym. Rome is the very neast of Antichrist, and out of that neast commeth all the disciples of him. Of whome Prelates, Priestes, and Monkes, are the body, and these pud Friers are the tayle which couereth his most filthy part.

Then said the Prior of the Fryers Augustines: Alacke sir, why do you say so? That is vncharitably spoken.

And the Lord Cobham said.Esay. 9. Friers proued seditious and yet foūd no traytors. Not onely is it my saying but also the Prophet Esayes, long afore my time. The prophet saith he, which preacheth lyes, is the tayle behind. For as you Fryers and monkes be (like Phariseis) deuided in your outward apparell and vsages, to make ye deuision among the people. And thus, you with such other, are ye very naturall members of Antichrist.

Then said he vnto them all:Math. 23. Christ saith in his Gosspell. Woe vnto you Scribes and Phariseis, Hipocrites. For ye close vp the kingdome of heauen before men. Neyther enter ye in your selues, nor yet suffer any other yt wold enter into it. But ye stop vp the wayes therūto with your owne traditions,The religió of Bishops. and therfore are ye the housholde of Antechrist: ye will not permit Gods veritie to haue passage, nor yet to be taught of his true ministers, fearing to haue your wickednes reproued. But by suche flatterers as vphold you in your mischiefes,Note I pray you how those are counted traitors and sedious, that teach or cause Gods truth to be taught. Luke. 23. Iohn. 19. Math. 24. ye suffer the common people most miserably to be seduced.

Then sayd the archbishop. By our Lady syr, there shal none such preach within my dioces (and God will) nor yet in my iurisdiction (if I may know it) as either maketh diuision or yet dissention among the poore commons.

The Lord Cobham sayd. Both Christ and hys Apostles were accused of sedition making, yet were they moste peaceable men. Both Daniell and Christ prophecied that such a troublous tyme shoulde come, as hath not bene yet since the worldes beginning. And this prophecy is partlye fulfilled in your dayes and doinges. For manye haue yee slayne already,Prophecy. and more wil ye ssay hereafter, if God fulfil not his promise. Christ sayth also, if those dayes of yours were not shortened, scarsly shold any flesh be saued.Prophecy. Priestes. Deacons. Therfore looke for it iustly, for God will shorten youre dayes. Moreouer, though Priestes and deacons for preaching of Gods word, and for ministring the sacraments, with prouision for the poore: be grounded on Gods lawe: yet haue these other sectes no maner of ground hereof, so farre as I haue read.

Then a Doctor of lawe,Market this working of Sathan. called maister Iohn Kempe, plucked out of his bosome a copy of the bil which they had afore sent him into the tower, by the Archbishops counsel, [Page] thinking thereby to make shorter worke with hym.Act. 6. For they were so amased with his aunsweres (not all vnlike to them whiche disputed with Stephen) that they knewe not well how to occupy the time,The first article. their wits and sophistry (as God would) so fayled them that day.

My Lord Cobham (sayth this Doctor) we must briefly know your minde concerning these foure poyntes here following. The rest of them is this. And then he read vpō the bill:Transubstantiation of bread into the body. The fayth and determination of holy churche touching the blessed sacrament of the aulter is this. That after the sacramentall wordes be once spoken of a Priest in his masse: the materiall bread that was before bread, is turned to Christes very body. And the materiall wine is turned into Christes bloud. And so there remayneth in the sacrament of the aulter from thenceforth no material bread nor materiall wine which were there before the sacramentall wordes were spoken. Sir beleue ye not this?

The L. Cob his beliefe in the sacrament.The Lord Cobham said: This is normy beliefe. But my fayth is (as I sayd to you afore) that in the worshipfull sacrament of the aulter, is Christes very body in forme of bread.

Then sayd the archbishop: sir Iohn ye must say otherwise.

The Lord Cobham said: Nay, that I shall not, if God be vpon my side (as I trust he is) but that there is Christs body in forme of bread, as the common beliefe is.

Then read the doctour againe.

The second poynt is this.The [...]. Article. Holy Church hath determined that euery Christen mā liuyng here bodely vpō earth ought to be shriuen of a priest ordeined by the church, if he may come to him: syr what say you to this?

Confessió of sinne to God onely.The Lord Cobham aunswered and said: A diseased or sore wounded man, hath need to haue a sure wise Chirurgian and a true, knowing both the ground and the daunger of the same. Most necessary were it therefore to be first shriuen vnto God which onely knoweth our diseases and can helpe vs. I deny not in this the going to a priest, if he be a man of good life and learning.Malachi. 20 For the lawes of God are to be required of the priest, which is godly learned. But if he be an idiote or a man of vicious liuing that is my curate, I ought rather to flee from him then to seeke vnto him: For sooner might I catch euill of him that is nought then any goodnes towardes my soules health.

Then read the doctour agayne.

The third poynt is this,The 3. Article. Christ ordayned S. Peter the Apostle to be his vicare here in earth whose sea is ye church of Rome. And he graunted that the same power whiche he gaue vnto Peter, should succeede to all Peters successours which we call now popes of Rome. By whose special power in churches particular, be ordayned Prelates & archbishops, parsons, Curates, and other degrees more. Vnto whom Christen men ought to obey after the lawes of the Church of Rome. This is the determination of holye Church. Sir beleue ye not this?

To this he answered and sayd: He that followeth Peter most nighest in pure liuing,Who is next into Peter. is next vnto him in succession. But your Lordly order esteemeth not greatly ye lowly behauiour of poore Peter, whatsoeuer ye prate of him. Neither care ye greatly for the humble manners of them that succeeded him,Succession not of place but of conditiōs maketh Peters heire till the time of Siluester, whiche for the more part were martirs, as I told you afore. Ye can let all their good conditions go by you, and not hurt your selues with them at all. All the world knoweth this well inough by you and yet ye can make boast of Peter.

With that one of the other doctors asked him: thē what do ye say of the Pope?

The Lord Cobham answered. As I said before. He & you together maketh whole the great Antichrist.Antichristes head body & taile. Of whō he is ye great head you bishops, priests, prelates, & monks are the body: and the begging friers are the tayle, for they couer ye filthines of you both, with their subtile sophistry, Neither will I in conscience obey any of you all, till I see you with Peter follow Christ in conuersation.

Then reade the doctor againe.

The 4. point is this. Holy Churche hath determined that it is meritorious to a Christen man,The 4. Article. Pilgrimage. and to go on pilgrimage to holy places. And there specially to worship the holy reliques and images of saintes, Apostles, Martirs, Confessours and all other saintes besides, approued by yt Church of Rome. Sir what say ye to this?

Wherunto he [...]. I owe them no seruice by any commaundement of god:What is to be dóe with Images. and therefore I minde not to seeke them for your couetousnes. It were best ye swepte them faire from copwebs and dust, and so layde them vp for catching of scathe.Saintes are becōe now couetous beggers. Or els to bury them fayre in yt groūd as ye do other aged people which are Gods Images.

It is a wonderfull thing, that sayntes now being dead shoulde become so couetous and needy, and thereupon so bitterly beg: which all the life time hated al couetousnesse, and begging. But this I say vnto you, and I would all yt world should mark it. That with your shrines and Idols your fained absolutions and pardons, ye draw vnto you the substaunce,A whelpe of the same heare. wealth and chiefe pleasures of all christen realmes.

Why sir (said one of the clerkes) will ye not worshippe good images?

What worship should I geue vnto them?Images not to be worshipped. said the Lord Cobham.

Then said Frier Palmer vnto him. Sir will ye worship the crosse of Christ, that he died vpon?

Where is it, sayd the Lord Cobham?

The Frier said, I put you the case sir, that it were here euen now before you?

The Lord Cobham aunswered.The crosse whether it is to be worshipped. This is a great wise man, to put me an earnest question of a thinge, and yet he himselfe knoweth not where the thing it selfe is. Yet once againe I aske you what worship I should do vnto it?

A clerke said vnto him.Galat. 6. Such worship as Paule speaketh of: and that is this. God forbid that I should ioy, but onely in the crosse of Iesu Christ.

Then said the Lord Cobham, and spread his armes abroad. This is a very crosse, yea, and so muche better then your Crosse of wood, in that it was created of God. Yet will not I seeke to haue it worshipped.

Then sayd the bishop of London. Sir, ye wote well that he died on a materiall crosse?

The Lord Cobham said.The materiall crosse is not materiall to our faith. What it is to reioyce in the crosse of Christ. and I wote also that our saluation came not in by that materiall crosse, but alone by him which died therupon. And well I wote that holy S. Paule reioyced in none other crosse, but in christes passion and death onely, and in his owne sufferinges of like persecution with him, for the same selfe veritie that he had suffered for afore:

An other clerk yet asked him. Will ye then do none honour to the holy crosse?

He answered him. Yes, if he were mine own I would lay him vp honestly, and see vnto him that he shoulde take no more scath abroad, nor be robbed of his goodes as he is now a dayes.

Then sayd the Archbish. vnto him.Slaūdered with the truth. Sir Iohn, ye haue spoken here many wonderfull wordes to the slaunderous rebuke of the whole spiritualtie, geuing a great euil example vnto the common fort here,These mē seeme to stand onely vpon their estemation amōgest the people. to haue vs in the more disdaine. Much time haue we spent here about you, and al in vaine so far as I can see. Well, we must nowe be at this short point with you, for the day passeth away: Ye must otherwise submit your selfe to the ordinaunce of holy church or els throw your selfe (no remedy) into most deepe daunger. See to it in time, for anone it will be els to late.

The Lord Cobham sayd: I know not to what purpose I should otherwise submit me. Muche more haue you offended me, then euer I offended you, in thus troubling me before this multitude.

Then said the archbishop again vnto him, we once agayne require to remember your selfe well,A woluishe offer of gentleness. & to haue none other maner opinion in these matters, then the vniuersall faith, and beliefe of the holy church of Rome is. And so like obedient childe returne agayne to the vnitie of your mother. See to it I say in time, for yet ye may haue remedy, where as anone it will be to late.

The Lord Cobham sayd expresly before them all. I wil none otherwise beleue in these poyntes, then that I haue told ye here afore. Do with me what ye will.

Finally then the archbishop sayd,Bloudy mu [...]. ther [...]n. wel, then I see none other but we must needes doe the lawe: we must proceede forth to the sentence dissinitiue, and both iudge you, & condemne you for an hereticke.

And with that, the Archb. stood vp, and read there a bill of his condemnation, all the clergy and laity vayling theyr boners. And this was the tenour therof.

* The diffinitiue sentence of hys condemnation.

IN the name of God. So be it.Suffered of god as a plague. We Thomas by the sufferaunce of God, Archbishop of Caunterbury, Metropolitane, and primate of al England, and Legate from the apostolicke see of Rome, willeth this to be knowne vnto all men. In a certayne cause of heresy and vpon diuers articles,An hereticke fo [...] confessing of Christ. wherupon sir Iohn Oldcastle knight and Lord Cobham, after a diligent inquisition made for the same, was detected, accused, and presented before vs in our last conuocation of all our prouince of Caunterbury, holden in the Cathedrall Church of Paules at London: At the lawfull denouncement and request of our vniuersal Clergy in the sayd conuocation, we proceded [Page] agaynst him according to the law (God to witnes) with al the sauour possible.Ezec 18. Ezec 35. And following Christes example in all that we might, which willeth not the death of a sinner, but rather that he be conuerted and liue: we tooke vpon vs to correcte him, and sought all other wayes possible to bring him againe to the churches vnitie,The wolfe would appeare charitable. declaring vnto him what the holy & vniuersal church of Rome hath sayd, holden, determined, and taught in that behalf. And though we founde him in the Catholicke fayth farre wyde and so stifnecked, that he would not confesse hys error, nor purge himself, nor yet repent him therof: We yet pittieng him of fatherly compassion,See, if they shew not themselues. and intirely desiring the health of his soule, appoynted hym a competent tyme of deliberation, to see if he wold repent and seek to be reformed: but since that time we haue foūd him worse and worse. Considering therefore, that he is not corrigible we are driuen to the very extremitie of the lawe, and wyth great heauines of hart, we nowe proceede to the publication of the sentence diffinitiue, agaynst him.

Then brought he foorth an other bill, conteyning the sayd sentence, and that he read also in his beggerly Latine. Christi nomine inuocato, ipsum (que) solum prae oculis habentes. Quia per acta inactitata, and so forth. Whiche I haue also translated into Englishe, that men may vnderstand it.

Christ we take vnto witnesse, that nothing els we seeke in this our whole enterprise,Ex magno processu Thomae Arund eli. but his onely glory. For as much as we haue found by diuers actes done, brought forth and exhibited by sundry euidences, signes and tokens, and also by many most manifest proues, the sayd sir Iohn Oldcastle knight and L. Cobham, not onely to be an euident hereticke in his owne person, but also a mighty maintainer of other heretickes agaynst the fayth and religion of the holy and vniuersall church of Rome:That church is an whore. namely about the two sacramentes (of the aultar, and of penaunce) besides the popes power, and pilgrimages. And that he as the childe of iniquitie and darcknes,A true shepe heareth the voice of a true pastor. hath so hardened his hart, that he will in no case attend vnto the voyce of his pastor. Neyther will he be allured by straight admonishmentes, not yet be brought in by fauourable wordes. The worthines of the cause first wayed on the one side, and his vnworthines agayn cōsidered on the other side, his faults also aggrauated or made double through his damnable obstinacie (we being loth that he which is nought shoulde be worse,A colour of deceite. and so with his contagiousnes infecte the multitude) by the sage counsel and assent of the very discrete fathers, our honourable brethren and Lordes, Byshops here present, Richard of London, Henry of Winchester, and Bennet of Bangor, and of other great learned and wise men here, both doctours of diuinitie, and of the lawes canon and ciuill, seculers and religious, with diuers other expert men assisting vs: we sententially and diffinitiuely by this present writing, iudge, declare & condemne the sayd syr Iohn Oldcastle, Knight,As Caiphas did Christ. and Lord Cobham, for a most pernitious and detestable hereticke, conuicted vpon the same, and refusing vtterly to obey the Church agayne, committing him here from hencefoorth as a condemned hereticke to the secular iurisdiction, power & iudgement, to doe him thereupon to death. Furthermore, we excommunicate and denounce accursed,Christ is condē ned in his faithful members. not onely this hereticke here present: but so many els besides, as shall hereafter in fauoure of his errour, either receaue him or defend him, counsell him or help hym, or any other way mayntayne hym: as very fautours receauers, defenders, counsaylers, ayders, and mayntayners of condemned heretickes.

And that these premisses, may be the better knowne al faithfull Christen men:How spirituall these fathers are we commit it here vnto your charges, & geue you straight commandement therupon by this writing also: That ye cause this condemnation and diffinitiue sentence of excommunication, cōcerning both this heretick and his fautours: to be published throughout all diocesses, in Cities, towns & villages by your curates and parish priests, at such time as they shal haue most recourse of people. And see that it be done after this sorte. As the people are thus gathered deuoutly together, let the curate euery where goe into the pulpit and there open, declare, and expound, this excesse in the mother tongue, in an audible and intelligible voyce, that it may be perceiued of all men: and that vpon the feare of this declaration also, the people may fall from theyr euill opinions conceiued nowe of late by seditious preachers. Moreouer we will,Keepe the sepul chre neuer so much, yet Christ will rise. None office left vndone pertaining to Antichrist. that after we haue deliuered vnto each one of you bishops which are here present, a copy hereof: that ye cause the same to be written out agayne into diuers copies, and so be sent vnto the other byshops and Prelates of our whole Prouince, that they may also see the contentes thereof solemnly published within theyr diocesses and cures. Finally we will that both you and they signifie agayne vnto vs seriously and distinctly by your writinges as the matter is, without fayned colour in euery poynt performed: the day wheron ye receaued this processe,What care is here to hold vp their popery. the time when it was of vs executed, and after what sort it was done in euery condition, according to the tenour hereof, that we may knowe it to be iustly the same.

A copy of this writing sent Thomas Arundel the archbishop of Caunterbury, afterward from Mydstone the x. Tho. Waldi in susesculo Zizaniorū Wseleus. Richarde Clifford. day of Octobr, within the same yeare of our Lord 1413. vnto Richard Clifford the bishop of London, which thus beginneth: Thomas permissione diuina. &c.

The said Richard Clifford sent an other copy thereof, enclosed within his owne letters: vnto Robert Maschall a Carmelite frier, which was then bishop of Herforde in Wales, written from Haddam the 23. day of October in the same yeare, and the beginning thereof is this: Reuerende in Christo pater, &c.

This Robert Mascall directed an other copye thereof from London the 27. Rob. Mascall. day of Nouember in the same yeare enclosed in his owne commission also, vnto his archdeacon and and Deanes in Hareforde and Shrewsbury. And this is therof the beginning: Venerabilibus & discretis vitis. &c. In like maner did the other bishops within their diocesses.

After that the archbishop had thus read the bill of hys condemnation, with most extremitie before the whol multitude:Ex [...]eroque exemplari.The Lorde Cobham sayd with a moste cheerefull countenaunce. Though ye iudge my body whiche is but a wretched thing, yet am I certayne and sure, that ye can do no harme to my soule, no more then could Sathan vppon the soule of Iob. He that created that, Math. 10. Iob. 1. will of his infinite mercy and promise saue it, I haue therein no manner of doubt. And as concerning these articles before rehearsed, I will stand to them euen to the very death, by the grace of my eternall God.

And therwith he turned him vnto the people, castyng hys handes abroad, and saying with a very loude voyce: Good Christen people, for Gods loue be well ware of these men. Math. 10. For they will els beguile you, and leade you blindling into hell with thēselues. For Christ sayth plainly vnto you: If one blinde man leadeth an other, they are like both to fall into the ditche.

After this, he fell downe there vpon his knees, & thus before thē all prayed for his enemies, He prayeth for his enemyes. holding vp both hys handes and his eyes towardes heauen and saying: Lorde God eternall, I beseeche thee of thy great mercies sake, to forgeue my pursuers, if it be they blessed will. And then hee was deliuered to syr Robert Morly, and so led forth again to the tower of London. And thus was there an ende of that dayes worke.

Whyle the Lord Cobham was thus in the Tower, Ex [...]etusto exemplari Lōdinensiū. he sent out priuely vnto his friendes. And they at his request wrote this little bill here following, causing it to be set vp in diuers quarters of London, that the people should not beleeue the slaunders and lyes that his enemies the Byshops seruauntes and priestes, had made on him abroade. And thus was the letter.

FOr as much as Syr Iohn Oldcastle knight, A testimoni all made by his frendes. and Lorde Cobham, is vntruely conuicted and emprisoned, falsly reported and slandered among the common people by his aduersaries, that he should otherwise both thinke & speak of the sacramentes of the churche, and specially of the blessed sacrament of the aultar, then was written in the confession of his beliefe which was indended and taken to the clergy, To stop lying lippes. A rehersall of his belief. In forme of bread, but not without bread he meaneth. and so set vp in diuers open places in the cittye of London. Knowne be it here to all the worlde, that he (neuer since) varied in any poynt therefro, but this is playnly his beliefe: that all the sacramentes of the churche be profitable and expedient also to al them that shall be saued, taking them after the intent that Christ and hys true church hath ordayned. Furthermore he beleeueth, that the blessed sacrament of the aulter is verily and truely Christes body in forme of bread.

After this the bishops and priests were in much great discredite both with the nobilitie and commons, The clergie in hate of the people. partly for yt they had so cruelly handled the good Lorde Cobham: & partly agayn, because hys opinion (as they thought at that tyme) was parfect concerning the sacrament. A practise of false priests. The Prelates feared this to grow to further incōueniēce towards thē both wayes, wherfore they drew theyr heads together & at the last consented to vse an other practise somewhat cō trary to that they had done afore. They caused it by and by to be blowne abroad by theyr feed seruauntes, frends, and babling sir Iohns: that the sayd Lord Cobham was becomen a good man, and had lowly submitted himselfe in all thinges vnto holy Church vtterly [...] his opinion concerning the sacrament. These are their cōmon feates. And thereupon, they counterfayted an abiuration in hys name, that the people shoulde take no hold of that opinion by any thing they had hearde of him before, and to stand so the more in awe of them. Cō sidering hym so great a man, and by them subdued.

This is the abiuration (say they) of sir Iohn Oldcastle knight, sometime the Lord Cobham.

* An Abiuration counterfaited of the Byshoppes.

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IN Deinomiue. Amon. I Iohn Oldcastle denounced, detected and conuinced,Walden in sasesculo zi zansorum Wielens. of and vpon diuers articles sauoring both heresye and error, before the reuerend father in Christ & my good Lord, Thomas by the permission of God, Lord Archbishop of Caunterbury, and my lawfull and rightfull iudge in that behalfe, expresly graunt and confesse: that as cōcerning the estate and power of the most holy father the Pope of Rome,Make from whence this geate commeth. of his Archbishops, his Bishops and hys other prelates, the degrees of the church, and the holy Sacramentes of the same, specially of the Sacramentes of the aultar of penaunce and other obseruaunces besides of our mother holy Church, as Pilgrimages and pardons: I affirme (I say) before the sayd reuerend father Archbishop & els where, that I being euill seduced by diuers sedicious preachers, haue grieuously erred, and heretically persisted, blasphemously aunswered, and obstinately rebelled. And therfore I am by the sayd reuerend father,Fine wor [...]hip I [...]. before the reuerend fathers in Christ also, the bishops of London, Winchester, and Bangor, lawfully condemned for an hereticke.

Alas good can, thou [...] slaunde [...].Neuertheles yet, I now remembring my selfe, and coueting by this meane to auoyd that temporall payn which I am worthy to suffer as an hereticke, at the assigned [...] of my most excellent Christen prince and siege Lord, King Henry the 5. now by the grace of God most worthy Kyng both of England and of Fraunce: Minding also to prefere the wholesome determination, sentence and doctrine of the holy vniuersall Church of Rome, before the vnwholesom opinions of my selfe, my teachers, and my followers: I freely, willingly, deliberately, and throughly cōfesse, graūt, and affirme, that the most holy fathers in Christ, S. Peter the Apostle and his successors byshops of Rome, specially now at this time, my most blessed Lord Pope Iohn, by the permission of God, the xxiii. Pope of that name, which now haldeth Peters seat (and each of them in theyr succession) hath full strength and power to be Christes Vicar in earth, and the head of the church militant. And that by the strēgth of his office (what though he be a great sinner, and afore knowne of God to be damned) he hath full authority and power to rule and gouerne, bynde and loose, saue and destroy, accurse and assoyle, all other Christen men.

And agreeably still vnto this, I confesse, graunt, and affirme all other Archbishops, Byshops, and Prelates in their prouinces, Dioces, and Parishes (appoynted by the sayd Pope of Rome, to assiste him in his doinges or busines) by his Decrees, Canons, or vertue of his office: to haue had in times past to haue now at this time, and that they ought to haue in time to come: authoritye and power to rule and to gouerne, binde and loose, accurse and assoyle, the subiects or people of theyr aforesaid prouinces, dioces, & parishes, and that their said subiectes or people ought of right in all things to obey them. [...] proue [...], by [...]. Furthermore, I confesse, graunt, and affirme, that the sayd spirituall fathers, as our most holy father the Pope, Archbishops, Bishops, & Prelates: haue had, haue now, and ought to haue hereafter, authority and power for the estate, order and gouernaunce of their subiectes or people, to make lawes, decrees, statutes and constitutions, yea and to publishe, commaund, and compell their sayde subiectes and peoyle, to the obseruation of them.

Moreouer I confesse, graunt and affirme, that all these foresayd lawes,No scrip [...] haue they to [...]. decrees, statutes and constitutions made, published and commaunded, according to the forme of spirituall law, all christen people, and euery man in himself is straightly bound to obserue, & meekely to obey according to the diuersity of the foresayd powers. As the lawes, statuts, canons and constitutions of our most holy father the Pope, incorporated in his Decrees, Decretals, Clementines, Codes, Chartes, Rescriptes, Sextiles, and Extrauagants ouer all the world: and as the prouinciall statuts of Archbishopps in their prouinces, the Sinodall actes of Bishops in their dioces, and the commendable rules & customes of prelates in their colledges, and Curates in their parishes,Intollera [...] [...] they. all Christen people are both bound to obserue, & also most meekly to obey. Ouer & besides all thys, I Iohn Oldcastle vtterly forsaking and renouncing all the aforesayd errors and heresies, and all other errors and heresies like vnto them, lay my hand here vpon this booke or holye Euangely of God, & sweare: that I shall neuer more from henceforth holde these aforesayd heresies, nor yet any other like vnto them wittinglye. [...] made [...] such an [...]. Neither shall I geue counsell, ayde, helpe, nor fauor at any time, to them that shall holde, teach, affirme, or maintayne the same, as God shall helpe me, and these holy Euangelies.

And that I shall from henceforth faythfully obey and inuiolably obserue all the holy lawes, statutes, Canons, and constitutions of all the Popes of Rome,And this maintaine they still. The pope holy bible of papists. Archbishops Bishops, and Prelates, as are conteyned and determined in their holy Decrees, Decretalles, Clementines, Codes, Chartes, Rescriptes, Sextiles, Sumnies, papall, Extrauagantes, statutes prouinciall, actes synodall, and other ordinary regules and customes cōstituted by them, or that shall chaunce hereafter directly to be determined ormade. To these and all such other, will I my selfe with all power possibly apply.Marke this hādling. Besides all this, the penaunce whiche it shall please my sayd reuerend father the Lord Archbishop of Caunterbury hereafter to enioyne me for my sinnes, I will meekely obey and faythfully fulfill. Finally, all my seducers and false teachers, and all other besides, whome I shall hereafter know suspected of heresye or errors:This charge geue they commonly. I shall effectually present, or cause to be presented vnto my sayde reuerend father, Lord Archbishop or to them which haue his authority, so soone as I can conneniently do it, and see that they be corrected to my vttermost power.

This abiuration neuer came to the hands of the Lord Cobham, neither was it compiled of them for that purpose, but onely therewith to bleare the eyes of the vnlearned multitude for a time. After the whiche like fetch and subtle practise, was also deuised the recantatiō of the Archbishop Thomas Cranmer, to stop for a time the peoples mouthes. Which subtlely in like manner was also practised with the false recantatiō of Bishop [...]oper, and diuers other, as in their places hereafter (Christ graunting) shalbe shewed.

And thus much hitherto concerning the first trouble of sir Iohn Oldcastle Lorde Cobham,For confirmation of this historie. with all the circumstances of the true time, place, occasion, causes, and order belonging to the same. Wherin I trust I haue sufficiently satisfied all the parties, requisite to a faythfull history, with out corruption. For the confirmation wherof, to the intent the mind also of the wrangling cauiller may be satisfied, & to stop the mouth of the aduersary (which I see in all places to be ready to barke) I haue therfore of purpose anexed with all my ground & foundation taken out of the Archines and Registers of the Archb. of Cant, Ex epist. Thom. Arund. ad Rich. Lond. Ex archiuis et Regist. Tho. Arund. Archiep. Cant. Polydorus and Edw. Haull deceiued. Wherby may appeare, the manifest error both of Polydorus and of Edward Hall, who being deceiued in the right distinction of the times, assigne this citation and examination of the Lord Cobham, to be after the councell of Cōstance: when as Thomas Arundell Archbishop of Caunterbury at the councell of Constance was not aliue. The copy and testimony of his owne letter, shall declare the same, written and sent to the bishop of London in forme as foloweth.

* The copy of the Epistle of the Archbishop of Caunterbury, written to the Bishop of London, whereupon dependeth the grounde and certaynety of this foresayd history of the Lord Cobham, aboue premised.

TO the reuerend father in Christ and Lord, the Lord Robert by the grace of God Bishop of Hereford, Richard by the permission of God bishop of London, health and continuall increase of sincere loue.

We haue of late receiued the letters of the reuerend father in Christ and Lord, the Lorde Thomas by the grace of God Archb. of Cant. primate of all England, and Legate of the Apostolicke see, vnto our reuerend brother the Lord Richard Bishop of London, health and brotherly loue in the Lord. It was lately concluded before vs in the conuocation of Prelates and Clergye of our prouince of Caunterb. last celebrate in our church of S. Paul, intreating amongest other thinges with the sayd prelates & clergy vpon the vnion and reformation of the Church of England by vs, and the sayd prelates and Clergy: that it was almost impossible to amende the hole of our Lordes coate whiche was without seame, but that first of all certayne nobles of the realme, which are authors, fauourers, protectors, defenders, and receiuers of these heretickes called Lollardes, were sharpely rebuked, and if neede were by the censures of the Churche, and the helpe of the secular power, they be reuoked from their errours.A thing thought right necessary that the L. Cobham should be made out of the way, or els not possible for papistry to florish. And afterward hauing made diligent inquisition in the conuocation amongest the proctors of the Clergy and others which were there in great number out of euery dioces of our prouince: It was found out amongest others, that sir Iohn Oldcastle knight, was and is the principall receiuer, fauourer, protector and defender of them: and that specially in the Diocesse of London, Rochester, and Hereforde, he hath sent the sayd Lollardes to preach, not being licenced by the ordinaryes and Bishoppes of the Dioces or places, contrary to the prouinciall constitutions in that behalfe made, and hath [Page] bene present at theyr wicked Sermōs, greuously punishing with threatnings, terrors, and the power of the secular sword: suche as did withstand him: alledging and affirming amongest others, that we and our felow brethren Suffragans of out prouinces had not, neither haue any: power to make any such constitutions. Also he hath holden, and doth holde opinion and teach as touching the sacramentest of the aultar, of penaunce, of pilgrimage, of the worshiping of Sayntes, and of the keyes contrary to that which the vniuersall church of Rome doth teach ond affirme.

Wherefore, on the behalfe of the sayd prelates and clergy, we were then required that we would vouchsafe to proceed agaynst the sayd sir Iohn Oldcastle vpon the premisses. Notwithstanding, for the rouerance of our Lord the king, in whose fauour the sayde sir Iohn: at that presēt was, & no lesse also for honor of his knighthood:Sir I. Oldecastel in fauour with the kyng. we with our fellow brethren and Suffraganes then present, with a great part of the Clergy of our prouince, comming personally before the presence of our Lord the king, being then at hys Manor of Kenington, put vp against the said sir Iohn, a complaint, and partly reciting the defaultes of the sayd sir Iohn. But at the request of our Lord the king, we desiring to reduce the sayd sir Iohn to the vnity of the church, without any reproche, we deferred all the execution of the premisses for a great time. But at the last, for so much as our sayd Lord the king after his great trauelles taken about the conuersion of him, did nothing at all profite, as our said Lord the king, vouchsafed to certify vs both by word & writing: We immediatly decreed to call forth the sayd sir Iohn personally to aunswere before vs at a certayne time already passed, in and vpon the premisses, and sent our messengers with these our letters of citation to the sayde sir Iohn, then being at his castle of Cowling, vnto the which messenger we gaue commaundement that he should in no case go into the Castle except he were licensed. But by the meane of one Iohn Butler, porter of the kings chā ber, he should require the sayd sir Iohn, that he would either licēse the sayd messenger to come into the Castle, or that he would cite him, or on the least that he would suffer himselfe to be cited without his Castle. The whiche sir Iohn openly aunswered vnto the sayd Iohn Butler, declaring the premisses vnto him on the behalfe of our Lord the king: that he woulde by no meanes be cited, neither in any case suffer his citation. Then we being certified of the premisses lawfully proceeded further.

First, hauing faythfull report made unto vs, that he could not be apprehended by personall citation, we decreed to cite him by an edict, to be openly set vppe in the porches of the Cathedrall Church of Rochester next vnto him, litle more then three English miles distant from the sayd castle of Cowling. As we had thus caused him to be cited, and our edict aforesayde to be publickely & openly set vpon the porches of the said Church, that he should personally appeare before vs the 11. day of September last past to aunswere vnto the premisses, and certayne other thinges concerning heresye: The which day being come, we sitting in the tribunall seat in our greater chappell within the Castle of Leedes of our dioces, the which we then inhabited, and where as we then kept residence with our court, and hauing taken an othe whiche is requisite in the premisses, and the information by vs heard and receiued,The keyes of the church falsely wrasted. as the common report goeth: In the partes whereas the sayd sir Iohn dwelleth (fortifying himselfe in his sayd castle, defending his opinions manifoldly, contemning the ke [...]es of the churche and the Arbishops power.) We therefore caused the sayde Syr Iohn cited, as is aforesayd, to be openly with a loude voyce called by the cryer: and so being called, long looked for, and by no meanes appearing, we iudged him (as he was no lesse worthy) obstinate, and for punishment of his sayd obstinacye, we did then and there excommunicate him. And for so much as by the order of the premisses,The L. Cobham excommunicated. and other euident tokens of hys doinges, we vnderstand that the sayde sir Iohn for the defence of his errour doth fortify himselfe, as is aforesayd against the keyes of the Church, by pretence whereof, a vehement suspition of heresy and schisme riseth agaynst him: We haue decreed if he may be apprehended, agayne personallye to cite him, or els as before, by an edict that he should appeare before vs the Saterday next after the feast of Saint Mathew the Apostle and Euangelist next comming, to shew some reasonable cause if he can, why we shoulde not proceede agaynst him, to more greuous punishment, as an open hereticke, schismaticke and open enemy of the vniuersall church. And personally to declare why he should not be pronounced such a one, or that the ayde of the secular power shoulde not be solemnely required agaynst him. And further to aunswere, do and receiue as touching the premisses, whatsoeuer iustice shal require. The which time being come, that is to say, the Saterday next after the feast of S. Mathew being the 24. day of September, sir Rob. Morley knight Lieftenant of the tower of London appeared personally before vs, sitting in the chapter house of the Churche of S. Paule at London, with our reuerent fellowe brethren and Lordes, Richard by the grace of God Bishop of London, and Henry Byshop of Winchester, and brought with him sir Iohn Oldecastle Knight, and set him before vs (for a little before he was taken by the kinges seruauntes and cast into the tower) vnto which sir Iohn Oldcastle so personally present, we rehearsed all the order of the proces, as it is contayned in the actes of the of the daye before passed with good and modest wordes and gentle meanes.The L. Cobham cast into the Tower. The teres of the Crocadile. Popish absolution neglected. That is to say, howe he the said sir Iohn was detected and accused in the conuocation of the prelates and clergy of our sayd prouince as is aforesayd vpon the articles before rehearsed, and how he was cited & for hys contumacy excommunicate. And when we were come to that poynt, we offered our selues ready to absolue him. Notwithstanding, the sayd sir Iohn, not regarding our offer, sayd, that he would willingly rehearse before vs, and my sayde fellowe brethren, the fayth which he held & affirmed. So he hauing his desire & obteining licence, tooke out of his bosome a certayne Scedule indented, and there openly reade the contentes of the same, and deliuered the same Scedule vnto vs, and the Schedule of the articles, wherupon he was examined, which was as in forme folowing.

* The catholicke fayth and confession of the Lord Cobham.

I Iohn Oldcastle knight, Lord of Cobham, desire to made manifest vnto all Christians, & God to be taken to witnesse, that I neuer thought otherwise or would thinke otherwise (by Gods helpe) then with a stedfast & vndoubted fayth to imbrace all those his Sacramentes whiche be hath instituted for the vse of his Church.

Furthermore that I may the more, playnly declare my mynde in these iiii.The Sacrament of the aultar. pointes of my fayth: First of all I beleue the Sacramēt of the aulter to be the body of Christ vn der ye forme of bread the very same body which was borne of his mother Mary, crucified for vs dead and buried, rose againe the third day, sitteth on the right hād of his immortall father, now being a triumphant partaker with him of his eternall glory.Of penance. Then as touchyng the Sacrament of penaunce this is my belief, that I doe thinke the correction of a sinnefull lyfe to be most necessary for all such as desire to be saued and that they ought to take vpō them such repentaunce of their former lyfe by true confession, vnfayned contrition, and lawfull satisfaction, as the worde of God doth prescribe vnto vs. Otherwise there will be no hope of saluation.

Thirdly, as touchyng images, this is my opiniō, that I do iudge them no poynt of fayth,Of Images. but brought into the worlde after the fayth of Christ by the sufferaunce of the Church, & so growen in vse that they might serue for a kalender for the lay people and ignoraūt. By the beholdyng wherof they might the better call to remēbraunce the godly examples & martyrdome of Christ and other holy men: but if any man do otherwise abuse this representatiō, and geue the reuerence vnto those Images, which is due vnto the holy men whom they represent, or rather vnto him whom the holy [...]en themselues owe all theyr honour, setting all theyr trust and hope in them which ought to be referred vnto God: or if they be so affected toward the domb Images, that they do in any behalfe addict vnto them, eyther be more addicted vnto one Saint then another, in my minde they doe little differ from Idolatrye, grieuouslye offending agaynst God the author of all honor.

Last of all I am thus perswaded that there be no inhabitants here in earth,Of pilgrimages. but that we shall passe straight either to life or punishment: for whosoeuer doth so order his lyfe that he stumble at the commaundementes of God, whiche either he knoweth not, or he will not be taught them, it is but in vayne for him to look for saluation, although he ran ouer all the corners of the world. Contrarywise, he which obserueth his commaundements cannot perish, although in all his life time he walked no pilgrimage, neither to Rome, Caunterbury, nor Compostella, or to any other place, whither as the common people are accustomed to walke.

This Scedule with the articles therin conteined being read (as is aforesaid) by the sayd sir Iohn: we with our felow brethren aforesaid, & many other doctors & learned mē had conference vpon the same. And at the last by the counsell and consent of them, we spake these wordes folowing vnto the sayd sir Iohn there present. Behold sir Ioh. there are many good and catholicke things conteined in this scedule. But you haue this time to answere vnto other matters which sauor of errors & heresies. Wherunto, by the cō tentes of this scedule, it is not fully answered, and therfore you must answere therunto & more plainely expresse & declare your fayth & opinions as touching those poynts in ye same bill. That is to say, whither you hold, beleue and affirme, that in the sacrament of the aultar, after the cōsecration rightly done,See whether these men picke quarelles where they neede now. there remayneth materiall bread or not.

Item, whether you hold, beleue, and affirme, that it is necessary in the sacrament of penaunce for a man to cōfesse his sinnes vnto a priest appoynted by the church.

The which articles in this maner deliuered vnto him, [Page] amongst many other thinges he answered plainly, that he would make no other declaration or answere therunto thē was conteyned in the sayd Scedule. Wherupon we fauoring the sayd sir Iohn, with benigne & gentle meanes we spake vnto him in this manner. Sir Iohn take heed, for if you do not playnly answere to these things, which are obiected agaynst you within a lawful time now graūted you by the Iudges, we may declare you to be an hereticke, but the said sir Iohn perseuered as before, and would make no other answere. Consequently notwithstanding, we together with our sayd felow brethren and others of our counsell took aduise, and by their counsell declared vnto the said sir Iohn Oldcastle, that the sayd holy Church of Rome in this matter following the saying of blessed S. Augustine Ierome,Here is no mention made of the worde of God. Ambrose and other holy men, hath determined, ye which determinations euery catholicke ought to obserue. Wherupon the said sir Iohn answered, yt he would beleue and obserue whatsoeuer the holy Church determined, and whatsoeuer god would he should obserue and beleue. But that he would in no case affirme that our Lord the Pope, ye cardinals, Archbishops, and Bishops or other prelates of the church haue any power to determine any such matters. Wherunto,Wolues clothed in [...] skins. we yet fauoring him, vnderhope of better aduisement promised the sayd sir Iohn: that we would geue him in writing certaine determinatiōs vpon the matter aforesaid. Wherunto he should more plainly answere, writtē in latin, and for his better vnderstanding translated into English: wherupon, we commaunded and hartily desired him that agaynst monday next folowing, he should geue a playne & full answere, the which determinations we caused to be trāslated the same day & to be deliuered vnto him the sonday next folowing. The tenor of which determinations here folow in this maner.

The summe in the po [...] beliefe.The fayth and determination of yt holy Churche vpon the holy Sacrament of the aultar is this. That after the consecration done in the masse by yt priest, yt material bread shall be chaunged into the materiall bodye of Christ, & the materiall wine into ye materiall bloud of Christ. Therfore after the consecratiō there remayneth no more any substāce of bread and wine, which was there before. What doe you answere to this article?

Confession.Also the holy church hath determined that euery christian dwelling vpon earth ought to confesse his sinnes vnto a priest ordeined by the Church, if he may come vnto hym. How thinke you by this article?

Christ ordeined S. Peter his Vicare in earth, whose seat is in the Church of Rome, geuing and graunting the same authority whiche he gaue vnto Peter also to his successours which are now called Hopes of Rome, in whose power it is to ordeine and institute prelates in particulare churches.The Popes [...]premacy. As Archbishops, bishops, curates, and other ecclesiastical orders, vnto whom the Christian people ought obedience according to the traditiō of the church of Rome. This is the determination of the holy church. What thinke you by this article?

Pilgrimage.Besides this the holy Church hath determined, that it is necessary for euery christian to go on pilgrimage to holy places, & there specially to worship the holy reliques of the Apostles, Martirs confessors, & all sayntes, whosoeuer the church of Rome hath allowed. What thinke you of this article?

Upon which monday being the 25. day of the sayd moneth of September before vs and our felow brethrē aforesayd, hauing also takē vnto vs our reuerēd brother, Benedict by the grace of God,Conuene [...] in [...] [...] & Christum [...] Psal. 2. Bishop of Bangor, & by our cō maundement our counsellers and ministers. Master Henry ware officiall of our court of Cant. Philip Morgan D. of both lawes, Dowell Kissin Doctor of ye decretals, Iohn Kempe and William Carlton Doctors of law, Ioh Witnā Thomas Palmer, Rob. Wombewell, Iohn Withe and Robert Chamberlayne, Richard Dotington & Thomas Walden professors of diuinity. Also Iames Cole, & I. Steuens our notaries appointed on this behalf. They all and euery one being sworne vpon yt holy gospell of god laying their handes vpon the booke that they shoulde geue theyr faythfull counsell in, and vpō the maner aforesayde, and in euery such cause and to the whole world. By and by appered sir Robert Morley Knight, Lieuetenant of the Tower of London, and brought with him the foresayde Syr I Oldcastle setting him before vs. Unto whom we gentlye and familiarly rehearsed the actes of the day before passed. And as before we tolde him that he both is and was excō municate, requiring and intreating him that he would desire and receiue in due forme the absolution of the Church. Unto whom the said Syr Iohn then and there plainly answered, that in this behalfe he would require no absolutiō at our handes but onely of God. Then afterward by gentle and soft meanes we desires and required him to make playne answere vnto the articles which were laid against him. And first of al, as touching the Sacrament of the aultar. To the which article,The sacrament both body and bread in diuers respectes. besides other thinges he answered and sayd thus: That as Christ being here in earth had in him both Godhead & manhoode. Notwithstanding the Godhead was couered and inuisible vnder the humanity, the which was manifest and visible in him: so likewise in the sacrament of the aultar there is the very body and very bread, bread which we do see, the body of Christ hidden vnder the same which we do not see. And playnly denyed, that the fayth as touching the said Sacrament determined by the Romish church and holy doctors and sent vnto him by vs in the sayd Schedule, to be the determination of the holy Church. But if it be the determination of the Church he sayd that it was done contrary vnto the scriptures, after the church was endowed, and that poyson was poured into the Churche and not afore. Also as touching the Sacrament of penance and confession, he playnly sayd and affirmed thē and there: that if any man were in any greuous sinne, out of the which he knew not how to rise, it were expedient and good for him to go vnto some holy and discreet priest to take counsell of him.How confession is to be alowed. But that he shoulde confesse his sinne to any proper Priest, or to any other although he might haue the vse of him, it is not necessary to saluation, for so much as by only contrition such sinne can be wiped a way, & the sinner himselfe purged. As concerning the worshipping of the crosse, he sayd and affirmed that yt only body of Christ which did hange vpon the crosse is to be worshipped. For so much as that body alone was & is y• crosse, which is to be worshipped.

What honour is to be done to the crosse.And being demaunded what honor he would do vnto the Image of the crosse. He aunswered by expresse wordes that he would only do it that honor that he would make it clean and lay it vp safe. As touching the power and authority of the keyes, the Archbishops, Bishop, and other prelates, he sayde that the Pope is very Antichrist, that is the head: the Archbishops, Bishops and other prelates to be his members, and the Friers to be his tayle.The pope is Antichrist, the Byshops are his members, and fryers his tayle. The whiche Pope, Archbishops and bishops a man ought not to obey, but so far forth as they be followers of Christ & of Peter, in their life, maners & conuersation, and that he is the successor of Peter, whiche is best and purest in life & maners. Furthermore, ye said sir Iohn spreading his handes wyth a loude voyce,The bolde talke of the L. Cobham. sayd thus to those whiche stoode about hym. These men which iudge and would condemne me, wil seduce you all & themselues, and wil lead you vnto hell, therfore take heed of them. When he had spoken those wordes, we agayne as oftentimes before with lamentable countenaunce, spake vnto the said sir Iohn, exhorting him wyth as gentle wordes as we might that he would returne to yt vnity of the church, to beleue & hold that which the church of Rome doth beleue & hold. Who expresly aunswered that he would not beleue or holde otherwise then he had before declared. Wherefore, we perceiuing as it appeared by hym that we coulde not preuayle: at the last wyth bitternesse of hart, we proceeded to the pronouncing of a definitiue sentence in this maner.

¶In the name of God Amen:They cal them selues humble which rule ouer kinges, and exercise the tyranny of the world. We Thom. by the permission of God Archb. and humble minister of the holy Church of Cant. primate of all England, and Legate of the Apostolicke see, in a certayne cause or matter of heresy vpon certeine articles, wherupon sir Iohn Oldcastle knight, Lord Cobham, before vs in the last cō uocation of our Clergy of our prouince of Caunterbury holden in the Church of S. Paul in London after diligēt inquisition thervpon made, was detected & accused, & by our said prouince notoriously and openly defamed.Folowing christes footsteppes cleane contrary. At the request of the whole Clergy aforesayd therupon made vnto vs in the said conuocatiō: with all fauour possible that we might (God we take to witnes) lawfully proceding agaynst him, following the footsteps and example of Christ which woulde not the death of a sinner, but rather that he should be conuerted and liue, we haue endeuoured by all wayes and meanes we might,The vniuersall church meaning by a figure the part for the whole. or could to reforme him, and rather reduce him to the vnity of the church: declaring vnto him what the holy vniuersall Church of Rome doth teach, hold and determine in this behalfe. And albeit that we founde him wandring astraye from the Catholicke fayth, and so stubberne and stiffenecked that he would not confesse his error or cleare himselfe thereof, to detest the same: Notwithstanding we fauouring him with a fatherly affection, and hartily wishing and desiring his preferuation, prefixed him a certayne competent time to deliberate with himself, and if he would to repent and reforme himselfe. And last of all, for so much as we perceiued him to be vnreasonable: obseruing chiefly those thinges whiche by the lawe are required in this behalfe, with great sorow and bitternes of hart, we proceeded to the pronouncing of the definitiue sentence in this maner.

[Page]The name of Christ being called vpon setting him onely before our eyes. For so much as by actes enacted, signes exhibited, euidences and diuers tokens, besides sundry kinde of proofes, we find the said Sir Iohn to be, & haue ben an heretick, and a folower of heretickes in the fayth and obseruation of the sacred vniuersall Church of Rome, and specially as touching the sacraments of the Eucharist and of penaunce. And that as the sonne of iniquitye and darckenesse he hath so hardened his hart, that he will not vnderstand the voyce of his shepheard,They call light darknes, and darknes light. neither will be allured with his monitions, or conuerted with any fayre speech. Hauing first of al searched and sought out, and diligently considering the merites of the cause aforesayd, and of the sayd Sir Iohn, his desertes and faultes aggrauated through his damnable obstinacy: Not willing that he that is wicked, should become more wicked, & infect other with his contagion, by the counsell and consent of the reuerent men of profound wisedome and discretion, our brethren the Lordes Richard bishop of London, Henry Byshop of Winchester, and Benedict Bishop of Bangor,Like will to like. and also of many other doctours of Deuinity, the decretals and ciuill law, and of many other religious and learned persons our assistantes, we haue iudged & declared sententiallye, and definitiuely condemned the sayde Syr Iohn Oldecastle knight, Lord Cobham, being conuict in and vpon that most detestable guilt, not willing penitently to returne vnto the vnity of the Church, and in those things which the sacred vniuersall Church of Rome doth holde, teach, determine, & shew forth. And specially as one erring in the articles aboue written, leauing him from henceforth as an heretick vnto the secular iudgement.

So did the Pharisies deliuer Christ vnto Pilate.Moreouer we haue excommunicated, and by these writinges do pronounce and excommunicate him as an hereticke, and all other which from henceforth in fauour of his errour, shall receiue, defend, or geue him counsell or fauour, or helpe him in this behalfe, as fauourers, defenders, and receiuers of heretickes. And to the intent that these premises may be knowne vnto all faythfull Christians, we charge and commaund you, that by your sentence definitiue, you do cause the Curates which are vnder you, with a loud and audible voyce in their Churches, when as moste people is present, in theyr mother tongue, through all your Cittyes and dioces to publish and declare the sayd Sir Iohn Oldcastle as is before sayd, to be by vs condemned as an hereticke, schimaticke, & one erring in the articles aboue sayde: and all other which from henceforth in fauour of his errours shall receiue or defend hym, geuing him any counsell, comfort, or fauour in this behalfe, to be excommunicate as receiuers, fauorers, and defenders of heretiks. As is more effectually cōteined in the proces. That by such meanes the erroneous opinions of the people (which peraduenture hath otherwise conceiued the matter) by those declarations of the trueth, how the matter is, may be cut of. The which thing also we will and commaund to be written and signified by you, word for word, vnto all our fellow brethren: that they all may manifest, publish, and declare throughout all theyr cittyes and dioces, the maner and forme of this our proces, and also the sentence by vs geuen, and all other singular, the contentes in the same. And likewise cause it to be published by their Curates whiche are vnder them as touching the day of the receipt of these presents, & what you haue done in the premisses, how you and they haue executed this our commaundement. We will that you and they duety and distinctly certify vs the busines being done, by you and theyr letters patentes, according to this tenour.

Dated in our Manor of Maidstone, the 10. of October. an. 1413. and in the 18. yeare of our translation.

Thus haue you here the iudiciall proces of the bishops agaynst this most noble christen knight, described by their owne letters and stile.Syr Rob. Morley. The L. Cobham returned againe to the Tower. After all this, the sentence of death being geuen, the Lord Cobham was sent away, Syr Robert Morley carying him agayne vnto the Tower, where as after he had remayned a certaine space, in the night season, (it is not known by what meanes) he escaped out and fled into Wales, where as he continued by the space of 4. yeares.

¶ A defence of the Lord Cobham, agaynst Nich. Harpsfield, set out vnder the name of Alanus Copus.

As I was entring into this story of the Lord Cobham, after the tractation of all the former historyes, hetherto passed,Alanus Copus Anglus, with his fixe Dialogues. Erostratus to get him a fame set Dianas temple on fire. hauing next to set vpon this present matter, luckely, and as God woulde, in such oportunity of season, as may seeme, God to worke himselfe for defence of his Sayntes: commeth to my handes a certayne booke of new found dialogues, compiled in latine by Nich. Harps field, set out by Alanus Copus, an english man, a persō to me vnknown, & obscure hetherto vnto yt world, but now to purchase himselfe a name with Erostratus, or with the sonnes of Enachun, commeth out not with his fiue egges, but with his sixe rayling dialogues. In the which dialogues yt sayd Alanus Copus Anglus (whether he vnder the armour of other,Alanus Copus Anglus. intemperately abuseth hys penne. or other vnder the title or his name, I knowe not, nor pa [...]e not) vncurteously behauing himselfe, intemperately abusing his time, study, and pen, forgetting himself, neglecting all respect of honesty, and milde modestly, neither dreading the stroke of God, nor passing for shame, neither fauoring the liuing, nor sparing the dead, who being aliue as they neuer offended him, so now cannot aunswere for thēselues being gone:Copus a barker agaynst dead me... thus prouoking both God and man agaynst him, alter an vnseemely sort, and with a foule mouth, and a stincking breath, rageth and fareth agaynst deade mens ashes, taking now yt spoyle of theyr good name, after theyr bodyes lye slayne in the field. His gall and choler being so bitter agaynst them, that he cannot abide any memory after them to remayne vpon the earth. In so much that for the hatred of them, he spurneth also agaynst me, and fleeth in my face, for that in my Actes and Monumentes, describing the history of the Churche, I would say any thing in the fauour of them; whome the Romish Catholickes haue so vnmercifully put to death.Answere to Alanus Copus. The answere to whose book although it woulde require a seuerall tractation by it selfe (as if Christ graunt space and leysure, hereafter it shall not be forgotten) yet because such oportunity of the booke is offered to me at this present comming now to the matter of the Lord Cobham; Sir Roger Acton & other, with whom he first beginneth to quarell, it shall be requisite a little by the way to cope with this Cope, whatsoeuer he be, so much as trueth shall geue me for theyr defence to say something. And here to cut of all the offalles of his raylinge talke and vnhonest rebukes, whiche I leaue to scoldes and men of his profession agaynst they liste to braule, let vs briefly and quietly consider the matter, for discussing of ye truth.Indifferency of the reader craued. Wherin first I shall desire the Reader with equality and indifferency to heare both the partes to speake, as well what the Martyrs hence gone and slayne could say for themselues, if they were present, as also what this man here doth obiect against them now being gone. And so according to the same to iudge both vpon them as they deserue, and of me as they shall please.

Now to the scope of maister Copes matter,Whether the L. Cobham be to be iudged a traytor or a martyr. which is this, whether this foresayd sir Iohn Oldcastle, L. Cobham (first to beginne with him) is rather to be commēded for a Martyr, or to be reproued for a traytor. And whether that I in writing of him and of sir Roger Acton, wyth other moe in my former edition, haue belt fraudulently, and corruptly in cōmending thē in these Acts & Monumentes or no. Touching the discussion whereof, first I trust ye gētle M. Cope my frend,The L. Cobham true and obedient to Kyng Henry 4. The Lorde Cobham in the begynning fauoured of kyng Henry the 5. The kynges displeasure procured agaynst the L. Cobham by popish prelates. neither will, nor wel cā deny any part of all yt hetherto, touching yt story of yt L. Cobham hath ben premised, who yet al this while was neither traitor to his country, nor rebell to his prince, as by the course of his hystory hetherto to the reader may well vnderstād. First in ye time of king Henry the fourth, he was sent ouer to Fraūce to the Duke of Orlyance, he did obey. Afterward K. Henry the fift, cōming to the crowne, he was of him like wise well liked and fauored, vntill the time that Tho. Arundel with his clergy, cōplayning to the king, made bate betwene thē. Then the Lord Cobham being cited by the Archbyshoppe, at his citation, woulde not appeare. But sent for by the king, he obeied and came. Being come, what lowly subiection be shewed there to the king the pag. 558. declareth. After he yelded an obedient cōfessiō of his fayth, it would not be receiued. Then did he appeale to the bishoppe of Rome, for the which the king tooke great displeasure with him, & so was he repealed by the king to the Archb. and committed to the tower,The L. Cobham obedient to the kyng. The L. Cobham conf [...]at in his fayth, to the sentence of death. which also he did obey. Frō thēce he was brought to his examination once or twise: there like a constant martyr and witnesse of the trueth, he stood to his confession and that vnto the very sentence of death defined agaynst him. If this be not the effect of a true Martyr, let Alanus Copus say what he wil, or what he can. This I say, at least I doubt, whether the sayd Alanus Copus Anglus, put to the like triall himselfe, would venter so narrow a poynt of martirdome for his religion, as this christian knight did for his. Certes it hath not yet appeared.

To proceed after this deadly sentēce, was thus awarded agaynst him, the sayd Lord Cobhā was thē returneth agayne vnto the tower, which he with patience and meeknes did also obey: from the which tower if he afterward by the Lordes prouidēce did escape, whether hath Alanus Copus, herein more to prayse God for offring to him the benefite, or to blame the man for taking that which was offred. What Catholicke in all Louen hauing his house ouer hys head on fire, will not be glad to haue if he might, ye dore set open to flee the peril'? or els why did Alanus Copus flye hys [Page] country hauing so litle need, if this mā, bleding almost vnder the butchers are, might not enioy so great an offer of so lucky deliueraunce?

Thus hitherto I trust, the cause of the Lord Cobham, standeth firme and strong agaynst all daūger of iust reprehension. Who being (as ye haue heard) so faythfull and obedient to God: so submisse to his king: so soūd in hys doctrine: so constant in his cause: so afflicted for the trueth: so ready & prepared to death:The L. Cobham worthy the name of a Martyr. The name of a martyr what it signifieth. as we haue sufficiently declared not out of vncertayne & doubtful chronicles, but out of the true originals & instrumēts remaining in aūcient records: What lacketh now, or what should let to the contrary, but that he declaring himself such a martyr, that is a witnes to the verity (for the which also at last he suffred y• fire) may therfore worthily be exorned with ye title of a martir which is in Greek as much as a witnes bearer.

But here nowe steppeth in Dame [...], with her cosē scold Alecto. &c. who neither learning to hold her coūg nor yet to speak wel,Calumnis. must needs find here a knot in a rush and beginning now to quarrell inferreth thus: But after (sayth he) that the Lord Cobham was escaped out of the tower, his felowes and confederates conuēted themselues together, seditously agaynst y• king & against their coūtry: A great crime no doubt M. Cope, if it be true, so if it be not true, the greter blame returneth vnto your self, so to enter this action of such slaunder, vnles the ground wherupō ye stand,Syr Roger Actō knight M. Iohn Brown Esquire. Iohn Beverley preacher. be sure. First what felowes of ye L. Cobhā were these you meane of? Sir Roger Acton ye say, maister Brown & Iohn Beuerley, with 36. other hanged and burned in the sayd field of S. Biles. A maruellous matter, y• such a great multitude of 20000. specified in story, shoulde rise against y• king, & yet but 3. persons only known and named. Thē to proceed further, I would aske of maister Cope what was the end of this conspiracy, to rebell against the king, to destroy their country, and to subuert the Christian fayth, for so purporteth the story. As like true the one as the other. For euen as it is like, that they being Turkes went about to destroy the fayth of Christ wherin they died, and to subuert their country wherin they were bred: euen so like it is that they went about to destroy the king, whom God and their conscience taught to obey.

Yet further proceedeth this fumish promoter in his accusation, & sayth moreouer: that these foresayd felowes and adherentes of the Lord Cobham, were in the field assēbled and there incamped in a great number agaynst the king & how is this proued?Rob. Fabian proued with an vntruth. by Robert Fabian which appeareth to be as true, as that which in the sayde Robert Fabian followeth, in the same place where he affirmeth that Io. Cledon, and Richard Turmin, were burnt in the same yere, being 1413. When in deede by the true Registers, they were not burnt before the yere of our lord,An vntruth in Alanus Copus. 1415. But what wil maister Cope say, if the originall copy of the inditemēt of these pretensed conspirators doe testify, that they were not there assembled or present in the field as your accusation pretendeth? But they purposed (will you say) and intended to come. The purpose and intent of a mans mind is hard for you and me to iudge, where as no fact appereth. But geue their intēt was so to come:Praying and preaching in dicke corners a common thyng in time of persecution. yet might they not come to those thickets neare to the fielde of Saint Biles, hauing Beuerley theyr Preacher with them (as ye say, your self) as well to pray & to preach in that woody place, as wel as to fight? Is this such a straunge thing in ye church of Christ, in time of persecution, for christians to resort into desolate woods, and secrete thickets, from the sight of enemies, when they would assemble in praying and hearing the word of God? In Queene Maryes tyme was not the same coulour of treason obiected agaynst George Egle and other moe, for frequenting and vsing into backsides and fields,Ill will taketh all thinges to worst meaning. and suffered for that, whereof he was innocent & guiltlesse? Did not Adam Damlipe dye in like case of treason, for hauing a French crowne geuen him, at his departure out of Rome, by Cardinal Poole? What can not cankred calumnia inuēt, when she is disposed to cauill? It was not the Cardinals crowne that made him a traytour, but it was the hatred of his preaching, that styrred vp the accuser.

In Fraunce what assemblyes haue there beene in late yeares of good and innocent christiās, congregating together in backfieldes & couertes in great routes to heare the preaching of Gods holy word, & to pray: yea and not with out their weapon also, for their owne safegard, & yet neuer intēded nor minded any rebelliō against their king. Wherfore, in cases of Religion it may & doth happē many times that such congregations may meete without intent of any treason ment. But howsoeuer the intent and purpose was of these fore said cōfederats of the Lord Cobham, whether to come, or what to do (seing this is playne by recordes, as is aforesaid, that they were not yet come vnto ye place (how will M. Cope now iustify his wordes,An other vntruth in Alanus Copus. so confidently affirming, that they were there assembled seditiously together in the field of S. Biles agaynst the king? And marke here I besech thee (gentle Reader) how vnlikely and vntidely the poynts of this tale are tide and hang together (I will not say without all substaunce or truth, but without all fashion of a cleanly lye) wherin these accusers in this matter seeme to me, to lacke some part of Siuons Arte, in conueiing their narration so vnartificiallye. First (say they) the king was come first with his garrison, vnto the field of S. Biles. And then after the king was there incamped, cōsequently the fellowes of the Lord Cobham (the Captayne being away) came & were assembled in the said field where the king was,An vnlikely tale. against the king: & yet not knowing of the king, to the number of xx. thousand: and yet neuer a stroak in that field geuen. And furthermore of all this xx. thousād aforesayd, neuer a mans name knowne, but onely three, to witte, sir Roger Acton, sir Iohn Browne, and Iohn Beuerley, a preacher. How this gear is clamperd together let the reader iudge, and beleue as he seeth cause.

But geue all this to be true, although by no demōstration it can be proued, yet by the Popes dispensation (which in this earth is almost omnipotent) be it graunted: that after the king had take S. Biles field before, the cōpanions of the Lord Cobham afterward comming and assembling in the thickets neare to the sayd field, to fight seditiously agaynst the king, agaynst their country, & agaynst the fayth of Christ, to the nūber of xx. thousand, where no stroke being geuen, so many were takē, that al ye prisons of London were full, and yet neuer a mans name knowen of all thys multitude,The L. Cobham no traytor. but onely three: All this I say, being imagined to be true, the foloweth to be demaūded of M. Cope, whether the Lord Cobham was here present with this company in the field,Alanus Copus. pag. 833. lib. [...] or not? Not, in person (saith Cope) but with his mind and with his counsell he was present, and addeth this reason, saying: And therfore he being brought agayn, after his escape, was conuice both of treason and heresye, & therfore susteining a double punishmēt was both hanged and burnt for the same. &c. And how is al this proued? By Robert Fabian, he sayth, whereunto briefly I aunswere, that Rob. Fabian in that place maketh no such mention of the Lord Cobham assisting or consenting to them either in mind or in counsell. His wordes be these: That certaine adherentes of Sir Iohn Oldcastle assembled in the fielde neare to S. Biles, in great number: of whom was sir Roger Acton, sir Iohn Browne, and Iohn Beuerley. The which with 36. mo in number were after conuict of heresy and treason and for the same were hanged and burnt, we in the sayd field of S. Byles. &c. Thus much in Fabian touching the commotion & condemnation of these mē: but that the Lorde Cobham, was there present with thē inany parte,Alanus Copus taken with an other vntruth. either of consent or counsell, as Alanus Copus Anglus pretendeth, that is not found in Fabian, but is added of his liberall cornu copiae, wherof he is so copious and plentifull, that he may keep an open shop of such vnwrittē vntruethes, whiche he maye aforde verye good cheape I thinke, being such a plentifull artificer.

But here will bee obiected agaynst mee the wordes of the statute made the seconde yeare of king Henry the fifte wherupon this aduersary triumphing with no litle glory [...], thinketh himselfe to haue double vauntage against me:Ex statuto. Reg. Hen 5. an. [...]. cap. 7. first in prouinge these foresayd complices & adherents of the Lord Cobham, to haue made insurrection agaynst the king, and so to be traytors. Secondly, in conuicting that to be vntrue, where as in my former booke of Actes and Monumentes I doe reporte: how that after the death of sir Roger Acton of Browne, & Beuerley,The former ediof Acts and Mon. pag 175. a Parliament was holden at Leicester, where a statute was made to this effect: that all and singular, suche as wer of Wickliffes learning, if they would not geue ouer (as in case of felony and other trespasses, loosing all theyr goodes to the king) shoulde suffer death in two manner of kinds, that is, they should first be hanged for treasō against the king, and then be burned for heresy agaynst God. &c.

Wherupon, remaineth now in examining this obiectiō and aunswering to the same, that I purge both them of treason, and my selfe of vntruth, so farre as truth and fidelity in Gods cause shal assist me herin. Albeit in beginning first my history of Ecclesiastical matters, wherin I hauing nothing to do with abatement of causes iudiciall, but onely folowing the simple narration of things done and executed: neuer suspected that euer any would be so captious with me, or so nise nosed, as to presse me with such narrow points of the law, in trying and discussing euery cause and matter so exactly, & straining (as ye woulde say) the bowels of the statute lawe so rigorously agaynst me. Yet for so much as I am therunto constrained now by this aduersary, [Page] I wil first lay open all the whole statute made ye second yeare of this foresayd Henry the fift, after the death of the foresayd sir Roger Acton and his fellowes, at the Parliament holden at Leycester. an. 1415. That done, I will note vpon the words therof, so as by the circumstaunces of the same may appeare what is to be cōcluded, either for the defence of theyr innocencye, or for the accusation of this aduersary. The tenour and purport of the statute here vnder ensueth.

¶ The wordes and contentes of the statute made an. 2. Henrici. 5. cap. 7.

The preface or preamble of the statute.FOrasmuch as great (A) rumors, congregations, and insurrections here in England by diuers of yt king his maiesties seege people haue bene made here of late, as well by those which were of the sect of heresy called Lolardy, as by others of their cōfederatiō, excitatiōs, & abetmēt: to ye intēt (B) to adnulle & subuert ye christian fayth & the law of God within the same Realme, as also to (C) destroy our soueraigne Lord the king himselfe and (D) all maner of estates of the same his Realme, as well spirituall as temporall (E) and also all maner pollicy, & the lawes of the land. Finally the same our Lord the king, to the honor of God, in conseruation and fortification of the Christian fayth, & also in saluation of his royall estate, & of the estate of all his realme, willing to prouide a more open & more due punishmēt agaynst the malice of such heretickes & Lolardes, then hath bene had or vsed in that case heretofore, so that for the feare of the same lawes, and punishment, such heresyes and Lolardies may the rather cause in time to come:

Here it appeareth at whose sute, and supplication this statute was set forward as also the cause why. By the aduise and assēt aforesayd, & at the prayer of the sayd commons hath ordeined & established: that especially the Chaūcellor, the Treasurer, the Iustices of the one bēch and of the other, Iustices of Assise, Iustices of peace, Shiriffes, Maiors, and Bailiffes of Cityes and Townes, and all other officers hauing the gouernement of people either now present or which for the time shalbe, do make an othe in taking of their charge and offices, to extend their whole payne and diligence to put out,Astiterūt reges & Pharosaes. to do to put out, cease & destroy, all maner of heresyes and errors commonly called Lolardies within the places in which they exercise their charges and offices, from time to time, with all their power: and that they assist, fauor, and maintaine the ordinaries and their commissaries so often as they or any of them shal be therunto required by the said ordinaries or their cōmissaryes: So that the sayd officers and ministers, when they trauell or ride to arest any Lolard or to make any assistēce at the (F) instance and request of the ordinaries or their cō missaryes, by vertue of this statute: that ye same ordinaries & commissaryes do (G) pay for their costs reasonably. And that the seruices of the king (vnto whō the officers be first sworne) be preferred before al other statutes for the liberty of holy Church & the ministers of the same: And especially for the correction and punishment of hereticks & Lolards, made before these dayes & not repealed, but being in theyr force. And also that all persons conuict of heresy of whatsoeuer estate, condition or degree they be, by the sayd ordinaries or their cōmissaries left vnto the secular power according to the lawes of holy Church, shall leese & forfayte all theyr lands and tenements, which they haue in fee simple in maner and forme as followeth: That is to say, that the king shall haue all the landes & tenementes, which the sayd conuictes haue in fee simple & which be immediatlye holden of him, as forfayted: And that the other Lordes of whom the lands & tenements of such conuictes be holden immediatly, after that the king is therof seised & answered of the (H) yeare, day, & wast: shall haue lyuery therof out of the hands of the king of the landes & tenements aforesayde so of them holden, as hath bene vsed in case of attaynder of felonies, except the lands and tenements, which be holden of the ordinaries or their commissaries, before whom anye such empeached of heresye be conuict,(I) which landes and tenements shall wholy remaine to the king as forfeit: And moreouer, that all the goodes and cattels of such conuicted, be forfayt to our right soueraigne Lord the king, so that no person conuict of heresye & left vnto the secular power (according to the lawes of holy Church) do forfeit his landes before that he be dead. And if any such person so conuicted becuse offed, whether it be by fine, or by deede, or without deed, in landes and tenements, rentes, or seruices, in fee or otherwise in whatsoeuer maner, or haue any other possessions or cattels by gift or graunt of any person or persons, to the vse of any other then only to the vse of such conuits: That the same landes, tenementes, rentes, nor seruices, nor other such possessions nor cattelles shall not be forfeite vnto our soueraigne Lord the king in no maner wise.

And moreouer, that the Iustices or the kinges bench, the Iustices of peace, & Iustices of Assise, haue full power to inquire of all such, which hold any errors or heresies, as Lolards and who be their mayntayners, receiuers, fautors, and susteiners, common writers of such bookes, as well of their sermons as scholes, conuenticles, congregations and confederacies, & that this clause be put in the cō missions of the Iustices of peace. And if any persons be indited of any of the points aboue said, that the sayd Iustices haue power to award agaynst them a Capias, and that the Shriffe be bound to arest ye person or persons so indited as soone as he can finde them, either by himselfe or by his officers. And for so much as the cognisance of heresies, errors, or Lolardies, appertain to the Iudges of holy church, and not vnto the secular Iudges, that such persons indited (K) be deliuered vnto the Ordinaries of the places, or to theyr Commissaryes by Indentures betwene them to be made, within x. dayes after their arest, or sooner if it may be done, to be therof acquited or conuict by the lawes of holy church in case such persōs be not indited of any other thing, the cognisaunce whereof appertayneth to the Iudges & secular officers, in which case after they shalbe acquited or deliuered before ye secular iudges of such thinges as apperteineth to ye secular Iudges, they shalbe sent in safe custody vnto ye said Ordinaries or their commissaries, & to thē to be deliuered by Indentures as is aforesayd, to be acquited or cō uicted of the same heresyes, errors and Lolardies, as is aforesaid, according to the lawes of holy church, & that with in the terme abouesayde. Prouided, that the saide indightments be not taken in euidence (L) but onely for information before the Iudges spirituall, agaynst such persons indighted: but that ye Ordinaries begin their proces against such persōs indited, in the same maner, as though no such iudgement were, hauing no regard to such inditementes. And if any be indited of heresy, error, or Lolardy, and takē by ye Shiriffe or any other officer of the king, he may be let to mayneprise within the sayde x. dayes, by good surety for whō the said Shriffes or other officers wil answer, so that the person so indighted be readye to be deliuered vnto the sayd Ordinaries, or to their Commissaryes, before the end of the tenth day aboue recited, if he may be any meanes for sicknes. And that euery Ordinary haue sufficiēt Commissaries or Commissary, abiding in euery Countye in place notable, so that if any such person indited be taken, that the sayd Commissaryes or Commissary may be warned in the notable place of his abiding, by the Shiriffe or any of hys officers to come vnto the Kinges Bayle within the sayd Countye, there to receiue the same person so indighted by Indenture as is aforesayd: And that in the Inquestes in this case takē, the Shiriffes and other officers vnto whom it apperteineth, do impanell good and sufficient persōs not suspected nor procured, that is to say, suche as haue at the least euery one of thē that shal be so impanelled in such inquestes, within the Realme, a hundred shyllinges by the yere of lands, tenements, or of rent, vpon payne to leese to the kings vse xx. poūd. And that those which shalbe impanelled vpon such enquestes at sessions and gayles, haue euery one of them to the value of xi. shillings by the yeare. And if any such person arested, whether it be by the Ordinaries or the officers of the king,(M) either escape or break prison before he be therof acquit before the Ordinary: that then all his goods and cattelles, which he had at the day of such arest, shall be forfeite to the king: And his landes and tenementes which he had the same day, be seised also into the kings handes, and that the king haue the profites therof from the same day vntill he render himselfe to the sayde prison from whence he escaped. And that the aforesaid Iustices haue full power to enquire of all suche escapes and breaking of prisons, and also of the lands tenements goods and cattels of such persons indighted. Prouided, that if any such person endighted, doe not returne vnto the sayde prison, and dyeth (not being conuict) that then it shall bee lawfull for his heyres, to enter into the landes and tenements of his or their aūcester without any other sute made vnto the king for this cause. And that all those which haue liberties or franchises royall in England, as the coūty of Chester, the county and liberty of Durham and other like: And also al the Lordes which haue iurisdictions and franchises royall in Wales where the kings writs do not run, haue like power to execute and put in execution in al pointes, these articles by them or by their officers in like maner as doe the Iustices and other the kinges officers aboue declared.

¶ Notes touching the statute prefixed.

Thus hauing recited the wordes of the statute, nowe [Page] let vs consider the reasons & obiections of this aduersary, who grounding peraduēture vpon ye preface or preamble of this foresaid statute:Notes vpon the statute foresaide. will proue thereby the L. Cobham, and Sir Roger Acton, with the rest of their abettours, to haue bin traitors to their king and their countrey. Wherunto I answere, first in generall, that although the face or preface prefixed before the statute, may shew and declare ye cause & occasion originall why the statute was made: yet the making of the statute importeth no necessary probatiō of the preface alwaies to be true that goeth before, which being but a colour to induce the making therof: geueth no force materiall therunto, nor is any necessary part of ye body of the said statute.Prefaces before statutes not to be regarded in triall of truth. But onely adhereth as a declaration of the circumstance therof, and sometime is cleane omitted and differeth much from the substance of the same. For as statutes in ciuile policie most commonly do tend to a publike end & are generall: so prefaces before statutes, which most commonly declare the cause or beginning therof, are priuate: and do stand only but vpō particular facts, which either of ill will & displeasure may be suggested, or by colour may be exaggerated, or forfeare may be beleeued, at least suspected, as many suspitious do oftimes rise in princes heads, through false surmises, & malicious cōplaints of certaine euill disposed about them, wherby many cruell lawes rising vpon a false ground, are promulgate to ye ruine of much innocēt bloud. Example wherof we haue not onely in this present statute,Statut. an. 2 Hen. 5. cap. 11. an. 2. Reg. Hen. 5 but also in the like statute, commonly called the statute Ex officio vel de comburendo, made by this kings father and predecessour, an. 2. Henr. 4. cap. 5. In the preface of which bloudy statute, is conteined an other like cōplaint of the Prelates & clergie, not so hainous, as also most shamefully false & vntrue against the poore Lollards, as by the wordes of the complaint may appeare,The preface [...]efore the [...]tatute Decōburēdo beginning: Excellentissimo & Gratiosis. principi, &c. Wherin, most falsely they slaunder and misreport the true seruaunts of Christ to be Lollardes, heretiques, subuerters of the common wealth, destroiers of the Christian faith, enemies to all good lawes, and to the Church of Christ. The words of which statute proceeding much after ye like course as doth this present statute, may easely bewray the vntruth and false surmise therof, if thou please (gentle reader) to marke and conferre the wordes according as they are there to be read and seene, as followeth:Ex fetussis astrumētis. Conuenticulas & confederationes faciunt, scholas tenent & exercent, libros conficiunt atque scribunt, populum nequiter instruunt & informant, & ad seditionem seu insurrectionem excitant, quantum possunt, & magnas dissentiones in populo faciunt, & alia diuersa enormia auditui horrenda in dies perpetrant, in fidei cathol. & ecclesiae subuersionem, diuinique cultus diminutionem, ac etiam destructionem status, iurium, & libertatum dictae ecclesiae Anglic. And after a few words: Ad omnem iuris, & rationis ordinem atque regimen, penitus destruendum, &c. He that is or shall be acquainted with old hytories,False accusa [...] no newes [...] Christes [...]rch. and with the vsuall practises of Sathan the oldenemie of Chrst, from the first beginning of the primitiue Church vnto this present time, shall see this to be no newes, but a common and (as ye would say) a quotidian feuer among Christes children, to be vexed with false accusations, and cruell slaunders.

Nemesion the Egyptian and true Martyr of Christ, was he not first accused to be a felon? And when that could not be proued,Example of Nemesion Martir. pag. [...]. he was condēned at the same iudgemēt for a Christiā: and therfore being cast into bands, was scourged, by the commandement of the President double to the other felons: & at length was burned with ye theeues, although he neuer was found theef nor felon vide page. 62.

Against Cyprian in like sort it was slaunderously obiected by Galenus Maximus proconsull: Quòd diu sacrilega mente vixerit, & nephariae sibi conspirationis homines adiunxerit. Example of Cyprian. pag. 69. That he had long continued with a minde full of sacrilege, and that he had gathered vnto him men of wicked conspiracie, page. 69.

So Iustinus martyr, what false and criminous accusations suffered he by Crescens?Example of [...]tine the Martyr. Example of somelius [...]sh. of Rōe pag. 65. Cornelius Byshop of Rome and Martyr, was accused of Decius, quòd ad Cyprianum literas daret contra remp i. That he wrote letters vnto Cyprian against the common wealth vide page. 65.

To consider the lawes and statutes, made by tyrauntes and Emperours in the first persecutions of the primatiue Church, against the innocent seruaunts of Christ, and to compare the same with the lawes and statutes in this latter persecution vnder Antichrist:Lawes and statutes [...]ounded [...] false [...] against the Chritians. A man shall find, that as they agreed all in like crueltie, so was there no great difference in false forging of pretensed causes and crimes deuised. For as then, the Christians were wrongfully accused of the Gentiles for insurrections & rebellions against the Emperours and Empire, for beeing enemies to all mankind, for murdering of infāts, for worshipping the sinne (because they praied toward the East) for worshipping also the head of an Asse,The persecuting statutes in the primitiue church and of the latter church cōpared. & divide pag. 54. 36. vpon the rumors wherof, diuers and sundry lawes and statutes were enacted, some engrauen in brasse, some otherwise wrote, against them: So in this foresaid statute. an. 2. Henr. cap. 5 also, an. 2. Henr. 4. cap. 15. and in such other statutes or inditements made and conceiued against the Lolards: the case is not so strange but it may ceedibly be supposed, that the making therof did rise rather vpō malice & hatred against their religion conceaued, then vpon any iust cause ministred of their partes, whome they did wrongfully charge & accuse. Like as in time of Domitianus, for feare of Dauids stocke,Feare & hatred causers of persecution. all the nephewes of Iude the Lords brother in flesh, were accused to the Emperour, page 48. And also the like feare & hatred stirred vp other Emperours, and the Senate of Rome, to proceed with persecuting lawes against the Christian flocke of Christ. Euseb. Lib. 5. cap. 21. Whereupon, rose vp those malitious slaunders, false surmises, infamous lies, and wrongfull accusations against the Christians: so that what crimes soeuer either malice could inuent, or rash suspition could minister, that was imputed against them,Vide supra. pag. 48. vide page 48.

Not vnlike also it may seeme, that the Pope with hys Prelates fearing and misdoubting least the proceding of the Gospell preached by these persons should ouerthrowe the state of their maiestie: Did therfore by sinister accusatious, inflame the harts of Princes against them, and vnder some colour couert, to shadow their cloked hatred, deuised these and other like crimes which were not true, but which might cleanely serue their purpose.The matter debared by recordes, whether the L. Cobham and sir Roger Acton were traytors or not.

This hetherto haue I said as in a generall summe answering to the preamble of the foresayd statute, for the defence of Sir Iohn Oldcastle, and Sir Roger Acton, and other, not as de [...]ining precisely what was or was not (for here I may say with Haule, that as I was not present at the deed doing, so with him I may also leaue the same at large.) But as one by trasing the footesteps of the truth, as by all coniectures hunting out in this matter, what is most like, would but onely say my mynde sine strepitu (as Lawyers say) & sine figura iudicij.

Now consequently it followeth, that we descend to the speciall points and particulars of the foresaid preamble: to consider what thereof may be collected, or necessarily is to be iudged, either for prose or disprose, of this foresaide Sir Iohn Oldcastle and his felowes.

¶(A) And first, where the proheme of this statute beginneth with rumours,Rumors. Congregations. Insurrections. congregatiōs, and insurrections, &c. As it is not like, that if these men had intended any forcible entrees or rebelliō against ye king, they would haue made any rumours therof before the deed done: so is it more credibly to be supposed, all these florishes of words to be but words of course, or of office, and to sauer rather of the rāknes of the inditers penne, who disposed either per amplificationem rhetoricam to shew his copy, or els per malitiam Papisticam, to aggrauate ye crime. And to make mountains of mollhilles, first of rumours maketh congregations, & from congregations riseth vp to insurrections: where as in all these rumours, congregations, & insurrections, yet neuer a blow was geuen, neuer a stroke was stroken, no bloud spilt, no furniture nor instruments of war, no signe of battaile, yea no expresse signification either of any rebellious word, or malitious fact described, neither in records, nor yet in any Chronicle. Againe, if these rumours were words spoken against the king, as calling him a tirant, an vsurper of the crowne, the Prince of Priestes, &c. why then be none of these words expressed in their inditements, or left in records? Doth M. Cope thinke for a man to be called a traitour, to be enough, to make him a traytour, vnlesse some euident prose be brought for him to bee so in deed, as he is called? Rumours (sayth he) congregations, and insurrections were made. Rumours are vncertaine: Congregations haue bene and may bee among Christen men in dangerous times for good purposes, and no treason against their princes ment. The terme of insurrections may be added [...] by practise, or surmise of the Prelates and pen men, who to bring them the more in hatred of the king, might adde this rather of their owne gentlenes, then of the others deseruing. Certayne it is and vndoubted, that the Prelates in those dayes being so mightely inflamed against these Lollards, were not altogether behind for their parts, nor vtterly idle in this matter, but practised against them what they could, first to bring them into hatred, and then to death.

Examples of which kinde of practise among the Popish Cleargy, haue not lacked neither before, nor since. Moreouer, if these men had made such a rebellious insurrection [Page] against the king, as is pretended in the preample before this statute, which were a matter of high treason: How chaunceth then, that the whole body of the statute folowing after the said preface or preamble, runneth in all the parts and braunches thereof both in maner of arrest, of inditement, information, request, alowance of officers, cognisance of ordinaries, of the forefact, &c. vpon cases of heresie and not of treason, as by particular tractation shall be (Christ willing) declared.

Insurrection of the Lollordes against the king not lykely.And for so much as these men be so greuously accused of Alanus Copus, for congregating & rising against their K. & the whole Realme, if I had so much laysure to defend, as he hath pleasure to diffame: Here might be demaunded of him, to keepe him some further pley (touching this mighty insurrection, where as they came in nūber of xx. thousand against the king) in what order of battaile ray they marched, what Captaines, vnder Captaines, and pety Captaines they had to guide the wyngs, and to lead the army▪ whether they were horsemen, or footemen. If they were horsemen (as is pretensed) what ment they then to resort to the Thicketes neare to S. Gyles field, which was no meet place for horses to stirre? If they were footemen: how standeth that with the author, which reporteth them to be horsemē? Moreouer, is to be demanded, what insignes or flagges, what shot, what pouder, what armour, weapōs, and other furniture of war: also what treasure of money to wage so many, to ye nūber of xx. thousand, what trumpets, drommes, & other noise necessary for ye purpose they had. All these preparations for such an enterprise is requisite & necessary to be had. And peraduenture, if truth were well sought, it would be found at lēgth, that in stead of armies and weapon, they were comming onely with theyr bookes, and with Beuerlay their preacher, into those thickets. But as I was not there present at the fact (as is before said) so haue I neither certeinely to define vpon theyr case, nor yet M. Cope to exclame against them, vnles peraduenture he taking an occasion of the time, will thus argue against them: That because it was the hoate moneth of Ianuary, the 2. day after the Epiphany, therefore it is like, that Sir Iohn Oldcastle with xx. thousand Lollards. camped together in the fields in al the heate of the wether, to destroy the king and all the nobles, and to make hymselfe Regent of England. And why not as well the King, as regent of England, seeing all the nobles should haue bene destroyed, & he onely left alone to reigne by himselfe?

¶ It followeth more in the preamble of ye foresaid statute (B) to adnull, destroy, and subuert the Christen fayth, and the law of God, & holy Church, &c. He yt was the forger & inuēter of this report (as it appeareth to proceed frō the Prelates) seemeth no cunning Daedalus, A slaūder of the L. Cobham, that he intēded to destroy Christen fayth. nor halfe hys craftes maister in lying for the whetstone. Better he might haue learned of Sinō in Uirgill, more artificially to haue framed and conueied his narration. Which although in no case could sound like any truth, yet some colour of probabilitie should haue bene set vpon it, to giue it some countenance of a like tale. As if he had first declared the L. Cobham to haue bin before in secret cōfederacie with the great Turk, or if he had made him some termagāt or Mahound out of Babylonia, or some Herode of Iudea, or some Antichrist out of Rome, or some grandpanch Epicure of this world: and had shewed, that he had receiued letters from the great Souldan, to fight against the faith of Christ and law of God, then had it appeared somwhat more credible, that the said Sir Iohn Oldcastle with his sect of heresie, went about to adnull, destroie, and subuert the Christian faith, and law of God within the Realme of England, &c.

But now, where will either he or M. Cope finde men so mad to beleeue, or so ingenious yt can imagine this to be true: that the Lord Cobham (being a Christian) and so faithfull a Christiā, would or did euer cogitate in his mind to destroy and adnull the faith of Christ in the Realme of England? What soeuer the report of this pursuant or preface saith, I report me vnto the indifferent Reader, how standeth this with any face of truth? That he which before through the reading of Wickliffes works, had bene so earnestly cōuerted to the law of God, who had also approued himselfe such a faithfull seruant of Christ, that for the faith of Christ he being examined and tried before the Prelates, page. 553. not only ventred his life: but stood constant vnto the sentence of death,Cyprian. lib. 4. Epist. 2. defined against him: being a cōdemned and a dead man by law, Et qui, quantum ad eius deuotionem pertinet & timorem, passus sit, quicquid pati potuit, who had as much as to deuotion and feare apperteined, suffered already what he might or could suffer, as Cyprian said by Cornelius. That he (I say) which a little before in the moneth of September, stoode so constant in defence of Christes faith, would now in the moneth of Ianuary rise to destroy, adnull, & subuert Christes faith, and the law of God, and holy Church within the Realme of England?

How can it be not like only but possible to be true that he which neuer denied the faith: which euer confessed the faith so constantly, which was for the same faith condemned: yea and at last also burned for the faith, would euer fight against the faith, and law of God, to adnull and to subuert it? Let vs proceed yet further, and see when that he should haue to destroied and adnulled the Christian faith and law of God in England, what faith or law then could he or did he entend to bring into the realme of England? The Turks faith? or the Iewes faith? or the Popes faith? or what faith else, I pray you? For he that will be an enemie to the faith of Christ, and will shew himselfe frend to no other faith beside, I accompt him not out of his right faith, but out of his right wits.

(C)And therfore euen as it is true,The Lord Cobham falsely slaū dered for intending to destroy the king. that sir Iohn Oldcastle with his cōfederates & abertours were vp in armes to subuert, and extinguish the faith of Christ and law of God in ye realme of England: so by the like truth it may be estemed, that ye same persons rose also to destroy their soueraigne Lord the king and his brethren. First thanks be to God, that neither the king, nor any of his brethren had any hurt by him. But his intent, saith the preface, was to destroy his soueraigne Lord the king. Whereunto I aunswere, with this interrogatorie, whether his intent was priuily to haue destroied him, or by opē force of armes? If priuily, what needeth then such a great army of xx. thousand men to atcheue ye secret feate? Rather I would think, that he needed more the help of such as were neare about the king: as some of the kinges priuie chamber, or some of his secret counsaile: whereof, neither Chronicle nor record doth insinuate any mention.How vnly [...]e it is that the L. Cobham did rise against the king. If his intent was openly to inuade the kyng: You must vnderstand (M. Cope) that to withstand a king in his owne Realme, many thinges are required, long time, great preparation, many frendes, great assistance, and ayd of kindred, money, horse, men, armour, and all other things apperteining for the same.

Earle Godwin of Westfaxe,Examples what an heard matter it is to rise against the king. who had maried Canutus daughter being a man both ambitious, and as false a traitour, for al his sixe sonnes, and great alliance, yet durst not set vpon king Edward to inuade him within his Realme, although he sought manye occasions so to do, yet neuer durst enterprise openly, that which his ambition so greedely presumed vnto, page 163.

In the time of King Henry the third,The nobles against K. Henry. 3. Symon Montford Earle of Glocester, Gilbert Clare Earle of Leicester, Humfrey Rone Earle of Ferrence, with a great number of Lords and Barons, thought themselues to haue great right on their sides, yet durst not for all their power openly assaile the King in his Realme, before great debatemēt and talke first had betweene, page 330.

Likewise what murmuring and grudging was in the realme against king Edward the second,The noble against K. Edward. 2. among the peres and nobles and also prelates (only Walter Bishop of Couentry except) first for Gaueston, then for the Spensers, at what time Thomas Earle of Lancaster, Guido Earle of Warwike, with the most part of al other Earles and Barons concordly consenting together to the displacing first of Gaueston, then of the Spensers, yet neither rashly, nor without great feare durst stirre vp warre in the land, or disquiet or vexe the king, but first by all meanes of moderate counsaile, and humble petition, thought rather to perswade, then to inuade the king, page 308.

In like maner,The nobles against. K▪ Rich. 2. and with like grudging mindes, in the reigne of King Richard. 2. Thomas Wodstocke Duke of Glocester the kings vncle, with the Earles of Arundell, of Warwike, and Darby, with the power almost of the whole commons, stood vp in armes against the king: And yet notwithstanding all their power ioined together, being so great, and their cause seming to them so reasonable, yet were they not so hardy, straightwayes to flee vpon the king, but by way of Parliament thought to accomplishe that which their purpose had conceiued, and so did, without any warre striking against the king, page. 513.

After King Richard. 2. was deposed,The nobles against K. Henry. 4. and was in prison yet liuing, diuers noble men were greatly inflamed against K. Henry the fourth, as Sir Iohn Holland Earle of Huntington, Thomas Spenser Earle of Glocester, ye Earles likewise of Kent, and of Salisbury, with sir Iohn Cheney & other mo, wherof diuers had beene Dukes before, & now deposed by King Henry. 4. although they had conceiued in their harts great grudge and malice against the said King Henry: yet had they neither hart nor power openly with mans force to assaile the king, but secretly were cōpelled to atchieue their conceiued intēt, which notwithstanding they could not accomplish, Ex hist. D. Alban.

[Page]Thus, you see Maister Cope, or els maister Harpsfield, or whatsoeuer ye be,The insurrection of the L. Cobham against the king iudged by circūstace to gainstand a king, and with open force to encounter with him in his owne land, and in his owne chamber of London, where he is so sure and strong, what a matter of how great cheuance it is, wherin so many and so great difficulties do lye, the attempt so dangerous, the chances so vncertaine, the furniture of so manie things required, that fearce in any kings daies heretofore, any peeres or nobles of the Realme, were they neuer so strongly assisted with power, wit, or counsaile, yet either were able, or els well durst euer enterprise vpon the case so dangerous, notwithstanding were they neuer of themselues so far from all feare of God, and true obedience. And shal we then thinke, or cā we imagine (maister Cope) that Syr Iohn Oldcastle, a man so well instructed in the knowledge of Gods word, beyng but a poore Knight by his degree, hauing none of all the peeres and nobles in all the world to ioyne with him, being prisoner in the Tower of London a litle before in the moneth of December, could now in the moneth of Ianuary, so sodenly, in such an hoat season of the yeare, start vp an army of xx. thousand fightyng men to inuade the kyng, to kill two Dukes his brethren, to adnulle Christen fayth, to destroy Gods law, and to subuert holy Church [...] why doth not he adde moreouer, to set also all London on fire, and to turne all England into a fishe poole? Beliue these men which geue out these [...]igmentes of Syr Iohn Oldcastle, dyd thinke him to be one of Deucations stocke, who castyng of stones ouer his shoulder, could by and by make men at his pleasure, or els that he had Cadmus teeth to sowe, to make so many harnest men to start vp at once.

But let vs consider yet further of these xx. M. souldiours so sodenly without wages,A rebellion [...]o be of [...]0. thousand, and yet no countrey to [...] knowen [...]rom whēce they came, it is not like. without vitall, or other prouision cōgregated together, what they were, frō whēce out of what quarter, countrey, or coūtreys they came. In an other kyngs dayes, whensoeuer any rebelliō is against the king, moued by the commons, as when Iacke Straw and wat Tyler of Kent, & Essex rose in the tyme of kyng Richard 2. When William Mandeuill of Abingdon, Iack Cade of Kent, in the tyme of kyng Henry the 6. In the tyme of kyng Henry the 8. when the cōmotion was of rebels in Lyncolnshyre, then in Yorkeshyre. When in kyng Edward the 6. tyme Humfrey Arundell in Deuonshyre, Captaine Kyte in Northfolke made styre against ye king,Neuer was [...] rebelliō of commons in England but the speciall coūtrey from whēce they came was noted and knowen. the coūtrey & partes from whence these rebels did spring, were both noted and also diffaimed. In this so trayterous cōmotion therfore let vs now learne, what mē these were, and from what coūtrey or countreys in all England they came. If they came out of any, let the Chroniclers declare what countreys they were. If they came out of none (as none is named) then let them come out of Outopia, where belike this [...]igment was first forged, and inuented. Wherfore seyng neither the countreys from whence they came, nor yet the names of any of all these xx. M. doe appeare what they were either in Chronicle or in recorde, but remaine altogether vnknowen, I leaue it (gentle reader) to thy iudgement, to thinke thereupō, as thy wisedome shall lead thee.

(D)It foloweth more in the foresaid preface: And to destroy all other maner of estates,Another false reporte of sir Iohn Oldecastle that he intē ded to kill all maner of estates in the realme. of the same Realme of England, as well spirituall as temporall, &c. By ye course of this preamble it appeareth, that the sayd sir Iohn Oldcastle, was a wonderfull cruell tirant and murderer, who being not yet satisfied with the bloud of the king, nor of the two Dukes his brethren, would also make hauoke and swepestake, of all maner of estates in the Realme of England. What, & leaue no maner of estate aliue? No, neither Lord spiritual nor temporall, but altogether should be destroied. And what had all these estates done, thus so miserably to be destroied? Although percase the moode of this mā might haue bene incensed & kindled against the king, and the Lords spiritual, by whom he had bene cōdemned, as is aforesaid: yet why should all other maner of other estates both spiritual and temporal be killed? If none of all the estates in Englād, neither Duke, Earle, Baron, Lord, Knight or other gentleman had bene his frend, but all his enemies, how then is it like, that he hauing all the estates, peeres, nobles, and gentlemen of the Realme against him, and none to stand with him, either could or durst attempt any commotiō against the whole power of the land, he being but one gentleman onely with sir Roger Acton, and maister Browne left alone? At least, good reasō yet would, that those hundreth Knightes should haue bin spared out of this bloudy slaughter, whom he offred to produce vnto the king before, for his purgation, page. 159. And finally, if this was his purpose that all these estates both spiritual & temporall should haue bin cut down, what needed then that he should haue made himselfe a Regent, when hee might as well haue made himselfe a king, or what else he would, being left then Prince alone?

(E)The preamble as it began with vntruth, and continued in the same figure, heaping one vntruth vpon another: so now endeth with another misreport as vntrue as the rest, shewing & declaring, the intent of sir Iohn Oldcastle was also to destroy all maner of policie, & finally the lawes of ye land, &c. We read of William Cōquerer,An hard matter to destroy all policie and lawes of a land. otherwise named William Bastard: who being a puisant Duke in his countrey, whē that the crown of Englād was alotted to him, and he cōming ouer with all his peres, nobles, & barons of his whole land, into this Realme, & had with great difficulty obteined victorie against king Harold: yet to alter and destroy the policy and the lawes of the land: it passed his power. Insomuch that it had not bin permitted vnto him to haue proceded so far as he did, vnlesse he had first sworne to the nobles of this lande, to retaine still the lawes of King Edward, as he found them. And albeit he afterward forsware himselfe, breaking his othe in altering and changing many of the foresaid lawes, yet wild he, nild he, could not so destroy them all (for the which much war and great commotiōs endured long after in the Realme) but that he was constrained and also contented to allow and admit a great part of the said lawes of king Edward, page. 167. And if he being king and Conquerour with all his strength of Normands and Englishmen about him, was too weake and insufficient to destroy all maner of policie, and lawes of this land, which he had conquered: how much lesse then is it to be supposed, that Sir Iohn Oldcastle being put a priuate subiect, and a poore Knight, and a condemned prisoner, destitute and forsaken of al Lords, Earles, and Barons, who to saue his owne life, had more to do, then he could well compasse, would either take in hand, or conceiue in his head anye such exployt, after the subuersion of Christian faith, and law of God, after the slaughter of the king, and of all maner of estates, as well spirituall as temporall, in the Realme of England, after the desolation of holy Church, to destroy also all maner of policie, and finally the lawes of the land? Which monstruous and incredible figment, how true it may seeme to M. Cope, or to some other late Chroniclers of the like credulitie, I can not tell: Certaine to me, and as I thinke to all indifferent readers it appeareth as true, as is the Uerse of the Satyre, wherewith it may well be compared.

Nil intra est oleam,Obiection.nil extra est in nuce duri.

But heere will be sayd again perhaps, that the matter of such preambles and prefaces being but pursuantes of statutes, and containing but words of course, to aggreuate, and to geue a shew of a thing, which they would to seeme more odible to the people, is not so precisely to bee scande or exquisitely to be stand vpon, as for the ground of a necessary case of trouth.

This is it (M. Cope) that I saide before,Aunswere. and now doo well grant & admit the same, that such preambles or forefaces lyned with a non sequitur, containyng in them matter but of surmise, and wordes of course (and rather monsters out of course) and many tymes rising vpon false informatiō, are not alwayes in themselues materiall, or necessary probatiōs in all pointes to be followed: as appeareth both by this statute, & also by the statute of this kynges father. an. 2. Heur. 4. chap. 15. beginnyng Excellentissimo. &c. Ex originals statut. Hen. 4. cap. 15. And yet notwithstandyng out of these same preambles, & forefrontes of statutes, & other inditementes, which cōmonly rising vpō matter of informatiō,The reason and cause, how chroniclers oft times be deceiued. runne onely vpō wordes of course of office, and not vpō simple truth, a great part of our Chroniclers do oftē take their matter, which they insert into their stories, hauyng no respect or examination of circumstaunces to be compared, but onely following bare rumours, or els such wordes as they see in such fablyng prefaces, or inditementes expressed. Whereby it commeth so to passe,Alanus Copus deceiued by his chroniclers. that the younger Chronicler followyng the elder, as the blind leadyng the blind, both together fall into the pit of errour. And you also (maister Cope) followyng the steppes of the same, do seeme likewise to erre together with them, for good felowshyp. And thus concernyng the face of this statute hetherto sufficiently.

Now let vs cōsider and discusse in like maner, first the coherence, then the particular contentes of the said statute. As touchyng the which coherence, if it be well examined, a mā shall finde almost a Chimera of it. In which neither the head accordeth with the body, nor yet the braunches of the statute well agree with themselues. Wherein he that was the drawer,Horat. ar [...], Poet. or first informer thereof, seemeth to haue forgot his Uerse and art Poeticall.

Atque ita mentitur, sic veris falsa remiscet,

Primum ne medio, medium ne discrepet imo.

[Page]For where as the preface of the statute standeth onely vpon matter of treason, conceiued by false suggestion and wrong information. The body of the sayd statute whiche should follow vpō the same, runneth onely vpō matter of heresie, pertaining to the Ordinaries, as by euery braūche therof may appeare.

(F)For first where he sayth, at the instaunce & request of the ordinaries or their cōmissaries.The body of the statute an. 2. Reg Hen. 5. cap. 7. examined. &c. Hereby it appeareth, this to be no cause of treasō, nor felony. For that euery man of duety is boūd, and by the lawes of the Realme may arrest & apprehend a traitour, or a felō, if he cā: where otherwise by this statute an officer is not bound to arrest him which offēdeth in case of this statute, without request made by the ordinaries or their commissaries, and therefore this offence seemeth neither to be treason, nor felonie.

(G) Secondly, where it foloweth that the same ordinaries and commissaries doe pay for their costes, &c. This allowance of the officers charges in this sort, proueth this offence neither treason nor felonie.

(H) Thirdly, where the statute willeth the king to bee answered of the yeare, day, & wast, &c. By this also is proued the offence not to be treason. Or els in cases of treason, the whole inheritance (I trow, maister Cope, speaking as no great skilfull lawyer) is forfait to the prince.

(I) The fourth argument I take out of these words of the statute, where as such lands and tenements which be holden of the ordinaries, are willed wholy to remaine to the king as forfait, &c. wherby it is manifest, that the Prelates (for their matter of Lollardie onely) were the occasioners and procurers of this statute: and therefore were barred of the benefite of anye forfetrising thereby, as good reason was, they should. And thus it is notorius, that the preface running specially and principally vpon treason, and the statute running altogether vpon points of heresie, do not well cohere nor ioine together.

(K) Fiftly, In that such persons indited, shal be deliuered vnto the Ordinaries of the places, &c. It can not bee denied, but that this offence concerneth no maner of treason. For so much as Ordinaries can not be iudges in cases of treason, or felonie, by the lawes of our Realme, Bracton, in fine. 1. Libri.

(L) Sixtly, by the inditements prouided not to be taken in euidence, but onely for information, before the Iudges spirituall, &c. it is likewise to be noted: to what end these inditements were taken, to wit, only to informe the ordinaries, which can not be in cases of treason.

(M) Lastly, where it foloweth toward the end of yt statute, touching escape or breaking of prison, &c. by this it may lightly be smelt, whereto all ye purpose of this statute driueth, that is, to the speciall escape of the L. Cobham out of yt Tower,Iustice Stanford of the plees of the crowne. lib. 1. cap. 33. to this end to haue his lands & possessiōs forfait vnto the King. And yet the same escape of the Lord Cobham in this statute considered, is taken by Maister Iustice Stanford in Lib. primo of the plees of the crowne cap 33. to be an escape of one arrested for heresie, where he speaketh of the case of the Lord Cobham.

Moreouer as touching the partes of this foresaid statute, how will you ioine these two braunches together, where as in the former part is said, that the lands of such persons connict, shall be forfait to the king, not before they be dead: And afterward it foloweth, that their goodes and possessions shall be forfait at the day of their arrest, to that king. But heerein standeth no such great doubt nor matter to be weied. This is without all doubt, and notoriously, euidently, and most manifestly may appeare, by all the arguments and whole purport of the statute: that as well the preamble and preface thereof,The first procurers of this statute. as the whole body of the said statute was made, framed, & procured onely by and through the instigation, information, and excitation of the Prelates, & the Popish Cleargie, not so much for any treason committed against the king: but only for feare and hatred of Lollardy, tending against their law, which they more dreded & abhorred, then euer any treasō against the Prince. And then to set the king & all the states against them, whereby the more readily to worke their dispatch, they thought it best and none so compendious a policie,Practise of prelates to couple treason with heresie. as pretely to ioine treason together with their Lollardry. Wherein the poore men beeing once intangled, coulde no wayes escape destruction. Papae concilium callidum.

This M. Cope, haue I said, and say againe, not as one absolutely determining vpon the matter. At the dooyng wherof as I was not present my selfe, so with your owne Halle, I may and do leaue it at large, but as one leadyng the reader by all coniectures and arguments of probabilitie and of due circumstances, to consider with themselues, what is further to be thought in these old accustomed practises and procedings of these prelates. Protesting moreouer (M. Cope) in this matter to you, that those Chroniclers which you so much ground vpon, I take them in this matter, neither as witnesses sufficient, nor as Iudges competent. Who as they were not themselues present at the deed done, no more then I, but onely folowing vncertaine rumours, and words of course and office, bringing with them no certaine triall of that which they do affirme, may therein both be deceiued themselues, and also deceiue you, and other which depend vpon them.

And hetherto concerning this statute enough. Out of which statute you see (M. Cope) that neither your Chroniclers, nor you can take any great aduantage, to proue any treason in the Lord Cobham or in his felowes, as hath bene hetherto aboundantly declared in the premisses.Alanus Copus. pag. 833. lin. 4.

It remaineth further, that for asmuch as you in your fixt Dialogue with your author Edward Halle, do alledge the records Et publica iudicij Acta, to dissame these men for traytours (although what records they be, you bring forth neuer a word) I therefore in their defence do answere for them, whiche can not now aunswere for themselues. And because you, to accuse them do mention a certaine recorde, and yet do not shew vs what record it is, and peraduēture can not, if ye would: I haue taken the paines therfore, for the loue of them whom you so hate, to search out such Recordes, whereby any occasion can be raised against them. And first will declare the commission granted, then the inditement commensed against them.

The which commission, and inditement, albeit in countenance of words will seeme to minister much suspition against them, to the simple Reader, before he be better acquainted with these subtile dealings and practises of Prelates: yet trusting vpon the goodnesse of the cause, which I see here so falsely and sleightly to be handled, I nothing feare nor doubt, to produce the same out of the Records in Latine as they stand: to the intent that when the craftie handling of the aduersaries shall be disclosed, the true simplicitie of the innocent, to the true harted Reader, shall the more better appeare. The words first of the Commission, here folow vnder written: which when thou shalt heare, let thē not trouble thy minde, gentle reader, I besech thee, before thou vnderstand further, what packing and subtile conueyance lieth couered and hid vnder the same.

¶ In Rotulo patent. de anno primo Henrici quinti.

R. Dilectis & fidelibus suis Willielmo Roos de Hamlak, The wordes of Commission against the Lord Cobham. Henrico le Scrop. Willielmo Croiomere maiori Ciuitatis suae London. Hugoni Huls, Iohanni Preston, & Ioanni Mertin salutem. Sciatis quòd cum nos plenius (A) informemur, ac notorie & manifeste dinoscatur, quôd quam plures subditi nostri Lollardi vulgarie nuncupati, ac alij mortem nostram contra ligeanciae suae debitum proditorie imaginauerunt, ac quam plura alia, tam in fidei catholicae, quàm status dominorum & magnatum regni nostri Angl. tam spiritualium quam temporalium destructionem proposuerunt, ac diuersas congregationes, & alia conuenticula illicita pro nephando proposito suo in hac parte per implend. secerunt in nostri exheredationem ac Regni nostri destructionem manifestam: Nos huiusmodi Lollardos ac alios praedictos, iuxta eorum demerita in hac parte castigari & puniri volentes, ac de fidelitate & circumspectione vestris plenius confidentes: assignauimus vos quinque, quatuor, & tres vestrum, quorum vos praefati maior & Hugo, duos esse volumus Iustic. nostros, ad inquirend. per sacrum proborum & legal. hominum de ciuitate praedicta & suburbijs eiusdem, ac de Com. Midd. tam infr. libertates, quam extr. per quos rei veritas melius sciri poterit de omnibus & singulis proditionibus & insurrectionibus per huius modi Lollardos in ciuitate, suburbijs, & com predictis factis & perpetratis, nec non de omnimodo proditionibus insurrectionibns, rebellionibus, & felonijs in ciuitate, suburbijs, & com. praedictis, per quoscunque, & qualitercunque factis siue perpetratis, & ad easdem proditiones insurrectiones, rebelliones, & felonias audiend. & terminand. secundum legem & consuetudinem Regni nostri. Angl. Et ideo vobis mandamus, quod ad certos, &c. quos, &c. quorum, &c. ad hoc prouideritis diligentes super premissis fac. inquisitiones & premissa omnia & singula audiatis & terminetis in forma praedicta facturi, &c. Saluis, &c. Mandauimus enim vicecomitibus nostris Lond. & Midd. quod ad certos, &c. quos, &c. quorum, &c. eius seire fac. venire facietis coram vobis, &c. quorum, &c. tot &c. de Balliua sua, tam infr. libertates, quam extra per quos &c. & inquiri. In cuius &c. T.R. apud Westm. (B) x. die Ianuarij. (B) Peripsum Regem.

By these high and tragicall wordes in this commission sent downe against the Lord Cobham, Sir Roger Acton, and their felowes: It may peraduenture seeme to the ignorant and simple reader, some hainous crime of treason [Page] to rest in them, for conspiring against God, the Churche, the kyng & their countrey. But what cannot the fetchyng practise o [...] the Romish Prelates bring about, where they haue once conceiued a malice? Wherfore maruel not (good trader) at this, nor iudge thou accordinge to the woordes which thou hearest. But suspēd thy iudgemēt a while, till the matter be more opened vnto thee. Exāples of like h [...] ̄dling be not so rare, but yu maist soone iudge by other tymes the like also of these. George Egle, of whom mētion was made before, did but preach in time of Queene Mary, an [...] yet cōmissiō was directed against him, as in case of raising vp a cōmotion against ye Queene. Adā Damlip in Cahce did but preach,Examples of [...] false [...] accused [...]or treasons. & ye receiuing of one poore crowne 2. yeares before at Rome was inough to make him a traitor▪ In the time of K▪ Henry ye 8▪ on [...] Singleton chaplein to Queene Anne, the Queenes maiesties mother that now is, did but preach [...] Gospel, moued by zeale (as I haue credible witnes of his owne, scholer that heard him speake it being wt him)▪ & ye [...], by vertue of cōmission it was obiected to hym: for raysing vp commotion agaynst the kyng, yea and also for killing of Pakington, & suffered for the same as a traytor. So here, what matter or maruell is it, if the kyng [...] censed, or rather circumuented by the wrong information of the Prelates (whom he beleued) gaue out his cōmission, agaynst thynges neuer wrought nor thought.

Wherfore I exhort thee (Christian Reader) as I sayd before, iudge not by and by the truth, by the wordes of the Commissiō: but iudge the wordes rather of the Commission by the truth. Neither measure thou the lyne by the stone: But the stone rather by the line. At least yet differ thy sentence, till both the Commission and the Inditemēt beyng layd together, thou mayest afterward see and perceiue more, what is to be iudged in the case.

In the meane season marke well these wordes of the kyng in this Commission,(A) (A) Cum nos plenius informe [...]ur &c. By the which wordes it is easie to be vnderstand, that the kyng himselfe had no certaine knowledge thereof, but onely by information of others, (of Byshops no doubt & Prelates) & thereupon gaue forth his Commission aforesayd. And then how will this stand with our Chroniclers & other Epitomes and Summaries whō Maister Cope doth alledge. For if it be certaine that Robert Fabiā sayth, that the kyng himselfe beyng in the field tooke certayne of them, as Syr Roger Acton, Maister Browne, and Iohn Beuerlay,Ou [...] Engli [...]h Chroniclers examined by the wordes of this Commission. & your owne Edw. Hall, also & your Epitome agreeth to the same, and sayth moreouer that they were brought before y• kynges presence. Tho. Couper also whō you alledge, addeth further and sayth, that the kyng there by strength dyd take them.

I pray you (Maister Cope) what needed the kyng to write this by information, when as he both himselfe was present at the fact, was the taker of them, and a witnesse of the deede? The which and if it be true, that the kyng heard this but by way of information, how will you then defend your Chronicos and your Epitomas. But herein I will neither greatly sticke with you, nor contend with them: Desiring thee Reader this onely to beare in mynde the date of this present Commission when it was geuen,(B) which soundeth to be the x. day of Ianuary, & afterward to compare the same with the date of Inditemēt here vnder followyng, whiche I will (the Lord willyng) also hereunto annexe, leauyng nothyng out: Yea rather ministryng to the aduersary all manner of helpes, whatsoeuer they can seeke or require for their most aduauntage in this matter, to be desired. So sure and confident I am in the innocent cause of these good men nor fearing whatsoeuer blind malice can cauill agaynst them.

¶The Inditement of the Lord Cobham, Syr Roger Acton and others, with notes followyng vpon the same.

PArliamēta coronae corā domino rege apud Westm. de termino sancti Hillarij, anno regni regis Henrici quinti, post cōque. primo Rot. vij. inter parliamēta regis. Alias corā Gulielmo Roos de Hamlak, Henrico le Scrop, Gulielmo Crowmere maiore ciuitatis London, Hugone Huls & socijs Iustic. domini regis, ad inquirend. per sacram. proborū & legal. hominū de ciuitate domini regis Lōdon, & suburbijs eiusdē, ac de Com. Midd. tā infra libertates, quā extra de ōnibus et singulis proditionibus & insurrectionibus, per quāplures subditos domini regis Lollardos vulgarit. nuncupatos, et alios in ciuitate, suburbijs, et com. predictis factis et perpetratis, nec non de ōnibus proditionibus, insurrectionibus, rebellionibus, et felonijs in ciuitate, suburbijs, et com. pred. per quoscunque et qualitercun (que) factis, siue perpetratis, et ad easdē proditiones, insurrectiones, rebelliones, et felonias audiend. et terminand. secundū legē et consuetudinē regni domini regis Angliae, per literas ipsius domini Regis patētes, assign. apud west. die Mercurij (A) proximo post festū Epiphaniae domini ano regni ni regis Henrici quinti post conquestum primo,(B) per sacram. xij. Iur. extitit presenta [...]ū: quod Ibhamnes Oldcastle de Coulyng in Com. Ran [...]ich [...]et alij Lollardi y•ulgar nuncupat. qui cōtra fidē catholicam diuersas opiniones hereticas, et alios errores manifestos legi catholicae repugnantes a di [...] temerarie tenuerunt, opiniones et errores praedictos manute [...]ere, at in facto minime perimplere valentes, quandiu regia potestas er tam st [...]tus regal. dou [...]i [...] nost [...]i regis, quā status et officiū prelaciae dignitatis infra regnū Angl [...]m prosperitare perseuerarēt falso et proditorie machi [...]ndo, tā statum regni▪ quā statum et officium praelatorū, nec [...]on ordines religiosorū infra dictū regnū Angl. peni [...]us adnullare. Ac dominum nostrū regē, fra [...]res suos, prelatos, et alios magnat [...]s [...]iusde [...] regni interficere, necnō viros religiosos, relict. cult. [...] et religiosis obseruancijs ad occupationes mūdanas pro [...]care, et ta ecclesias cathedrales, quam alias ecclesias et domos religio [...]as de rel [...]quis et alijs bonis ecclesiasticis totaliter spoliareacfūditus ad terrā prosternere, et dictum Iohānē Oldcastel,(C) Regente [...] esusdem regni constituere, et quā plura regimina secun [...] eor [...]i voluntate infra regnum praedictum (D) quasi gens sine capito in finale destructionē, tamsidei catholicae et cleri quā status et maiestatis dignitatis regal, infra idē regnum ordinare, falso et proditorie ordinauerunt et proposuerunt, quod ipse insimul cū quāpluribus rebellibus domini regis (E) ignotis ad numerum vigniti millium hominū de diuersis partibus regni Angl. modo guerrino ariuat.(F) priuatim insurgent. et die Mercurij proximo (G) post festū Epiphaniae domini anno regni regis predicti predicto apud villā et parochiam sancti Egigij (H) extra Barram veteris Templi London. in quodā magno campo ibidem. vna [...]imi [...]. conuenirent et insimul obuiarent pro nephando p [...]oposito suo in premissis perimplend quo quide die Mercurij apud villā et parochiā predictas predicti I Oldcastel et alij in hm̄odi proposito pro ditorio perseuerantes, predictum dominū nostrumregem, fratres suos, videlicet, (H) Thomam ducem Clarenciae, Iohannem de Lancastre, & Humfredum de Lancastre, necnon prelatos & magnates predictos interficere, necnon ipsum dominum nostrum Regem & heredes suos de regno suo predicto exheredare, & premissa omnia & singula, necnon quamplura alia mala & intolerabilia facere & perimplere falso & proditorie proposu erunt & imaginauerunt (I) & ibidē versus campum predictū modo guerrino arriati. proditorie modo insurrectionis contra ligeancias suas equitauerunt ad debellandū dictū Dominum nostrū Regē, nisi per ipsum manu forti gratiose impediti suissent. Quod quidē inditament Dominus Rex nunc, certis de causis coram eo ventre fecit terminandū. Per quod preceptum suit vic. quod non omitteret, &c. quin caperet prefatum Iohannem Oldcastle, si &c. Et saluo &c. Ita quod haberet corpus eius coram Domino Rege, apud Westmonasteriū ad hunc diē, scilicet die Mercurij proximo post octauas sancti Hillarij isto eodem termino ad respondendū Domino Regi de premissis &c. Ad quos diem & locum, coram domino Rege vic. quod exigifaceret eum de com. in com. quousque vtlagetur si non &c. Et si &c. tunc eum caperet, & saluo &c. Ita quod haberent corpus eius coram Domino Rege in octauas Sancti Iohannis Baptiste ex tunc proximū sequē. vbicunque &c. ad respondendū domino Regi de proditionibus, & felonijs superius sibi impositis. Ad quas octauas sancti Iohannis Baptiste, an. regni R. Henrici quinti post cōquestum secūdo, Iohanne Sutton, & Io. Michell vic. Mid. corā domino Rege returnauerūt quod ad com. Midd. centū apud Braynford die Iouis proximo ante festum S. Barnabae Apostoli, an. reg. R. Hen. quint. post cōquestū secundo. Et ad quatuor com. ex tunc ex proximo precedentes predictus Iohannes Oldcastle exactus fuit, & non cōparuit. Et quia ad nullū eorundē com. cōparuit. Ideo presentibus coronatoribus com. predicti vtlagat [...] fuit, per quod inquiratur de terra & catallis suis.

¶ Notes or considerations vpon the Inditement and Commission aboue prefixed.

(A) Die Mercurij proximo post festū Epiphaniae. &c. The first note concerning the date and day both [...]f the Commission & of the verdic [...]e of the Iurers concurring on one day. ¶ First here is to be noted & considered (good reader) the day and date of geuing out the Commission, & then of the Verdict presented by the Iurers, which was both in one day, that is, on the Wednesday next after the Epiphanie, in the first yeare of the reigne of kyng Henry 5. which was the x. day of the moneth of Ianuary (as the date of the Commission sayth) an. 1413. after the vse of Englād, or after the Romish vse. an. 1414. So that after the vse euer we count whether it be an. 1413. or els an. 1414. the Dominicall letter begynning at the first day of Ianuary to chaūge, must needes be G. for the yeare: & so necessarily make Wednesday next after the Epyphanie, to be the x. day of the sayd moneth of Ianuary. Thus then this present Wednesday, which was the tenth day of the moneth, being well noted and borne in minde, on the which day both the Commission was directed, & also the Verdict presented, let vs now proceede further [Page] in the foresayd Iuditement. It foloweth.

(B) Per Sacramētum xij. iuratorum extitit praesentatum. &c. ¶ If there had bin true dealing in this,The secōd note of the names of the Iurers left out. the Iurers should haue bene named. But it is not like, that there was euer any such Inditement found by any Iurers, and therefore they did best, not to name the Iurours, least they would haue denied this Iuditement to be their Acte: it foloweth more in proces of the Inditement.

(C) Et dictum Ioan. Oldcastel Regentem Eiusdem regni constituere▪ The 3. argumēt by making a Regent, the king being not yet gone ouer. &c. ¶ If there were no other argument, this were sufficient to disproue the manifest vntruth of this surmised Inditement. When as the king was not yet gone to Fraunce, nor determined to go, how could they conspire then to make a Regent? For the king went in Iuly folowing, vidz. the second yeare of his raigne, leauing behinde him the Queene his mother in law, for Regent, whereby it may be gathered, that this matter was vntruly entred and stolen into the Records with an antedate, or els at the least, there appeareth manifest vntruth, that they should conspire to make a Regent, when a Regent was not thought vpon, vnlesse it were all ready run into the heads of the Cleargie, who shortly after fearing their temporalities (as Caxton saith) perswaded the King to make warres in Fraunce. This word Regent therefore proceedeth of the secret spirit of the Cleargy, and maketh the whole matter very suspicious, to be grounded altogether vpon the malice of the Cleargie, and their vntrue surmises. It foloweth moreouer.

(D) Quasi gens sine capite in finalem destructionem. &c. ¶ Now doth this stand with that goeth before,The 5. argumēt by cōtrarietie. that they conspired to make a Regent, except you will say that to make a Regent is to be a people without an head? It foloweth.

(E) Cum quam pluribus rebellibus dicti regis ignotis ad numerum viginti millium hominum. The 6. argumēt, by the persons vnknowen. &c. ¶ A straunge matter that they should knowe of the conspiracie of twentie thousand, and yet knowe of no moe names of the rebels, but the Lord Cobham onely, or one or two mo. And all the rest were ignoti.

(F) Priuatim insurgentes. &c. ¶ This smelleth of the Cleargies owne penning,The 7. argumēt by the vnskilfull penning. without any great aduise of learned counsaile: for otherwise such as had bene herein skilfull, would neuer haue put in priuatim insurgentes.

(G) Die Mercurij proximo post festum Epiphaniae D. anno R.R. praedicto, The 8. argumēt by the date and tyme. &c. ¶ This Wednesday next after the Epiphanie, was the x. day of the moneth of Ianuary, and the same day when both the conspiracie was put in execution, and the same day when the commission was giuen out to enquire, also when the fact was by enquirie presented. Whereby it may seeme a strange thing that so great a conspiracy knowne beforehand, was not suppressed nor enquired of by any commission, but ouely by a commission bearing date of the same day, vpon which day by the purport of the Inditement, the conspiracie should haue bene put in execution, by open rebellion, as it is aforesayd.

(H) Praedictum D. nostrum Regemfratres suos videl. Thomam Ducem Clarentiae, The 9. argumēt, by errour and wrong naming the Dukes. Ioannem de Lancastre, & Humfredum de Lancastre, &c. ¶ If the kings learned counsaile had dealt in this Inditement, as in case of treason they should haue done, if it had bene a matter of truth, they would neuer haue handled it so slenderly, and wrongly, as to name the Dukes of Bedford, and of Gloucester: Iohn of Lancaster, and Dumfrey of Lancaster, who were made Dukes in the 13. yeare of the raigne of King Henry the fourth their father, as appeareth by Caxtones Chronicle.

(I) Et ibidem versus campum praedictum, modo guerrino arriati proditorie modo insurrectionis, The 10. note or argumēt by the absence of the partie. contra ligeantias suas equitauerunt ad rebellandum dictum D. nostrum regem, &c. ¶ This is falsified by plaine euidence of histories. And Cope hymselfe confesseth no lesse. For he so sayth and confesseth page line That Sir Iohn Oldcastle was not there in person, but onely, that his consent and good will was there.

The 11. note or argument.Againe, seeing this equitation or riding toward Saint Giles field was vpon the Wednesday next after the feast of Epiphany (as in this Inditement and processe of outlawry is aboue testified) which was the tenth daye of Ianuary, and commission also the same day was charged, and the Iewry moreouer impanelled the same daye, & yet no Iewrer named: Item, the verdict the same day presented, how all these can concurre together, and all in one day, let the reader after he haue well considered the matter, vse his iudgement therin, not only whether it be like, but also whether it be possible.

Ouer and beside all this it is to be noted, that if thys matter had bene truely and duly handled,The 12. note or argument. as touching the reason, then had it not bene needefull to haue brought sir Iohn Oldcastle into the Parliament house;The L. Co [...]. sir R. Act [...], &c. proued no traito [...]. before the Lords to haue had his iudgement. For by the outlawrie (if it had bene true) he was [...], and without ame more adde should hau [...] had iudgement in the Kings Bench as a Traytor. But the chiefe Iustice knowing the handling of the matter, durst not belike enterprise so far. Wherefore i [...] was deuised, that he should certifie the record [...] the [...], which he did together, with the Bishops [...] filed to the [...]ecord, which was verie strange.

And thereupon the Lords gaue such a iudgement, as was not due for a Traytor. For that they gaue no iudgement, that he should be drawne, hanged, and set downe aliue, and then [...] we [...]led and quar [...]ered, which is the iudgement of a Traytor. And albeit the Parliament might haue attainte [...] him without any more ado: And by the same Act of atteinder haue ordeined a speciall iudgement, as they should thinke good: yet when hee was before atteinted by the outlawrie, they could not lawfully varie from the common iudgemēt of [...]reason. At least how could or should the iudgement of Sir Roger Acton, Maister Browne, and Iohn Beuerley, who were iudged in the Buildhall before and without the Parliament, vary from the said common iudgement of Traytors, if they had truly committed, and bene conuicted of such high treason?

Adde this moreouer to the foresaid Notes: that if Sir Iohn Oldcastle after his escape out of prison,The 13. note or argumēt. had bene culpable and so atteinted of that high treason, wherby his lands had bene immediately forfait vnto the King by the processe of his outlawry: What needed the king then in the second yeare of his raigne, in the Parliament after holden at Leycester, haue made that prouiso to haue his lands forfaite to him by vertue of Parliament, vpon his escape on the day of his arest: when as the lands and cattaile of his had bene forfeite before, by the processe of the outlawry, as is before specified?

Thus you see (Maister Cope) how little aduantage you can wrast out of this Commission and inditement against the Lord Cobham and his fellowes to proue them traytors. And admit the said Lord Cobham was attainted of treason by the Acte, and that the King, the Lordes, and the Commons assented to the Act: yet it hindeth not in such sort (as if in deed he were no Traytour) that anye man may not by search of the truth vtter and set forth sincerely and iustly the very true cause whereby his death hapt and followed.

Thus then hauing sufficiently cleared the Lord Cobham and his parteners,Aunswere to the allegation of Fabian, Polydore, and Hall, &c. from all that you can obiect vnto them out of records and statutes: let vs now come to your English Chroniclers, wherwith you seeme to presse me, & to oppresse them whome ye name to be Robert Fabian, Edward Halle, Polydor Virgilius, Thomas Cooper, Richard Grafton, with other briefe Epitomes and Summaries, &c. Concerning which authors, as I haue not to say, but to their commendation in this place: so if that you had auonched the same, to the commendation rather then to the reproofe of other, I would better haue commēded your nature, and beleued your cause. But now like a spidercatcher sucking out of euery one, what is the worst, to make vp your leystall, you heape vp a donghill of dirtie Dialogues conteining nothing in them but malicious railing, virulent slanders, manifest vntruths, opprobrious contumelies, & stinking blasphemies, able almost to corrupt & infect ye aire. Such is the maladie & cacoethes of your pen, ye it beginneth to barke, before it hath learned well to write. Which pen of yours notwithstanding I do not heere reproch nor contemne, as neither do I greatly feare ye same. God of his mercy keepe ye sword out of the Papists hand, it is not the pen of the papists I greatly passe vpō, though xx. Copes, and so many surplesses, were set against the booke of Monuments, were I so disu [...]sed (Maister Cope) to dally, or as the Breckes do say [...], and to repay againe as I am prouoked. But in despightful railing, and in this Satyricall sort of barking I geue you ouer, and suffer you therin to passe not only your selfe, but also Cerberus himself if ye will,Modestie commended in writers. the great bandog of Pluto. Mildnes and humanitie rather beseemeth and is the grace of the Latine phrase. If ye could hit vpon the vaine therof, it would win you much more honestie, with all honest men. But the Lord hereafter may cal you, which I beseech him to do, and to forgiue you that you haue done.

In the meaue time seeing this your pratling pen must nedes be walking, yet this you might haue lerned of these your own authors whom you aledge, more ciuilly to haue rēpered your fume, in exclaiming against thē, whose cause is to you not perfectly known. And now briefly to answer [Page] to these your foresaide wryters, as witnesses produced against these men:Two things to be obserued i [...] story writers. there be 2. things (as I take it) in these chronicle wryters to be cōsidered: First the groūds which they follow: secondly in what place they serue.

As touching the order and ground of wryting among these Chronicles, ye must consider, and cānot be ignorant that as none of all these by you forenamed,The ground of histories to be cōsidered. was present at the deede, nor witnesse of the fact, so haue they nothyng of thēselues herein certainely to affirme, but either must follow publike rumor and hearesay for their autor, or els one of them must borrow of another. Whereof neither seemeth to me sufficient. For as publike rumor is neuer certain: so one author may soone deceiue an other.

By reason whereof it commeth oft to passe, that as these story wryters hit many times the truth, so againe al is not the gospell that they doe wryte.All thinges not true, that be foūd in stories. Wherefore great respect is heere to be had, either not to credite rashly euery one that wryteth stories, or els to see what groundes they haue whome we doe followe.

Now to demaund (M. Cope) of you, what authoritye or foundation hath your Robert Fabian, hathe Polydore Uirgil, Edward Hal, and other of your authors to prooue these men to be traytors? What authority do they auouch? what actes, what registers, what recordes, or out of what court do they shewe? or what demōstration do they make? And do you thinke it sufficient, because these men doe only affirme it, wythout any further probation, wyth youre [...], therfore we are boūd to beleue it? Take me not so (M. Cope) that I do here diminish any thing or derogate from the credit of those wryters you alledge, whose labors haue deserued well, and serue to great vtilitie: but cōming now to triall of a matter lying in cōtrouersie betwene vs, we are now forced to seeke out the fountaine and bottome of the truthe, where it is not enough to say, so it is, but the cause is to be shewed, why it is so affirmed. And what though Robert Fabian, Polydore Uirgile, and Edwarde Hall,Wordes without probation are not sufficiēt in story matters. should all together (as they do not) agree in the treason of sir Iohn Oldcastle and of the rest, yet neither is this any sufficient surety to prooue them traitors. Considering that wryters of stories for most part folowing either blind reporte: or els one taking of an other, vse commonly all to sound together after one tune, tanquam Dodonaei lebetes, so that as one sayth, all say, and if one erre, all do erre. Wherfore you see M. Cope, howe it is not sufficient nor sure to sticke onely to the names and authorities of Chronographers, vnlesse the ground be found substantial wherupon they stand themselues. Which yet in none of these whome you haue produced, doth appeare.

Secondly, in alleaging and wryting of Chronicles is to be considered to what place and effect they serue.Chroniclers how farre, and to what effect they serue. If yee would shew out of them the order & course of times, what yeres were of dearth and of plēty, where kings kept their Christenmasse, what condites were made, what Maiors and shirifes were in London, what battails were fought, what triumphs and great feasts were holdē, when kings began their raigne, and when they ended. &c. In such vulgare and popular affairs, the narration of the Chronicler serueth to good purpose, & may haue his credite, wherein the matter forceth not much, whether it be true or false, or whether any listeth to beleue them. But where as a thyng is denied, and in cases of iudgement, and in controuersies doubtfull, which are to be decided and boulted out by euidence of iust demonstration: I take them neither for Iudges of ye bench, not for arbiters of the cause, nor as witnesses of themselues sufficient necessarily to be sticked vnto. Albeit I deny not but hystories are takē many times, and so termed for witnesses of times, and glasses of antiquitie. &c. yet not such witnesses, as whose testimony beareth alwaies a necessary truth and bindeth beliefe.

The two witnesses whych came against Susanna, being seniours both of auncient yeares, bare a great countenance of a most euidēt testimony, wherby they almost both deceiued the people, & oppressed the innocent: had not yōg Daniel by the holy spirite of God, haue take thē aside, and seuerally examining them one from the other,Histories not rashely to be beleued. found them to be falsliers both, leauing to vs therby a lesson of wholsome circumspection, not rashly to beleeue euery one that commeth: and also teaching vs, how to try thē out. Wherfore (M. Cope) following here the like example of Daniel in trying these your records whom ye inferre against these men we wil in like maner examine them, seuerally one frō an other,The testimony of Fabian [...] the [...] Cobham [...]mined. and see how their testimonie agreeth: first beginning wyth your Robert Fabian. Which Robert Fabian being neither in the same age, nor at the deede doing, can of himselfe geue no credite herein, without due proofe, and euidence conuenient.

Now thē doth Rob. Fabian proue this matter of treason true? what probation doeth he bring? what authoritie doth he alleage? And doth Rob. Fabian thinke, if he were not disposed to conceiue of the L. Cobham, and those men a better opinion but to be traitors, that men are bounde to beleue him only at his word, without any ground or cause declared, why they shuld so do, but only because he so saith and pleased him so to write? And if yee thinke (M. Cope) the word only of this witnes sufficient to make authority speaking against the Lord Cobham, and prouing nothing which followed so many yeres after him:The testimony of Rich. Belward for the L. Cobham. why may not I as well and much rather take the worde and testimonie of Richard Belward a Northfolke man, and of the towne of Crisam, who liuing both in his time, & possible knowing the party, & punished also for the like trueth, is not reported, but recorded also in the registers of the church of Norwich,Ex Regist. Epise Noruic. to geue this testimonie among other his articles, for the foresaid L. Cobham, that is, yt sir Iohn Oldcastle was a true Catholike man and falsely condemned, and put to death wythout a reasonable cause. &c. Ex Regist. Noruic.

Agaynst this man if you take exception & say, that one hereticke will hold with an other: why may not I with ye like exception reply to you agayne, & say as well, one Papist hold with an other, and both cōiure together, to make and say the worst agaynst a true Protestant.

Further, yet to examine this foresayd Fabian, witnes agaynst Sir Iohn Oldcastle, as Daniell examined yt witnesses agaynst Susanna. I will not here aske vnder what tree these adherentes of sir I. Oldcastle conspired agaynst the king, & subuersion of yt land, but in what time, in what yeare and moneth this conspiracie was wrought? Fabian witnesseth that it was in the moneth of Ianuary.Witnesses against the L. Cobham [...] not togeather. Cōtrary Edward Hall & other our Abridgementers followyng him, doe affirme that they were condemned in the Guild hall the xij. of December, and that their executiō vpon the same was in Ianuary followyng, so that by their sentence the fact was done either in the moneth of Decēber, or els before, & so Fabianus mentitus est in caput suum, vt cū Daniele dicam, or if it were in the moneth of Ianuary as Fabian sayth, then is Hall and his followers deceiued, testifying the fact to be done in the moneth of December.

And yet to obiect moreouer against the sayd Fabiā,Fabian conuict of a manifest vntruth in his story of the L. Cobhā Fabian. part. 7. in [...]ita Henr. 5. pag. 390. for so much as he is such a rash witnes agaynst these burned persons whom he calleth traytors: it would be demaūded further of him, or in his absence of Maister Cope, in what yeare this treason was conspired? If it were in the same yeare (as he cōfesseth himselfe) in which yeare Iohn Cleidon the Skinner, & Richard Turmine Baker were burned, then was it neither in the moneth of Ianuary, nor in the first yeare of kyng Henry the fift. For in the register of Cāterbury it appeareth playne, that Iohn Claydon was condemned neither in the tyme of Thom. Arundell Archbyshop nor yet in the first nor second yeare of kyng Henry the v.Ex regist. Archiep. Cant. but was cōdemned in the second yeare of the translation of Henry Chichesly, Archbyshop of Canterbury, the. 17. day of August, which was the yeare of our Lord. 1415. So that if this conspiracie was in the same yeare (after the witnesse of Fabiā) in which yeare I. Cleydon was burned, then doth the testimony of Fabian neither accord with other witnesses, nor wt him selfe, nor yet with truth. And thus much concerning the witnes of Rob. Fabian.

Let vs next proceede to Polidore Uirgill, whose partiall and vntrue handling of our history in other places of of his bookes,The testimony of Polydore examyned. doth offer vnto vs sufficient exception not to admit his credite in this. And yet because we will rather examine him, then exclude him, let vs heare a little what he sayth, & how he fayleth, & in how many pointes, numbring the same vpon my fiue fingers.

First ending with the life of king Henry 4. hee sayeth,5. Vntruhes of Polydore noted in one story. that hee raigned 14. 14. yeares and 6. moneths and 2. dayes. Angl. hist. lib. 21. whyche is an vntruth, worthy to be punyshed wyth a whole yeares banishment (to speake after the maner of Apulenis) when as truth is, he raigned by the testimony of the story of S. Albones, of Fabian, of Hall, of our old English Chronicle, and of Scala mundi, but 13. & 6. moneths,1. Vntruth. lacking as some say 5. dayes, Hal saieth he raigned but 12. yeares.

The second vntruth of Polydore is this,2. Vntruth. where as hee speaking of this sedition of sir Iohn Oldcastle and his adherents, affirmeth the same to be done after the burning of Iohn Hus, and of Hierome of Prage, whych was sayeth he An. 1415. in which yere (sayth he) Thomas Arundell died. Hys wordes be these: In eodem concilio damnata est Ioh. Wicliffi haeresis, ac Ioan. Hus, & Hieronymus Pragensis in ea vrbe combusti sunt. Quod vbi reliquis consocijs, qui etiam tunc in Anglia erant, patefit, tanquam furijs agitati primùm coniurationes in omnes sacerdotes, deinde in regē. &c. In which words he not onely erreth, falsly assigning the cause and occasion [Page] of this sedition to the death of Iohn Hus, and of Ierome, but also misseth as muche in the order and computation of the yeres. For neither was sir Roger Acton with his foresaid fellowes aliue at the time of the councell, neither doth hee agree therein with any of our English wryters, except onely with Hall, who also erreth therein as wide as he.

3. 4. Vntruth.For the third and fourth vntruth I note this, where he addeth and sayth, that after this rebelliō raised against the king, the sayd sir Iohn Oldcastel being there present himselfe, was taken and prisoned in the tower, and afterward escaped out of the saide tower by night, wherein is conteined a double vntruth. For neither was Sir Iohn Oldcastle there present himselfe, if we beleue Fabian and Cope, Dial. 6. pag. 833 lin 11. nether yet did he euer escape out of the Tower after that conspiracie,Gopus pag. 833. lin 11. if euer any such conspiracie was.

5. Vntruth.His v. but not the last vntruth in Polydore is this, that he sayth, Tho. Arundel to haue died in the same yeare, noting the yere to be An. 1415. where as by the true registers he died. An. 1413.

An other Vntruth in Polydore noted.To this vntruthe an other also may be ioyned, where he erring in the computation of the yeres of the said Thomas Arundel Archbishop of Canterbury, reporteth hym to sit 33. yeares. Who was there Archbishop but onely 18. yeres, as is to be sene in the recordes of Canterbury. The wordes of Polydore be these: Thomas Arundellius Cantuariensis antistes annum iam tunc sedēs tertium & trigesimum e vita excessit lib. 22. Ang. hist. All be it in thys I doe not greatly contend wyth Polydore, and peraduenture the aduersary will finde some easie shift for thys matter.

But let vs passe now from Polydore, not (as they say) out of the hal into the kitchine,The testimony of Hall against the L. Cobham examined. but out of the kitchine vnto the hall, examining and perpending what sayth Edward Hall an other witnes in this matter: vpon whom maister Cope bindeth so fast, that hee supposeth hys knot is neuer able to be losed. And moreouer so treadeth me downe vnder his feete in the dirt (as a man would thinke hym some dirtdaubers sonne) so that the spots thereof he sayeth, will neuer be gotten out while the world standeth, & a day longer. Notwythstanding I trust M. Cope that your dirtie penne with your cockish brags hath not so bedaubed and bespotted me, nor yet conuicted me to be such a deprauer of histories, but I hope to spunge it out. At least way, with a little asperges of the Popes holy water, I trust to come to a dealbabor, well enough.

But certes, M. Cope, your maistership must first vnderstand, that if yee thinke so to depresse me, and disprooue me of vntruth in my history, you must go more groūdly to worke, and bring against me other authors then Edward Hal: You must consider (M. Cope) if you will be a cōtroller in storie matters, it is not enoughe for you to bryng a railing spirit, or a minde disposed to carpe and cauil where any matter may be picked, diligence is required, and great searching out of bookes and authors not only of our time, but of all ages. And especially where matters of religion are touched pertaining to the church: it is not sufficient to see what Fabian, or what Hall sayth, but the records must be sought, the Registers must be turned ouer, letters also and ancient instruments ought to be perused, and authors wyth the same compared, finally the writers among them selues one to be conferred wyth another. And so wyth iudgement to be waied, wyth diligence to be labored, and wyth simplicitie pure from all addiction and partialitie to be vttered.

Thus did Auentinus, thus did Sleidanus wryte. These helpes also the eldest and best Historicians semed to haue, both Titus Liuius, Salustius, Quintus Curtius, and suche lyke, as by their letters and records inserted may wel appeare. The same helps likewise both in your Fabian and in your Edwarde Hall were to be required,Cope a carper of storyes where of he hath no skill. but especially in you (M. Cope) your selfe, whych take vppon you so cockishly (rather then wisely) to be a controller and maister moderatour of other mens matters. In which matters (to say the truth) you haue no great skil, and lesse experience, neyther haue you either suche plenty of authors meete for that purpose, nor yet euer trauailed to search out the origens & groundes of that whereof ye write. But onely contented with such as commeth next to hande, or peraduenture receiuing such almose as some of your poore frends bestowe vpon you, think it sufficient if you can alledge Fabian and Hall for your purpose.

Now what purpose & affection herein doth lead you, rather doeth driue you to the carping and barking against the history of these good men, yt be hence gone and had their punishment, all men may see it to be no simple sinceritie of a mind indifferent, but y• zeale only of your sect of Popery, or rather of fury, which setteth your railing spirite on fire. But now out of the fiery kitchin, to come to the hal againe let vs see what matter lyeth in the testimony of Edward Hall, to proue these men to be traytors. And here for so much (Maister Cope) as you seeme neither sufficiently acquainted with this your owne maister and authour Master Hall,Aunswer [...] to Ed. Hall. nor yet well experienced in the searchyng out of histories, I wil take a litle paynes for you, in this behalfe, to certifie you concernyng the story of this author, wherof percase you your selfe are yet ignoraunt.

The truth whereof is this, that as the sayd Edwar [...] Hall, your great master & testis, was about the compiling of his story, certayne there were which resorted to hym of whom some were drawers of his petigree & vineat, some were grauers, the names of whom were Iohn Bets, and Tyrral, which be now both dead. And other there were of the same sodalitie, who ve yet aliue, & were then in ye house of Richard Grafton, both the Printer of the sayd booke, & also (as is thought) a great helper of the pēning of ye same. It so befell that as Hall was entring into the story of Syr Iohn Oldcastle, of Syr Roger Acton, & their felowes, the booke of Iohn Bale touching the story of the L. Cobham, was ye same time newly come ouer. Which booke was priuely cōueied by one of his seruaūts into the study of Hall, so that in turnyng ouer his bookes, it must needes come to his handes. At the sight whereof, when he saw the groūd & reasons in that booke contained, he turned to the authors in the foresayd booke alledged, whereupon within two nightes after, moued by what cause I know not, but so it was, that hee taking his pen, rased and cancelled all that he had written before,Hall raceth out his owne storie writ [...] against the L. Cobhā. agaynst Syr Iohn Oldcastle & his fellowes, & was now ready to go to the Print, containyng neare to the quantitie of three pages. And least (M. Cope) you, or any other should thinke me to speake beside my booke, be it therefore knowen both to you and to all other, by these presentes, that the very selfe same first copy of Hall rased and crossed with his owne penne, remaineth in my handes to be shewed & seene, as need shall require. The matter which he cancelled out came to this effect. Wherein he following the narratiō of Polidore, began with like wordes, to declare how the Sacramētaries here in England, after the death of Iohn Husse, and Hierome of Prage, beyng pricked as he sayth, with a demoniacall sting, first conspired agaynst the Priestes, and after against the king, hauing to their Captaines sir Iohn Oldcastle the Lord Cobham, and Syr Roger Acton Knight, with many moe wordes to the like purpose and effect, as Polydore & other such like Chronicles doe write agaynst him. All which matter notwithstandyng, the sayd Hall with his penne at the sight of Iohn Bales booke, did vtterly extinct and abolish. Addyng in the place thereof the wordes of M. Bales booke, touchyng the accusation and condemnation of the sayd Lord Cobham, before Thomas Arundell Archbyshop of Canterbury,Hal. in [...]ita Hen. 5. pag. 2. b. lin. 30. taken out of the letter of the sayd Archbyshop, as is in his owne story to be sene. In vita Henr. 5. pag. 2. lin. 30.

And thus Edward Hall your author, reuoking & calling backe all that he had deuised before agaynst the Lord Cobham (whereof I haue his owne hand to shew, & witnes substaūciall vpō the same) in his printed booke recordeth of him no more, but onely sheweth ye proces betwene the Archbyshop of Cāterbury and him for matters of religion. And so ending with Sir Iohn Oldcastle, proceedeth further to the assemble of sir Roger Actō (whom he falsely calleth Robert Actō) Iohn Browne,Hall in the storie of the L. Cobham. & sir Roger Acton, a greeth not with other stories. Vntruth in Hall noted. and Beuerley, the narration wherof he handleth in such sort, that he neither agreeth with ye record of other writers, nor yet with truth it selfe. For where he excludeth the Lord Cobham out of that assemble, he discordeth therein from Polidore and other, And where he affirmeth the fact of that conspiracie to be wrought before, or at the xij. day of December: that is manifestly false, if the recordes before alledged be true. And where he reporteth this assemble to be after the burnyng of Iohn Hus, and of Hierome of Prage, therein he accordeth with Polydore, but not with truth. Moreouer, so doubtfull he is and ambiguous in declaration of this story, that no great certaintie can be gathered of him.

First, as touchyng the confession of them, he confesseth himselfe, that he saw it not, & therfore leaueth it at large▪ And as cōcernyng the causes of their death, he leaueth the matter in doubt,Hall doubtfull in the story of sir R. Actō. &c. not daring (as doth M. Cope) to define or pronoūce any thing therof, but onely reciteth the furmises and myndes of diuers men diuersly, some thinkyng it was for cōueying the Lord Cobhā out of the tower, some that it was for treason and heresie, and here cōmeth in the mētiō onely of a record, but what record it is neither doth he vtter it, nor doth he examine it: other some againe a [...]irming (as he sayth) yt it was for fayned causes surmised by [Page] the spiritualtie, more of displeasure then trueth. And thus your autor Hall,Halle no witnes in sir Roger Actons case. hauing recited y• varietie of mens opinions, determineth himselfe no certaine thing thereof, but as one indifferent, neither boūd to the coniectures of al men, nor to the wrytings of all men, referreth the whole iudgement of the matter free vnto the reader. And so concluding his narratiō forsomuch as he was neither a witnes of the fact, nor present at the dede, he ouerpasseth the story therof.

And what witnes then wil you, or can you (M. Cope) take of Edwarde Halle, which denieth himselfe to be a witnesse? Will you compell him to say that he sawe not? and to witnesse that he can not? Wherfore like as Susanna, in the storye of Daniel was quite by right iudgement in the case of adultry, because her accusers and testes being examined a sonder were found to vary and halt in their tale, and not to agree in the two trees:Repugnaūce noted in the witnes aagainst the L. Cobham & sir Roger Acton. So why may not in like case of treason, sir Roger Acton, sir Iohn Didcastle, Browne wt the rest, claime the same priuiledge? seeing among the testes and witnesse produced agaynst them, such discorde is found, and such halting among them, that neyther do they agree in place, person, yeare, day, nor moneth.

1. Repugnaūce in the place.For first where Fabian and his fellowes say: that they were assembled together in a great company, in the fielde neare to S. Gyles, the forged inditement aboue alledged, sayth, they were but riding toward the fielde.

2. Repugnaunce in the place. Ala. Copus pag. 833. lin. 12.2. Secondly, where the foresaid inditement and Polydore, geue the Lorde Cobham to be present personally in that assemble, Halle, and Alanus Copus Anglus, doe exclude hys personal presence from thence: and so doth Fabian also seme to agree, speaking onely of the adherentes of Syr Iohn Oldcastle.

3. Repugnaūce in the yeare.Thirdly, where Halle and Polydorus report thys assemble to be after the burning of Iohn Hus, and of Hierome at the councel of Constance, which was An. 1415. that cannot be, but if there were any suche conspiracie in the first yeare of Henry 5. it must needes be An. 1413. And heere-by the way, why do certaine of your Epitome wryters speaking of the Lord Cobham committed first to the tower for heresie, referre the sayd his imprisonment to the yere 1412. where as, by their owne counte, reckoning the yeare from the Annunciation, it must nedes be an. 1413. being done in haruest time.

4. Repugnaūce in the month.Fourthly, where Halle with his followers affirme that syr Roger Acton, Brown and Beuerley were condemned the 12. day of December, the recorde is euident against it, which holdeth the fact to be in working the 10. day of Ian.

5. Repug [...]aūce in the day.Fiftly, where as the foresayde record of the Inditement geueth the Wednesday next after the Epiphany, whyche was the 10. day of Ian. that present yeare, both the facte to be commytted, the same day, the Commission also to be graunted and deliuered to the Cōmissioners the same day, The saide Commissioners to sit in Commission the same day: The Shriffes of Midlesex to returne a iurie out of the body of Midlesex the same day: and the Iurers to find the inditement the same day, and yet no iurer in the inditemēt named the same day.

Item, the L. Cobham, the same day, to be founde conspiring to make him selfe Regent, when as the king, that day and yeare, was not yet passed into Fraunce: howe all these can concurre and hang together and all in one day: I suppose it wil cost you two dayes, before you, with al your learned counsel wil study it out. And whē you in your vnlawfull assembles haue conspired and conferred together, all ye can, yet wil ye make it (as I thinke) iij. dayes, before you honestly dispatch your handes of the matter.

And where ye thinke, yt you haue impressed in me such a foul note of lying, neuer to be clawed of while the world standeth, yet shal the posterity to come iudge betwene you & me, whether shall appeare more honest and true, my defence for that worthy lord, then your vncourteous and viperuns wrangling against him, mooued wt no other cause, but onely with the peuish spirite of Poperie, whych can abide nothing, but that sauereth of your owne secte. For els how many loud lying legends,Papistes can [...]ot see great [...]ames in t [...]eir owne eyes, which spye small motes in other. yea what legion of lies are daily vsed and receiued in the popish church? What doltish dreames? what fained myracles? what blasphemous tales and frierly fables, and idle inuētions, fighting against the sincere religion, doctrine and crosse of Christ? And coulde you holde your penne from al these, and finde nothing els to set your idlenesse on worke, but onely to wryte agaynst the Lorde Cobham, Syr Roger Acton, Browne, Onley, Cowbrige, with a fewe other whome wyth much a doe, at length you haue sought out, not so much for any true zeale to rebuke iniquitye, as craftely seeking matter by these to deface and blemish the booke of Actes and Monumentes. Which seemeth belike to make you scratche there, where it itcheth not. And if I shoulde after the like dealing take in hand your Popish portues, and with like diligence excusse euery Popish martyr and Saint there canonised: thinke you maister Cope, I coulde not make you out halfe dosen as ranke traitours and rebels to their kings and princes, as euer were any of these of your picking out? What pope almost hath there bene these last 500. yeares, whych hathe not bene a traitour to his Emperor and Prince, and to his countrey?Popes traytours to their Emperours & princes. either openly rebelling against them, or priuely conspiring their destruction, or proudly setting theyr feete vpon their necks, or spurning their crownes of from their heads, or making the sonne to fight against ye father? How many haue they deposed, and set vp other in theyr seates? how many Emperours and kings haue they wrongfully cursed? What Consulles of Rome haue they resisted, deposed, and put to death? What warres haue they raised vp against theyr owne countrey of Rome? Yea the continuall holding of the City of Rome, from hys lawfull Emperor, what is it but a continuall poynt of treason?

What will you answere mee (M. Cope) to the Pope, which conspired to let fall downe a stone vpon the Emperours head, kneeling at his prayers, pag. 177.

And though this treachery being as big as a milstone, seemed but a smal mote in your eye, that it could not be espied: yet what will you say by the Monke of Swinstede, that poysoned king Iohn,The Popes saintes and conf [...]ssours many were traytours. who was both absolued by his abbot before his treason committed, and after hys treason had a perpetuall Masse songe for him, to helpe hym out of Purgatorie?

And what thinke ye in your conscience is to be sayde of Thomas Becket, who did inough, and more then became him, to set the French king, and the king of Englande together by the eares? Of Anselme likewise, and of Stephen Langhton, who departed both out of the Realme to complaine of their princes & soueraines? The like may be said also of Iohn Peckham. Iohn Stradford Archbyshop of the same sea notoriously resisted the Kinges commaundement, being sent for by king Edward 3. to come to the parliament at Yorke, through the default of whose comming, the present oportunitie of getting Scotland was the same time lost,

Richard Scrope Archb. of Yorke,R Scr [...] [...] of [...] and [...] holy [...] was opēly in armes to rebell & fight against K. Henry 4. for the which he was condemned & put to death. And yet notwtstanding Commission was sent downe from the pope shortly after, to excōmunicate them which put him to death, his treason notwtstanding. Read yt story sincerely of pope Benedict 12. and of pope Clement 6. And see howe the traiterous rebellion of these two popes against Ludouicus their rightful Emperor can be defended:Popes cōmonly traytours. Which Emperor at last was also empoysoned, & that not without the practise of Pope Clement, as doth Hieronimus Marius credibly witnesse.

In the raigne of K. Edward the 2. mention was made before of Thomas Earle of Lancaster. Who with a great number of other nobles and Barons of the realme,Tho. Lancaster traitor and yet made a Sain [...]t by the Pope. rose in armour against their prince, and therefore at lengthe were put to death as traitours. And yet notwythstanding thys treason committed (M. Cope) if you be so ignorant in our stories, that you know it not, set your setters on to search, and you shall finde it true, that certaine Noble men went vp to Rome, for the canonising of the sayde Thomas of Lancaster to be made a Saint, and obtained the same. In so much that in a certayne olde Calendare, the name of the sayd S. Thomas of Lancaster is yet extant to be seene.

In the former booke of these Actes and Monumentes aboue,Edmūd Archb. of Cant. rebelled against his prin [...], and yet made a Saint by the Pope. about the pag. 353. or 354. mention was made of Edmund of Abbenden Archb. of Cant. whom although I do not disproue, but rather commend in my history, for his bold and sage counsail geuen vnto K. Henry the 3. and also for offering the censure of excommunication against the king in so necessary a cause: yet notwithstanding the same Edmund, afterward about his latter end, went vp wyth a rebelling minde to complaine of his king vnto the Pope, and in his iourney died, before his return: who afterward for the same, was canonised by the Pope, and now shineth among the Saints in the popes Calender.

Let vs come more neare to these dayes and times, and consider the doings of Tho. Arundell Archb. of Canterb.Tho. Arund [...] a ranck traitour against his king, and yet a great piller counted in the popes church. Who being first deposed and exiled for hys contemptuous deserts against the king, and afterward comming in, wyth Henry Bolynbroke Duke of Herford, in open armes and with main force rose against his natural and lawful king: thinke you (M. Cope) thys is not as greate a poynte of treason, as that which was done in Thi [...]kets fields? And though he be not placed among the portuous Sainct [...], yet I thinke nothing contrary, but in your heart you will not greatly sticke to say, Sancte Thoma ora pro nobis.

All these thinges well considered, tell me (M. Cope) I [Page] pray you, is treason suche a straunge and vnketh thyng in your pope catholike churche, that your burning zeale of obedience to kings and princes, can not read the story of the L. Cobham & sir Roger Acton, but your pen must needes be inflamed to wryte against them, and yet so many traytors in your owne Calenders neither seene, nor once spoken of? And if the traiterous conspiracy and rebellion of so many your Calender Saintes committed against Emperours, Kings, and Princes, can not stirre your zeale, nor moue your pen: Nor if the treason of pope Gregory 9. raising warre against his owne city of Rome, and causing 30. thousande citizens in one battaile to be slaine, pag. 281. deserueth not to be espied, and accused as much as this treason of the Lorde Cobham: yet what will you or can you answer to me (M. Cope) as touching the horrible treason of pope Gregory the 7. committed not against Emperour nor king, nor any mortall man, but against the Lord hymselfe, euen against your God of your owne making, being therein as you say no substance of bread, but the very personall body, flesh, bloud, and bone of Christ himself, which body notwythstanding the foresayd Pope Gregory the 7.Pope Gregory 7 a traytor against the Lords owne body. Vide supra. pag. 172. tooke and cast with his owne hands into the burning fire, because he would not aunswere him to a certaine doubt or demaund Benn. Card. pag. 172. Southly, if sir Iohn Oldcastle had taken the body of king Henrye the 5. and throwne him into the fire, the facte being so notoriously certaine as thys is, I would neuer haue bestowed any worde in hys defence. And could thys, and so many other hainous treasons passe throughe your fingers (M. Cope) and no other to sticke in your pen but the Lord Cobham.

Finally and simply to conclude wyth you (M. Cope) and not to flatter you, what is ye whole working, the procedings, actions, & practises of your religion, or hath bene almost these 500. yeares, but a certaine perpetuall kinde of treason, to thrust downe your princes and magistrates, to derogate from their right and iurisdiction, and to aduance your owne maiesties and dominations: as hath bene sufficiently aboue proued and laid before your faces in a parliament holden in Fraunce by the Lord Peter de Cugnerijs. vide pag. 383.Vide supra. pag. 383. Wherefore if the assemble of these forenamed persons, either within or wythout S. Giles field be such a great mote of treason in your eies, first loke vpō the great blocks and milstones of your owne traytors at home, and whē you haue well discussed the same, then after poure out your wallet of your trifeling Dialogues or Trialogues if ye lift against vs and spare vs not. Not that I so thincke thys to be a sufficient excuse to purge the treason of these men, if your popish Calenders and legeands be found ful of traytours. Multitudo enim peccatorum non parit errori patrocinium: But thys I thincke,Religion cōmō ly maketh treasō among the papistes. that the same cause whyche made them to suffer as traitors, hath made you also to rail against them for traitors, that is, mere hatred only against their Relygion, rather then any true affection you haue to your princes and gouernors. Who if they had bene as feruent in your Popery, and had suffred so much for the holy father of Rome, or for ye liberties of the holy mother church of Rome, I doubt not, but they as holy children of Rome had bene rong into your Romish Calendare with a festum duplex, or at least with a festum simplex of 9. lessons, also wt a vigil peraduenture before them.

Nowe because they were on the contrary profession, & enemies to your Magna Diana Ephesiorum, you playe wyth them as the Ephesian caruers dyd wyth Saint Paule and worse. Ye thrust them out as seditious rebels, not only out of life and body, but also can not abide them to haue any poore harbour in theyr owne friendes houses, among our Actes and Monuments to be remembred. In the whyche Actes and Monuments, and if gentle maister Ireneus, with hys fellow Critobulus in your clerkely Dialogues, will not suffer them to be numbred for martyrs: yet speake a good word for them (M. Cope) they may stande for testes or witnesse bearers of the trueth. And thus muche for defence of them.

Now to the other part of his accusation, wherein this Alanus Copus Anglus in hys [...],Aūswere to the second part of Copes accusatiō concerning his vntrue charging of the booke of Actes & Monū. or sixfolde Dialogues contēdeth and chaseth against my former edition, to proue me in my history to be a lier, forger, impudent, a misreporter of trueth, a deprauer of stories, a seducer of the worlde, and what els not? Whose virulent words and contumelious termes, howe wel they become his popish persone, I knowe not. Certes for my part I neuer deserued thys at his handes wittingly, that I do know. Maister Cope is a man whome yet I neuer sawe, and lesse offended, nor euer heard of him before. And if hee had not in the fronte of hys booke intituled himself to be an English man, by his wryting I would haue iudged hym rather some wilde Irishman, lately crept out of S. Patrikes Purgatory, so wildely he wryteth, so fumishly he fareth.

But I cease here, and temper my selfe considering not what M. Cope deserueth to be sayd vnto, nor howe far the pen here could run if it had his scope, but cōsidering what the tractatiō rather of suche a serious cause requireth. And therfore seriously to say vnto you (M. Cope) in thys matter, wher you charge my history of Acts and Monuments so cruelly, to be full of vntruthes, false lies, impudent forgeries, deprauations, fraudulent corruptions, and fayned tables, briefly and in one woord to answere you, not as the Lacones answered to the letters of their aduersary, wyth si, but with osi. would God (M. Cope) that in al the whole booke of Actes and Monumentes,The boo [...] of Actes [...] Monum. to true, if it had pleased god otherwise. from the beginning to the latter end of the same, were neuer a true storie, but that all were false, all were lies, & all were fables. Would God the cruelty of your Catholikes had suffred all them to liue, of whose death ye say now that I doe lie. Although I deny not but in that booke of actes and monumentes containing such diuersity of matter, some thing might ouerscape me: yet haue I bestowed my poore diligence. My intent was to profit all men, to hurt none.

If you (maister Cope) or any other can better my rude doings, and finde things out more finely or truely, with al my hart, I shall reioyce with you and the commō wealth, taking profit by you. In perfectiō of wryting, of wit, cunning, dexterity, finenes or other induments required in a perfect writer, I contend neither with you, nor any other. I graunt that in a laboured story, such as you seeme to require, conteyning suche infinite varietie of matter, as thys doth, much more time would be required: but such time as I had, yt I did bestow, if not so laboriously as other could, yet as diligently as I might.

But here partly I heare what you will say: I shoulde haue taken more leysure and done it better. I graunt and confesse my fault, such is my vice, I can not sitte all the day (M. Cope) fining and minsing my letters, and coming my head, and smoothing my selfe all the day at the glasse of Cicero. Yet notwythstanding doing what I can, and doing my good will, me thinkes I should not be reprehended, at least not so much be railed on at maister Copes hand. Who if he be so pregnant in finding faulte with other mens labours (which is an easy thing to do) it were to be wished, that hee had enterprised himselfe vppon the matter, and so should haue proued what faults might haue bene found in him. Not that I herein doe vtterly excuse my selfe, yea rather am ready to accuse my selfe, but yet notwythstanding thynke my selfe vngently dealt with all at Maister Copes hande: Who being mine owne countreyman, an English man as he sayeth, also of the same vniuersitye, yea colledge and schoole that I was of: knowing that the first edition of these Acts and monuments was begon in the farre parts of Germany, where few frendes, no conference, small information coulde be had. And the same edition afterwarde translated out of Latin into English by others, while I in the meane time was occupied about other Registers. And now the sayde Cope hearing moreouer and knowing that I was about a new edition of the same Actes and Monuments, at this present time, to be set foorth, for the amēding of diuers things therein to be reformed: if he had knowen any fault nedefull to be corrected, he might gentlely by letters admonished me therof. Gentlenes so would haue required it. Time would well haue suffred it. Neither was he so far off, but might sooner haue wrytten a letter to me, then a boke against me. Neither was I so ingratefull and inhumane, but wold haue thanked him for hys monition: neither yet so obstinate, but being admonished, wold haue corrected willingly where any fault had bene committed.

But herein your nature (M. Cope) doth right wel appeare.Vngentelenes noted in Cope. First in the sayde booke of Actes and Monuments, where many other good things be conteyned, not vnfrutefull nor vnprofitable peraduēture for ye instruction of your cōscience, and wherin my labors perhaps might haue deserued your thanks, all that you dissemble and passe ouer, only excerping those matters whych make for cauillation.The nature of the spider Thus the blacke spider out of pleasant flowres sucketh his poison. And what booke is so pleasant or frutefull, though it were the popes owne Portous, yea hys own decretals, yea hys owne very Masse booke, to the reading whereof if I brought the like minde so disposed to cauil, as you bring to the reading of my hystorie, but I coulde finde out twise as many mendacia, maculas, impudentias, dolos malos fabulas, fucos, as you haue done in these Actes and Monumentes. And yet you haue done pretely well.

Besides al this, yet better to marke the goodnes of your gentle nature: Be it so I had bene in some piece of my story deceiued, as I do not iustify my selfe in all poynts therin: yet you vnderstanding that I was about the correction [Page] of my booke againe, might eyther haue taken the best, and left the worst: or els gently take the paines to haue aduertised me of suche notes as you had, wythout further exclamation, or at least might haue deferred your dialogues for a time, till the comming out of my booke, to see first what would in the latter edition be altered. But be like your gal was full, your hast could not tary, your venim must [...]edes brust out.

Et si non al [...]qua nocuisses mortuus esses.

Seeing therfore the order of your doings to be such, and disposition of your nature so farre from al humanity, dealing with me so extremely, if I thus prouoked wyth your extremity againe,Copu [...] Sycoplianta. should now after thys your currish nature shape you a name accordingly, and in steade of Cope godfather you to be a perpetual sycophāt, could you much blame me? and doth not your sycophanticall booke wel deserue it? or thinke you I could not repay you againe wyth like extremitie as you bryng, and dresse your drousie or rather [...]ousie Dialogues in their right colours, if I were so disposed? But my purpose is wyth pacience to spare you, and rather to pray for you, God make you a good manne. Peraduenture he may hereafter call you. And rather had I to win you, then to sting you. Leauing therefore the consideratian of your ingrateful doings, I will nowe consider onely the poyntes wherein you charge me in your booke, answering briefly vnto the same. Briefly I say, because the greatnesse of thys volume, and aboundance of other more frutefull matter, geueth me little laisure at thys present to stand about brawling wordes.

The Calendare of the Actes and Mon. defended.First he seemeth highly to be greued with mee, for my Calendare prefixed before the boke of monuments. Wherin hee hath no cause eyther to be offended wt me, or to chafe with himself. As touching which Calendare I haue sufficiently and expressely declared before so muche, as myghte quickly satisfy this scruple of M. Cope if he eyther woulde haue taken the paines, or els had had ye laisure to reade the wordes contained in the Latine preface before the Booke prefixed,Ex proaemio adlestorem. whych are thus: Quanquam a me quidem non aliter Calendarium hoc institutum est, nisi vt pro Indice duntaxat suum cuiusque Martyris mensem & annum designante, ad priuatum lectoris seruiret vsum &c. In whych woordes preuenting before the cauilling obiection of the aduersary, I forewarned the Reader afore hand, touching the Calendare, wherfore it was ordained and prefixed, for no other purpose, but to serue the vse only of the reader, in stead of a table, shewing the yere and moneth of euery Martyr, what time he suffered &c. What hurt I pray you is in this Calendar prefixed before the booke of Monumentes, more then in the Table of M. Copes booke, set after his Dialogues? But mayster Cope had no laisure to peruse thys place: it made not for hys humour.

Obiection for Martyrs in the Calendare.But this greeueth him in the Calendare, and that very sore. For that I place in this Calendar, sir Iohn Oldcastle sir Roger Acton, Browne, Beuerley and other for Martyrs, and displace for them, other holy auncient Martyrs and Saints, as Antholius, Sother, Dorothe, Clarus, Lucianus, Seuerinus. Aunswere. &c. Answer: If M. Cope can not abide the Lord Cobham, sir Roger Acton, Browne, and Beuerley, which were hanged (as he sayeth for treason) to haue the name of martyrs, then let them beare the name of witnes bearers, or testes of the truth, because they were also burned for the testimony of their faith. Seing there is no difference in the sayd names, all is one to me by which they are called.

And where hee chargeth me for thrusting & shouldring out the olde and auncient holy Saintes aforenamed out of this Calendare,Vntruth noted in Ala. Copus. and placing other new come Sayntes in their rowmes: this is not the first vntruth that M. Cope hath made in his dialogues, nor yet the least, vnto whome I might therefore fitly answere againe with his owne familiar phrase, or rather the phrase of Cicero, which he doth so muche affectate: Quod nimirum hic ipse Alanus Copus Anglus, vnde me mendacij coarguit, Copus pag. 130. lin. 18. inde sibi ipsi sempiternam ac ineluibilem turpissimi mendacij, ac singularis impudentiae notam inurat. For why haue not Ias iust cause to say this to him, as he to me? For somuch as in the first beginning and preface of the sayde booke of Actes and Monuments, I so diligently and expressely do warne all men before, first that I make here no Calendare purposely of any Saintes, but a Table of good and godly men that suffered for the truth, to shew the day and moneth of their suffering. [...] dict, [...] li. [...] and [...]. My words be extant and euident, whych are these: Neque vero ideo inter diuos a me referuntur isti, quòd inseruntur in Calendarium. &c. And declaring afterward how the sayde Calendare dothe stand but in stede of a table, my words do folow thus: Haud aliter Calendarium hoc institutum est, nisi vt pro Indice duntaxat zuum cuiusque Martyris mensem & annum designante, Lectori ad vsum atque ad manum seruiat. &c.

Againe, neither did I receiue these men into that Kalendare, that holy Anathollus, Sother, Dorothaea, wyth other ancient holy Saintes shoulde be remoued out, as you doe falsly & vntruly affirme, but because the course of that story reaching but 500. yeares, did not comprehende those former times of suche auncient Martyres, but onely of suche as suffered in these latter dayes: therfore requisite it was that in the table such should be placed chiefly, of whom y• whole booke did then principally and onely entreat, to demōstrate thereby the time and day of their Martyrdome. Neither yet were the other excluded out of thys newe Kalendare, whyche were neuer inserted in the same before, but onely because both together coulde not there haue standing, necessity so required these in no case to be omitted, and yet no iniury meant to the other to be excluded out of theyr owne Kalēdars, wherto properly they did perteine. As for thys Kalendare or this table, because they were not pertinent vnto it, they could not therin, nether was it necessary, they should be included. And yet neither did I (M. Cope) wtout due & solemne protestation omit the same in my foresayde Catalogue, to preuent and stop all cauilling mouthes: As by speciall words in the sayd proeme of my booke vnto the Reader doth appeare, folowing in this wise: Interim nullius ego boni sanctique viri (modo qui verè sanctus sit) causam laedo, nec memoriam extinguo, nec gloriam minuo. Et si cui hoc displiceat Calendarium, meminerit, non in templis à me collocari, sed domesticae tantum lectioni praeparari. &c. And wher is now (M. Cope) thys your reiecting, expelling, remoouing, expulsing, exempting,Copus pag 861. lin penultim [...]. deturbating and thrusting out of Anatholius, Sanct. Dorothae and other holye Saintes out of Catalogues, fastes, and Calenders? Or what man is that, or where dwelleth he, Qui veros Christi Martyres è Coelo ad Tar tara deturbat? That is. Which tumbleth downe true Martyrs from heauen,Copus almost called Capus. into hell? Which if ye meane by me: In one worde I aunswere, ye falsely belie me maister Copus, I had almost called you maister Capus, so lyke a Capon ye speake. Neyther haue you nor any other euer heard me so say. Neither haue I euer heard of any so madde to play so the giants with their mountains to clime the heauens, to tumble downe Gods true & holy martyrs out of heauen, downe into hell, vnlesse it were your selfe (as yet ye are, ye may be better) and such other of your gilde and popish fraternity, which make of Gods true saintes,The papistes would thrust downe Gods true saints out of heuē to hel. stinking dunghils, (for so yee terme them in your bookes) and not onely thrust into heauen your Pseudosanctos, saintes of your own making, whom God by his word doth not allow: but also depulse downe from heauen, and make dunghils of Gods welbeloued seruants, his faithful people, and blessed martyrs, which haue died for the word of god. And what maruel then, if in your blasphemous bokes, ye cast down from heauen to hell, the poore Saintes of Christ, when in effecte you deiecte also the bloude and crosse of the sonne of God Christ Iesus himselfe, setting vp in his office and place, ttu per Thomae sanguinem, Beckets bloud set vp, to the iniury of Christes bloud. quem pro te impendit, fac nos Christe scandere, quò Thomas ascendit. Say, master Cope, your conscience indifferently, set al Popish parcialitie a part, where as the Scripture teacheth vs simplely. Quòd citra sanguinem nulla fit remissio .i. Wythout blud there is no remission: whether ye thinke, by this bloud of the new Testament is meant the bloud of Christ alone, or the bloud of other moe besides? If the bloud of one must stand alone, why doe yee then with the giants build vp your mountains, and make a ladder of Beckets popish bloud, for men to scale the heauens? Or in so doing,Papistes deuout to set vp Christ [...] crosse in earth [...] but enemies to Christes crosse in heauen. howe can you, but eyther wyth the Protestauntes wipe out of your Kalendare, Thomae sanguinem, or els demolish from heauen Sāguinem Christi with the papists?

And heere by the way, I cannot but muse, why you are so deuout in setting vp the crosse of Christ in your church, which are such enemies to the true crosse of Christ to stand in heanen. Looke vpon thys (master Cope) and tel me, vtra pars verius veros Christi Martyres è coelo in tartara detrudat? And therfore as you falsely belie me in thys, for detruding and tombling out of heauen Anatholius, A double vntruth in Copus Iulianus, Clarus, Lucianus, Agatha, Dorothea and other, against whome I neuer yet spake any reproching woord, but rather in this my volume haue set forth their commendatiō: so is it vntrue like wise, where you affirm that in thys my Kalendar I make an [...], or Canonisation of false Martyrs. I tolde you before, when yee were in Englande, I tell you again, being nowe in your transmigration, in woordes as plaine as I coulde, Hane ego Apotheosin mihi nunquam sumpsi, quam sibi tam confidenter sumpsit Gregorius nonus. Were not these woordes of my Protestation manifest ynough? were they not sufficient to satisfie a reasonable Momus? And to make the matter more playne, dyd I not adde moreouer as followeth: Porrò neque eò spectat hoc Calendarium, vt [Page]nouam aliquam festorum dierum legem praescribam ecclesiae. &c. And not contented wyth thys foreseeyng before suche wrangling spirites to come, as now I see in you: I shewed also the cause why I needed not so to doe, my woordes were these:Copus Momus. Copus pag. 820. Festorum dierum iam plus satis erat in mundo. &c. And yet further, because no cauiller should take holde here of any iniurie done to the holy Saintes, eyther old or new in the Church, therefore in expresse woordes I remoued away all suspition of any iniurie, preuenting the obiection of the aduersary in these wordes. Habeat & Ecclesia suos sanctos, tum recentes, tum veteranos, modo probatos, modo interim ijdem ne adorentur, modo quàm sint vetusti, tam etiam verè sancti sint. &c.

These places of my booke, if ye did see: why do you dissemble them? If yee had not so much leisure to read them: howe had you so much laisure to wryte against any mans booke, not knowing what is in the booke contained? And howe stands it then wyth trueth, that so like a Mome yee cry out so in your booke, against these new made martyrs, qui non possunt nisi per aliorum iniuriam crescere. &c. And again, where you exclaime against me, and say that I thrust out the auncient Martyrs out from their seat and possession, and place new in their rowmes. &c.

Vntruth in Cope.Also where you continuing yet still in your common place of lying (out of which you cannot digresse) do charge me farther, that I do appoint out holy dayes and working daies by colours of red and blacke, in my foresayd Calendare to be obserued:Copus pag. 810. lin. 25. these leude notes of yours, if they had bene picked out of my Calendare by you, wythout myne owne special declaration before made to the contrary, they might seeme to haue some blush of credite. Now what wil the reader say, or what may he iudge, cōsidering and conferring thys your cauilling, with the matter of my premonition made before, but that you are al together set to play the perpetuall Syc. I had almost called you by your right name master Cope. But God make you (as I said) a good man. Reading further in your boke I could not but smile and laugh at this your ridiculous and most loud lying Hyperbolismum: where as you cōparing my making of saints, with the Popes making, can finde (as ye say) in the Pope no such impudent arrogancie in presuming, as ye finde in me. &c. If the Pope had not abused hys arrogant iurisdiction in canonising and deifying his Saintes,Copus pag. 819. lin. 7. more then I haue done: the yeare should not be combred wyth so many idle holy dayes, nor the Calendares wyth so many raskall Saintes, some of them as good, as euer were they that put Christ to death.

But where will you finde (M. Cope) any man to beleue thys your hyperbolical comparison to be true, whych seeth and knoweth the infinit and vnmeasurable excesse of the Popes arrogancie, not only in shrining such a rable of blind saintes of his owne creating: but also in prescribing the same to be receaued vniuersally in the whole worlde, and not to be receaued onely, but also to be inuocated for gifts and graces,D [...]uble abhomination in the popes Calendare. also to be worshipped for aduocates and mediatours. Wherin riseth a double abhomination of the pope, the one for his idolatrous making and worshipping of saintes: the other for his blasphemous iniurie and derogation to Christe, in repulsing him out of his office of mediation, & placing other mediatours of his owne making. And nowe to consider what Saintes these were, or what were the causes of their sancting: what S. almost among all the Popes Saintes shall you finde (M. Cope) made within these 500. yeres,The great Saint maker of Rome and who be his Saintes. but commonly he was eithe some Pope, or some rich Bishop and Prelate, or some fat abbat, or some blind Frier, some Monke, or Nunne, some superstitious regulare, or some builder of monasteries, or some geuer and benefactour to the popish clergy, or mainteiner agonising for the dignities and liberties of the Popyshe church? What poore lay man or lay womā, were their liues neuer so Christian, their faith and confession neuer so pure, their death neuer so agonising for the witnes of Christ, and truth of his word, shall finde any place or fauour in all the Popes [...], that is in the Popes Calendar, either in red colour, or els in blacke.

But heere (M. Cope) if yee had the wit, somuch to defend,The great Godmaker of Rome. as yee haue to ouerwhart, you myght take mee wyth the maner, and replie againe for the defence of your great Saintmaker, or rather Godmaker of Rome: that he maketh mo martyrs & Saints of these foresayd poore laymen, & laywomen, then euer he did of any other. For he burneth them, he hangeth them, hee drowneth them, imprisoneth & famisheth them, & so maketh truer martyrs of Christ, then any other of his new shrined saints, whom he hath so dignified in his Calendar. For the one he doth rubricate, only wt his red letters, the other he doth rubricate wt their owne bloud. And therefore to aunswere you (M. Cope) to your comparison made betwene the pope and me, for making of holy Martyrs and Saintes: Briefly I say, and report me to al the world, y• herein is no comparison. For if ye speake of true Martyrs, who doth make them, but the pope? if ye speake of fals martyrs, who doth make them, but the pope▪ And farthermore, to compare together the causes of these Martyred Saintes in my Calendare, wyth them whyche shine shrined in the Popes Calendare (taking the same proportion of time as I do, wythin these last 500. yeares) why may not I haue as good cause to celebrate these in my Calendar, which lost their liues and were slain, principally for the cause of Christ and of hys word: as the pope hath to celebrate his double and simple feasted saintes in hys Calendar, who in their doinges, doctrine, and life, as they seemed rather to serue the Pope, then Christ the Lord: so in their death appeared no such cause, why they shuld be sanctified in the church beyond all other. Let not the Church of Christ (M. Cope) be deluded with hypocritical names, nor fained apparitions, and fabulous miracles, neither be you deceiued your selfe, but let vs resort sincerely to the worde of God.No cause why the popes newe saints shuld be put in the Calendare. What was in S. Fraunces, looke vpon his superstitious life, & presumptuous testament, wrought no dout by Sathan, to diminish and obscure the Testament of Iesus Christ, why he should be made a Saint, and not an enemy rather of Christ?

What was likewise in Frier Dominicke, who before Fraunces x. yeares together persecuted the poore Waldenses to death and destruction, why should he stand a S. and a pillar of the church?Tho. Becket I pray you what see you in Thomas Becket, but that he died for the ambitious libertyes of the popishe church?Aldelmus. Anselmus. Dunstanus. What in Aldelmus, and in Anselmus, but only that they chased away maried priests from the churches, and planted in idle Monkes in their steade? The like also did Dunstanus, who was rubricated wyth a duplex festum. S. Elizabeth Elizabeth who was the wife of the Marquesse of Thuring, when shee had with much perswasions got out her husbande to fight against the Turkes, and was there slaine, she afterward encloystered her selfe, and was made a Nunne. And doe you thinke these causes to be sufficient, why they shuld be made saintes, worshipped in churches, and set in Calendares?The canonisation of S. Gilbert of Sempringham. Long it were to make rehearsal of all this rifraffe, and almost infinite. One example may suffice for many. S. Gilbert of Sempringhā, was the sonne of Iocelin a knight, who for his deformitie of his body was set to learning, & afterward made Chanon, and was author of the Gilbertines, in the time of king Iohn.

This Gilbert after he had erected 13. monasteries of hys order of Sempringham, was afterwarde labored for vnto the Pope to be made a Saint: Who hearing of hys myracles, wrote hys letters to Hubert Archbishop of Canterbury, in the behalfe of the foresayd Gilbert, willing & commaundyng per Apostolica scripta, Ex lib. de [...]ita S. Gilberti Confessor [...]s. that the feast of the sayde Gilbert shoulde be solemnised through all the prouince of Canterb. Vt meritis nimirum eius & precibus apud misericordissimum iudicem misericordiam consequamur. &c.

Whereuppon Hubert the Archb. directeth downe hys wrytings to all the bishops within hys prouince,The Popes letter & the Archb. for the canonisin [...] of saint Gilbert. the contents of whych his wrytings do folow: Hubertus Dei gratia Cant. Archiepiscop. totius Angliae primas, dilectis in Christo frat. Episco. per prouinciam Cant. Sal grat. & benedictionem. D. Papa, sicut ex literis ipsius manifestè perpéditur, de conuersatione, meritis, & moribus b. Gilberti magistri ordinis de Sempringham, & miraculis a Deo per eum factis per testes & testimonia sufficienter instructus, de consilio fratrum Cardin. ipsum mag. Catalogo sanctorum decreuit ascribi, solemnitatem eius constituit & mandauit per Cant. prouinciam solemniter celebrari. Insuper & corpus eius cum requisiti fuerimus praecepit ad honorem Dei & gloriam eleuari. Vestra igitur vniuersitas huic mandato cum deuotione congaudeat, & secundum formam in ipso mandato praescriptam, praedicti confessoris Domini depositionem annuam faciatis cum reuerentia & solemniter obseruari: vt apud Dominum & ab illo vestra debeat & possit deuotio commēdari, necnon & ipsius sancti supplex intercessio vobis proficiat ad salutem. Valete.

The summe of the whiche wryting of the Archb. tendeth to thys effecte. That forsomuch as the Pope hearyng of the life and myracles of Gilbert, Maister of the order of Sempringham, by sufficiēt witnes and testimonies, hath in his letters commanded him by the aduise of hys Cardinals, that the sayde Gilbert should be canonised & ascribed in the Cataloge of saintes, and that his solemnity shoulde be celebrate solemnely throughout al the prouince of Canterb. And also hys body to be taken vp and shrined to the honour and glory of God: He therefore at the Popes commaundement wryting vnto them, wylleth all the Suffraganes within his prouince of Canterb. yearely to solemnise, and cause to be solemnized reuerētly the deposition of the sayd Saint Gilbert Confessor: to the entent that theyr [Page] deuotion may be commended of the Lord,I [...] this good doctrine M. Cope, in the Popes canonisation. and of him. And also, that the humble intercession of the sayd Saint may profite them to their saluation.

Furthermore, for the more full canonising (canuising I had almost sayd) of this new made saint, the saide Pope Innocent writing to Hubert aforesayd,The blasphemous collect of the Popes making for S. Gilbert. adioyneth withall a collect of his owne making, which is this: Plenam in nobis aeterne saluator tuae vertutis operare medelam, vt qui praeclara beati Gilberti confessoris tui merita veneramur, ipsius adiuti suffragijs a cunctis animarum nostrarum languoribus liberemur. Quiviuis & regnas. &c. That is: worke in vs O eternal sauior full remedy of thy vertue, that we which worship the worthy merites of blessed Gilbert thy confessour, being succoured by his suffrages, may be deliuered from all languors & diseases of our soules, who liuest and raignest. &c.

The cōsecration of this one Saint (who perhaps was not the worst) I thought here to cōmemorate,Copus pag. 119. lin 7. to the intent that the reader measuring by this one the Canonisation of al the rest, may iudge the better vpō this cōparison of master Cope, whether of vs doth vendicate more impudent authoritie, the Pope in his Callender, or I in mine: or to make the comparison more fit, whether is more impudent the pope in his Callendar, or els maister Cope in his Dialogues more doltishe.

But briefly to make an end of this matter with you to canonise or to authorise any saintes, for man it is presumptuous: to prescribe any thing here to be worshipped, beside God alone, it is idolatrous: to set vp any mediatours but Christ onely, it is blasphemous. And whatsoeuer the pope doth or hath done in his Calendar, my purpose in my Calendare, was neither to deface any old saint, or to solemnise any new. In my booke of Actes and Monuments entreating of matters passed in the churche, these latter fiue hundreth yeares, I did regulate out a Callendare, not for any Canon to constitute Saintes, but onely for a table of them which within the same time did suffer for the testimony of the word, whom I did and doe take to be good and godly men. If any haue other iudgement of them, I binde no man to my opinion, as the pope doth to his. The day will come which shall iudge both them and you. In the meane season it shall be best for you (M. Cope) in my iudgement to keepe a good thing in your head, and to quiet your rayling mode.Cope counsailed to cease hys rayling. A hard thinge it is to iudge before the Lord. Mans iudgement may faile and is vncertayne, the iudgement of God is alwayes sure. Best is therfore either to be sure by the word and iudgement of God before, what you do say, or els to say the best. Of such slaunderous, and intemperate rayling,No good commeth of rayling. can come no good, neither to whome ye rayle vpon: nor to your selfe, whiche rayleth: nor to the church of God that heareth you rayle. For them you can not hurt, they are gone. To your selfe, and thoughe your matters be true, yet little honesty it will bring, to be counted a rayler, and if it be vncertayne, your state is daungerous, and if be false, most miserable: And as to the Church what great edification can proceede of suche contentions brawling and barkinge one against an other, I doe not greatly see. And if the zeale of the bishop of Romes church haue so much swallowed you vp, that ye cannot but stamp and stare at traytours when ye see them put in Calenders: (first M. Cope) be ye sure first that they be traytours, wisdome would, whome you call traytours. And if ye can so proue thē (as ye haue not yet) then let your Irenaeus or Critobulus tell me, why doth not this flagrant zeale of yours as hote as purgatory, burne out, and flame as wel against your owne traytors, hauing so many in your own Calendare and Church at home?

The zeale of M. Cope [...]pended. And if there be such a Catholicke zeale in you, that hath set your gentle brest on such a pelting chase, why then is not this your Catholicke zeale equally indifferent? Why take ye on so fell on the one side agaynst sir Iohn Oldcastle, sir Roger Acton, M. Browne &c? A man wold think you played Hercules furens in Orchestra. On the other syde agayne ye are Oleo tranquillior. What indiffirencie (maister Cope) call you this? Or what zeale make you this to be? Albeit your zeale, I iudge not, as I know it not. Swifte iudgement shall not become me, which go about to correct the same in you. But this I exhorte you, to beware (maister Cope) that by your owne fruites and doinges euident ye do not bewray this zeale in you to be Non secundum scientiam, nor such a zeale as fighteth Pro Domo Dei, sed pro demo Pontificis. As I sayde I iudge you not. You haue your iudge to whome ye stand or fall. My counsayle is, that ye do not so zeale the Byshop of Rome, that for his sake ye lose your owne soule. Ye remember the olde vulgar voice it is not good Ludere cum sanctis, worse it is Illudere: worse of all it is Debacchari in immerentes: Because that Deus ipse vltionum Dominus Many times taketh theyr cause in hand according as it is written: Opprobria opprobantium tibi cecidersit in me. i. The rebukes of thy rebukers fell vpon me. And seldome haue I seene any suche blasphemous raylers agaynst the ende or punishment of Gods saintes and seruauntes, without great repentaunce, to come to anye good [...]nd themselues.

And admit this (as graunted vnto you M. Cope) that these mē had bene traitors, which ye are not able to proue. Well, they had their punishment therefore, the worlde can go no further: & what would you haue more? Who and if they repented, why may they not haue as good part in Christes kingdome as your selfe? Now forsomuch as the sayd persons also suffering a double punishement were so constant in the way of trueth, and most principally for the same were persecuted, and chiefly therfore brought to them death: that part of example, because I sawe, it pertayne to the profite of the church, why might I not insert it with other church storyes in my booke? Let the churche take that which belongeth to the churche. Let the worlde take that, which to the world pertaineth and go no further. And if ye thinke it much, that I would exemplifie these whome you call traytors in the booke of marty is: first ye [...]hust vnderstand,The name of Martyrs in the Calendare defended. that I wrote no suche booke bearing the title of the booke of Martyrs, I wrote a booke called the Actes and Monumentes, of thinges passed in the church. &c. Wherin many other matters be contayned beside the martyrs of Christ. But this peraduenture moueth your [...], that in the Callendar I name them for martyrs.What is a Martyr. And why may I not in my Calēdar cal them by the name of martyrs, which were faythfull witnesses of Christes truth and Testament for the which they were also chiefly brought vnto that cud?Holy saintes of Christ. Or why may I not call them holy shyntes, whome Christ hath sanctified with hys blessed bloud? And what if I shold also call the theefe and murderer hanging on the right side of the Lord, by the name of an holy sainct, and confessour, for hys witnessing of the Lord, what can mayster Cope say agaynst it?

And as for colouring the names of certaine Martirs in the sayd Calendare in read or scarlet letters (althoughe that pertayneth nothing to me,Martyrs in the Calēdar colou▪red with red. whiche was as pleased the Painter or Printer) yet if that be it that so muche breaketh pacience,The painter coloureth with redde. The pope coloureth with bloud. why rather doth he not expostulate in thys behalfe with the great saynt maker of rome, who hath readed them much more then euer did I. For he did red and dyed them with theyr owne bloude, where as I did but onely colour them with redde letters. And thus for matter of my Calendar enough.

Proceeding now out of the Calendar vnto the booke, where hee chargeth me with so many lyes, impudencies, vanities, deprauations, and vntruthes, it remayneth likewise I cleare my self, answering first to those lyes and vntruthes, which to the story of sir Roger Acton, & sir Iohn Oldcastle do appertain.The authour cleareth himselfe of lyes and vntruthes laid against him And after to other particulars, as in order of my booke doe follow. And first where he layeth against me whole heapes, and cartlodes, I cannot tel how many of lyes and falsities: I here briefly answere maister Cope agayne (or what English Harpesseld els soeuer lieth couered vnder this English Cope) that if a lye be (after the definition of S. Augustine) whatsoeuer thing is pronoū ced with the intent to deceaue an other: then I protest to you mayster Cope, and to all the world there is neuer a lie in all my booke. What the intent and custome is of the papistes to doe. I cannot tell: for mine owne, I will say, although many other vices I haue, yet frō thys one I haue alwayes of nature abhorred, wittingly to deceaue any mā or childe, so neare as I could, much lesse the church of God whom I with all my hart do reuerence, and with feare obey. And therefore among diuers causes, that haue wythdrawne my minde from the Papistes faction, almost there is none greater then thys, because I see them so little geuē to truth, so farre from all serious feeling and care of sincere religion, so full of false pretenced hipocrisie and dissimulation, so litle regarding the church of Christ in their inward hartes, which they so much haue in theyr mouthes: so, as vnder the title thereof they may hold vp theyr own estate▪ Otherwise so little reuerence they yeld to the true & honorable church of Iesus the sonne of God, that with vnworthy and rascall ministers they take into it they passe not, what fictions, what lyes and fables, what false miracles and absurde forgeries they inuent to delude it, they care not. I speake not of all.

Some there be of that sect vnfayned in cōsciences, and more religious, and better disposed natures, onely of simple ignoraunce deceaued. But such commonly haue bene & be the chiefe guides and leaders of the Papistes Churche, that little true care and small zeale hath appeared in them, [Page] toward the churche of Christ, not muche regarding what corruption encreased therein, so that there commodities might not decrease. Thus out of this fountayne haue gushed out so many prodigious lyes in Churche Legendes, in Saintes liues,The lies and f [...]ctions innumerable in the Popes Church. in monkishe [...]ictions, in fabulous miracles, in false and forged Reliques, as in peeces of the holye crosse, in the bloud of hales, in our Ladies milke in ye nails of Christ, which they make to a great number. Likewise in their false and blind errours, corrupt doctrines, absurd inuentions repugnant to ye truth of the worde. Item in their bastard bookes, forged Epistles, their Apocripha, and Pseudopigrapha. Here commeth in their forged Canons, theyr foysting and cogging in ancient councels & decrees, as in [...] in Canons of the Apostles (if those Canons were the Apostles) Excepta Romana [...]ede, foysted into the decrees by Gratianus, also the cogging in a false Canon to the councell of Nice for the mayntenaunce of the sea of Rome, as appeareth in the 6. Synode of Carthage.

Vntruthe in the popishe epistle decretall. Here commeth in also the Epistles of Clement, and other sondry epistles Decretall, which as they are no doubt falsly inserted b [...] other, so are they the welhead of many superstitious traditions, oppressing this day the churche of Christ.Wntruth in the popishe Lyturgies. To speake moreouer of the liturges of S. Iames, of Chrisostome and other, of the first masse sayde by sainct Peter at Rome, and that S. Peter [...]ate 25. yeares Byshop of Rome. To speake also of the works of Augustine, Ambrose,Vntruth in bookes counter [...]aite. [...]ierome, and Gregorye, what doctour or famous writer hath there bene in the churche, vnder whose name some counterfayted bookes haue not falsely bene fathered, and yet stand still authorised vnder their patronage, to the great detriment of the churche?Gregories Dialogues. What shoulde I speake of Abdias, Amphilochius, Dionysius Areopagita. The Dialoges of Gregory, which falsely to this day haue ben ascribed to Gregory the first, where in deede they were first written in Greeke, by Gregory the 3. and afterward translated out of Greeke into Latine,Sermo ad Conuentū Sāctorū, in fine Eusebii. made by Constātine the Emperour. by pope Zachary. vide supra. pag. 130. Likewise that worthy and Imperiall sermon i [...]tu [...]ed Eusebij pamphili Sermo ad Conuentum Sanctorum, hath to thys day wrongfully borne the name of Eusebius. Where as in very truth it was made by the good Emperour Constantinus himselfe in his owne heroicall stile in latine, and afterward translated out of Latine into Greeke by Eusebius, as he himselfe confesseth in hys worke De vita Constant. lib. 4. But as touching this sermon although the name be chaunged, so godly and fruitful it is, that it [...]attereth not much, vnder whose name it be read, yet worthy to be read vnder ye name of none so much, as of the Emperor Cōstantine himselfe, who was the true author and owner therof.

Vntruth in the Popes doctrine. Briefly except it be the bookes onely of the new Testament, and of the olde, what is almost in the popes church, but either it is mingled or depraued, or altered, or corrupted,Vntruth in the popes Legendes and Mas [...]e bookes. either by some additions interlased, or by some diminutiō mangled and gelded, or by some glose adulterate, or with manifest lies contaminate. So that in theyr doctrine standeth little truth, in theyr Legendes, Portues, & massebookes lesse trueth, in their miracles and Reliques least truth of all.Vntruth in the popes miracles and reliques. Vntruth in the popes Sacramēts Neyther yet doe theyr sacramentes remayne cleare and voyd of manifest lyes and corruption. And specially here commeth in the mayster bee, whiche bringeth in much sweet hony into Popes hiues, ye maister lye, I mean of all lyes, where the P. leauing not one cromme of bread nor drop of wine in the reuerent communion, vntruly and idolatrously taketh away all substaunce of bread from it, turning the whole substaunce of bread into the substaunce of Christes owne body:A maister lie. which substaunce of bread, if the Pope take from the sacrament, then muste he also take the breaking from it: for breaking and the body of Christ, can in no wise stand litterally together by the scripture. Thus then as this is proued by the word of God to be a manifest lye: so thinke not much (good Reader hereat, as though I passed the bondes of modestie in calling it the Archlye or maister lie of all lies. Because vppon this one, an infinite number of other lyes and erroures in the popes churche, as handmaydes doe wayte and depend.

But forsomuch as I stand here not to charge other mē so muche, as to defende my selfe, ceasing therefore, or rather differing for a time to stir this stinking pudle of these wilfull and intended lyes and vntruthes whiche in the Popes Religion and in papistes bookes be innumerable I will now returne to those vntruthes and impudent lies which M. Cope hath hunted out in my history of Actes & Monuments, first beginning with those vntruthes which he carpeth in the storye of the foresayde syr Iohn Oldcastle, and syr Roger Acton, Browne and the rest.

And first, where he layeth to my charge, that I cal them Martyrs, whiche were traytors and seditious rebels agaynst the king, and theyr Country: to this I haue aunswered before sufficiently.

Now here then must the reader needes stay a little at M. Copes request, to see my vanitie and impudencye yet more fully and amply repressed in refuting a certain place in my Latine story, concerning the kinges statute made at Leiceister, whiche place and wordes by him alledged, be these, pag. 1 [...]7. Quocirca Rex indicto Lecestriae concilio (quòd fort [...]ssis Londini ob Cabhami fautores non erat tutum) proposito edicto immanem denunciat poenam his, quicun (que) deinceps hoc doctrinae genus sectarentur, vs (que) [...]deo in eos seuerus, vt non modo haereticos, sed perduelliones etiam haberi, a [...] p [...]o inde gemino eos supplicio, suspendio simul & incēdio afficiendos statueri [...]. &c. E [...] mox▪ Adeo ille vires, rationesque intendebat omnes aduersus Wicklenianos. Wicleuiani ad temporis decebantur, quicun (que) Scripturas Dei sua lingua lectirarent &.

Vpon these wordes out of my foresayd Latine booke alledged, maister Cope perswadeth himselfe, to haue great aduauntage agaynst me, to proue me a notorious lyer, in three sondry pointes.3. Pointes. 1. Obiection First, in that, whereas I say, that the king did hold his parliament at Leicester, adding thys by the way of Parenthesis (quod fortassis Londini ob Cobhami fautores non erat tutum &c.) here he concludeth thereby simpliciter and precisely, that the Lord Cobham and syr Roger Acton with his fellowes, were traytors &c. Whereby a man may soone shape a cauiller,Cope cauilleth without cause. by the shadowe of mayster Cope. For where as my Dialysis out of ye texte speaketh doubtfully and vncertaynely by this word (fortassis) meaning in deede, the king to be in feare of the Gospellers, that he durst not hold his Parliament at London, but went to Leiceister:Stat. an. 1. Hen. 5. cap. 7 2. Obiection he argueth precisely therfore, that the Lord Cobham, sir Roger Acton, and his fellowes went about to kil the king. Secondly, where I affirme that the king in that Parliament made a grieuous law agaynst al such did hold the doctrine of Wickliffe, that they should be taken hereafter: not for heretiques, but also for fellons, or rebels, or traytors, and therefore should sustayne a double punishement, both to be hanged, and also to be burned &c. Here cō meth in maister Momus, with his Cope on his backe, and prouing me to be a lyer, denyeth playnly yt the king made any suche statute.Copu [...]. pag. 835. lin 6 Obiection. vid. pag. 835. line 6. where hys wordes be these: Atqui quod haeretici pro perduellionibus & deinceps geminatas poenas suspēdij & incendij luerent, vt nugatur Foxus, nullo modo illic traditur. &c.

First here woulde bee asked of maister Cope,The secte of Wickliffe made here [...]ie and treason by K. Hēry 5 Polyd. Virg. lib. 22. what hee calleth patriae hostes, et proditores? if he call these traytours, then let vs see whether they that followed the sect of wycliffe, were made traytours & heretiques by the kings law, or not. And first let vs heare what sayth Polydore Virgil, his owne witnes in this behalfe, whose words in his xxii. booke, pag. 441. be these: Quare publice edixit, vt si vspiam deinceps reperirentur, qui eam sequerentur sectam, patriae hostes haberentur, quò sine omni lenitate seuerius ac ocyus de illis supplicium sumeretur &c. That is, wherefore it was by publique statute decreed, that whosoeuer were founde hereafter to follow the sect of Wyckliffe, should be accounted for traytors, whereby without all lenitie, they shoulde be punished more seuerely and quickly. &c.

Thus haue you (maister Cope) the playne testimonie of Polydore with mee. And because ye shall further see your selfe more impudent in carping, then I am in deprauing of histories, you shall vnderstand moreouer and heare, what Thomas Walden, one of your owne catholique brotherhode, & who was also himselfe aliue, & a doer in the same Parliament, being the prouincial of the Carmelites, saith in this matter writing to Pope Martin, whose very wordes in Latine here follow,Tho. Wald [...] in tomo primo. Doctrinali, ad Mart. pap [...] in prologo. written in his Prologue to the sayd Martine, in this wise: Nec mora longa processit, quin statutum publicum per omne regni concilium in publico emanauit edicto, quod omnes Wicleuistae sicut dei proditores essent, sic proditores regis, proscriptis bonis censerentur et regni, duplici poenae dandi, incendio propter deum, suspendio propter regem &c. That is. And it was not long after, but a publicke law and statute came out, by the common assent of the general parliamēt of the whole Realme, that al Wiclenistes, as they were traytours to God, so also should be counted traytors to the king and to the realme, hauing their goods lost and confiscate vnto the king. And therefore should suffer double punishment, as to be burnt for God, and to bee hanged for ye king &c. And thus haue you (Maister Cope) not onely my sentence, but also the very wordes of my story confirmed by this author: because ye shall not think me to speake so lightly or impudently without my booke. And moreouer to confirme the said sentence of Tho. Walden, it followeth also in an other place of the foresayde author. Tomo. 1. lib. 2.Waldē tomo 1. De doctri [...]ali ecclesia. cap. 46. lib. 2 De doctrinali fidei Ecclesie Cathol. Cap. 46. where he writeth in these wordes. Et tamen iam cum regnare coepisset Illustris rex Henricus 5. qui adhuc agit in sceptris, et de eorū[Page]perfidia per catholicos bin doctos, legem statui fecit vt vbi (que) per regnum Wickliuista probatus, vt reus puniretur de crimine lesae maiestatis &c. That is. And yet, when the noble king Henry the v. who as yet doth liue and raigne, began first to raigne, began to set forth a law, by his learned catholickes which were about him, against the falsenes of these men, so that whosoeuer was proued to be a Wickleuist, through the whole Realme, should be punished for a traytour. &c. What wordes can you haue M. Cope, more playne then these? or what authoritie can you require of more credite, which liued in the same tyme, and both did see and heare of the same thinges done? who also writing to Pope Martine, was by the sayd pope Martine allowed, approued, & solemnly commended, as appeareth by the popes Epistle to him, wherin y• pope declareth: how he caused his books, Per solennes viros videri, Either Walden writeth true, or els the pope er [...]eth. & examinari. That is, by solemne persons to be seene and examined &c. So that you must needes graunt, either this to be true, that Walden writeth or els that the Pope (tanquam Papa) in allowing his writings may erre and be deceaued. Chuse ye (mayster Cope) of these two options whether you will take.

And if ye thinke this my assertion yet not sufficiently rescued with these authorities aboue sayd, I will also here vnto adioyne the testimony of an other writer named Roger Walle, Rog. Wallus lib. de gestis Hē. 5 fol. 10. who writing De Gestis Henric 5. and speaking of the sayd statute of this parliament some thing more plainly then the rest, hath these wordes, In hoc etiam Parliamento nobilitas regia hostes Christi sibi reputans proditores, volens dare intelligere vniuersis, quòd ipse abs (que) cuiuscun (que) fluctuationis dubio, (quam) diu auras hauriret vitales, verus & perfectus Christianae fidei aemulator existeret: statuit & decreuit, vt quotquot Ipsius sectae, quae dicitur Lollordorum, inuenirentur aemuli & fautores eo facto rei proditorij criminis in maiestatem regiam haberétur &c. In English. Also in this parliament, the noble K. reputing Christes enemies, to be traytors to himselfe, to ye intent that all men should know withall doubt, that so lōg as he liued, he woulde be a true and perfect follower of Christen faith: did enact & decree, that whosoeuer shoulde be found followers and mayntayners of this sect, whiche is called the Lollards sect, Ipso facto, should be counted and reputed giltie of treason against the kings maistie. &c.

By these hetherto alledged if M. Cope, will not be satisfied, yet let the reader indifferent iudge: V [...]rum in hac re magis nugatur Foxus, an Copus calumniatur. And yet moreouer to make the matter more certayne, marke the clamation of the sayd Roger Walle, added to ye end of those words aboue recited, whereby we haue to vnderstand more clearly, both what were the proceedings of the king in the said Parliament & also what was the blinde affection of mōks and Priestes at that time towarde their kinge and Prince (which was then called princeps sacerdotum) in condemning and destroying the poore Lollardes.K [...]llen. the 5 called Princeps Sacerdotum. The wordes of the monke be these, O verus amicus, qui amico illa tam iniuriam sibi inferri cōsimiliter arbitratur, Reg. Walll [...]. ibid. praeiudicium illi intentū reputat esse suum, & ad eius onera conferenda, auxiliationis humeros supponere non veretur. &c. That is: O true frend, who taketh and reckoneth that iniury no lesse done to him selfe which is done to his frend: and that preiudice whiche is intended against him, reputeth to bee as his owne. And to beare together the burdens of his friend, sticketh not to lay to his owne shoulders, for the easing and helping of him &c.

How can it now be denied (M. Cope) in reading these authors, and seeing theyr testimonies, but that Lollardery in this Parliament was made both treason. and heresie, & had therfore a double iudgement of punishment annexed, to be hanged for for the one, and to be burned for the other according as in my former Latin story I recorded, and yet I trust, I trifled not?

Copus pag. [...]35. lin. 8. But you will say agayne (as ye doe) that there is no mention made for heresie to be made treason, nor of anye double punishment to be inflicted for the same: In the body of the statute (I graunt) there is no expresse mention in wordes of heresie to be made treason,Obiection. Aunswere. expresly signified in rigour of wordes: but inclusiuely it is so inferred, that it can not be denied. For first where landes, goodes and cattell of the sayd Lollardes were lost and forfeit to the kyng,Stat. an. 2. Hē. 5. cap. 7 what doth this importe els, but treason or felonie?

And where the Lorde Cobham (for whose cause specially this statute seemed to be made) did sustaine afterward both hanging and burning by the vigor of the same statute what is here contained: but a double penalty? Again wherin the beginning of the statute mention is made of rumors and congregations, and after vpon the same followeth the seruices of the king, whereunto the officers be first worne should first be preferred for libertie of holy Churche, & punishment of hereticks, made before these dayes and not repealed, vt supra, Vid. stat. an. 13. Iden. 4. cap. 7. Vid. stat. an. 15. Rich. 2. cap. 2. Vid. stat. an. 5. Rich. 2. cap. pag. 000. what meaneth this, but to make these congregations of the Lollardes, to be forcible entres riotes, great ridings, vnlawful assembles, affrayres of the people, armour, routes, & insurrections, & so sendeth them to the former statutes not repealed, that is, to the statute. an. 13. Henr. 4. chap. 7? Where the punishment is left to the discretion of the king? or els to the statute. an. 15. Richard chap. 2. Where the penalty is made fine and raunsome: Or els to the statute. an. 5. Richar. 2. chap. 6. where suche assemblies be made playne treason, in fine statuti.

And as here is matter of treason sufficiently contained so for heresie likewise the same statute referreth them to y• ordinaries,Vip. stat. an. 2. Hen. 4. cap 1 [...] Vid. stat. an. 5. Rich. 2. cap. 5. and to the lawes, properly to heresie appertayning, and to the statute. an. 2. Henr. 4. chap. 15. where the penaltie is burning. Also to the statute. an. 5. Richard 2. chap.

5. So that in this present statute here mention is conteined, as ye see although not in expresse words, yet inclusiuely (by referring to other statutes not repealed) bothe Lollardery which is punished with burning, and forcible entrees which is punished at the kinges pleasure. And thus much concerning the secōd vntruth, which M. Cope vntruely noted in me.

3. The third vntruth which he noteth in me concerning this matter,3. Obiection. is this, wherein he reporteth mee, that I say, there was no other cause of deuising this sharp law & punishment against these mē,Aunswere. but onely for hauing the scripture bookes. And therfore here is noted in the margent Foxi dolus malus, but let M. Cope take heede, hee deceiue not himself and other. For my part I remember no such place in this my Latine story where I so say. Onely my wordes be these, added in the latter ende of the place aboue recited: Wicleuiani verò dicebantur quicun (que) id temporis Scripturas Dei sua lingua lectitarent. &c. That is. They were called Wicleuistes, whosoeuer at that time read the Scripture in english or vulgare tongue. &c. I say not, that for the scriptures being read in ye english tongue, therfore the law was enacted, but so is M. Cope disposed to construe it. What law & statuts were made against writing or reading of any booke in English or in any other tonge cōtrary to ye Catholick (that is y• Romish) sayth,Reading of Scripture book [...] contrary to the Romishe faith made heresie. Statut an. 2. Hen. 4. cap. 14. Vide supta pag. 507. The text of Scripture not to be translated to the vulgare tounge vnder paine of heresie. Const. prouinc. Tho. Arund. Vide supra. pag. 506. or to the determinatiō of the holy Church (that is of Rome) read I beseech thee the bloudy statute made. an. 2. Hen. 4. chap. 15. aboue specifyed pag. 523, Also read the constitution prouinciall of Thomas Arundell aboue mentioned, pag. 524. lin. 9. Where it was decreed, that the text of holy scripture should not be had or read in the vulgare tongue frō the time of M. Iohn Wickliffe, for euer after, vnlesse the sayd translation be approued first by the ordinary or by prouinciall councell, vnder pain and punishment of heresy. Now let the reader iudge whether y• reading of scripture bookes in the english tongue, by the making or translating of Wickliffe, or from the tyme of Wicliffe downward, be coūted heresy or not. As for the approuing of the ordinary or of the prouincial councell added in the end of the sayd constitution, maketh more for a shew or pretence, then for any iust exception, or any true intention. For what man hauing those Scriptures translated in English, would either present them to their ordinaries being so set against the reading of such bookes? or what ordinarie would or did euer yet since Arundels tyme approoue any such translation, presented vnto them? Or els why did the good Martyrs of Amersam suffer death, in the begynning of kyng Henry the viii. for hauing and reading certaine bookes of Scripture, which were (as is saide) onely foure Epistles of S. Paule, with certaine other prayers.Children of Emershā caused to set fagots to their fathers. And the other which heard them but onely reade, did beare fagottes, and the same tyme, the children compelled to set fagots vnto their fathers, at which time Longlande being then Byshop of Lincolne, & preaching to them at y• stake, sayde: that whatsoeuer they were, that did but moue hys lippes in reading those chapters, were damned foreuer: as when we come to that tyme,Copus pag. 833. lin. 20. by the grace of Christ, shall hereafter more amply and notoriously appear. And where thē is this Dolus malus Foxi, margined against me, for craftie dealing in my story?

Moreouer where M. Cope proceeding farther in this matter, asketh me: how was the Lorde Cobham obedient to the king,Copus. pag. 83 [...] ▪ lin. 13. whē as for the feare of him, the king durst not then keepe his parliament at London? To whom I aunswere agayne, asking likewise of M. Cope, howe was the king then afrayd to hold his parliament at London for the Lord Cobham, when the Lord Cobham at that time was in Wales: And here M. Cope, thinking to haue me at a narow straight, and to holde me fast, biddeth me tell him, howe it coulde be otherwise, but the Lorde Cobham must needes haue fautours. And who should these fautours be (sayth he) but syr Roger Acton, Browne & their fellowes. [Page] The which mighty question of M. Cope, I answer agayn howe can sir Roger Acton, Browne and their fellowes be then fautors of the Lord Cobham, for whome the King durst not hold his parliament at Londō, when as the sayd Roger Acton, Browne, and the rest were put to death, a whole yeare almost before the Parliament at Leycester began?

And now as I haue hitherto briefly, and truely aunswered your askinges (M. Cope) let me be so bolde wt you agayne, to propounde to you likewise an other question, For so much as you haue put me to the searching of ye statutes in this matter, wherewith before I was not muche acquainted: now out of the same statutes riseth a doubtfull scruple or questiō, worthy to be solued. The cause is this, yt for asmuch as so many good martyrs and Saints of God hetherto in this realme of England, haue bene burned frō the time of king Henry 4. Hen. 5. Hen. 6. Hen. 8. to ye time and in the time of Queene Mary, my question is that you wt all your learned councell about you wil tel me, by what law or statute of the realme were these men brent? I know the auncient custome hath bene, that heretickes conuicted by a prouinciall councell were wont to be left to the secular power. But how wil ye proue me, these hereticks were either conuict by such prouinciall councell, or that these seculare men ought to be your butchers in burning them, whō ye haue committed to them? If ye alledge the vi. Articles made in the reigne of king Henry the 8.Statutè of the 6. articles in the time of K. Henry. 8. Statut. an. 5. Rich. 2. cap. 5. Statut. de comburendo. an. 2. Hen. 4. ca. 15. Vide supra pag. 507. Statut. an. 2. Henr. 4. de comburendo. proued not sufficient, to burne any man. those articles neither did serue before the time of king Hēry the viii. neither yet were they reuiued after his time. If ye alledge to y• statute made. an. 5. Richar. 2. cap. 5. In that statute (I aunswere) is conteined no matter of burning, but onely of arrest to be done at the certificatiōs of the prelates, wtout any further punishmēt there mentioned. To conclude, if ye alledge the statute made. an. 2. Henr. 4. chap. 15. and reuiued in the reigne of Queene Mary, mentioned before pag. 523 To that statute I answere, that although yt pretensed statute appeareth in forme of wordes in the Printed book to geue vnto the temporall officers authoritie to bring them to the stake, and to burne them, whom the Bishop deliuereth: Yet is it not to be proued, either by you, or any other, that statute to be law or warrant sufficient to burne anye person or persons committed to the seculare power by the Clergy. And that I proue thus, for although the same statute of king Henry the fourth in the bookes printed, appeare to ba [...]e law and authority sufficient, by the ful assent both of the king, of the Lordes, and of the cōmons: yet being occasioned by M. Cope to search further in ye statutes, I haue found that in the Rolles and first originals of that Parliament, there is no such mention either of any petitiō or els of any assent of the commons annexed or contained in that statute, according as in the printed bookes vsual in the Lawyers handes to craftely and falsely foysted in, as by the playne wordes thereof may well appeare.

For where the said statute. an. 2. Henry. 4. chap. 15. beyng thus intituled in the Rolles: Petitio cleri contra haereticos, and assented vnto in this forme: hath these wordes.

Statut. an. 2. Henri. 4. cap. 15. Intituled in the Rolle thus: Petitio Cleri contra heteticos, and assented vnto in this forme.

The printed statut [...] an. 2. Hen. 4. cap. 15. falsely corrupted. ‘QVas quidem petitiones praelatorum & cleri superius expressatas do. noster Rex, de consensu magnatum & aliorum procerum regni sui, in praesenti Parliamento existentium concessit, & in omnibus & singulis iuxta formam & effectum eorundé ordinauit & statuit de caerero firmiter obseruari’, and so forth according to the petition: and moe wordes, are there not in ye statute Rolle. Wherfore wher as the statute booke printed hath thus: ‘Super quibus quidem nouitatibus & excessibus supereus recitatis (videlicet in the petition of the Prelates & clergy) praelati & clerus supradicti ac etiam communitates dicti Regni in eodem Parliamento existen. dicto Domino Regi supplicarunt. &c. Qui quidem Dominus Rex. &c. ex assensu magnatum & aliorum procerum eiusdem Regni &c. concessit ordinauit. &c.’ These wordes ‘Ac etiam communitates dicti Regni. &c.’ are put in further then the Rolle doth warrant, and seemeth to be the practise of the clergie, to make that as an Acte of Parliament, and to seeme to haue the force of a law, which was neuer assented vnto by the commons.

Ex constitutionibus prouincialibus oxonia celebratis. Ioan. Antho. And thus you see howe this foresayd statute, Printed both in English and in Latine among ye Prouincial councels of Oxford (by the vertue whereof so many good men haue bene burned so long in England) doth vtterly ouerthrow it selfe, for that it swerueth from the recorde bothe in forme and in matter, and lacketh the assent of the commons Which doubt I thought at this present to propound vnto you (mayster Cope) for that you haue so vrged me to the searching out of the statutes, by your declayming agaynst the Lord Cobham.

Moreouer vnto this statute aforesayd, ioyne also with all an other Memorandum of like practise done. an. 5. Rich. 2. In the which yeare,Vid Stat. an. 5. Ric. 2. cap. 5 where as a statute was concluded y• parliament. an. 5. Rich. 2. chap. 5. agaynst certayne preachers specified in ye same statute, which going about in certaine habites from place to place, did drawe the people to sermons. And commissions were made and directed in the sayd parliament to the shrines, to arrest all such preachers and to imprison the same, at the certifications of the Prelates. Here is then to be noted, that the same statute an. 5. Rich. 2. cap. 5. was reuoked by the king in the parliament. an. 6. Rich. 2 vpon the wordes of the commons being these videl. Forasmuch as the same statute was neuer assented, ne graunted by the commons, but that which therein was done, was done without their assent, and now ought to be vndone, for that it was neuer their meaning to be iustified and to bind themselues and their successors to the prelates no more,Ex Rotul. Parliam. then their auncetours had done before them. Ex Rotul. And yet thys foresayd reuocation notwithstanding in Queene Maryes tyme, they inquired vppon that statute.

In searching of these statutes,The persecutors in burning Gods people haue done against the lawe. as you haue accasioned me to find out these scruples: so being foūd out, I thought here not to dissemble them, for so muche as I see and heare many now a dayes so boldly to beare themselues vpō this statute, and thinking so to excuse themselues do say, yt they haue done nothing but the law the law: to the intent that these men seeing now how inexcusable they be both before God and man hauing no law to beare them out, may ye soner repent their bloudy and vnlawfull tyranny, exercised so long agaynst Gods true seruauntes, yet in time before that the iust law of God shall finde out their vniust dealinges, which partly he beginneth already to do, and more no doubt will doe hereafter.

In the meane tyme this my petition I put vp to the Commous,A necessary admonition to the Commons of England. and to all other which shall hereafter put vp any petition to the Parliamēt: that they being admonished by this abuse, wil shew thēselues heare after more wise & circumspect: both what they agree vnto in Parliamentes, & also what commeth out in their name. And as these good Commons in this time of king Henry 4. would not consent nor agree to this bloudy statute, nor to anye other like For so we read that the Commons in that bloudy time of king Henry 4. when an other like cruell byll was put vp by the Prelates in an. 8. Hen. 4. against the Lollards, they neither consented to this, and also ouerthrow the other: so in like maner it is to be wished, that the commons in this our time, or such other that shall haue to do in parliaments hereafter following the steppes of these former times, will take vigilant heede to such cruell billes of the Popes prelacy, being put vp, that neither their consent do passe rashly: nor that their names in any condition be so abused, Cō sidering with themselues that a thing once being passed in the parliament, cannot afterward be called back: And a litle inconuenience once admitted, may grow afterward to mischiefes that cannot be stopped. And sometime it may so happen that through rashe consent of voices, the ende of thinges being not well aduised, such a thing being graunted in one day, that afterward many dayes may cause the whole realme to rue. But I trust men are bitten enough with suche blacke parliamentes to beware of afterclaps. The Lord Iesus onely protector of his church, stop al crafty deuises of subtile enemies, and with his wisedom direct our Parliamentes, as may be most to the aduauntage of his word, and comfort of hys people. Amen. Amen.

And thus much hauing sayd for the defence of the Lord Cobbā, of syr Roger Acton knight, maister Iohn Browne Esquier, Iohn Beuerly preacher, and of other their fellowes agaynst Alanus Copus Anglus, here I make an ende with this presēt Interim, till furthur leysure serue me here after (Christ willing) to pay him the whole Interest which I owe vnto him. Adding this in the meane time, and by the way: that if mayster Cope had bene a Momus anye thing reasonable, he had no great cause so to wrangle with me in this matter, who as I did commend the Lord Cobham & that worthyly, for hys valiaūt standing by ye truth, of his doctrine before Thomas Arundell the Archbishop so touching the matter of this conspiracie, I did not affirm or define any thing therof in my former historie so precisely that he could well take any vauntage of agaynst me,Proposition disiunc [...]iue. who in writing of this conspiracy layd agaynst syr Roger Acton, And syr Iohn Oldcastle, do but disiūctiuely or doubtfully speake thereof, not concluding certainly this conspiracie eyther to be true or not true, but only prouing ye same [Page] not to be true at that time, as Polydore Virgill. and Edward▪ Hall in their histories doe affirme: which say that this conspiracie began after the burning of Iohn Husse and Hierome of Prage. Which could not be. And thereto tendeth my assertion.Lib. Act. & Monu. 174. My wordes are playne, and are these. pag. 174. col. 2. line. 13. Wherefore it is euident that there was eyther no conspiracie at all agaynst the king: or els that it was at some other tyme, or done by other Captaynes. &c.

These be my wordes with other moe, pag. col. and line aboue noted. In the which proposition disiunctiue, if eyther part be true, it is enough for me. His part it was to refell both, which he hath not done. But onely standing fast vpon the one part, dissimuleth the other. And this is Alanus Copus Anglus, who by that he shall come frō Rome (whether he is nowe gone as I heare say) I trust he will returne a better Logician home agayne in suam Angliam.

But to the truth of our matter, as I sayde before, so I say agayne, whatsoeuer this worthy, noble and vertuous knight syr Roger Acton was otherwise,Sir Roger Acton contrary to the Bish. of Rome. Causes coniecturall why Sir Roger Acton with the rest, were put to death for traytours & Lollardes. this is certaine yt he was alwaies of contrary minde, and opinion to the bishop of Rome, & to that kind of people, for the which cause he had great enuy and hatred at their hands: and could as litle beare it: neither do I greatly dissent from them, which do suspect or iudge that the Lord Cobham, by his friendly helpe escaped out of the Tower, and that peraduenture was the cause why he was apprehended and brought to trouble, and in the end came to his death. Other causes also theyr might be, that these good men percase did frequent among themselues, some cōuenticles (which conuenticles was made treason by the statute aforesayd) either in those Thickets or in some place els: for the hearing of Gods word, and for publique prayer, and therefore had they thys Beuerly theyr preacher with them.

But to conclude whatsoeuer this sir Roger Acton was this is ye truth, which I may boldly record, as one writing the Actes and thinges done in the Church, that he was at length apprehended, condemned and put to death or martirdome. 3. yeares and more before the Lord Cobham died Likewise M. Iohn Browne, and Iohn Beuerly the preacher, suffered with him the same kinde of death (as some say) in the field of S. Giles with other moe, to the number of 36. if the storyes be true. Whiche was in the month of Ianuary. an 1413. after the computation of our English stories,Anno. 1414. counting the yeare from the annunciation, but after the Latine writers counting from Christes natiuitie. an. 1414. according as this picture is specified.

These men as is said, suffered before the Lord Cobham aboot 3. yeares, of whose death diuers do write diuersly. Some say they were hanged and burnt in S. Gyles field, of whom is Fabian,Diuersitie in a [...] thors. with such as follow him. Other there be which say that some of them were hanged & burnt. Polydorus speaking onely of their burning maketh no mētiō of hanging.An english story beginning thus. A table of all the kinges. An other certain english Chronicle I haue in my handes borowed of one M. Bowyer, who somewhat differing frō the rest, recordeth thus of sir Roger Acton, that hys iudgement before the iustice was thus, to be drawne through London to Tyborne, and there to be hanged, and so he was naked saue certayne partes of him couered with a clothe. &c. And when certayn dayes were past (sayth the author) a Trumpeter of the kinges called Thomas Cliffe gat graunt of the king to take hym downe, and to burye hym, and so he did &c. And thus haue you the storye of syr Roger Acton, and hys fellow brethren. As touching theyr cause whether it were true or els by error mistaken of the king, or by the fetch of the bishops surmised, I referre it to the iudgement of him which shal iudge both the quick and dead,M. Cope gone to Rome. & seculum per ignem. To whō also I commit you M. Cope, God speed your iorny well to Rome, whether I heare say you are going, and make you a good man.

After the decease or martyrdome of these aboue mentioned,The death of Thomas ArunArchb. of Cant. Ex hist. S. Alba. Gods workes & punishmentes to be noted. who are executed in the month of Ianuary an. 1414. in the next month following, and in the same yere, ye 20. day of February, God tooke away ye great enemy of his word, and rebell to his king Thom. Arundell Archb. of Cant. Whose death following after the execution of these good men aboue recited, by the merueilous stroke of God so sodenly, may seeme somewhat to declare their innocēcy, and that he was also some great procurer of theyr death, in that God woulde not suffer him longer to liue, striking hym with death incontinently vppon the same. But as I dyd the other before, so this also I do refer, to the secret iudgement of the Lord, who once shal iudge all secrets openly.

In the mean time this may seeme strange, that the same Tho. Arundell, who a litle before sitting vpon iudgement

¶ The picture of the burning and hanging of diuers persons counted for Lollardes, in the first yeare of the raigne of king Henry the fift.

[Page] agaynst ye Lord Cobham, and pronounced sentēce of death vpon him,Tho. Arundell geueth sentence [...]gainst the Lord Cobham: and God geueth sentence against Tho. Arundell. The condemned man ouerliueth his condemner. Polydor Virgill erreth. and did himselfe fele the stroke of death, & the sē tece of God executed vpō him before the other. Who wold haue thought that the Lord Cobham being so cast and cō demned diffinitiuely by the archbishops sentence, but yt he should haue died long before the archbishop? But such be the works of gods almighty hand, who so turned y• whele yt this condēned Lord suruiued his condēner 3. or 4. yeres.

In the death of this Archb. first Polydor Virgil is deceiued, who in his 22. booke, pag. 441. affirmed hys death to be an. 1415. and in the second yeare of king Henr. 5. also after the beginning of the Councell of Constāce who in dede neuer reached the beginning therof, nor euer saw the secōd yeare of that king (vnles ye count the first day for a yeare) but dyed before, an. 1414. Feb. 20. Ex hist. S. Albani & multis. Furthermore concerning the death of this Arundell, and the maner therof, who had not bene so heauy a troubler of Christes saints in his time, because the thing semeth worthy of noting, to behold the punishment of God vpon hys enemies, this is to report, as I haue found it alledged out of Thomas Gascoin in Dictionario Theologico: Whose playne wordes be these:Tho. Gascohius in Dictionario theologico. An example of Gods working hand against the enemies of his word. Anno. 1414. Tho. Arundel Cant. Archiepiscop. sic lingua percussus erat: vt nec deglutire, nec loqui per aliquot dies ante mortem suam potuerit, diuitis epulonis exemplo: & sic tantum obijt. Atque multi tunc fieri putabant, quia verbum alligasset, ne suo tempore praedicaretur. &c.

That is, Thomas Arundel archbishop of Cant. was so strikē in his tongue that neither he could swallow, nor speake for a certayne space before hys death, much lyke after the example of the rich glotton, The maruelous hand of God vp on Tho. Arūdell Archb of Cant. and so dyed vpon the same. And thys was thought of many to come vpon him, for that he so bound the word of the Lord, that it should not be preached in hys dayes &c. whiche if it be true, as it doth well here appeare, these and such other horrible exāples of gods wrath, may be terrible spectacles for such as occupy theyr tongues and braynes so busily to stop ye course of gods wrath, striuing but against ye streame against the force whereof,It is in vaine to gainstand Gods word. neither they are able to resiste, & many times in resisting are ouerturned thēselues & drowned therin. And thus much for the death of Tho. Arundel, who cōtinued archb. in y• see of Cant. the space of 18. yeres.

Hen. Chichesly Archb. of Cant. After this Arundel, succeeded next in the said see of Cā terb. Henry Chichelsly made archb. an. 1414. and sate xxv. yeares. This Henry following likewise the steps of hys predecessour, shewed himselfe no small aduersary against ye fauourers of the truth. In whose time was much trouble and great afflictiō in the church. For as the preaching and teaching of the word did multiply and spread abroad daily more and more, so on the contrary side, more vigilant care and straight inquisition followed and increased against the people of God, by reason wherof diuers did suffer, & were burned, some for feare fled ye country. Many were brought to examinatiō, and by infirmitie constrained to abiure. Of whome hereafter (Christ willing) particularly in order of theyr times we will entreat.

As true pietie, and sincere preaching of Christes worde began at this time to decay: So idle mōkery and vaine superstitiō in place therof begā to encrease.Sion & Bethleē builded. For about ye same yere the king began the foundation of 2. monasteries, one of the one side of Thames of Friers obseruaunt, ye other on the other side Thames called Shene and Syon, dedicated to Charter house monkes, with certaine Brigit nonnes or recluses, to the nūber of 60. dwelling within the same precinct, so that the whole number of these with priestes, mō kes, deacons and nonnes shoulde equall the number of 13. Apostles and 72. disciples. The order of these was according to the discription of S. Paule the Apostle, Col. 1. Eat not, tast not, touch not, &c. to eat no fleshe, to weare no linnen, to touch no mony. &c.

About Michaelmas, the same yeare the king began his Parliament at Leicester, aboue mentioned. In the whiche Parliament the commons put vp theyr bill agayn, which they had put vp before, an. 11. Henr. 4. the tēpporalties disorderly wasted by men of the church, might be conuerted & employed to the vse of the king, of his Earls and knights and to the reliefe of ye poore people, as is before recited, pag. 557.Vide supra pag. 557. In feare of which bill least the king woulde geue therunto any comfortable audience (as testifieth Rob. Fabian and other writers) certayne of the Prelates & other headmen of the church put the king in mind to clayme his right in Fraunce.Fabiā with other Whereupon [...]en. Chichesly Archbish. of Caunterbury made a long and solemne oration before the king to perswade him to the same, offering to the king in the [...]ehalfe of the Clergie great and notable summes.A crafty practise of the prelates. The king stirred vp to warres by the bishops. By reason wherof (sayth Fabian) the bill was agayne put of, and the king set his minde for the recouery of the same: so that soone after he sent his letters and messengers to the French king concerning that matter, and receiued from him againe answere of derision, wt a pype of tennis balles (as some recorde) sent from the Dolphin, for him to playe with at home. Whereby the kinges minde was incensed y• more toward that viage, who then furnishing hymselfe wt strength and armour, with powder & shot, and gunstones to play with in Fraunce, and with other artillarye for that purpose conuenient, so set ouer into France, where he got Dareflew with diuers other townes and castles in Normandy and Picardy, and at Agyncourt had a great victory ouer the french army, they benig counted but 7. thousand. by pricking sharp stakes before them. &c. After that he wa [...] Cane, Towke, Kowan with other [...]ownes moe, as Meldune, or Melione, and maryed with Katherine the french kinges daughter. And yet notwithstanding the third time he made hys viage agayne into Fraunce, where at length at Bloys he fell sicke and dyed, Concerning all which viages, because they are sufficientlye discoursed in Fabian, [...]alle, and other Chronographers, referring therfore the reader vnto them, I will return my story to other matters of the Church more effectuall.

The entry of the story of the Bohemians.

I Declared a little before howe by the occasion of Queene Anne,Vide supra. pag. 507 which was a Bohemian and maried to king Richard 2. the Bohemians cōming therby to the knowledge of Wickliffes bookes here in England, began first to taste and sauor Christes gospell,The Bohemians receiuing the Gospell. til at length by the preaching of Iohn Husse, they increased more and more in knowledge. In so much that pope Alexander the v. hearing thereof, began at last to styrre coales, and directeth his Bu [...] to y• archbishop of Suinco, requiring hym to looke to the matter, & to prouide that no person in Churches, Schooles or other places should mayntayne that doctrine, citing also I. Hus to appeare before him.The pope against the Bohemiās. Iohn Hus cited of the Pope. Iohn Husse appealeth from the pope to the Pope. Pope Iohn. 23. To whom the sayd Iohn aunswering againe, declared that mandate or Bull of the pope vtterly to repugne agaynst the manifest examples & doinges both of Christ and of hys Apostles, and to be preiudiciall to the liberty of the Gospell, in binding ye word of God not to haue free recourse. And therefore from this mandate of the P. he appealed to the same Pope better aduised. But while he was prosecuting hys appeale, Pope Alexander died, as is aforesayd, pag, [...]53. Ex Cochleo, in hist. Hussit.

After whome succeeded Pope Iohn the xxiii. who also playing hys part here in this matter like a Pope, sought by all meanes possible how to represse and keep vnder the Bohemians, first beginning to worke his malice vpō the foresayd Iohn Husse theyr preacher. Who at the same tyme preaching at Prage in the temple of Bethleem, because he seemed rather willing to teach the Gospell of Christ, then the traditions of Bishops, was therefore accused of certayn to the forenamed P. Iohn the 23. for an heretick. The Bishop committed the whole matter vnto Cardinall de Collumna,Iohn Hus accused to pope Iohn. who when he had heard the accusation, he appoynted a day to Iohn Husse, that he shold appeare in the court of Rome: whiche thing once done, Wenceslaus king of the Romaynes & of Boheme, at the request specially of his wife Sophia, and of the whole nobility of Boheme, as also at the earnest sute and desire of the towne and vniuersitie of Prage: He sent his Embassadours to Rome, to desire the byshop to quit & clearely deliuer Iohn Husse from that sentence and iudgement, and that if the byshop did suspect the kingdome of Boheme to be infected with anye heretical or false doctrine, that he shold send his ambassadors the which might correct and amēd the same, if there be any errour or fault in them. And that all this should be done at the onely costes and charges of the king of Boheme, and to promise in his name that he would ayde and assiste the Bishops Legates with all hys power and authoritie, to punishe all such as shoulde be taken or found in any erroneous doctrine. In the meane season also Iohn Husse before his day appointed, sent his lawfull and meete procurators vnto the court of Rome, and with most firme and stronge reasons, dyd proue hys innocency, whereupon he trusted so, that he thought he shoulde haue easely obtayned that he should not haue bene compelled, by reason of the great dā ger, to appeare the day appoynted. But when as the Cardinall de Collumna, (vnto whose will and iudgement the whole matter was committed) would not admit no defēce or excuse:Iohn Hus excōmunicate by Cardinall de Collumna. [...] Iohn Husse his procurators, appealed vnto the high Bishop: yet notwithstanding, this last refuge did not so much preuaile with Cardinall de Collumna, but that he would opēly excommunicate Iohn Husse as an obstinate hereticke, because he came not at hys day appoynted vnto Rome.

Nothwithstanding for so much as his procurators had [Page] appealed vnto the high bishop, they had other iudges appointed vnto them, as cardinal Aquileianus and cardinal [...]enetus with certayne others. The which iudges after they had prolonged and differred the matter by the space of one yere and a halfe, at the last they returned to the sentēce and iudgement of cardinall de Columna, and confirming ye same, commaunded Iohn Hus his Procurators that they should leaue of to defend him any more, for they would suffer it no longer. Wherupon when his Procurators would not cease theyr instant sute, certayne of them were cast into prisō, and greuously punished, the other leauing theyr busines vndone, returned into Boheme.

The Bohe [...]ns a [...]st the Pope & his [...]ings. Ex Cochleo [...]. [...]us [...]. lib. 1 The Bohemians notwithstandinge little cared for all this, but continuing stil as they grew more in knowledge, so the lesse they regarded the Pope, complayning dayly agaynst him and the Archb. for stopping the word of God, and the gospel of Christ to be preached, saying that by their indulgences and other practises of the court of Rome, and of the bishops Consistory, they sought their owne profit, & not of Iesus Christ: that they pluckt from the sheepe of Christ the wool and milke, and did not feed them, neyther with the word of God nor with good examples. Teaching moreouer and affirming, that the commaūdements of the Pope and Prelates are not to be obeyed, but so far as they follow the doctrine and life of Christ and of his Apostles, and that lay men ought to iudge the workes of the prelates as Paule iudged the workes of Peter in correcting him. Gal. 2. Furthermore, they had amongst thē certayne notes and obseruations, whereby they might discerne how far & wherin they might obey theyr prelates: they derided also & scorned the Popes iurisdiction, because of the schisme that was then in the church, whē there were 3. popes together one striuing agaynst another for the papacy.

Doubtes [...]ohn Hus [...]pounded Ouer and besides this, at the same time Iohn Hus did propoūd publickly, and by the Notaries caused to be written. 3. doubtfull questions, the tenor wherof foloweth here word for word & is this: Forasmuch sayth he as it is good for men being in doubt to aske counsell, whereby all dubitatiō remoued, they may be able the more firmly to adhere the truth. 3. doubtes here arise to be solued. The first doubt is whither we ought to beleeue in the Pope. The second, whither it be possible for any man to be saued, which confesseth not with his mouth vnto a mortal priest. The third doubte is, whither any of the doctors doe holde or say that some of Pharaos host being drowned in the red sea, and of the Sodomites being subuerted, besaued.

As concerning the first, he did hold negatiuely, alleadging the saying of [...]ede vpon this place of the Apostle: To him that beleeueth vpon him which iustifieth the wicked, his fayth is imputed to righteousnes. [...]dere in [...]n. [...]edere [...]o. [...]dere [...]. [...]. Lomb. [...] dist. [...]. cap. 11. Against A [...]rice confe [...]sion. Rom. 4. Vpon thys place sayth [...]ede: Aliud est credere in deum, aliud credere deo, aliud credere deum. &c. The second doubt sayth he, the maister of the sentence doth answere. lib. 4. dist. 17. cap. 11. in these wordes: What is then to be holden or sayd herein? Certes, that without the confession of the mouth, and assoyling of the outward payne, sinnes be forgeuen through contrition and humility of the hart. &c. For the third doubt he brought in the wordes of S. Ierome vpon the Prophet Nahum, speaking of the Egiptians destroyed in the sea, and of the Sodomites destroyd with fire, & of the Israelites destroyed in the desert. Know you (sayth Ierome) that God therfore punished them for their sinnes here temporally, because they should not be punished hereafter perpetually, & therfore because they were here punished, they shall not be punished hereafter for els the scripture should lie, which is not to be graunted. These 3. questiōs belike Iohn Hus did bring in to declare howe the doctors doe not agree in all things neither with the church of Rome, neither are to be followed in all poyntes of all men.

Councell of the prelates of Prage against the Gospellers. It foloweth moreouer after the death of the Archbish. Swinco aboue mentioned, that one named Cōradus was placed by ye pope there to be chief general, which Cōradus conferring with the diuines and doctors of the vniuersity of Prage, required their aduises and counselles, what way they might best take to asswage the dissentions & discordes betwene the clergy and the people. Whereupon a certayne councell was deuised to be holden after this sort and maner as foloweth.

1. First, that all doctors and maisters of the vniuersity of Prage should be assēbled in the court of the Archb. and in his presence that euery doctor and maister shoulde sweare, not to holde or mayntayne any of the 45. articles of Iohn Wickliffe before condemned.

2. Item, concerning the 7. sacraments of the Church, the keyes & censures of the church, the maners, rites, ceremonies, customes, and liberties of the church, concerning also the worshipping of reliques and indulgēses, the orders & religions of the church, that euery one shall sweare that he doth hold, beleue & mayntayn, and will maintayn as doth the church of Rome and no otherwise, of the which church of Rome the Pope is the head, & the colledge of Cardinals is the body: who are the true and manifest successours of blessed S. Peter prince of the Apostles, and of the colledge of the other Apostles of Christ.

3. Item, that euery one shall sweare, that in euery catholicke matter belonging to the Church that he will stand to the determination of the Apostolicall sea, and that he wyll obey the prelates in all maner of thinges wheresoeuer,Purum bonum, Purum malum, Medium. the thing which is pure good is not forbidden: or that which is mere ill, is not commaunded: but is meane or indifferēt betwene both. Which mean or indifferent thing, yet notwithstanding by circumstances of time, place or person, may be either good or euill.

4, Item, that euery one shall sweare & confesse by his oth, that the opinions of Wickliffe and others, touching the 7. sacraments of the church and other things aboue notified, being contrary to the sayd church of Rome be false.

5. Item, that an othe be required of them all, that none of them shall hold, defend or maintaine any of the 45. articles of Iohn Wickliffe aforesayd; or in any other matter catholick, and especially of the 7. Sacraments and other articles aboue specified, but only as doth the Church of Rome, and no otherwise.

6. Item, that euery ordinary in his dioces shall cause the sayd premisses contained in the 1.2.3.4. articles aforesayde to be published in his Sinodes, and by his preachers to be declared to the people in the kingdome of Boheme.

7. Item, that if any Clerke, student, or lay man shal with stād any of the premisses, that the ordinary haue authority if he be conuicted therof to correct him, according to the old lawes and Canons, and that no man shal d [...]end such one by any meanes, for none but the ordinary hath power to correct such a man, because the Archbishop is chauncellour both of the kingdome and vniuersity of Prage.

8. Item, that the songes lately forbidden, being odious, [...]aūderous and offensiue to others fame, be not long neyther in streetes, tauernes, nor any other place.

9. Item, that maister Iohn Hus shall not preach so long as he shall haue no absolution of the court, neither shal hinder the preaching in Prage by his presence, that by this, his obedience to the Apostolicall sea may be knowne.

10. Item, that this Councell doth appeare to be good and reasonable for the putting away of ill report and dissentiō that is in the kingdome of Boheme.

11. Item, if maister Iohn Hus, with his complices will performe this, which is conteined in the 4. former Articles, then we will be ready to say as they woulde wishe vs and haue vs, whensoeuer need shall require, that we do agree with them in matter of fayth, otherwise if they wyll not so doe, we in geuing this testimony should lye greatly vnto our Lord the King & to the whole world. And moreouer, we will be content to write for them to the Court of Rome, and do the best we can for them, our honors saued. This counsell and deuise being considered amongest the head of the vniuersity of Prage, the foresayd administrator named Conradus, presented to the king and to the barons of the realme, and also to the Senate of Prage. Whereof as soone as word came to Iohn Hus and his adherents, they likewise drew out other Articles in maner and forme of a councell as foloweth.

For the honor of God & the true preaching of hys gospell, for the health of the people, and to auoyd the sinister & false infamy of the kingdome of Boheme, and of the Marquiship of Morauia, & of the city and vniuersity of Prage, and for the reforming of peace & vnity betweene the clergy and the scholers of the vniuersity.

1. First, let the right and iust decrement of the princes and of the kinges councell, be holden and stand in force, which betwene the L. Archbi. Suinco on the one party, and betwene the rector & maister Iohn Hus on the other party, was made, proclaimed, s [...]aled, and solemnly on both parts receiued and allowed in the court of our soueraigne Lord the king.

2. Item, that the kingdome of Boheme remain in his former rites, liberties & common customes, so as other kingdomes & landes do enioy, that is, in all approbations, condemnations, and other actes concerning the holy mother vniuersall church.

3. Item, that maister I. Hus, agaynst whom the foresayd Lord Suinco, could obiect no crime before the coūcell, that the sayd Iohn Hus may be present in the congregation of the Clergy and there whosoeuer will obiect to him either heresy or error, let him obiect, binding himself to suffer the like payne, if he do not proue it.

[Page]4. Item, if no man will set himselfe on ye contrary part against him, then let the cōmaundement be made by our soueraigne Lord the king through all his Cittyes; and likewise let it be ordeined and proclaimed through all villages and townes, that maister Iohn Hus, is ready to render account of his fayth, and therfore if any will obiect vnto him any heresy or errour, let him write his name in the chauncery of the Lord Archbishop, and to bring forth his probations openly before both the parties.

5. Item, if no such shalbe founde to obiect, or which will write his name, then let them be called for, which caused to be noised & rumored in the Popes Court, that in the kingdome of Boheme, in the Citty of Prage, and in the Marquesdome of Morauia, many there be whose harts be infected with heresy and error, that they may proue who they be: and if they be not able to proue it, let them be punished.

6. Item, that commaundement be directed to Doctors of Diuinity and of the Canon law, and to the Chapter of Cathedrall churches, and that it be required of them all and of euery one particularly, that they wil bring forth his name, if they know any such to be an heretick or erroneous. And if they deny to know any such, then let them make recognition therof, before the publike Notary, confirming ye same with their seales.

7. Item, these things thus done & premised, then that our soueraigne Lord the king, & also that the Archb. will geue commaundement vnder payne that no man shall call one another hereticke or erroneous, vnles he will stand to the probation of that heresy or error, as it becommeth him.

8. Item, after these thinges obteined that our soueraigne lord the king, with the consent of his Barons, will thē leuy a subsidy, or collect of the clergy, & direct an honest ambassy to the Popes court, with the which embassadors, let thē also go vpō theyr owne proper charges or expenses for theyr purgation, which haue caused this kingdome falsly & greuously to be infamed in the Apostolicall court.

9. Item, in the meane season for the presence of master I. Hus no Interdict ought to be made, as it was made of late contrary to the order and determination of our holye mother church. &c.

As this matter was thus in altercatiō betwene ye two parts, ye one obiecting, ye other answering in articles, as is aforsayd: In the meane time it happened by the occasiō of Ladislaus king of Naples, who had besieged the Popes townes and territories, that Pope Iohn raising vp warr agaynst the sayd Ladislaus, gaue ful remission of sinnes to all them which would warre of his side to defēd ye church. When this Bul of ye popes indulgēce was come to Prage,The Pope maketh warre. and there published, the king Wenselaus, who thē fauored that pope, gaue cōmaundement that no man should attēpt any thing against the sayd Popes indulgēces. But Hus wt his folowers, not able to abide ye impiety of those pardōs. began manifestly to speake agaynst them, of the which cō pany were 3. certayn artificers, who hearing ye priest preaching of these iudulgences, did opēly speak against them, & called the pope Antichrist, which would set vp the crosse to fight agaynst his euenchristened. Wherefore they were brought before the Senate, and committed to warde. But the people ioyning thēselues together in armes: came to ye magistrates, requiring thē to be let loose. The magistrates with gētle wordes and fayre promises satisfied the people, so that euery man returning home to his own house, ye tumult was asswaged. But the captiues being in prison, not withstanding were there beheaded, whose names were Iohn,Iohn. Ma [...]tine. Sta [...]con. Martyrs. Martin, and Stascon. The death and martirdome of these three being knowne vuto the people, they took the bodies of them that were slaine, and with great solemnitye brought them vnto the church of Bethlem. At whose funerall diuers priestes fauoring that side, did sing in this wise These be the Sayntes whiche for the testament of God gaue their bodies. &c. And so their bodyes were sumptuously interred in the church of Bethlem, I. Hus preaching at the same funerall, much commending them for theyr constancye, and blessing God the father of our Lord Iesus Christ, whyche had hidde the way of his verity so from the prudent of this world, and had reuealed it to the simple lay people and inferior priestes, which chose rather to please God then men.

Thus this City of Prage was deuided. The prelates with the greatest part of the clergy, & most of the Barons, which had any thing to lose, did hold wt the pope, especially Steuen Paletz,Steuen Paletz a great enemy to Iohn Hus. being the chiefest doer on that side. On the contrary part the commons, with part of the clergy & studentes of the vniuersity went with Iohn Hus. Wenslaus the king fearing least this would grow to a tumult,I. Husse banished out of Prage. being moued by the doctors and prelates and councell of his barons thought best to remoue Iohn Husse out of the Citty, who had bene excommunicated before by the Pope: And further to cease this dissention risen in the church, committed the matter to the disposition of the doctors and the clergy. They cōsulting together among thēselues, did set forth a decree, ratified and confirmed by the sentēce of the king, contayning the summe of 18. articles for the maynteynance of the Pope and the see of Rome, agaynst the doctrine of Wickeliffe and Iohn Husse. The names of the Doctors of Diuinity were these: Steuen Paletz: Stanislaus de Znoyma: Petrus de Ikoyma: Ioannes Heliae: Andreas Broda: Iohannes Hildesen: Mattheus Monachus: Hermannus Heremita: Georgius Bota: Simon Wenda. &c. Iohn Hus thus departing out of Prage, went to his coūtry, where he being protected by the Lord of the Soile, continued there preaching, to whom resorted a great concourse of people, neither yet was he so expelled out of Prage, but that sometimes he resorted to his church of Bethleem, and there also preached vnto the people.

Moreouer agaynst the sayde decree of the doctours, I. Hus with his companye replied agayne, and aunswered to their articles, with cōtrary articles agayn as foloweth.

The obiections of Iohn Hus and of his part, agaynst the decree of the Doctors.

FIrst, the foūdation of the Doctors wherupon they foūd all their writings and counsels, is false, which foūdatiō is this, where as they say that part of the clergy in ye kingdome of Boheme is pestilent and erroneous, and holdeth falsely of the Sacramentes,

2. The Doctors hereby do defame the kingdome of Boheme, and do rayse vp new discordes.

3. Let them shew therefore those persons of the Clergye, whom they call pestilent, & so let them verify theyr report, binding themselues to suffer the like paine, if they be not able to proue it.

4. False it is yt they say, the Pope & the cardinals to be the true & manifest successors of Peter & of the Apostles, neyther that any other successors of Peter or the Apostles, can be foūd vpon earth besides thē. Whē as no man knoweth whether he be worthy of hatred or of fauour. And all Byshops and priests be successors of Peter & of the Apostles.

5. Not the pope, but Christ onely is the head: and not the Cardinals, but all Christes faythfull people be the body of the Catholick church, as all holy Scripture and decrees of the holy fathers do testify and affirme.

6. And as touching ye pope, if he be a reprobate, it is plain that he is no head, no nor member also of ye holy Church of God, but of the deuill, and of his sinagogue.

7. The clergy of the gospellers agreeing with the saying of S. Austen which they alledge, and according to the sanctions of the fathers, and determinations of the holy mother church, do say and affirme laudably: that the condēnation and prohibition of the 45. articles is vnlawful, and vniust, and rashly done: for that not onely because the doctors, but also all Bishops and Archbishops, in suche great causes, namely, touching faith (as these articles doe) haue no authority at all, as appeareth [...]. De baptismo et eius effectu cap. Maiores. Et in Can. 17. dist. cap. Hinc sedi. &c.

8. The second cause of the discord which they alledge, also is most false: seing the fayth of whole Christendome cōcerning the church of Rome, is deuided in 3. parts by the reason of 3. popes, which now together do raigne: And the 4. part is newtrall. Neither is it true, that we ought to stand in all things to the determination of the pope, & of the cardinals, but so farr forth as they do agree with ye holy scripture of the old and new Testament, from whence the sanctions of the fathers, did first spring as is euident. De accusationibus cap. qualiter. &c.

9. In the 4. Article they brast out into a certayne dotage, & are contrary to themselues. By reason that they doitishly haue reprehēded the gospellers, who in all their doings receiue the holy scripture (whith is the law of God, ye way of trueth and life) for their iudge and measure: and afterward they themselues doe alleadge the scripture. Deut. 17. where all iudges both popes and Cardinals are taught to iudge & discern betwene leaper & leaper, & in euery ecclesiasticall cause, only after ye rule of gods law. And so are they cōtrary vnto their secōd article, wherin they say: yt in euery catholicke matter we must runne to the pope: which is cō trary to the foolish condemnation of the Articles aforesaid. 10 Consequently, like idiots they doe most fasly alledge for their purpose the Canon, vnder the name and authority of Ierome written 24. q. 1. Haec est fides papa. &c. where they do apply the wordes of Ierome most impertinentlye to the pope of Rome,26. q. 1. H [...] est fides. which he writeth to S. Austen, calling him a most blessed Pope.

11. By the whiche place of Ierome,Austen called Pope. it is manifest that the first article of those doctors is false. Forasmuch as by these [Page] wordes appeareth that other besides the bishop of Rome and his Cardinals, are called blessed Popes, holding the fayth and seat of Peter, and are successours of the Apostles as was Austen and other holy byshops moe.

12. Wherof it followeth moreouer, that ye church of Rome is not that place, where the Lord did appoint ye principall sea of his whole Church. For Christ, which was the head priest of all, did first sit in Ierusalem, and Peter did sit first in Antioch, and afterward in Rome. Also other popes dyd sit some in Bonony, some at Perusium, some at Auinion.

13. Item, the foresayde Prelates are falsifiers of the holy Scriptures and Canons, & therfore are worthy to be punished: Which affirme and say, that we must obey the pope in all thinges. For why it is knowne that many Popes haue erred, and one Pope was also a woman. To whome not onely it was not lawful to geue obediēce,Pope Ioane a [...] woman. but also vnlawfull to communicate with them. As all Rubrices, and infinite Canons do declare.

14. Item, their 6.7.8.9.10.11. Articles doe stand and are grounded vpon vntrue and false persuasions. And therfore are to be reiected and detested like the other before: Seyng they doe induce not to peace and veritye, but to dissention and falsity.

15. It is manifest also to the laitye, that this dissention among the clergy riseth for no other cause, but onely for the preaching of the Gospell, which reprehendeth such Simoniacks. and such hereticks in the church of God, as namely haunt the court of Rome, spreading out theyr braunches abroad into all the world. Who deserue to be remoued & extirpate not onely of the clergy gospellers, but also of the secular power. And so these three vices, to witte, Simonye, Luxurity,Simonie, Luxurie, A [...]ice, three causes of dissention in [...]he clergie. & Auarice (which is Idoll worship) be the causes of all this dissention amonge the Clergye in the kingdome of Boheme, and not the other, which they falsely ascribe to the Gospellers of Prage. These three vices beyng remoued, peace and vnity woulde soone be reformed in the Clergy.

16. Moreouer, their last article is to much grosse, and not onely is without all law, but also wtout all coulour of law: whereas they fondly and childishly doe argue thus: that the processes made agaynst M. Iohn Hus ought to be obeyed, because forsooth the common sort of the Clergye of Prage, hath receiued them: By the same reason they may argue also, that we must obey the deuil, for our first parēts Adam and Eue obeyed him. Also our fore auncetours before vs were Paganes, wherfore we must obey them, and also the Paganes.

17. But let this friuolous opiniō go, this is certain truth, that the said processes made against maister Iohn Hus, by law are none. Forsomuch as they were obteyned, drawne, wrought, and executed contrary to the commission of the Pope, against the determinatiō of the holy mother church, as appeareth Cap. Sacro de Sententia excom. and a thousand other lawes besides.

18. Finally, whosoeuer wittingly & obstinately do defend and execute (the sayd processes made) or consenteth vnto thē, are all to be counted as blasphemers, excommunicate, and heretickes, as hath bene afore written and exhibited to y• Lord generall bishop Olomucense. And more shalbe declared and proued, if audience may be geuen openly before all the Doctors. Ex Aenea Sylui. & Chocleo.

¶ Vnto these obiections of I. Hus & his part, the Catholique Doctors agayn did answer in a long tedious proces: The scope wherof principally tended to defend ye principallity of the Pope, & to mayntayne his obedience aboue all other potentates in ye world: affirming & cōtēding, that although Christ is the head alone of the whole multitude of them that are sleeping in Purgatory, and whiche are labouring in the Church militant, and which are resting in heauen: yet this letteth not, but the Pope is heade of the church here militant, that is, of all the faithfull, which here in this world liue vnder his office. Like as Christ is kyng of all kings, and yet Charles may be the king of Fraunce: So say they,As Charles may be king of Fraunce: So also we graunt, the pope may be Bish. of Italy, and so it is a good consequent. He may so be, if God had so appointed him but where doth he so appoint. Christ may be the vniuersall head, and yet the Pope may be head vnder him of the whole Churche. And thus concluded they that the pope is the head, and that the Colledge of Cardinals is the body of the Romish church, which church of Rome is placed in the ecclesiasticall office here ouer the earth, to know and define vpō euery ecclesiasticall and catholicke matter, to correct errors, and to purge them, and to haue care vpon all such vniuersall matters, & cure vpon all vniuersall churches, and vpon the vniuersal flocke of faythfull christians. Forasmuch as in the regimēt of the church through ye vniuersal world, there must nedes remayne in such office alwayes some suche manifest & true successors of Peter, prince of the Apostles & of the colledge of the other Apostles of Christ: neither can there be found or geuen vpon earth any other successors,Ex Cochleo in h [...]st. Hus [...]t. Catholique that is vniuersal. but only ye Pope which is the head, and the colledge of Cardinals, which is the body of the foresayd church of Rome. And although the whole vniuersall multitude of the faythfull do make ye body of Christ, yet the same body of Christ is not placed here in office to exercise such authority vpon earth. Because that vniuersal multitude was neuer yet, nor euer can be cōgregate together.

And therfore necessary it is,If ye go to humaine policie, who euer [...]awe any priuate case of Englande brought to the Emperours court to be decided. If ye goe to Gods policy, then shew gods word for it. The promise of Christ doctourly applyed. that some such true and manifest successors & iudges be appoynted, to whom recourse must be had, in all such catholick and ecclesiastical matters determinable. For like as in earthly regiments, euery case of discord is brought before his iudge, & hath his place assigned where to be decided: So like reason would requyre, that in principall matters and controuersies of fayth, some such presidents & places be limited for the purpose to haue such doubtes resolued. And this being graunted, then the doctors proceed, & here must needes cōclude (say they) that there cannot be geuen in all the world any other place, but onely the church of Rome: the head wherof is the Pope, & the body is the colledge of Cardinals. For like as Christ departing out of this world in his corporal presēce, le [...]t his body here with vs, vnder the Sacramēt in another forme, whereby he remayneth with vs (according to his promise Mat. vlt.) vnto the consummation of the worlde: Euen so while Christ walked here on earth in his bodily presēce, he was Pope himselfe & chiefe bishop, & so head of the church here militant in earth, corporally cōioyned with the same, as ye head is to his body. But after that he departed out of y• world because his body which is the church militant,O deepe diuinitie of these doctours. vp on the earth, should not be headlesse, therfore he left Peter, & his successors to his church, for an head in his place, vnto the consummation of the world, saying to him: Thou art Peter, & vpon this rocke I will build my church. &c. Mat. 16. And agayne he sayth, feede my sheepe. Ioan. vlt. That is to say, be thou Peter the head ouer thy brethren.

Tedious it were to recite all the bibblebabble of these doctors in this their long responsall.Vide Eneam. Silu [...]. & Cocleum. De Hist. Hussit. lib. 1. Who so lis [...]eth to see ye bottome of their profounde writing & knowledge, may resort either to the history of Siluius, or els to M. Cochleus, in his first booke De hist Hussit.

Thus then M. Iohn Hus being driuen out of Prage (as is afore touched) by the motion of these Doctours, and moreouer being so excōmunicate, that no Masse nor other must be sayd there where he was present. The people begā mightily to grudge and to cry out agaynst the Prelates & other popish priests, which were the workers therof, accusing thē to be Simoniacks, couetous, whoremaisters, adulterers, proud, sparing not to lay opē their vices to their great ignominy and shame. And much crauing a reformation to be had of the clergy.

The king seing the inclination of the people, being also not ignorant of the wickednes of the clergy, vnder pretence to reforme the church, began to require greater exactions vpon such Priestes and men of the Clergy, as were knowne and accused to be wicked liuers. Whereupon they on the other part, that fauored Iohn Hus, taking that occasion present, complayned of all, accused many, and spared none, Whomsoeuer they knew to be of the Catholicke faction, or enemies to Iohn Hus. By reason wherof ye priests of the popish Clergy were brought,The priestes of Boheme desplayed and taxed for their yll life. such as were faultye, into great distresse, and such as were not faulty, into great feare. In so much that they were glad to fall in, at least not to fall out with the Protestantes, being afrayd to displease them. By this meanes maister Hus beganne to take some more liberty vnto him, & to preach in his church at Bethleem, & none to controll him: by the same meanes the people also receiued some comfort, and the king much gayne & mony by the reason.

And thus the popish Clergy, while they went about to persecute Iohn Hus, were in wrapped thēselues in great tribulation, and afflicted on euery side, as wel of lay mē, as of learned men of the clergy. In so much that womē also & children were agaynst thē. And by yt same reasō, wherwith they thought to entangle him, they were ouerthrown thē selues. For the Doctors which before condemned this doctrine in Iohn Hus, for an intollerable heresye, & cried out so much agaynst him, for teaching ye tēporall Lords might take away tēporall liuings frō ye clergy sinning habitualiter that is, lying and continuing still in the custome of iniquity: now when the king and the Lords temporall began to mearse them and berieue them of their tēporalties for their transgressions,The popish doctours and priests ouerthrowen in their owne reason. the sayd Doctors did keepe silence & durst speake neuer a word. Agayne where the foresayd doctors, before could not abide in Iohn Hus, that tithes wer to be coūted for pure almes, now comming to ye Guildhal, were faine to entreat for theyr temporall goodes, not to be taken [Page] from them, pleading the same temporalties to be mere almose and deuotion of good men, geuen vnto the church. Ex Cochleo.

And thus now did they themselues graunt the thing, which before they did condemne. The more that the popes clergy was pinched, the more grudge & hatred redounded to Iohn Hus, although he was in no cause therof, but onely their owne wicked deseruinges, for the which cause Stephen Paletz, Steuen Paletz, Andr. Broda, write against Iohn Hus. and Andraeas de Broda, being the chiefe champions of that faction, though they could not remedy the case, yet to ease theyr mindes, wrote sharpe and cruell letters to Maister Hus. And to helpe the matter forward, the Pope also here must helpe at a pinche, who likewise writeth hys letters to Wenceslaus king of Bohemia, which was brother to Sigismund Emperor, for the suppressing of Iohn Hus & of his doctrine. Which was in the fifth and last yere of his Popedome. an. 1414. The tenour of whose letters to king Wenceslaus in this wise proceedeth.

¶ The letter of Pope Iohn to K. Wenceslaus.

IOhn Bishoppe seruaunt of Gods seruanntes, to his welbeloued sonne in Christ Wenceslaus, The letter of Pope Iohn to K. Wenceslaus. King of Romaines and of Boheme, greeting and apostolicall benediction.

Among other desires and delightes of our hart: who although vnworthy to represent the roome of Christ here in earth: this doth chiefly redounde to our singular comfort fo often as we do heare of the brotherly entreaty of peace and of concord (by which concord kingdoms do encrease, as contrary by discorde they are deminished) which is betweene your honour, and our welbeloued in the Lord Sigismund your brother germane & cosin, for the noble king of the Romans &c. And furthermore it foloweth in these words. And as we haue cause to ioy at the premisses: so likewise agayne the heauy rumors which are here, do trouble and dampe our mindes. For we heare that in diuers places vnder your dominiō, there be certain which do folow and leane to the errors of that archhereticke Wickliffe, whose bookes haue bene long since condemned in the generall Romain councell to bee erroneous, hereticall, and swaruing from the catholicke fayth. And furthermore whiche is worst of all, the sayd persons cleauing to the opinions of the heretickes (least they should be corrected of their superior powers for their exces, to couer theyr naughtines and stubbernesse in despising the commaundements of the Apostolicall seat) do openly teach disobedience and contempt of the keies and ecclesiasticall censure, to the subuersion of the Apostolicall dignity, setting at nought the decrees of the holy fathers & canons. Wherefore we do exhort your

The description of the Popes councell holden at Rome, in which appeared a monstrous Owle, to the vtter defacing of the Pope and all his Clergy.

worship for the mercy of our God, as hartely as we may or cā, that it would please you as we desire & hope you will (so effectuously) to shew forth your regall power, both for the glory of God, & defence of the catholicke fayth (which you go about to defend) and for the conseruation of your kingly name, state and honor, for the prosperous safe gouernement of your kingdome and dominions, as it becommeth a catholicke prince, whereby this blot of heresye (which doth so lamentably and miserablye spring and creepe in those partes and doth so infect the mindes of mortall men, to the destruction of their soules, and doth sequester them from the congregation of the pure and catholick fayth and truth) may be rooted out. &c.

Geuen at Bononia in the Ides of Iune, in the v. yeare of our popedome. &c.

In this epistle of Pope Iohn aboue prefixed, forsomuch as mention is made of a certaine councell before holden at Rome (which was 4. yeares before) agaynst the articles & books of Iohn Wickliffe: it shall not be impertinēt nor out of purpose to repeat a certayn mery history & worthy otherwise to be noted at, written by Nicholas Clemangis o [...] a certayne spirite, which ruled the Popish Councelles, hys worde are these.

The same pope called a Coūcell at Rome about foure yeares before,The story of an Owle appearing at the councell of pope Iohn. Ex Nich. Clemangis. at the earnest sute of diuers men. And a mas of the holy Ghost being sayd at the entraunce into the sayd Councell (according to the accustomed maner) the Councell being set, and the sayde Iohn sitting highest in a chayre prepared for him for that purpose: Behold a ougly & dread full Owle, or as the common prouerbe is, the euill signe of some mischaunce of death to followe, comming out of the backe halfe of him, flew to and fro, with her euill fauoured voyce, and standing vpon the middle beame of the church, cast her staring eyes vpon the Pope sitting, the whole cō pany began to maruell, to see the night Crowe, whiche is wont to abide no light, how she should in ye midday come in the face of such a multitude, & iudged (not without cause) that it was an illfauored token. For beholde sayde they, (whispering one in on others eare) the spirite appereth in the shape of an Owle. And as the stoode beholding one an other, and aduising the pope, scarcely could keep their coū tenaunce from laughter, Iohn himselfe, vppon whom the Owle stedfastly looked, blushing at the matter, beganne to sweate and to fret and fume with himselfe, and not finding by what other meanes he might salue the matter, being so confused dissoluing the Councell, rose vp and departed. After that there followed an other session. In the whiche the Owle again, after the maner aforesayd, although, as I beleue, [Page] not called, was present looking s [...]edfastly vpon the bishop, whom he beholding to become agayne, was more ashamed then he was before (and iustly) saying he could no longer abide the sight of her, & commaūded that she should be driuen away with battes and shottinges: but she being a [...]rayde neither with their noyse, neither of any thing els, would not away, vntill that with the strokes of the sticks, which were throwne at her, she fell downe dead before thē all. This I learned of a faythfull frend, who at the same time came to Rome, the which thing I scarsely crediting for the rarenes of the matter, he affirmed by his othe, that it was most certayn & true: adding moreouer that all there present were much offēded, & did greatly deride that Coū cell called for such a purpose, and by little and litle the Coū cel was dissolued, nothing done ther as he saith. Although it hath not bene alwayes seene that such spirituall Doues haue bene present with Popes and their Councels, & gouerned thē: yet their euill doctrine declareth no lesse. Read gentle reader the booke of Clemangis, and thou shalt not thinke thy labor euill bestowed. For he hath both learnedly, truely, freely, and godly, bewayled the filthines of Antichrist, and his ministers, their wickednes, impiety and cruelty, and the miserable state and face of the Church. &c. And thus much for Pope Iohn.

¶ The Councell of Constance.

HEre by the way is to be noted and vnderstand, that during all this time of Pope Iohn, there were 3. Popes raigning together,The councell of Cō [...]tance. neither was yet the the schisme ceased, which so long time had continued, the space (as I sayde) of 29. yeares. By the reason wherof a generall Councel was ordeined & holden at Constance in the same yeare. an. 1414. being called by Sigismund the Emperor, and Pope Iohn the 23. for the pacifiyng of the foresayd schisme, which was then betweene three Popes, striuing for the Popedome. The first whereof was Iohn, whom the Italians set vp. The second was Gregory,Three popes [...]ether [...]ing for [...]e Pope [...]ome. whom the Frenchmen set vp. The third was Benedict, whom the Spaniardes placed. In this schismaticall ambitious conflict, euery one defended his Pope, to the great disturbans of christian nations. This councell endured foure yeares long, wherin all their matters were decided most by foure natiōs, to say the English, Germaine, French, & Italian nation. Out of which [...]oure nations were apoynted & chosen foure Presidentes to iudge and determine the matters of the Councell. The names of which Presidentes were these, Iohn the Patriarke of Antioche for Fraunce, Anthony Archbishop of Rigen for Italy, Nicholas Archbishoppe of Genesuensis for Germany,The prelats assembled in [...]is councel were numb [...]ed together with their deputies. 1940. Philip and Cheyney. &c. Gregorius in Epis [...]olae [...]a [...]am. and Nicholas Bishop of Bathe for England by whom many great and profitable things to the glory of God, and publike profit, might haue bene concluded, if the rotten flesh of the churchmen could haue bidden the salt of the Gospell, and if they had loued the truth: but as Gregogorius Nazienzenus writeth, there lightly come few generall Councels, but they end more with disturbance, then tranquility. So it happened in this councell, for wheras Iohn the 13. in the first Session exhorteth them by these wordes taken out of the 8. of Zachary. Viritatem diligite, that is to say: Lone the truth, further, monishing them, and specially the Deuines euery man to do his endeuour for the vnitye of the Church, and to speake their minde freely: but howe soone this his exhortation was forgottē, it appeared shortly after by the despising of the Prophetes, and persecuting of Christ in his mēbers, as by the grace of Christ shall appeare hereafter in the processe of this story. First this Iohn did resigne his Papacy, the Emperor geuing him thankes kissed his feet.

Afterward the sayd Iohn repenting him that he had so done, sought meanes to flee, whereunto Fredericke Duke of Austrich did assist him, for he chaunging his garments, fled by night with a small cōpany.Duke Fredericke of Austrich proclamed traytor. And when he was now come vnto Schaffe house to goe into Italy, the Emperour pursuing, tooke him, and proclaymed Fredericke traytour, & for that cause tooke away certayne Cittyes from him. At the last the matter was appeased vnder this cōdition, that Fredericke should require grace of the Emperour, and resigne all his possessions vnto him. Wherupō the Emperor receiued him againe into fauor, & restored him to his dukedome. This pope being thus deposed,Pope Iohn taken and cast i [...] prison. was committed vnto the County Pallatine, and by him caried to the Castle of Manheime, where he was kept prisoner by the space of 3. yeares. Afterward he was agayne by Pope Martine, admitted to the number of Cardinals.Marke the good qualities of pope Iohn.

This Pope Iohn was deposed by the decree of y• coū cell, more then 40. most greuous and haynous crimes being obiected and proued agaynst him: as that he had hyred Marcilus Permensis a Ph [...]sition, to poyson Alexander his predecessour. Further, that he was an heretick, a simoniake, a lyer, an hipocrite, a murderer, an inchaūter, a diceplayer, an adulterer, and a sodomite, & finally what crime is it, that he was not infected withall?

And now to returne vnto the councell, first we wil declare the order of their Sessions, with things therin concluded, in generall: then we will (Christ willing) adioyne the speciall tractation of such matters, as perteyne to the story of the Bohemians, and Iohn Hus, and Hierome of Prage, who in the same vngodlye councell were condemned and burned.

This councell therfore of Constance, which was summoned by the Emperour Sigismund, and Pope Iohn 23. about the natiuity of our Lord Iesus, an. 1414. began the same yeare to be assembled about the latter end of the yere. Which first beginning as the maner is,A writing set vp how the holy Ghost had no leysure to come to the councell of Constance. with a Mas [...]e of the holy Ghost, as they were singing according to their custōe the Himne, Veni sancte spiritus, there was at the same time a certayne Bill set vp in the Church by some well disposed man, as it seemed, wherein was conteyned these wordes folowing: Alijs rebus occupati nunc adesse vobis nō possumus. That is to say. We are otherwise occupyed at this tyme, we can not intend to come to you. Here is also to be remē bred the worthye saying of the Emperour Sigismund, when talke was ministred as touching the reformation of the spiritualtye, and some sayde quod oporteat in cipere a minoritis, that is, that reformation ought first to beginne at the Minorites.The wo [...]thy answere of the Emperour touching the order of reformation. The Emperour aunswering againe: Non a minoritis, sed a maioritis, that is, not with the Minorites sayth he, but with the Maiorites. Meaning the reformation ought first to begin with the Pope, Cardinals, & Byshops and other superior states of the church, and so to discend after to the inferiors. This much by the way, & now to the purpose and order of the Sessions as we promised. The which counsell continued as is aforesayd by the space of iiij. yeares, and had in it 45. Sessions, wherein many things were concluded, the which altogether were to long to be recited in this place: as the deposition of three seueral Popes, whiche were before spoken of, the hearing of certaine Legates. Yet I minde to make some briefe recapitulation of the most principall matters there done in the sessions orderly ensuing.1 1.

In the first Session chiefly was cōcluded,Note by this example, the authoritie of councels preferred before the Pope. first that this Councell was lawfully congregate.

2. Item, that the going away of the pope should be no let or stay, but the Councell might proceed.

¶ Wherein note (gentle Reader) that the authority of the generall Councell is aboue the Pope, contrary to their owne doctrine.2

3. Item, this Councell should not be dissolued before the Church were reformed, as well in the superiours, as inferiours.3

In the 4. Session amongest other thinges, this was first concluded: That a Synode congregate in the holy 4 Ghost, making a generall councel, representing the whole Catholicke Church here militant, hath power of Christ immediately, to the which power euery person, of what state or dignity so euer he be:Anno. 1415. yea being the pope himselfe, ought to be obedient in all such things as concerne the generall reformation of the Church, aswell in the heades, as in the subiectes.

Item, the sayd Pope should not translate the Court of Rome, and the officers of the same from the Citty of Constance. And that all his censures, doinges and workinges after the time of his departure, whatsoeuer he shoulde enterprise to do to the preiudice of this Councell, should be of no effect.5

In the 5. Session the same Articles were repeated and concluded agayne.6

In the 6. Session procuration and citation was sent out agaynst the Pope.Commissioners appointed to heare I. Hus.

Item, commissioners were appointed out of the foure nations for the hearing of Iohn Hus, which shalbe hereafter mentioned in his story folowing.

Item, the memory of Iohn Wickliffe was condemned and the sentence geuen in the Councel holden at Rome vpon the condemnation and burning of Wickliffes bookes, was there confirmed.Citation graū ted against Ierome of Prage.

Item, in the same Session, Citation was sent out agaynst Ierome of Prage. The tenor whereof foloweth after in the story of the sayd Ierome.

Item, in this Session, was decreed agaynst libelles of infamy.7

In the 7. Session nothing was handled, but that the tenour of the citation agaynst Pope Iohn was recited.8

In the 8. Session, the sentence and condemnation of [Page] Iohn Wickliffe, and his 45. Articles was recited, and sentence geuē against his memory & bones to be burned.Sentence geuen for the burning of Wickliffe bones. The tenor wherof is rehearsed in the history of Iohn Wickli [...]fes before passed. fol. 449.

9 In the 9. Session, The matter & cause of Pope Iohn was agayn intreated, and commissioners appoynted to enquire vpon his cause, and iudges for the same.

10 In the 10. Session, Suspension was geuen out & reade agaynst the sayd Pope.

In the 11. and 12. Sessions,11. 12. Notaries were assigned & definitiue sentence geuen agaynst the said Pope, where also was decreed that none of them that contended before for the Papacy, should be chosen Pope.

13 In the 13. Session was decreed, Quod nullus praes biter sub pena excommunicationis comunicet populo sub vtraque specie panis & vini. The people of Christ excommunicated from the communion of the holy cup. This is, that no Priest vnder payne of excommunication shall communicate vnto the people vnder both kindes of bread and wine.

14 In the 14. Session, came in yt resignation of pope Gregory the 12. which was one of the 3. before mentioned, striuing for the Papacy, with certayne other Articles concerning the election of the Bishop of Rome, and the ratification of their resigning, which gaue ouer the Papacy.

15 Then ensueth the 15. Session, in the which silence was commanded on all partes vnder pain of excommunicatiō, and the great curse that no persō or persons high or low of what estate or degree so euer he were,The solemne publishing of the sentence of condemnation against I. Hus. Emperour, Kyng, Cardinall, or other should disturbe the sayd Session wyth any maner of noise, either by hand, foot, or voyce. This being done, the sentence & condemnation against Iohn Hus was read and pulished, whiche after in the story of Iohn Hus, foloweth to be sene more at large.

16 In the 16. Session, Ambassadors were assigned by the Councell to go into Arragon to Benedictus the 13. to entreat with him for the resignation of his Papacy, as the other two had done before.

Item, power was geuen to iudges, to cite vnder pain of depriuation, all such as priuily departed away from the Councell, in the whiche Session also the sentence agaynst Iohn Hus was confirmed and ratified.

17 In the 17. Session, the Emperour tooke vpon him a iourney to the king of Arragon,The Emperours iourney into Arragon. to entreat with pope Benedictus. An excommunication denounced agaynst al such as should go about to empeche the Emperours iourney about that matter. &c.

Item, pray [...]rs and processions were determined to be made by the Councell, euery Sonday for the same cause, with an hundred dayes of pardon geuen to thē that would be present thereat, and that all Prelats should be present at euery of these sayd Masses and processions in theyr Pontificalibus. Graunting besides to euery Priest that sayd one Masse,Pardons were here dogge cheape. for the same a 100. dayes of pardon. And to all other that once a day should say one Pater noster, and one Aue, for the safety of the Emperour xl. dayes of pardon.

18 In the 18. Session, certayne iudges were assigned for the hearing of matters, which the Councell had no leasure to heare.

It was there also decreed that suche letters and Buls as were written in the name of that councell, should be receiued with no lesse credite and authority, then the Bulles proceeding from the Sea Apostolicall, and that the falsifyers of the same should incurre no lesse penalty then the falsifyers of the other. Legates also and Ambassadours were sent into Italy.

19 In the 19. Session which was yt same yeare in the moneth of September, Ierome of Prage who was cited as is before sayd, was accused of heresy & cast in prison by the sayd councell, & constrayned to abiure. The which his abiuration hereafter foloweth to be seene in his history.

Item, it was decreed: Quod non obstantibus saluis cōductibus Imperatoris Regum. &c. possit per iudicem competentem de haeretica prauitate inquiri. &c. That is, notwithstanding ye safe conduct geuen by the Emperour and kinges.Concilium Foee [...]fragum. &c. Inquiry may be made agaynst a man for heresy by a sufficient iudge and processe, to be made according to the law.

The causes of heresies were committed to certain iudges and deputyes.

And hovv chaū ceth it that the charte of Constantines donation is not here mentioned.Item, the Chart called Carolina, and diuers other Chartes and constitutions concerning the libertyes of the Church of Rome, being brought forth were approued and confirmed,

In the 20. Session, letters & instrumentes were made 20 and set vpon Church dores to require and admonish duke Fredericke to restore agayne vnto George Bishop of Austriche,Prouide that the churchmen loose nothing in no case. such landes, rentes, and reuenues as he deteyned & withheld, vnder payne of interditement, suspending and excommunication.

During the time of this Session, the Ambassadors returned out of Arragon from the Pope Benedict and were heard with great audience, whereas certayne Articles and conditions betwene the Pope & the councell were brought forth and agreed vpon to the number of 12.

In the yeare of our Lord 1416. was the 21. Session beginning 21 after theyr maner with a Masse of the holy ghost with processions and such other rites, in the time of which Masse,Ann. 1416. Iames Bishop of Londy made a Sermon, taking for his Theame these wordes. Ex probrauit Deus incredulitatem eorum & duritiam: That is, the Lord rebuked theyr misbeliefe and hardnes. &c. This sermon being ended, Ierome of Prage which had abiured,Ierome o [...] Prage replied agaynst the sermon of the Byshop of L [...] dy. as is sayd the yeare before, being present thereat, stoode vp vpon a certayne bench or fourme. Replying agaynst the foresayd Iames and hys Sermon, alleadging and preaching diuers and sundrye thinges, whereupon the Patriarch of Constantinople, one of the commissioners proceeded agaynst him, pronouncing the sentence definitiue, which he had in writing agaynst the sayd Ierome, which sentence being red and approued by the councell (the tenor whereof insueth in his historye) the sayd Ierome was deliuered vnto the secular power, & burned.

The 22. and 23. Sessions contayne no worthy matter, but22. 23, onely the placing of the Ambassadours of Alphansus K. of Arragon, & graunting them voyces in the Councell.

In the 24. Session, citatiō was geuen out agaynst Benedict,24 keeping with Alphonsus, king of Arragon.

The 25.25 Session conteineth nothing but a certayne Comendam geuen to the Church of Olemucensis.25.

The 26. Sessiō,26. there was nothing els handled, but the vniting and incorporating of the Ambassadors of the king of Nauarre into the Councell, and also concerning the derogation of the priority of voyces.

After this folowed the 27. and 28. sessions,27. [...]. which were in the yeare 1417. Wherein was intreated the relation and declaratiō,Anno. 1417. concerning the cause betwixt Duke Frederick, and the bishop of Trident, and processe geuen out agaynst the sayd Duke, accusing him of sacriledge, and also excommunicating him, for not obeying the admonitiō of the coū cell concerning the vsurpation and deteyning of the city of Tridēt and other possessions from Bishop George, as is afore specified.

In the 29. and 30. Sessions,29. 30. Proctors and Notaryes were geuen out in the cause agaynst Pope Benedict, and order decreed vpon his obstinacye, wherein also the withdrawing of the king of Arragon from the same Pope, was recited and approued by the Councell.

In the 31. Session, certayne instrumentes, and speciall 31 letters monitory were directed from the Councell to a certaine Earle of Italy named Comes virtutum, for laying violent handes vpon Albert, Bishop of Asce, and for bringing him to prison, requiring the sayd Earle vnder paine of interdiction, and excommunication to set the sayd Byshop at liberty. Also an other decree was set forth for the restoring agayne the liberties of the Church of Baron.

In the 32. and 33. Sessions,32. 33. the accusation of pope Benedict was renued,Pope Benedict accused. and his obstinacy accused, and witnes brought in, at which thing doing, the Emperour Sigismund was present.

In the 34. Session, the cause of the foresayd Pope was 34 heard, and processe geuen out agaynst him.

In the 35. Session,35. the Ambassadours of the king of Castle were brought in, and vnited to the Councel, and instrumentes thereof made and read. Also that notwithstanding the othes made to the foresayd Pope, mē might lawfully forsake his obedience.

In the 36. Session, a certayne citation was made and 36 read against the Pope,The Pope curseth the councell. conteining his depriuation and the sentence agaynst him, & instruments made vpon the same. And whereas this Pope had thundred out his curses, depriuations and excommunicatiōs agaynst them: The sayd Sinode did adnihilate all his doinges.

The 37. Session did renue agayne the accusation of the 37 foresaid pope, and the sentence definitiue agaynst him was published.

In the 38. Sessiō certaine decrees were made touching 38 the adnihilating of the penalties of the Ambassadours of king Henry sonne of Alphonsus king of Arragon.38. Also an other decree was made touching the reuocatiō of ye voyces graunted to the Ambassadors of the king of Arragon.

Thus Pope Benedict being deposed and excommunicated 39 as is aforesayd,39. in the next Sessions following, they addressed themselues to the election of a new Pope, beginning first in the Session to geue out decrees concerning generall Councels, & prouision, for the auoyding of suche like schismes hereafter.Decrees for generall counsels. Decreeing euery x. yeare to haue a [Page] generall Councell, after the two Councels that should folow immediatly after this, of the which the one should be kept within fiue yeares, then next folowing, and the second within seauen yeares after that.

Item, in the same Session was drawen out a forme touching such thing as the Pope should professe and bind himselfe, to obserue at time of his election, of the which forme the order and tenour is this.

I N. elected for Pope, professe with hart and mouth vnto almighty God,The profession which the pope is bound to. whose Church I take vpon me to gouerne, by his helpe, and to blessed S. Peter the Prince of the Apostles, so long as I shall endure in this fraile and brittle life, firmely to beleeue and hold the holy Catholick faith after the traditions of the Apostles, of generall Councels, and of other holy fathers, and namely of the eight generall Councels. Nicene the first, the second of Constantinople, Ephesine the third, Calcedone ye fourth, the fift and sixe of them in Constantinople, the seauenth of Nice, the eight of Constantinople. And also of the generall Councels of Laterane, Lyons, and Uienne, willing to obserue the same faith vnuiolate euen to the vttermost, and to preach and defend the same, euen to the spending of my life and bloud, and also by all meanes possible to prosecute and obserue the rite of the Sacraments canonically deliuered to the Catholike Church. And this my profession and confession by my commandement, being written out by the Notary of the Arches of the holy Church of Rome, I haue subscribed with mine owne hand, and sincerely with a pure mind and deuout conscience, I offer it vnto thee almighty God vpon such an aulter, &c. In the presence of such witnes. &c. Yeuen. &c.

It was also decided in this Session, that no Prelates should be translated against their wils.

The third of the same moneth, and the same yeare followed the 40 40. Session,40. wherein certaine decrees were constitute and read, as touching reformatiōs to be made thorough the whole church by the Pope, that next should be, with the Councell, before this Synode should breake vp.

Item, that they should so proceed to the election of the Byshop of Rome, notwithstanding the absence of those Cardinals which were wyth Pope Benedict in Spaine. This done, the order and maner was decreed for the election of the Pope.

After these things thus decreed, in the next Session, which was fourty one, the constitution of Clement the 41 sixt was read, concerning the order and diet of the Cardinals being in the Conclaue about ye chusing of the Pope, and vpon the same othes were ministred vnto the Cardinals and other Electours, binding them to obserue and keepe all such things as they should be bound to, during the time of the election.

First, that they should enter into the Conclaue within ten daies after the fourty Session,The order & [...]aner of the Conclaue in chusing the Pope. which was this present day after sunne set.

Secondly, that euery Cardinall should haue but two seruitours attending vpon him at the most, either of the Laity or Cleargie, as they would themselues.

Thirdly, that they should remaine together in the sayd Cōclaue, without any wal betwixt thē, or any other couer, saue only bare Curtains, if any were disposed to sleepe.

Fourthly, that the Conclaue should so be shut vp, and the entry to the priuie chamber to be kept so straightly, that none of them should come in or out, nor any to haue recourse vnto them to talke with them priuely or apertly, nor they to admit any man to come to them, except by the consent of them all, certaine should be called about matters concerning the election.

Fiftly, that no man should send to them either messenger or writings.

Sixtly, that a competent windowe should be assigned vnto them to receiue in their victuals, but that no person might come in thereat.

Seuenthly, that no day after their first ingresse into the Conclaue, beside bread, wine and water, they should haue any more dishes but one of one onely kinde, either of flesh or fish, egges, pottage, made of fish or flesh, not after the deintiest sort, besides salades, cheese, frute, and conserues, whereof there shall be no principall messe made but for sauce and taste.

Eightly, that not one should be compelled to go into the Conclaue: But if they did all refuse to go in, then they should be compelled thereunto.

Ninthly, that such as would go out, might, but if they would all go out before ye Pope were elect, they should be compelled to go in againe, except such whome infirmitie did excuse, but without the excuse of infirmitie, if anye went out, he should no more be admitted, except they went all out together.

Tenthly, that such as went out by reason of infirmitie, for to be absent, and returne before the election be determined: may be admitted againe into the Conclaue in the same state wherein they shall finde the election to stand.

Further and besides the keepers of the Cōclaue, should also be sworne to see all these premises obserued and kept without fraude or guile, and that they should not streighten the Cardinals and other Electours aboue the order here taken.

And if the King be there himselfe sitting in his throne of estate, he should receiue the same othe of the Cardinale.

Upon this such as should be electours beside the Cardinals, were chosen.

Furthermore,These were wise Cardinals, they vvould not goe into the Conclaue, but they would be sure to haue their goods safe vnspoyled. for as much as the goods and substance of such as were elect, were accustomed to be geuen & granted vnto such as could catch them: whereupon vnder the pretence of the same, many did inuade the goods of the Cardinals, and others which were in the Conclaue, falsely faining them to be elected which were not to be elected. To stop the greedy rauening of such, a decree also was published in the same Session.

These things thus prepared and set in order, the Patriarch of Constantinople, with the Cardinals and other Archbishops, Bishops, Abbots, Priours, Deanes, Archdeacons, Doctours, with other electours entring into the Conclaue vpō Monday, on Thursday after they had hatched out a Pope, being S. Martins euen, wherupon they named him Martin: This Martin thus being elected, was straight foorth brought in by the Emperour and the Councel, into the Church of Constance, and there inthronised for Pope,Pope Martine hatched. The Emperour leadeth the Popes horse by the bridle, on the right hand. The prince electour leadeth the popes horse on the left hand. not without great solemnitie & triumph. The xxi. day of the said moneth, this foresaid Martin according to their accustomed pompe was honourably brought in to bee crowned with sumptuous procession from the high Church of Constance vnto the Monasterie of S. Austen. The Emperour on foote, leading his horse by the bridle on the right hand: And the Marques of Bradenburge Prince Electour, likewise leading his horse on the left hand, the Pope himselfe riding in the middest vppon his palfrey.

And thus being brought into the Monastery aforesaid, and so reduced round about againe from thence to the high Church of Constance, was there crowned with all magnificence.

Notwithstanding all this, yet all the trifling and fond vanitie of this Councell more great then wise, did not end thus, for in the next Session which was the xlii. came out 42 a decree in the name of the Pope and the Councell, discharging the bound of the Emperour and the County Palatine, touching the safe custody of Pope Iohn, who was by bond committed vnto them to be kept in safetie.

In the xliii. Session, certaine other decrees and statutes 43 were made by Pope Martin in the said Synod.Apparell of the clergie. Annullating and reproouing all the actes and procedings of the other Popes before during the time of the schisme from the time of Gregory the xi. As in matters concerning exemptions, vnions, fruites and profites of the Church, benefices, simonie, dispensations, tithes and other burdens of the Church. Also concerning the apparell of the Cleargy and such other things.

In the xliiij. Session, the sage fathers of this Councell 44 were occupied about the determining in what place the next Councell should be kept in, the xlv. Session brake vp and dissolued this Synode.

Now to finish our tedious rehearsall of this Synode. 45 The Cardinall Umbald by the cōmandement of the Pope and the Councell, with a high and loud voice pronounced these words Domini ite in pace, which is, Lords depart in peace, whereunto the standers by answered, Amen.

Thus the councell being dissolued, Frier Iohn Bishop of Catthan by the consent and commandement of the Pope and the Councell, went vp into the Pulpit to make a Sermon, taking for his theame: Vos autem tristitiam habetis: iterum autem videbo vos, & gaudebit cor vestrū. You are now in sadnes: I will see you againe, and then your harts shall reioice. The which collation being ended, an other Cardinall named Anthony, was sent vp by the Pope and the Councell,Smell here reader. this made well for the popes purse, with this proclamation, first to dismisse the Synode, and to geue euery man leaue to depart home. Also to declare the Popes indulgence vnto them, who by the authoritie of God almighty, had granted to them all and euery one pre [...]ent at that Councell, full absolution once in their life, so that euery one within two moneths after the hearing of this indulgence, should procure the same in forme of writing. Also another indulgence was graunted in like maner of plenary remission at the hour of death, [Page] and that was vnderstand as well of the houshold, as of the maisters themselues. But vnder this condition, that from the time of notification of the same, they should fast by the space of one whole yeare euery Friday, for the absolution in their life time. And for the absolution at the houre of death, to fast the same Friday another yeare, except they had some lawfull impediment to the contrary, so that after the second yeare,Ex paralipomeno Albatis [...]rsp. they should fast vnto their liues end, or else to do some other good worke. The which beeing in this maner proclaimed, the Synode brake vp, and euery man departed home.

The number of prelates in the counsell of Constance.The number of the foriners resorting to this Counsell both spirituall and temporall, was 60500. whereof, the number of Archbishops and Bishops was 346.

Abbots and Doctours 564.

Secular men

Princes.

Dukes.

Earles.

Knightes.

Esquiers.

16000.

Besides common women, belonging to the same Councell 450.Common vvomen in the councell of Cōstance. 60500. straūgers at the counsell of Constance.

Barbers 600. Minstrels, Cookes, and Iesters 320.

So that the whole multitude which were vewed to be in the Towne of Constance betweene Easter and Whitsontide, were numbred to be 60500. strangers and forreners at that Councell.

Here is to be noted that in this Councell of Constance, nothing was decreed or enacted worthy of memorie,The generall councell aboue the pope. but this only, that the Popes authoritie is vnder the Councell, and that the Councell ought to iudge the Pope.

Communion in both kindes denyed by this con̄ cell.And as touching the Communion in both kindes, although the Councell did not denie, but that it was vsed by Christ and his Apostles, yet notwithstanding by the same Councell it was decreed to the contrary.

Hetherto wee haue comprehended the order and discourse of this Councell, with the actes and Sessions concerning the same: which Councell although it was principally thought to be assembled, for quieting of the schisme betweene the three Popes: yet notwithstanding, a great part thereof was for the cause of the Bohemians, and especially for Iohn Hus: As appeared by their preparation before the Councell. For before the Councell began, the Emperour Sigismund aforesaid, sent certain Gentlemen Bohemians, which were of his owne houshold, giuing them in charge to bring Iohn Hus Bacheler of Diuinitie, vnto the saide Councell, and that vnder his safe conduict, the meaning and intent thereof was, that Iohn Hus should purge and cleare himselfe of the blame which they had laid against him: and for the more better assurance, the Emperour did not only promise him safe conduict that he might come freely vnto Constance: but also to returne againe into Boheme without fraud or interruption, he promised also to receiue him vnder his protection and vnder sauegard of the whole Empire. For the same onely cause the Emperour sent him afterwards the said safeconduicts double written, both in Latine and Almaine, the forme whereof doth heereafter ensue.

¶ Sigismund by the grace of God King of the Romaines, of Hungary and Denmarke, Croatia, &c. To all Princes as well Ecclesiasticall as Seculer, Dukes, Marquesses, and Earles, Barrons, Captaynes,The safe cōduct geuen to maister Iohn Hus.Borovvmaisters, Iudges, and Gouernours, officers of townes, burgages and villages, and vnto all rulers of the comminalty, and generally to all the subiects of our Empire, to whome these letters shall come, grace and all goodnes.

Wee charge and commaund you all, that you haue respect vnto Iohn Hus, the which is departed out of Boheme, to come vnto the generall Councell, the which shall be celebrate and holden very shortly at the towne of Constance. The which Iohn Hus we haue receiued vnder our protection and safegard of the whole Empire, desiring you that you will chearefully receyue hym when he shall come towards you, and that you intreat and handle hym gently, shewing hym fauour and good will, and shew hym pleasure in all thyngs, as touchyng the forwardnes, ease, and assurance of hys iourney, as well by land as by water.

Moreouer, we will that he and all his company with hys carriage and necessaries, shall passe throughout all places, passages, portes, bridges, lands, gouernances, Lordships, liberties, cities, townes, bourgages, castels and villages, and all other your dominions, wythout payeng of anye manner of imposition or dane money, peage, tribute, or anye other manner of tolle whatsoeuer it be: we will also that you suffer hym to passe, rest, tarie, and to soiourne at libertie, without dooing vnto hym anye maner of impeachment, or vexation, or trouble, and that if neede shall so require, you do prouide a faythfull company to conduct hym withall, for the honour and reuerence which you owe vnto our imperiall maiesty. Yeuen at Spire the xviij. of October, in the yeare of our Lord GOD 1414.

¶ By this it may appeare that this safe conduct was graunted not in the time of the Councell by the Bishops, but before the Councell by the Emperour: who was or ought to be the principall ordeiner and directer of the Councell vnder God. Now whether the Bishops in breaking and adnulling this promise of the Emperour, against the Emperours mind,Ala. Caput. pag. 929. because the discussion therof belongeth Ad materiam iuris, non facti, being a matter rather or lawe then of story, I will differ to reason this case with maister Cope, to such time, as may be more conuenient to the full tractation thereof.

Notwithstanding,Aunswer to Ala. Cop [...]. briefly to touch and passe, let vs consider part of the reasons of the saide Cope, how friuolous and false they be, and easie to be refelled. What (saith he) if he preached by the way comming vp? First that is false, vide infra page. What (saith he) if he stood obstinate in his heresie▪ What if he sought to escape away after hys comming vp? To this the Lords of Boheme doo aunswere, that his safeconduct was broken, and he imprisoned, not onely before he attempted to escape, or before hee was condemned for an hereticke, but also before he was heard of the Councell what he was. Vide infr. page. Further, where Cope sayth that the generall Councell was aboue the Emperour, and hath power in case of heresie to breake publique leagues and graunts: to that I say, that this safeconduct stood not only vpon the Emperour, but also vpon the consent of the Pope himselfe, vide infr. page. And admit that to be true, that the councell had power to make this decree, to breake promise wyth hereticks: yet this can not be denied, but that Iohn Hus was condemned and iudged before that decree in the xix. Session was made. Finally, when Cope hath prooued by what scripture the councels haue power to defeat the authoritie of their Emperours in such secular causes touching safeconductes, and outward safetie: then will I answere him more fully heerein. But to the purpose againe of the story.

Iohn Hus seeing so many faire promises,Iohn Hus taketh the Emperours safe cōduct. and the assurance which the Emperour had geuen vnto him, sent answere vnto the Emperour that he would come vnto the Councell: But before hee departed out of the Realme of Boheme, and specially out of the towne of Prage, he did write certaine billes long inough afore, as well in Latine as in the Bohemian language, and Almaine, and caused them to be set and fastened vpon the gates of the Cathedrall Churches and parish Churches, Cloysters and Abbayes, signifieng vnto them all, that he would go to the generall Councell at Constance, wherof if any man haue any suspition of his doctrine, that he should declare it before the Lord Conrade, or Bishop of Prage, or if he had rather, at the generall Councell, for there he would render and giue vp vnto euery one, and before them all, an accompt and reason of his fayth. The example of his letters and intimations set vp were these, the copie where of here followeth.

¶ The Letters of Iohn Hus, set vp in common places of the Citie of Prage.

MAister Iohn Hus,Letters of Iohn Hus set vp. Bacheler of Diuinitie, will appeare before the most reuerend father the Lord Conrade, Archbyshop of Prage, and Legate of the Apostolicke seate in the next conuocation of all the Prelates and Cleargy of the kyngdome of Boheme, being ready alwayes to satisfie all men which shall require him to giue a reason of hys fayth and hope that he holdeth. And to heare and see all such as will lay vnto his charge either any stubburnes of errour or heresie, that they should write in their names there, as is required both by Gods law and mans. And if so be that they could not lawfully prooue any stubbornes of errour or heresie against him, that then they should suffer the like punishmentes that he should haue had, vnto whome altogether he will aunswer at the next generall Councell at Constance, before the Archbyshop and the Prelates, and according to the decrees and Canons of the holy Fathers, shew foorth his innocencie in the name of Christ.

Dated the Sonday next after the feast of Sainct Bartholomew.

¶ The Intimations folowing, were drawne out of the Bohemian tongue.

I Maister Iohn Husnerz,An other intimation of I. Hus set vp for his going to Cōstance. do signifie vnto all men, that I am ready to come and stand before the face of my Lorde the Archbishop, and to aunswere to all things whereof I am falsely accused in the next conuocation of Bachelers, [Page] and chefly to this point, that in many places they doo report me an hereticke, not hauing respect vnto iustice or to law, neither yet to my merits or deserts. Therefore since that you which do neuer cease to selaunder and backebite me with your words, doo vnderstand and knowe these things, come foorth openly before the face and presence of the Lord Archbyshop, and with an open mouth, declare and shew foorth what false doctrine or other things you haue heard me teach contrary to Catholicke fayth, and if that I shall be found faultie in neuer so small a matter, contrary or against the faith of Christ, or in any false doctrine, and that I do choose that or other things contrary to the faith of Christ,The offer of I. Hus to his enemies. then I will hold my peace, and suffer punishment as an hereticke. And if there be no man that will resist against me, or accuse me in this point, once againe I say vnto you, that I am ready to appeare at Constance in the famous congregation, to the end that I may stand in the company of the Diuines, euen before the face of the Pope. Therefore whosoeuer knoweth any false doctrine contrary to the faith of Christ in me, let him come thether and shew it forth boldly, if he haue any thing to lay against me, and for my part I will not be slacke, if I may vnderstand or knowe it, to answere as well to small as great, as touching the truth which I haue receiued of God, and desire to be defended. All you good men therefore which loue the truth, say now whether by these my words I do thinke or go about any thing, either contrary to the law of God or man. If I be not admitted then to be heard, be it knowne and manfest vnto all men, that it hapneth not thorough my fault the same day.

This Epistle which followeth, was set vpon the gates of the Kings Palace, translated into Latin, out of the Bohemian tongue.

A writing a [...] Hus at the kinges [...]aes. VNto the Kings maiestie, the Queene, and to all such as are of his Councell, and to all other Rulers and Magistrates, which now are in the Kings Court, I Iohn Hus, doo signifie and publish; that I haue vnderstand, not by any vayne rumor or tale, that there be letters brought from the Pope to the Kings Maiestie, the contents whereof, is this: That the Kyngs Maiestie shoulde bring to passe, that the heretickes which were now lately sprong vp in hys kyngdome and dominions, should not take any firme or strong roote. For so much as without any desert, as I trust by Gods grace, the fame or noise is sproong and blowne abroade: it shall bee our part to foresee and take heed, that neyther the Kyngs Maiestie, neyther the noble Kyngdome of Boheme, should bee driuen to beare or suffer anye reproche on slaunder for mee. Wherefore now of late I haue sent my letters too and fro, whych I haue with great labour and diligence, caused to be openly set vp, to thys intent, that I myght thereby cause the Archbyshop to be carefull and diligent about the matter, signifyeng openly, that if there were any man in all Boheme, which did knowe mee to be a follower of anye false or corrupt doctrine, that he should professe hys name in the Archbyshop hys Court, and there to shew foorth and declare what he thought. And for asmuch as there would none be found or come foorth, which would accuse me, the Archbyshop commaunded me and my procurers to depart in peace. Wherefore I require and desire the Kings Maiestie, which is the defender of the truth, also the Queene and theyr Counsellers, and all other Rulers and Magistrates, that they woud geue me a faithfull testimoniall of this matter. For somuch as I haue oftentimes willed and attempted this, and no man hath eyther accused mee or troubled mee. I doo it moreouer to bee knowne vnto all Boheme, and to all nations, that I wil bee present euen at the first time before the Councell of Constance, in the most famous place, in the presence of the Pope, the Pope beeyng president. And finally, in the presence of all others which will come to that most famous place, and that whosoeuer hath any suspition of me, that I haue eyther taught or defended anye thyng contrarye vnto the fayth of Christ, let hym come thether also, let hym declare there before or in the presence of the Pope, and all the Doctors of Diuinitie, what erroneous or false doctrine I haue at any tyme followed or holden. More, if hee shall conuince me of any errour, or prooue that I haue taught anye thing contrarie vnto the Christian fayth, I will not refuse to suffer whatsoeuer punishment shall be due for an hereticke. But I hope and trust euen from the bottome of my hart, that God wyll not geue the victory to vnfaithfull and vnbeleeuing men, the which do willingly kicke and spurne against the truth.

The same time Iohn Hus sente his procurers to the Lorde Byshop of Nazareth, ordeyned by the Apostolicke Sea Inquisitour of heresie of the Citie and Dioces of Prage, requiring hym, that if he had found any errour in him, he would declare it openly. But the sayd Bishop before the sayd procurour, and the publike Notary, wyth many other credible witnesses aunswered, that he had often talked with Iohn Hus, and that he neuer knew anye thing in him, but as becommeth a godly and faithful man, and this his testimonie of Iohn Hus, he approoued by his letters, the copie whereof is heere vnder written.

The Byshop of Nazareth hys testimoniall.

WE Nicholas by the grace of God Byshop of Nazareth,The testimony of the good [...]ish. of Nazareth. and Inquisitor, specially deputed by the Apostolicke seate for heresies both of the Citie and Dioces of Prage, by these presents we do it to be knowne vnto all men, that wee in times past haue often communed and talked with that honorable man, mayster Iohn Hus, Bacheler of Diuinitie, of the famous vniuersitie of Prage, and haue had diuers and sondry conferences with hym, both of the Scriptures and diuers other matters, and in all hys sayings, doyngs, and behauiour, we haue prooued and found him to be a faithfull and a Catholicke man, finding no maner of euill, sinister, or by any meanes, erroneous doings in him vnto thys present.The Bish. of Nazareth witnesseth with Iohn hus. We doo witnesse and protest moreouer, how the sayd Iohn Hus, of late, in the Cathedrall Church of Prage, and in other both Collegiate and Parish Churches, and in the Colledges of the Vniuersitie of Prage, and in the gates and porches of the most noble Prince and Lord, the Lord Wenceslaus King of Romaines and of Boheme. Also in the gates of the reuerend father the Lord Conrade Archbyshop of Prage, Legate of the Apostolicke Sea, and Chauncelour of the Vniuersitie of Prage, and of other Princes and Barons, then being in the Citie of Prage, hath set vp his letters written both in Latine, and in the Bohemian tongue, containing sententially in effect, how the foresayd Mayster Iohn Hus, would appeare before the reuerend father the Lord Conrade, the foresayd Archbyshop of Prage, and all the Prelates and Cleargy of the kingdome of Boheme, that shall bee congregated and called together by the sayd Archbyshop, at the day appoynted in the sayd Citie of Prage, readie alwayes to satisfie euery man that shall desire and require him to shew a reason of his fayth and hope that he holdeth, and to see and heare all and euery one which could prooue any obstinacie of errour or heresie, lawfully against him, vnder the payne to receyue the like punishment: vnto whome altogether he would by Gods helpe, aunswere in the Councell of Constance, which was now at hand, before the sayd Lord Archbyshop and vs, with all other Prelates, and there in Christes name, according to the decrees and Canons of the holy Fathers, to declare and shew foorth his innocencie. After the which letters as is aforesayd by the sayd maister Iohn Hus openly set vp, there did no man appeare before vs, the which would accuse the sayd Maister Iohn Hus, of any errour, eyther of any heresie. For the euident witnesse of all whyche things, we haue commaunded these present letters to be made, and confirmed the same with the setting too of our seale.

Dated in Prage xxx of August, an. M. iiij. C. xiiij.

Vpon which matter also, a publicke instrument was drawne, testified with the hand and seale of the publicke Notary, named Michel Pruthatietz. The copie of whych instrument heere vnder followeth.

¶ An Instrument of Recognition, or protestation of the Lord inquisitor of Heresies.

IN the name of God, Amen. In the yeare of hys natiuitie 1414. the thirtith of August, in the fift yeare of the Byshoprike of the most holy Father in Christ Iohn by the grace of GOD Pope, the three and twentith of that name, in the vppermost parlor of the house of the famous man the Lord Peter of Zwogsta, called Znirglits, maister of the mynte, of the most famous Prince and Lord, the Lord Wenceslaus, Kyng of Romaines and of Boheme, in the greater Citie of Prage, about the Abbey of Sainct Iames the Apostle, in the presence of me the publique Notary heere vnder written, and certayne witnesses heere within written, specially called for that purpose. There was personally present Mayster Iohn Iessenitz, mayster of Art, procuror in the name of the honourable man, Mayster Iohn Hus, Bacheler, formed in Diuinitie of the Vniuersitie of Prage. He most humblie and earnestly requyred the reuerende father in Christ and Lord, Nicholas Byshop of Nazareth, Inquisitour of Heresies for the Citie and diocese of Prage, specially appoynted by the Apostolike Sea, beeing there also present, sayeng: Reuerend father, doe you knowe any error or heresie in Mayster Iohn Husnetz, otherwise called Hus. The which sayd Lord Nicholas, not compelled or constrained but of his owne will and accord, freely and openly did there recognise, sayeng these or the like words in the Bohemian tongue.

I haue often and many times bene conuersant with Mayster Iohn Hus, and haue eaten and dronke with him: also I haue bene [Page] often present at his Sermons, and diuers of his collations which he hath made vpon diuers places of the scripture, and I neuer found or perceiued in him any errour or heresie, but in all his words and deedes I haue found him alwaies a true and a Catholike man, neither haue I found any thing that doth sauour of any errour or heresie.

Againe, the said maister Iohn his procurer, in the behalfe as aboue, required and asked the said Lord Nicholas Byshop and inquisitour, whether any man haue accused the said maister Iohn Hus of any heresie before him, being inquisitour for heresie, and hath conuicted him of heresie. He aunswered, that since the time he knew Iohn Hus, and that he was made inquisitour for heresie in the Citie and diocese of Prage (as is afore saide) neuer anie man accused, either conuinced the said maister Iohn Hus of any heresie before him vnto this present time. Adding moreouer, that he the said maister Iohn Hus did openly set vp his letters patents this present yeare afore said, in the said moneth of August, vpon the porches of the Cathedrall Church of Prage, and other Collegiate and parish Churches of the Citie of Prage, and vpon the gates of our saide Lord, our Lord the King, and the Archbyshop of Prage, conteining in them this effect, how that he would appeare before Conrade Archbishop of Prage, and all the Prelates and Cleargy of the kingdome of Boheme, which should be congregated and called together at a certaine day of the moneth aforesaid, ready alwaies to satisfie all men as touching the faith and hope which he helde, and to see and heare all and singuler that woulde laye anye obstinacie of error or heresie vnto him, that they should determine themselues there, to suffer the like punishment, according to the extremitie both of Gods lawe and mans lawe, vnto whome altogether he would answere in his owne right before the saide Archbishop of Prage, and the sayd Lord Nicholas, Bishop and inquisitour aforesaide, and the Prelates, euen in the next generall Councell of Constance, and there according vnto the Canons and decrees of the holy Fathers, declare and shewe foorth his vprightnes and innocencie, vpon all and singuler, which proceedings, maister Iohn de Iesenitz procurer, and in the procurours name or behalfe as afore, required and desired, that he might haue one or many publique instruments made vnto him by me the publique Notary heere vnder written. These things were done the yeare, indiction, day, monthe, houre, place, and byshopricke, as is afore saide, in the presence of these noble and famous men, the Lords William de Zwirgelitz, Baron of the Kingdome of Boheme, Peter his sonne, the Lord Hlawaczion de Renow, likewise Barron, Wenceslaus de Lunarx, Vnssone de Miekoniz, Burgraue of the Castell of Liechetenburg, Cztiborius de Bodanetz Esquier, and William de Dupore Knight of the saide diocese of Prage, with manye other woorthy and credible witnesses, which were specially desired and required vnto the premisses. And I Michaell, sometimes the sonne of Nicholas de Prachatitz, of the diocese of Prage, and by the Imperiall authoritie, publique Notary, was present, with the witnesses afore named, at the affaires afore said, at the request, demaund, aunswere, and petition, and all and singuler the dooings within written, and did see and heare all these things to be done in foresayd maner and fourme. But being busied with other matters, I haue caused this to be faithfully drawne and written, and subscribing the same with mine owne hand, haue published and reduced it into this forme, and haue signed it with my seale and name, accustomed being called and required to beare witnes of all and singuler the premisses.

After this, as all the Barons of Boheme were assembled in the Abbay of Sainct Iames, about the affayres of the Realme, where as the Archbyshop of Prage was also present: There the sayde Iohn Hus presented supplications: by the whiche he most humbly desired the Barons, that they woulde shewe hym thys fauour towards the sayde Archbyshop, that if the sayd Archbyshop did suspect him of any errour or heresie, that he woulde declare it openly, and that he was ready to endure and suffer correction for the same at hys hands. And if that he had founde or perceiued no such thing in hym, that hee would then gyue hym a testimoniall thereof, through the which he being as it were armed, he might the more freely go vnto Constance. The sayde Archbishop confessed openly before all the assembly of Barons,Conrade the Archb. cleareth Iohn Hus. that he knew not that the sayd Iohn Hus was culpable or faulty in anye crime or offence, and thys was hys onely counsell, that the sayd Iohn Hus should purge himselfe of the excommunication he had incurred: this report, which the Archbishop had giuen of Iohn Hus, doth appeare by the letters which the Barons of Boheme sent vnto the Emperour Sigismund by the said Hus in the towne of Constance.

Finally, all the Prelates and Cleargie assembled together in the Towne of Prage, in the Archbishop hys Court, where as appeared personally the worshipfull maister Iohn Iesenitz, Doctour of decretals and procurer, in the name and behalfe of the honourable man maister Iohn Hus, requiring that either the sayde mayster Iohn Hus,Iohn Hus requireth to geue testimony of his faith and could not be admitted. or that hee in the name and behalfe of hym, might bee suffered to come into the sayde Archbishops Court, to the presence of the Archbishop, and the Prelates which were there congregated together, for so much as maister Iohn Hus is readye to satisfie all men which shall require hym to shew any reason of his faith or hope, which he holdeth, and to see and heare all and singular, whych were there gathered together, that is to saye, the Lord Archbyshop and Prelates, or any of them, whych would lay any maner of obstinacie, or errour, or heresie vnto hym, that they should there write in their names, and according both vnto Gods lawe and mans, and the Canon law, prepare themselues to suffer lyke punishment, if they could not lawfully prooue any obstinacie of errour or heresie against him: vnto whome altogether he would, by Gods helpe, aunswere before the sayd Archbyshop and the Prelates in the next generall Councell holden at Constance, and stand vnto the law, and according to the Canons and Decretals of the holy Fathers, shewe foorth and declare hys innocencie in the name of Christ: Vnto the which maister Iohn of Iessenetz Doctour, one called Ulricus Swabe of Swabenitz, Marshall of the sayde Archbyshop, comming foorth of the sayd Court, did vtterly deny vnto the sayd maister Doctour and his partie all manner of ingresse and entrance into the Court, and to the presence of the Archbishop aforesayd, and of the Prelates there gathered together. Pretending that the Archbyshop, with the Prelates aforesayd, were occupied about the Kings affaires, requiring the sayde maister Doctour, that hee woulde tary in some place without the sayd Court, that when the Archbyshop and the Prelates had finished the Kings affaires, hee might then returne, and haue libertie to come into the Court there. The said maister Iohn Hus, and the Doctour of lawe tarried a while, intreating to bee admitted into the Archbyshops Courte. But seeing hee coulde preuayle nothyng, he made there a solemne protestation of hys request, that both hee and also maister Iohn Hus and his part, could not be suffered to come into the Archbyshops Court, to the presence of the Archbyshop and the Prelates. Requiring of the foresayde Notarie, publicke instruments to be made of the same, which also was done.

And these were the things which were done, before Iohn Hus tooke hys iourney to the generall Councell of Constance, the which I minded briefly to rebarse, whereunto I will also annexe somewhat, as touching his iourney thetherwards.

About the Ides of October 14.14. Iohn Hus being accompanied with two noble Gentlemen, that is to wit, Wencelat of Duba, and Iohn of Clum, he parted from Prage,Iohn Hus taketh his iourney to Constance. and tooke hys iourney towardes Constance. And in euery place as hee passed, he notifyed hys presence by hys letters which he sent abroade, and especially in euery good towne or citie of name, the tenour whereof ensueth.

¶ The copy of the letters which Iohn Hus set vp in the common places of the Cities which he passed thorough going to the Councell.

MAister Iohn Hus goeth now vnto Constance, The letters which Iohn Hus set vpon cities as he passed to Constance. there to declare his fayth which he hath hitherto holden, and euen at this present doth hold, and by Gods helpe will defend and keepe euen vnto death. Therefore euen as he hath manifested throughout all the kingdome of Boheme by his letters and intimations, willing before his departure to haue satisfied and giuen an accompt of his fayth vnto euery man which should obiect or lay anie thing against him in the generall conuocation holden in the Archbishop of Prages Court: So likewise he doth manifest and signifie, that if there be any man in this noble and Imperiall Citie, the which will impute or lay any errour or heresie vnto him, that he should prepare himselfe to come vnto the Councell, for so much as the sayd maister Iohn Hus is ready to satisfie euery man at the sayd Councell, which shall lay any thing vnto hys charge as touching his faith.

In all Cities as he passed by,How I. Hus was receiued by the way going vp to the counsell. and principally when he was parted out of Boheme, and entred into Almaine, a great number of people did come vnto him, and he was very gently receiued and entertained of hys hostes thorough all the townes of Germany, and specially of the Citizens and burgeses, and oftentimes of the Curates. [Page] Insomuch, as the sayd Hus did confesse in a certayne Epis [...]le, that hee founde in no place so great enimies as in Boheme. And if it happened that there were any brute or noise before of his comming, the streetes were alwayes full of people, which were desirous to see Iohn Husse and gratifie him:Nurrenberge. and amongst all other specially at Nurremberge, where as certaine Merchaunts which went before, certified the Citizens of his comming. In the same Citie there were many Curates which came vnto hym, desiring that they might talke with him secretly aparte, vnto whome he aunswered, that he loued much rather to pronounce and shew foorth his mind and opinion openly before all men, than in huggermugger, for he would kepe nothing close nor hidden. So after dinner vntill it was night,A Charterhouse mōke against Iohn Hus. he spake before the Priests and Senatours, and diuers other Citizens, insomuch that they all had hym in great estimation and reuerence one onely doctor except, which was a Charterhouse Monke, and the Curate of Sainct Sebaulde, which did improue all that he had said.

Iohn Husses Ho [...]es named saith.The twentith day after that, he parted out of the towne of Prage, which was the third day of Nouember, he came vnto Constance, and lodged at an honest matrons house being a widow named Faith, in saint Galles streete.

The morrow after, the Gentleman maister Iohn de Clum, and maister Henry Latzemboge, went to speake with the Pope, and certified him, that Iohn Husse was come,The Pope [...]ōsenteth to [...]ela [...]e con [...]c [...] of Iohn Hus. whome they had brought to Constance to the generall Counsell, vnder the Emperour his safe conduict, desiring him also that he on his part would graunt the sayd Iohn Husse libertie to remaine in Constance, without a [...]ue trouble, vexation, or interruption: vnto whome, the Pope aunswered, that albeit that Iohn Husse had killed his brother, yet would he go about as much as in him lay, that no outrage or hurt should be done vnto him, during his abode in the towne of Constance.

In this meane time, the greatest aduersary that Iohn Husse had, named maister Steuen Palletz, the which was also a Bohemian,S [...]anislaus [...]oma Hus [...] enemy, go [...]ng to Constance, [...]e [...] by the way. was come vnto Constance. But hys companion maister Stanislaus Znoma, was not yet passed the borders of Boheme, when he was striken with an impostume, whereof he died. As soone as the said Palletz was come to Constance, he did associate vnto him one Michael de Causis, the which had before falsly accused and blamed the saide Iohn Husse. And this may not be forgotten, that the said Palletz had bene familiarly conuersant and acquainted with the said Iohn Husse from hys youth vpward,Steuen Palletz, Micha [...]ll de Causis [...]e enemies to Hus. but after that there was a bull brought vnto Prage from Pope Iohn the 23. against the king of Apulia, named Ladislaus, the sayd Iohn Hus withstood it openly, for so much as he saw that it was wicked and nought.

And as touching the said Palletz, albeit that he had cō fessed at a certaine banquet in the presence of the said Iohn Hus that the said Gull was contrary to al equity & right:A Bull against Ladi [...]us king of Apulia. yet notwithstanding forsomuch as he was obliged & boūd vnto the Pope by meanes of certain benefices receiued at his hand, he mainteined and defended the said bull against Iohn Hus.Michaell de Causis. And this was the cause of the discord and falling out betwene thē. As for Michaell de Caulis the companion of maister Palletz, he was somtime the Curate of new Prage, but he not being content therwith, but seking after a further pray, dreamed and imagined out a new denise how to attayne vnto it, for he made a semblaunce that he had found out a new inuention or meane, whereby the mines of gold in Gilory, which were perished and lost, might be renued and set on worke againe. By this means he did so much with the king wenceslaus, that he did put a great summe of mony into his hands, to do that withall which he had promised.

This honest man after he had laboured and trauelled certaine daies about it,The wicked li [...]e of Mich. de Causis Hu [...]es enemie described. and perceiuing that he brought nothing to passe, and that by that meanes he was vtterly in despaire of his purpose, hee conueied himselfe priuily out of the Realme of Boheme with the rest of the money, and withdrewe himselfe as a worthy bird for such a nest, into the court of Rome. Such a man of such conditions was easily corrupt with mony, and that by the aduersaries of the said Hus, & promised thē to do what he coulde for them, the which hee did shortly after. The two [...]olly roisters Steuen Palletz, & Michaell de Causis drew out certaine articles against ye said Husse, sayeng that they had gathered them out of his own writings, and specially out of his treatise, which he had written of the Church. They troited vp & downe, hither & thither, taking great paines to shewe the saide articles vnto the Cardinals,The enemies of Hus pra [...] tile against him. Bishops, Monks, and such others of that sort, doing them also to vnderstand, that there were other matters of greater importance which the said I. Hus had committed and done against the holy constitutions and other ordinances of the Pope and the Church: which if neede were, they said they would propound before ye Councell. Through ye kindling of this their fire, they did so incense the Cardinals & all the Priests, that all they with one mind and consent thought to cause the good man to be taken and laid hands on.

The 26. day after the said Hus was come to Constāce, during all which tune, he was occupied in reading, writing, and familiar talke with his friends, the Cardinals which through the instigation and motion of Palletz and Michael de Causis, sent two Bishops, to wit, the Bishop of Augusta, and of Trident, and with them the Borowmaister of the towne of Constance, and a certaine knight, to the place where Iohn Hus lodged about dinner time, which should make report vnto him, that they were sent by the Pope and his Cardinals, to aduertise him that hee should come to render some knowledge or witnes of hys doctrine before them, as he had oftentimes desired, and that they were readie for to heare him.

Unto whome Iohn Husse aunswered, I am not come for no such intent,I. Hus desired to plead his cause before the whole councell. as to defend my cause particularly before the Pope & his Cardinals: protesting yt I neuer desired no such thing, but that I would willingly appeare before the whole assemble of the Councell, and there answer for my defence openly, without any feare or doubt, vnto all such things as should be demanded or required of me. Notwithstanding said he, forasmuch as you require me so to do, I will not refuse to go with you before the Cardinals. And if it happen that they euill entreate or handle me: yet neuertheles I trust in my Lord Iesus, that he wil so comfort and strengthen me, that I shall desire much rather to die for his glory sake, then to denie the veritie and truth which I haue learned by his holy scriptures. Wherfore it came to passe that the Bishops being instant vpon him, and not shewing any outward semblance, that they bare any malice or hatred against him in their harts, albeit they had priuily laid garrisons both in the house, where they were assembled, and also in other houses: Iohn Hus tooke his horse which he had at his lodging, and went vnto the Court of the Pope and the Cardinals.

When he was come thither and had saluted the Cardinals, they began to speake to him in this sorte:1. Hus is come before the Pope & the cardinals. we haue heard many reports of you, the which if they be true, are in no case to be suffered. For mē say that you haue taught great and manifest errours, and contrary and against the doctrine of the true Church, and that you haue sowed your errours abrode through all the Realme of Boheme,The wordes of the pope & the Cardinals to I. Hus. by a long space or time, wherefore we haue caused you to bee called hether before vs, that we might vnderstande and know how the matter standeth.

Unto whom Iohn Hus answered in few words: Reuerend fathers,The aūswere of Iohn Hus to the Pope and the Cardinals. you shall vnderstand yt I am thus minded and affectioned, that I would rather choose to die, then I should be found culpable of one only errour, much lesse of many & great errours: for this cause I am the more willingly come vnto the generall Councell which is here appointed, to shewe my selfe ready euen with all my hart to receiue correctiō, if any man can proue any errours in me. The Cardinals aunswered him againe, that his sayengs pleased them very well, and vpon that they went theyr way, leauing the said Iohn Hus with maister Iohn de Clum, vnder the gard and keeping of the armed men.

In the meane season, they did suborne and furnish out a certaine diuine,Dolus malus Cardinaliun [...]. a Frier Franciscane, a subtile and craftie man, and a malicious hypocrite, for to question with the said Iohn Hus, which was compassed round about with armed men.A Frier Minor putte [...]h two qu [...]tions to Iohn Hus. This man drawing neare, in his monkishe gesture, sayd: Reuerend maister, I a simple and rude ideot am come vnto you for to learne, for I haue hard many strange and contrary things against ye catholike fayth, to be ascribed vnto you, the which doo diuersly mooue my mind, being wholy inclined to the truth. Wherefore I do desire you, euen for the loue which you heare vnto ye truth, and to all good and godly men, that you woulde teache me most simple and miserable mā, some certaintie and truth. And first men say that you hold opinion after the cōsecration and pronuntiation of the words in the Sacrament of the altar,A fri [...]rly Iudas. M.I. Clum [...]peaketh for I. Hus. there remaineth only materiall bread. I. Husse aunswered, that it was falsly attributed and imputed to him. Then said he: I pray you is not this your opinion? No verely said Iohn Hus, I do not so thinke of it. When the Monke asked this question the thirde time, Maister Iohn de Clum being somewhat mooued with him, sayde: why art thou so importunate vpon him? Uerely if anye man had affirmed or denied any thing vnto me but once, I woulde haue beleeued him. And thou, albeit hee hath [Page] shewed thee his mind so often, yet ceasest not to trouble him. Then saide the Monke: gentle maister I pray you pardon me a poore idiot and simple Frier, surely I did it of a good mind & intēt, being willing & desirous to learne. This Frier put forth another question vnto him, protesting his simplicitie and ignorance, what maner of vnitie of the Godhead & manhood was in the person of Christ? When I. Husse had heard this questiō, he turned himselfe vnto Maister Iohn de Clum in the Bohemian language said:A wolfe in a Lambes skinne. truly this Frier is not simple as he doth pretend, for he hath propoūded vnto me a very hard question. And afterward turning himselfe to yc frier, he said vnto him: brother, you say that you are simple, but as I haue heard of you, I perceiue very well, that you are double and craftie, & not simple. It is not so verely said the frier. Well, sayde Iohn Hus, I will cause you well to vnderstand that it is so: For as touching the simplicitie of a man, it is required in things that concerne ciulitie & maners, that the spirite, the vnderstāding, the hart, the words, & the mouth should agree together, and I do not perceiue that this is in you. There is in your mouth a certaine semblance of simplicitie, the which would very well declare you to be an ideot and simple, but your deedes shew plainely and euidently a great subtiltie and craft in you, with a great quicknes and liuelines of wit, in that you haue proponed vnto me so hard and difficult a question.

Notwithstanding I will not feare to shew you my mind in this question. And when he had made an end, the Monke gaue him great thanks for his gentlenes and so departed. After that, the Popes garrison which were about the said Iohn Hus, told him, that this frier was called Maister Didace,Didace a crafty Frier. who was esteemed and counted the greatest and most subtile diuine in all Lumbardy. Oh said Hus that I had knowne that afore, I would haue handled him after another sort and fashion,Many a man beguiled vnder the cloke of simplicitie. but I would to God they were all such, then through the help and aide of the holy Scriptures, I would feare none of them. In this maner the said Hus and maister Iohn de Clum, were left vnder the keeping of these men of Armes, vntill foure of the clocke at after noone. After which time the Cardinals assembled againe in the Popes Court, to deuise and take counsaile what they should do with Iohn Hus. Then Steuen Palletz & Michaell de Causis, with diuers other of their adherents, made earnest sute that he should not be let go at libertie againe, and hauing the fauor of the iudges on their part, they bragged vp and downe in a maner as they had bin mad men,I. Husses accusers triumphe ouer him when he was taken. and mocked the said Iohn Husse: sayeng, now we will hold thee well enough, thou art vnder our power and iurisdiction, and shalt not depart, vntill such time as thou hast paid the vttermost farthing.

A little afore night, they sent f Prouost of the Romain court vnto M. Iohn de Clum, to shew him that he might returne to his lodging, for as for I. Hus, they had otherwise prouided for him, whē M. Iohn de Clum hard these newes, he was wonderfully displeased, forsomuch as through their crafts, subtleties & glosing words, they had so trained this good man into their snares, whereupon he went vnto t Pope, declaring vnto him all that was done, most humbly beseching him, that he would call to remembrance the promise which he had made vnto him and maister Henry Latzembog,The pope breaketh promise. and that he woulde not so lightly falsifie and breake his faith and promise. The Pope aunswered that all these things were done without his cōsent or commandement, and saide further to maister Clum apart, what reason is it that you should impute this deede vnto mee, seeing that you knowe well inough that I my selfe am in the hands of these Cardinals and Bishops?

In mine opiniō, for so much as Pope Iohn feared that, which in deed did after follow, that he should be depriued of his dignitie, he thought to win the fauour of these Herodian Cardinals and Bishops,The pope to please the councel was against I. Hus. by betraieng this good man vnto thē. So the said M. Clum returned very pensifull & sory: he complained very fore both priuely & openly, of the iniury and outrage that the Pope had done, but all profited nothing. After this, the saide I. Hus was led by the officers to the chapter house of the great Church of Constance, where hee was kept prisoner by the space of right daies, frō thence he was caried vnto the Iacobines, hard by the riuer of Rhine, and was shut vp in the prison of the Abbey, the which was hard by the Bogardes.

After he had bene inclosed there a certaine time, he fell sore sicke of an agew,The imprisōmēt and sickenes of Iohn Hus. by meanes of the stench of the place, and became so weake, that they despaired of his life. And for feare least this good mā should die in prison, as others are wont to do, the Pope sente vnto him certaine of hys Phisitions for to cure and helpe him. In the middest of his sicknes his accusers made importunate sute to the principals of the Councell, that the sayde Iohn Hus might bee condemned, and presented vnto the Pope, these Articles heere vnderwritten.

¶ Articles presented against Iohn Husse.

FIrst he doth erre about the Sacraments of the church,Articles against Iohn Hus. and specially about the Sacramet of the body of Christ, for so much as he hath openly preached, that it ought to be ministred openly vnto the people vnder both kinds, that is to say, the body and bloud. This article is euident, for somuch as his disciples at this instant in Prage, do minister the same in both kinds.The supper of the Lord. Moreouer, it is affirmed by diuers, that he hath taught both in the schooles and in the Church, or at the least that he doth hold this opinion, that after the words of consecration pronounced vpon the aulter, there remaineth still materiall bread in the Sacrament, this article shall be knowne by his examination.

Secondly, he doth erre, as touching the ministers of the church, forsomuch as he saith that they cannot cōsecrate or minister the Sacraments when they are in mortall sinne. This article shall likewise be known by his examination. Notwithstanding all that, which is here conteined, may be gathered by his writings De ecclesia, the which if he denie, let there then be some deuines and others appointed, to peruse and looke ouer his said writings of the Church. Moreouer he saith, that other men beside priests may minister the Sacraments, this article is euident, for so much as his disciples do the same at Prage, the which of themselues do violently take the Sacrament out of ye treasurie, and communicate among themselues,Of the administration of Sacraments. whē the holy communion is denied vnto them: by this and other things, also it is sufficiently euident, that he hath taught that euerie man being without mortall sinne, hath ye power of orders or priesthood, for so much as such only as hath taken orders, ought to minister the sacraments vnto themselues. And because he proceedeth from small matters vnto great and waightier, it doth consequently appeare and followe, that those which be in state of grace, can binde and loose.

Thirdly he doth erre as touching the Church, and specially for that he doth not allow & admit that the Church signifieth the Pope,Of the Church. Cardinals, Archbishops, and ye Clergie vnderneath them, but saith that this signification was drawne out from the schoolemen. And in no case to be holden or allowed, this article is manifest by his said treatise vpon the Church.

Moreouer he doth erre concerning the Church, in that he saith,Eclesiastical reuenues. that the Church ought not to haue any temporall possessions. And that the temporall Lords may take them away from the Church & the clergy without any offence: this errour is euident, forsomuch as through his doctrine and intisements many churches in ye kingdom of Boheme & in the citie of Prage, are already spoiled and robbed of a great part of their temporalties and goods. He saith also that Constantinus & other secular princes erred by enriching and enduing churches & monasteries. This article is manifest by that which goeth next before.

Fourthly,The bishops power. he erreth as touching the Church, in that hee sayth, that all priests are of like power, and therfore affirmeth that the reseruations of the Popes casualties, the ordering of Bishops, and the consecration of the Priestes were inuented only for couetousnes. This Article doth somewhat appeare by those afore going, but by his examination shall be more euident.

Fiftly,The power of the keies of the Church. he erreth concerning the church, in that he sayth, that the church being in sinne, hath no power of the keies, when as the Pope, Cardinals, and all other of the priests and cleargie are in deadly sinne, the which he sayth is possible enough, this also doth appeare in his treatise vppon the Church, in his first errour as touching the ministers of the Church.

Sixtly he erreth touching the Church,Excommunication. for as much as through contempt he doth not feare excommunication. This doth notoriously appeare by his owne doings, in that he did contemne and despise the Apostolike and ordinary censure, and in all the Apostolike excommunications & iniunctions he hath borne himselfe vpon the diuine commandements, and in contempt of the keyes to the setting out of his hypocrisie, he hath said masse all the wayes betweene this and the citie of Prage, and therby hath prophanate the processe and authoritie of the Church.

Seuenthly he erreth againe,In vestitures as touching the Church, because he kepeth not the institutions & inuestitures therof, but holdeth opinion that euery man hath authority to inuest & appoint any man to the cure of soules. This is euident by his owne doings. For so much as many in the kingdome of Boheme, by their defenders and fauourers. [Page] or rather by himselfe were appoynted and put into parish churches, the which they haue long ruled and kept, not being appoynted by the Apostolike sea, neither yet by the ordiuarie of the citie of Prage.

The office of preac [...]ing.Eightly, he erreth as touching the Churche, in that he holdeth opinion, that a man being once ordained a Priest or a deacon cannot be forbidden or kept backe from the office of preaching, this is likewise manifest by his own doings, for somuch as he himselfe could neuer be letted from preaching, neither by the Apostolick sea, neither yet by the Archbishop of Prage.

Lupus agnū accusat quod turba [...]s sontem.And to the intent that the sayd Iohn Hus, who is dothed in sheepes clothing, & inwardly a rauing wolfe, may be the better knowen by his fruits, for the better information of you most reuerend fathers, I say, that from the first time yt he tooke in hand or went about to sow hys errours and heresies,A heaping togeather of many greeuous cr [...]nes. y• which afterward he did in deede, he vnderstanding and perceiuing himself to be [...]standed and gainsayde by the Germaines, which were in the vniuersitie of Prage, for somuch as he coulde conclude nothing, because they had 3. voyces, and he on hys parre, had but one onely voyce: he went about and brought to passe, and that by the secular power, that the Germaines shoulde haue but one voyce, and he and his partes 3. voyces, the which thing, when ye Germanes once perceiued, rather then they wold loose or forsake any parte of their right, whych they had in voyces, or be in danger in theyr persons, the which would then haue ensued vppon it, to saue themselues, they wholy with one consent agreed together to depart out of Prage, and by this meanes this solemne & famous vniuersitie of Prage was made desolate that had brought forth so many notable mē in diuers sciences.The departure of the Germaines from the v [...]uersitie of Prage. Beholde this his first fruits which deuided that so famous vniuersitie, for so muche as grapes are not gathered of thornes, neyther figs of brambles.

The 45. articles of Wickliffe.Moreouer, when there were questiōs moned amongst the deuines of the vniuersitie of Prage vppon the 45. articles of Iohn Wickliffe, and that they had called a conuocation, and all the deuines of Boheme, for the Germaines were all ready departed, they concluded that euery one of those Articles were either heretical, seditious, or els erroneous. He alone held the cōtrary opinion, ye none of those articles were either hereticall, seditious, or erroneous, as afterward he did dispute, holde, and teache in the common schooles of Prage, where by it is euidētly inough foresene, that he doeth affirme those articles of Wickliffe, the whych are not onely condemned in England, but also by ye whole church, because they were first inuented and set forth by the members of Antichrist.

Moreouer, he being complained of to the Archbyshop of Prage, ye he preached & set foorth certaine articles which were heretical, false and seditious, he was forbidden by the sayd Archbishop to preach any more, and proceded against him, according to the canonicall sanctions, the whych processe is confirmed by the Apostolike sea, and published as well in the courte of Rome, as wythout: the whych Iohn Hus and his adherents haue diuers and manifold wayes violate & prophanate.The office of preaching forbidden by the Archb. And whosoeuer did speake against him, they were depriued of their benefices, and others placed in, which haue ruled, and yet do rule the said churches, & the flockes pertaining to the same, not hauing any cure or charge of the soules cōmitted vnto them, neyther by the Apostolike sea, neither yet by the ordinary of the place.

Also as many, as well priests as lay men in the citie of Prage & kingdom of Boheme, which haue spoken against the doctrine of Hus, and the prophanation of the processe aforesaid, or at the least not alowing the same, haue suffred most mortall hatred and persecutions, and yet to thys day do suffer. But that at this present it is dissimuled vntil the ende of the processe against Iohn Hus. Wherefore if he be nowe let goe againe, without doubt they shall suffer great persecution both in body and goodes, and throughout all the realm of Boheme, house shalbe against house, and this mischiefe will creepe, yea sodeinly spring vp throughout al Germany, and innumerable soules shalbe infected, so that there shall be such persecution of the cleargie and faithfull, as hath not bene since the time of the Emperor Constantine to this present day,Insurrectiós feared in Boh [...]me against the clergie. for he ceaseth not to mooue and stir vp the laity, against the clergy and faithfull christians. And when any of the clergie would draw him away, or cal him from his heresie, & for that cause doth forbid him to preach, that he doe not teach no heresies: Then sayeth he, and teacheth that the clergie doth that of enuie and malice, because he rebuketh their vices and faultes: that is to say, their simonie and pride, and conetousnesse.

Moreouer, hee stirreth vp the seculare princes against the prelates of churches, monasteries, & vniuersities, and generally against the whole clergy. Going about by thys meanes, he preacheth and teacheth that prelates and other men of the church ought not to haue any temporal goodes or possessions, but only to liue vppon almes. And by thys meanes he hath done already very much hurt, and anoied diuers and many Prelates, clearkes and Churches in the kingdome of Boheme and citie of Prage. For so muche as thereby they are already spoiled and robbed of their possessions. Yea, hee teacheth also that it is lawfull for the lay people wythout sinne, to wythholde and keepe backe the tithes and oblations, or to geue the Church goodes to any other minister: all the seculare princes are greatly inclined hereunto, but specially the laitie, who foloweth euery mā his owne will.

He hath generally to lay for himself all those heretikes which do but very finally regard the ecclesiastical censures and hate the authority of the Romaine church, yea doe vtterly detest & abhorre the same, the which thing will more and more encrease, except it be effectually and manfully wt stand, and if he do by any meanes escape from the councel, he and his fauourers wil say that hys doctrine is iust and true,Cayphas prophesied. and that it is allowed by the authority of the vniuersall sacred Councell, and that all hys aduersaries are wicked and noughty men, so that he would do more mischief, then euer any hereticke did since the tyme of Constantinus Magnus.

Wherefore most holy fathers prouide and take heede to your selues,Maister Palletz lyeth, for the holy Ghost had no leasure to come to that councell and to the whole flocke, amongst whome the holy Ghost hath placed you to rule the Churche of Christ, the whych he hathe purchased wyth his owne bloude, and whilest the disease is new and fresh, helpe and remedye it, as well touching him which doth so infect and trouble the Church of God, as also concerning the occasions, through the which he hath presumed, & might doe the same: because the Prelates do abuse the ecclesiasticall censures, & as well the Prelates as those that are vnder them dee not keepe and obserue the order of the churche whych is appoynted them by God, whereby it commeth to passe, that whylest they themselues do walke the broken & vnknowne paths, their flocke falleth headlong into the ditch.

Wherefore let our soueraigne Lord the Pope, and this most sacred Councel ordaine and depute Commissioners, the which may examine the sayd Iohn Hus vpon all afore wrytten, and other thyngs in the presence of them whych knowe the matter. Let there be also certaine Doctors and Maisters appoynted to reade ouer and peruse hys bookes which he hath written, whereof some are here present, that the churche may be spedily purged and cleansed from these errours.

Upon this hys accusation, they ordeined and appoynted 3. commissioners or iudges, that is to say, the patriark of Constantinople, and the byshop of Castle, & the byshop of Lybusse. The which prelates being thus deputed, hard the accusation & the witnes which was brought in by certaine babling priestes of Prage,I. Hus sicke of an agew in prison. confirmed by theyr othes, & afterward recited the sayd accusation vnto the sayd Hus in the prisone, at suche time as hys ague was feruent and extremely vpō him.I. Hus debarred of his aduocate.

Uppon thys Iohn Hus required to haue an aduocate to answer for hym, the whych was plainly and vtterly denied him. And the reason that the masters Commissioners brought against it was this, that the plain canon doth forbid that any man should be a defender of any cause of hys, which is suspect of any kind of heresy: The vanity and foly of the witnesses was suche, that if in case they had not bene both the accusers and iudges themselues, there shuld haue needed no distinct confutation. I would haue rehersed the testimonies in thys place but that I knew them to to be such, as the prudent and wise reader coulde not haue red without great tediousnes. Nowheit some of them shal be declared, when we come to the processe of hys iudgement.

Afterwarde, when Iohn Husse had recouered lyttle strength or health by the commandement of the three commissioners there was presented vnto hym certaine Articles, many in number, which they sayd they had gathered out of his booke which he made of the Churche: of whych articles some were forged and inuented by maister Palletz, & other some were gathered onely by halues, as shall be more plainly declared hereafter whē we come to speake of the iudgement pronounced and geuen against the sayde Hus.

Thus Iohn Hus remained in the prison of the couent of the Franciscanes,The bookes which I. Hus wrote in prison. vntill the Wednesday before Palme Sonday, and certaine appoynted to keepe hym, and in the meane season to employ and spende his time wythall, he wrote certaine bookes: That is to say, of the ten commandements, [Page] of the loue and knowledge of God, of Matrimony, of Penaunce, of the three enemies of mankinde, of the prayer of our Lord, and of the Supper of our Lord.

Pope Iohn fled out of CōstanceThe same day Pope Iohn the 23, chaūged his apparell & conucyed himselfe secretly out of Constance, fearing the iudgemēt by the which afterward he was depriued of his Papall dignitie, by meanes of most execrable & abhominable forfaites and doynges. This was the cause that Iohn Hus was trāsported and caried vnto an other prison: for the Popes seruauntes which had the charge and keeping of Iohn Hus, vnderstanding that their Maister was fled & gone, deliuered vp the keyes of the prison vnto the Emperour Sigismund, and to the Cardinals, and followed their Maister the Pope. Then by the whole cōsent of the Councell, the sayd Iohn Hus was put into the handes of the Byshop of Constance, who sent him to a Castle on the other side of the Riuer of Rhine, not very farre from Cō stance, whereas he was shut vp in a Tower, with fetters on his legges, that he could scarse walke in the day tyme, and at night hee was fastened vp to a racke agaynst the wall hard by his bed.

Noble men of Boheme labour for Iohn Hus.In the meane season certaine noble men and Gentlemen of Pole & Boheme, did al their indeuour to purchase his deliueraunce, hauing respect to the good renowne of all the Realme, the which was wonderfully defamed and slaundered by certaine naughty persons. The matter was growne vnto this pointe, that all they which were in the towne of Constance, that seemed to beare any fauour vnto I. Hus, were made as mockyng stocks, and derided of all men, yea euen of the slaues and base people. Wherfore they tooke counsell and cōcluded together to present their request in writing vnto the whole Coūcell, or at the least vnto the foure nations of Almaine, Italie, Fraunce, and England: this request was presented the 14. day of May. an. 1415. The tenour here ensueth.

¶The first schedule or Bill, whiche the nobles of Boheme deliuered vp to the Councell for the deliueraunce of Iohn Hus, the 14. day of May. Anno. 1415.

MOst reuerēd Fathers and Lordes. The Nobles and Lordes of Boheme and Pole here present, by this their present writynges doe shew and declare vnto your Fatherly reuerences how that the most noble Kyng and Lord, the Lord Sigismund kyng of Romaines, alwayes Augustus kyng of Hungary, Croatia, Dasmatia, &c. hearyng of the great dissention that was in the kyngdome of Boheme as heyre, Kyng and Lord successour, willyng & mynding to foresee and prouide for his owne honour, he sent these Noble men Maister Wenceslate de Duba and Iohn de Clum here present,The safe cōduct of the Emperor chalenged. that they would bryng and assure Maister Iohn Hus vnder the kyng his name and safe conduct. So that he would come to the sacred generall Councell of Constance, vnder the safe conduct of the sayd kyng, and the protection of the sacred Empire, openly geuen and graunted vnto the sayd Maister Iohn Hus, that hee might purge himselfe and the kyngdome of Boheme from the slaunder that was raysed vpon them, and there to make an open declaration of his Fayth to euery man that would lay any thyng to his charge. The which the sayd Nobles with the forenamed Maister Iohn Hus haue performed and done, accordyng to the kynges commaundement.

When as the sayd Maister Iohn Hus was freely of his owne accorde come vnto Constance, vnder the sayd safe conduct, & greuously imprisoned before he was heard, and at this present is tormented both with fetters and also with hunger and thirst. Albeit that in tymes past at the Councell holden at Paysan. 1410. yeare of our Lord, the heretickes whiche were condemned, were suffered to remayne there at libertie, and to depart home freely: Notwithstandyng this Maister Iohn Husse, neither beyng conuicted nor condemned, no not so much as once heard, is taken and imprisoned, when as neither any kyng or any Prince Elector, either any Embassadour of any Uniuersitie was yet come or present. And albeit the Lord the Kyng, together with the Nobles and Lordes here present most instantly required and desired, that as touchyng his safe conduct they would foresee and haue respect vnto his honour. And that the sayd Maister Iohn Hus might be openly heard, for so much as he would render and shew a reason of his fayth, and if he were found or conuicted obstinately to affirme or maintayne any thyng agaynst the truth or holy Scripture, that then he ought to correct and amend the same, according to the instruction and determination of the Councell: yet could hee neuer obtayne this. But the sayd Maister Iohn Husse,The extremities Iohn Hus [...]tlered in prison notwithstandyng all this, is most greuously oppressed with fetters and yrons, and so weakened with thinne and slender diete, that it is to be feared least that his power and strength beyng hereby consumed and wasted, hee should be put in daunger of his witte or reason.

And although the Lordes of Boheme here present are greatly slaundered, because they seyng the sayd Maister Iohn Hus, so to be tormēted and troubled contrary to the kyngs safe conduct, haue not by their letters put the kyng in mynde of his sayd safe conduct, that the sayd Lord and kyng should not any more suffer any such matters, for so much as they tend to the contempt and disregard of the kingdome of Boheme, which frō the first originall and begynnyng, since it receaued the Catholicke fayth, it neuer departed or went away frō the obedience of yt holy Church of Rome: yet notwithstandyng they haue suffered & borne all these thynges patiently hetherto, least by any meanes occasion of trouble or vexation of this sacred Councell might arise or spryng therof.

Wherfore most reuereud fathers & Lordes: The Nobles and Lordes before named do wholy & most earnestly desire & require your reuerences here present, that both for the honour of the safe conduct of our sayd Lord the kyng, & also for the preseruation and encrease of the worthy fame and renowne both of the foresayd kyngdome of Boheme, & your own also, that you will make a short end about the affayres of M. Iohn Hus: for so much as by the meanes of his straite handling he is in great daunger by any lōger delay, cuē as they do most specially trust vpō the most vpright consciences & iudgementes of your fatherly reuerē ces. But forasmuch as most reuerēd fathers and Lordes, it is now come to the knowledge and vnderstāding of the Nobles & Lordes of Boheme here present, how that certaine backbiters and slaūderers of the most famous kingdom of Boheme aforesayd, haue declared & told vnto your reuerences how that the Sacrament of the most precious bloud of our Lord is caried vp & downe through Boheme in vessels not cōsecrated or halowed, and that Coblers do now heare confessions & minister the most blessed body of our Lord vnto others: The Nobles therfore of Boheme here present require and desire you that you will geue no credit vnto false promoters & tale tellers,The con [...]utation of certain slanders. for that as most wicked and naughty slaunderers & backbiters of ye kingdome aforesaid, they do report & tel vntruthes: requiring also your reuerences, that such slanderous persons of the kingdome aforesaid, may be named & knowne. And ye lord the king together with your reuerēces, shal well perceiue and see that the Lordes of Boheme will go about in such maner to refell and put away the false & f [...]uolous slaunders of those naughty persons, that they shall be ashamed to appeare hereafter before the lord the kyng and your reuerences.

As soone as this their supplication was red, yt byshop of Luthonis rising vp said.The Byshop of Luthonis. Most reuerend fathers I well perceiue and vnderstand that the last part of this writing doth touch me, my familiars & frends, as though ye kingdom of Boheme were slaundered by vs. Wherfore I desire to haue time & space of deliberation that I may purge my selfe from this crime that is laid against me. The principal of the counsel appointed him ye 17. day of May, at ye which day the lords of Boheme should be present again, to heare both the aunswer of the councell, and also the excuse of the bishop of Luthonis, y• which thing in dede was afterward performed: for the 17. day of May, which was the 4. day before the whitsontide they met there againe, where first of all a certaine bishop in ye name of the whole councel answered by worde to the nobles of Boheme, the contentes of whose aunswer may easely be known by the secōd supplication, which the Bohemiams put vp to ye councel. But first I haue here in these few wordes following, shewed how the bishop Luthonis defended himselfe agaynst that which is before written.

¶The aunswer of the Bishop of Luthonis, to the last part of the supplication, which the nobles of Boheme presented vnto the Councell.

MOst reuerend fathers and noble Lordes,The answer and accusation of the Bish. of Luthonis against Iohn Hus. as Peter de Mladoneywitz bacheler of Arte: in ye name of certain of the nobles of ye kingdome of Boheme in his writings, amongest other thyngs did propounde how that certaine slaunderers and backebiters of the sayd kyngdome haue brought to the eares of your reuerēces, that the most precious bloud of Christ is caried vp and downe in Boheme in bottels, & that Coblers do heare confessions, and minister [Page] the body of Christ vnto others, wherupon most reuerend fathers and Lordes: Albeit that I together wyth the other prelates, doctors, maisters and other innumerable catholikes of the sayde kingdome, the whych doe desire as much as in them lieth to defend the faith of Christ, haue laboured for the extirpation & rooting out of that most wicked and detestable sect of Wickliffes, which nowe (alas for sorow) beginneth to spring and rise in the sayd kingdome, as it is well knowne. Notwythstanding, here in thys my oration, not for any shame or reproofe, but for the honour of the kingdome aforesayd, I haue propounded, and declared a certaine new sect, whych is nowe lately sprong vp in the sayd kingdome, the folowers whereof do minister & communicate the sacraments in many cities, townes, & places of the said kingdom, vnder both kindes both of breade and wine, and doe constantly teache the common people bothe men and women that it is so to be cōmunicated, obstinatly affirming the same, and that the clergy which do repugn or say nay vnto it, are to be counted church robbers, as by the wrytings of their assertions being directed and presented hether, shall openly appeare.

Moreouer by the report and fame whych goeth here abroade, & by the wrytings which were sent ouer vnto me, I haue propoūded that it came to my knowledge, that the bloud of Christ is caryed about in vess [...]ls. Is not consecrated, approuing the foresaide erroneous assertion of the Wicleuists, that affirme it necessary for saluation, that the people shuld communicate vnder both kindes of bread and wine, and that it is necessary, as the body of Christ is caryed in the pixe or boxe, so the bloude of Christ should be caryed in bottles, or other necessary vessels from place to place, and specially about the ministration of the sick. Also I declared not of my selfe, but I hearde it to be declared by others, both great and credible persons, that there was a certaine woman a folower of that secte, the which taking by violence the body of Christe out of a priests handes, did communicate vnto her selfe, and affirmed that all men oughte to doe so, if the Priests would denye them the Communion. And the same woman amongst many other errours, of the whych shee was conuicted, did affirme that a good lay woman myght better consecrate and geue absolution, then an euill priest: affirming that an euill priest can neyther consecrate nor absolue. But I know that neyther I, neither any of my assistance in this matter haue broughte thys at any time into your cares, that coblers in the sayde kingdome doe heare confession, or minister the sacrament of the body of Christ, as is alleaged by the sayde Peter, in the behalfe of the sayde supplicantes. Notwythstanding, that we did feare if meanes were not founde to recounter or stoppe the offences before named, that thys would immediatly folow vpon it. Wherfore most reuerend fathers, least that the kingdome mighte hee defamed any more by such pestiferous sectes, and that the Christian faith myght happen to be indaungered: with all reuerence and charity I do desire you, euen by the bowels of mercy, of our Lord Iesus Christe, that thys most sacred Councel, would prouide some speedy remedy for this kingdome, as touchyng the premisses.

Moreouer, whether be they backbiters and slanderers or wicked and false enuiers of the kingdome of Boheme, the which do let the errors aforesaid, & many others more, which are sowen by the Wicleuists in the sayd kingdome, and also els where, whych also both do labor and haue laboured for the extirpation and roting out of those errours out of the kingdome aforesayd, and as catholicke men, for the zeale of their faith haue manfully put forth themselues against the maintainers of the sayd errours or such as doe maintaine and defend the teachers of those errours. This answere I haue here presented before your reuerences alwaies, wholy submitting my self and assistance vnto your iudgement, and to the definition of this most sacred councell of Constance.

¶ The answere of the nobles of Boheme.

The byshop of Luthonius answere confuted.THe day before whitsontide, the nobles of Boheme dyd confute this theyr aunswer made 2. dayes before in the Councel to their former wryting, as here foloweth: Most reuerend fathers and Lordes, for so much as vpon thursday it was answered in the behalfe of your reuerences to the requests of the nobles and Lords of Boheme, that the sayde Lordes were misinformed of diuers poynts contained in the declaration of their said vil: therfore the foresayd Lords haue now determined and decreed to declare their former propounded requests more at large vnto your reuerences, not mineding hereby to argue or reprooue your fatherly wisedomes and circumspections, but that youre reuerences (theyr desires being partly on thys behalf fulfilled) might the more effectuously & distinctly discerne and iudge as touching thys matter.

And first of all, where as the Lordes alleaged and sayd how that maister Iohn Hus was come hether vnto Constance, freely of his owne good will, vnder the safe conduct of the Lorde the king,The byshops do quarell about the safe conduct of Iohn Hus. and the protection of the sacred Empire: It is aunswered on the behalfe of your reuerences, how that the said Lords are misinformed, as touching the safe conduict, and that you haue vnderstand by such as are worthy credit, that the frends and fauorers of the sayd M. Iohn Hus, did first procure and get his safe conduicte 15. dayes after hys imprisonment.

The Lords of Boheme, and specially the Lorde Iohn de Clum heere present,The safe cōduct of Iohn Hus obteyned and shewed before the imprisonment of Iohn Hus. whome thys matter doeth chiefely touche, doeth aunswere, that not onely the 15. day after, but euen the very same day that Iohn Hus was apprehended and taken, when as our reuerende father the Pope, in the presence of all his Cardinals, demaunded of M. Iohn de Clum, whether M. Iohn Hus had any safeconduict from the king hys sonne: he answered, most holy father & Cardinals, knowe ye that he hath a safe conduict, and when he was asked the question againe the second time, he answered in like maner.

Yet notwithstāding none of them required to haue the safeconduict shewed vnto them: and againe the thirde day following, the Lord Iohn de Clum complained vnto our Lord the Pope, how notwythstanding the safe conduict of oure soueraigne Lorde the king, he detained and kept M. Iohn Hus as prisoner, shewing the said safeconduict vnto many. And for a further truth herein, he referreth hymself vnto the testimonies and witnesses of diuers Earles, Byshops, knightes, gentlemen, and famous Citizens of the city of Constance, the whych altogether at this present did see the said safe conduict, and heard it read, whereupon the sayde Iohn de Clum is ready to binde hymselfe vnder what penalty shalbe required, euidently to proue and cō firme that which hee hath promised, who soeuer say to the contrary.

Moreouer, the Lordes of Boheme referre themselues vnto the knowledge of certaine Princes electors & other Princes, Byshops, & many other noblemen, which were present before the kings maiestie, where and when as the said safe conduct was graunted and geuen out by the speciall commaundement of our sayd Lord the king.

Hereby your fatherly reuerences may vnderstand and perceiue that the sayd Lordes of Boheme are not euill informed as touching the saide safe conducit: But rather they which by such reportes haue falsly and vntruely informed your reuerēces. And first of al they haue offended agaynst the Lord our king,The byshops of the councell falsly enformed touching the safe conduct of Iohn Hus. and hys chauncellours. Secondarely, against the Lords and nobles of Boheme, as thoughe we had priuely & by stealth, purchased the sayde safe conduict. Wherefore the Lords aforesaid most humbly require & desire your reuerēces that you wil not so lightly beleue such as be not worthy of credit, but rather hearing the contrary part, to labour and discusse that the trueth may the more euidently appeare.

Secondly,Iohn Hus, imprisoned before he was either condemned or heard. where as the Lordes aforesayde, alleaging how M. Iohn Hus, cōming vnto Constance, of his owne free will, being neither condemned nor heard, was imprisoned, your reuerences haue made aunswer therunto, that he the sayd M. Iohn Hus in the time of Alexander 5. was infamed and slandered vppon certaine heresies, and thereupon cited personally to apeare in the court of Rome, and there was heard by hys procurers.

And for somuch as he refused obstinatly to appeare, he was excommunicated, in the which excommunication he continued (as you affirme) by the space of fiue yeares, for the whych he was iudged, and counted not onely a simple and plaine hereticke, but an heresiarke, that is to say, an inuenter and sower of newe and straunge heresies, and that he comming towarde Constance, did preache by the way openly.Alexander the [...] The answere touching the citation of I. Hus to the court of Rome. To this the Lordes aforesayd do aunswere, that as touching hys slaunder and citation, they can affirme nothing, but by report. But as touching that he dyd not personally appeare, they say they haue heard both himselfe, and diuers other credible persones say: yea euen the most famous Prince Wenceslaus king of Boheme, and almost all the whole nobilitie is witnes, that he would willingly haue appeared at Rome, or els where, if he myghte safely haue commen thether,I. Hus his procurers euill entreated at Rome and that deadly enmitie had not letted: and moreouer his procurers, which he sent vnto the court of Rome, alleaging reasonable causes for hys non apparance, some of them were cast into pryson, and others very euill intreated.

[Page]As for the excommunication which he hath so long sustained, they haue heard him often say, that he hath not resisted against the same by contumacye, or stubbernesse, but vnder euident appellation, and therupon reterreth himself vnto the Actes of his causes, whyche were pleaded in the court of Rome, wherm all this is more largely contained, the which your reuerences may euidently perceiue and see in this our present publike transumpt, which wee haue offred vnto you vpon certaine poynts aforesayd.

As cōcerning his preaching, wherwithal his enemies do report and charge,I. Hus falsly reported to preach openly at Constance. that M. Iohn Hus did preach openly in the Citie of Constaunce: The Lordes aforesaide, and specially the Lord Iohn de Clum here present do answere that hee hath continually lodged wyth the sayde M. Iohn Hus here in Constaunce, and that whosoeuer they be, that haue bene so bolde, or dare be so bolde to say & affirme that M. Iohn Hus had preached (as is premised) or yt whyche lesse is,I. Hus falsely charged to preach comming to the councell. since the time of his comming vnto thys citie, euen vnto the very day & time of hys captiuitie and imprysonment, that he went but one step out of the house of his lodging, that the said Lord Iohn de Clum, will and is contēt to binde himselfe with any suche, as shall affirme the same, vnder what penalty so euer it be, of money or otherwyse, that which hee hath falsly reported vnto your reuerences, he shal neuer be able iustly & truely to affirme and prooue.

Thirdly, whereas your reuerences do say, that you do not vnderstād or know, what the Lords do meane, by the heretickes condemned, at the councel holden at Pisa, whether the mocking or deriding ye Pope, whose ambassadors came thither for vnitie or concorde, the which were suffered and gently entreated, as theyr Lordes were most enclined vnto vnitie and peace, or els that they did vnderstande or meane ye perticuler heretickes, which were there condemned adioyning therunto: that the heretickes also comming vnto the councell, vnder the pretence of that vnitie, should be gently handled and entreated. &c. Reuerēd fathers and Lordes, whether they be counted the firste, or that they be thought the second or last, ye Lordes aforesaid require none other thing, but that the said M. Iohn Hus may vse suche liberty as they vsed: forsomuch as he came willingly vnto this most sacred coūcel, not for any other purpose, but onely publikely to recognise his faith. And in what poynt soeuer he shall seeme to vary from the worde of God, and the vnion of the holy mother the church, that in that poynte he will willingly be vnited and reconciled againe thereunto, and not only himself, but also his fauorers and adherents, he would moue and prouoke therunto:I. Hus had many welwillers in Bohemia. of whom the greater number are in the kingdō of Boheme. Also he is come hether that he might purge and cleare the noble kingdome of Boheme, from the sinister and euil slaunder which was raised vpon it.

Last of all most reuerend fathers & Lordes, for so much as your reuerences haue most fauourably answered vnto the principal request made by the Lords aforesayd, that the processe of M. Iohn Hus through Gods helpe shoulde be determined and ended wtal expedition and gentlenes: The Lordes aforesayd do render most harty thanks vnto your reuerences, and when soeuer theyr desire by Gods helpe shall come to the ende or effecte long wished or looked for, they wil not onely here, but also before the whole kingdom of Boheme, and in all other places wheresoeuer they come render most immortall thankes vnto your reuerences for euer.

¶ Thys declaration of the nobles of Boheme aboue prefixed, may serue not only to the cōfutation of the bishop Luthonius thys Bohemian, but also against the cauillacious of Alanus Copus Anglus. Dial. 6. pag. 929. touching the safe conduct of Iohn Hus, wherof sufficiently before hath ben sayd, vide supra, pag. 596.

When as the noble men of Boheme by lōg time could receiue no answer of those supplications, whych they had alredy put vp, they determined ye last day of May following by an other supplication being put vp vnto the principals of the councell, to entreat that Iohn Hus myght be deliuered out of prison, and defend his owne cause openly: they also put the testimonial of the bishop of Nazareth, as touching Iohn Hus.Vide supra. pag. 597. The copy wherof is expressed in the beginning of this hystorie, word by word.

¶ Another supplication of the nobles of Boheme.

An other supplication of the Bohemians for Iohn Hus.MOst reuerend fathers and Lordes in Christ, of late there was a supplication put vp vnto your reuerences on the behalfe of the Lordes & nobles of Boheme, and the nation of Pole, wherin they most humbly desired your reuerences to consider how the informations which were put vp vnto your reuerences, by the enemies of M. Iohn Hus,The Lordes could haue no answere of their supplication. were insufficient. And with reuerence be it spoken, in many poynts vntrue, as in the safeconduict graunted by the kings maiestie, and also in other articles, as more plainely appeareth in the Scedule, which was then offred vnto you: vppon the whych sayde Scedule and other things at that presence being put vppe, they coulde not as yet receiue no aunswere. Wherefore the Lordes aforesayde, moste humbly require your fatherly reuerences, that it would please you to consider the said supplication, and to geue some answere to the Lordes aforesayd, therupon and specially hauing respect vnto the great iniuries and griefs which are done vnto the sayd M. Iohn Hus, the which may be vnderstād and knowen by the Scedule aforesayde, that you will mercifully consider and foresee, that all those griefes and euils so farre different from all brotherly loue and charitie are done vnto hym by his enemies euen for very malice and hatred.

To the intent therefore that the rancour and malice may be confounded and ouerthrowne, and the plaine and euident truth appeare, it may please your fatherly reuerēces to vnderstand that it is notified and knowen vnto the Barones, Nobles, Citizens, Clergie and Laitie of the kingdome of Boheme, that M. Iohn Hus in all his actes and doings as well Scholasticall as Ecclesiasticall, and specially in all his publike and open sermons, he hathe made and hathe accustomed to make these maner of protestations, the which without any thing to the contrary, hee hath alwaies endeuoured to haue them strong and firme, as by this his protestation here folowing, which he made about the determination of a certaine question, it may most euidently and plainely appeare vnto euery man which would beholde and looke vpon the same: the forme and tenour wherof here followeth, and is such.

¶ The protestation of Iohn Hus.

FOr so much as aboue all things I doe desire the honor of God,The protestation of I. Hus. the profite of the holy Churche, and that I my selfe may be a faithfull member of our Lorde Iesu Christ, which is the heade and husband of the holy Church whych hee hath redemed: Therefore as heretofore oftentimes I haue done, euen so now againe I make this protestation, that I neuer obstinately sayd, or heereafter will say any thing that shall be contrary vnto the truth and verity: and moreouer that I haue alwayes holden, do hold, and firmely desire for to holde the very true and infallible trueth and veritie, so that before that I would defende and maintaine any erroure contrary therunto, I would rather chuse by the hope and help of the Lorde to suffer extreeme punishment, euen vnto death: yea, and thorowe the helpe of God I am ready, euen to offer this my miserable lyfe vnto death for the law of Christ,Vid. in priore edit. pag. 207. the which I do beleue euery part and parcell thereof to be geuen and promulgate for the saluation of mankinde, by the counsaile and determination of the most holy Trinitie, and the saintes of God. &c.

By the whiche his protestation, and also other protestations by the sayde M. Iohn Hus, being well obserued and noted, it may be easily gathered and known that his whole intent and purpose was and is, that hee neither would nor will haue spoken or written any thing in hys bookes, treatises, doctrines, or publike sermones, or els to haue affirmed any articles, the whyche willingly and wittingly he did vnderstand or know to be either erroneous, offensiue, seditious, hereticall, or offending the godly eare. All beit that these and suche like things are falsely imputed vnto hym by hys enemies. But it hath alwayes bene his chiefe intent and purpose, and so is, that euery poynt, conclusion or article contained in his bookes or articles, to haue put and affirmed them to thys ende, according to the truth of the Gospell, the holy Doctors and wryters vppon the holy Scriptures, and to that end and purpose, as is before expressed in his protestations: and if in any poynt, he shoulde be founde to varie or goe astray, or that he were not well vnderstanded of others by like information to be informed, vnderstanded, corrected and amended, and that he wil by no meanes sustaine or defend any maner of article against the holy Churche of Rome, or the Catholicke faith.

Wherefore most reuerende fathers, the premisses notwythstanding, his ennemies,Articles foisted out of Husses bookes by enemies. through the extreeme hatred whych they beare vnto him, hath picked and taken out by piece meale certain articles out of the booke of M. Iohn Hus, reiecting and not looking vppon the allegations and reasons, neither hauing any relation vnto the distinction of their equiuocations, haue compounded and made thereof certaine false and fained articles againste him, to thys ende, that all charitie and loue being sette aparte, they might the better ouerthrow hym, and bryng hym vnto death contrary vnto the safe conducte vppon good and iust occasion openly assigned, and geuen vnto the sayde maister Iohn Hus, by the most noble Prince the Lorde Sigismund king of the Romanes and of Hungarie, for his iust defence, against all the friuolous accusations and assaultes of the ennemies, not onely of the sayd M. Iohn Hus, but also of the famous kingdome of Boheme, and for [Page] the quiete appeasing of all such tumultes and rumours, rising and springing in the sayde kingdome of Boheme, or else where: the auoiding of which most perillous vprours, the saide king of Romaines doth greatly desire and wish, as the right heire and successour of the sayd kingdome.

Whereuppon the Barons and Nobles aforesayde, most humbly desire and require, the premisses being considered, and respect had vnto the great infamie and slaunder which may happen by the premisses vnto the sayde kingdome and inhabitants thereof, that you will put to your handes, and take some order & meane, that maister Iohn Hus may be distinctly hearde by some famous men, deuines already deputed, or otherwise to be appoynted vpon all and singulare such articles as shall be laide vnto him to declare his owne minde and intent, and also the minde of the doctours alleadged for his purpose, with the manifolde distinctions and equiuocations: in the which the drawers out of the most part of his articles haue also made equiuocations, that so according vnto the disposition of witnesses, of the which a great number of them are and haue a long time bene his mortall ennemies, that at the friuolous instigation of his enemies, when hee was miserably deteined prisoner, that he should not be condemned vnheard. For so muche as by the sayde declarations your fatherly reuerences might be the more better informed of the trueth, hee hymselfe is ready alwaies to submit himselfe vnder the determination of thys most sacred councell.The councell euil ininformed against Iohn Hus. For your reuerences, by the craftie and fained perswasions of his ennemies, are thus informed, that M Iohn Hus hath bene vncurably obstinate by a long time in most perillous articles, the which your reuerences may nowe plainely perceiue to be vntrue, and for the more euidence heerein to be shewed, there is presented vnto your reuerences an instrumente of publike recognition of the moste reuerend father in Christe, the Lorde Nicholas Bishop of Nazareth and Inquisitour of heresies, specially appoynted by the Apostolike sea in the dioces of Prage, the which by your reuerences is more diligently to be hearkened vnto.

The nobles required that Iohn Hus not being conuicte nor cōdemned, shoulde be deliuered out of prison.Wherefore it may please your fatherly reuerences to commaund the sayd M Iohn Hus neither conuicted nor condemned, to be taken and brought out of his bondes and chaines, in the which he is nowe most greeuously deteined and kept, and to put him into the hands of some reuerend Lordes, Byshops, or commissioners appoynted or to be appoynted by this present councell. That the sayd M. Iohn Husse may somewhat be releued and recouer againe his health, and be the more diligently and commodiouslye examined by the Commissioners: and for the more assurance, the Barons and Nobles aforesayd of the kingdome of Boheme, will prouide most sure and good sureties,A petition for M. Iohn Husses deliuerance out of prison. the which wil not breake their fidelity and faith for any thing in the worlde. Which also shall promise in his behalfe, that hee shall not flee or departe out of their handes, vntill suche time as the matter be fully determined by the sayd Commissioners. In the execution of the which promises wee haue determined to prouide and foresee vnto the fame and honour of the said kingdome of Boheme, and also to the safeconducte of the moste worthy Prince, the king of Romaines, least that the enemies and detractours of the honoure and fame of the kingdome aforesayd, might not a little slander and reproue the said Lordes, pretending and shewing forth hereafter, that they had made vnreasonable or vnlawfull requests: for the withstāding of which mischiefe, we require your fatherly reuerences, that you will decree, & most graciously consent that this our petition and supplication may be drawen out againe by your Notarie, and reduced into a publicke forme and order.

After this supplication was read before the deputies of the 4. nations, the Patriarche of Antioch answered in the name of them all vnto euery article of the sayd supplication, but it was done in few wordes.

The answer of the councell to the supplication First, as touching the protestation of Iohn Hus, whether it be true or false, it shalbe made euident in the processe of his cause. Moreouer, wheras they say that the aduersaries of Iohn Hus hath peruersly drawen certaine thinges out of his bookes, that also the matter it selfe shall declare in the end. Where as if it shalbe found & decreed that Iohn Hus is vniustly & vntruly accused, that thē it shal come to passe, yt his aduersaries shall incurre perpetuall ignominy and slaunder. I. Hus in no case must be baled. But as touching sureties, albeit there might be a thousand put in or boūd, yet can it not by any meanes be, that the deputies of the Councell with a safe conscience may receiue or take them in this mans cause, vnto whome there is no faith or credite to be geuē. Howbeit thus much they wil do, vpon the 5. day of Iune next, Iohn Hus shall be brought againe vnto Constance, No credite to be kept with an heretique. and there haue free libertie to speake his minde before the Councell, & that they wold louingly and gently heare him: but the matter in the ende fell out farre contrary to thys promise.

Supplication to the Emperour Sigismund. The same day the saide Barons and Lordes presented a supplication of thys tenour vnto the Emperor:

Vnto the most highe and mighty Prince, the Lorde Sigismund king of the Romaines, alwaies Augustus king of Hungarie, Croatia, and Dalmatia, our most gracious Lord faithful & true seruice in al things, and at all times. Most noble Prince and gracious Lord, we signifie vnto your worthinesse, that we all together with one minde, consent and accord haue deliuered vp vnto the reuerend fathers and Lordes, the deputies of the 4 nations, and to the whole sacred Councel of Constance, this our supplication here vnder wrytten. as reasonable, iust, and worthy of consideration, the tenour wherof here followeth word by word, and is this.

¶ The copie of the supplication, which was presented vnto the deputies of the councel, is before written, whereunto this which followeth was annexed.

WHerefore we most humbly require and desire your princely maiestie,The Barons supplication to the king for I. Hus.that both for the loue of iustice, and also of the fame and renowme of that moste famous kingdome of Boheme, whereof wee acknowledge you vndoubtedly the true Lorde and heire successour, and also foreseeing vnto the liberty of your safeconduct, that you wil with your fauourable countenance, beholding these most reasonable and iust supplications, which we haue put vp to the Lordes aforesayd, put to your helping hand toward the sayd most reuerend fathers and Lordes, that they will effectually heare vs, in this our most iust petition, which we haue offered vp to them, as is aforesaide: least that the enemie of the renowme and honour of the famous kingdome of Boheme, and such as oure slaunderers also hereafter may detracte and sclaunder vs, that wee should make vnreasonable and vnlawfull requests vnto the sayde reuerend fathers and Lordes, and therefore we required and desired of them that it would please them to decre by setting to their publicke hand & seale to authorise our said supplication. Likewise we do most hartily require your highnes, that you would vouchsafe in like maner to geue vs your testimonie of the premises.

But what answere the Emperor made heereunto, we could neuer vnderstand or know, but by the processe of the matter a man may easily iudge,The king forced by the importunity of the Cardinals to breake promise. that thys good Emperour was brought and lead euen vnto thys poynt, through the obstinate mischiefe of the cardinals and bishops, to breake and falsify his promise and faith, whych hee had made and promised, and this was their reason, whereby he was driuenthereunto: that no defence coulde or might be geuen either by safe conducte, or by any other meane vnto hym, whych was suspected or iudged to be an hereticke. But by the Epistles and letters of Iohn Hus, a man may easily iudge: what the kings minde was. Now we will procede in the historie.The mischieuous counsell of the popish band

The 5. day of Iune, the Cardinals, Byshops, and the rest of the priests, al that were almost in Constance, assembled to a great number, at the Couent of the Franciscanes in Constance, and there it was commaunded, that before Iohn Hus shoulde be brought foorth, in hys absence they should rehearse the witnesses and articles, which they had slaunderously gathered out of his bookes: the whych articles with Iohn Husses answer we will hereafter repeate. By chance there was then present a certaine. Notary, named Peter Mladoniewitz, the whych bare great loue and amity vnto the said Hus, who assoone as he perceiued that the Bishops and cardinals were already determined and appoynted to condemne the sayde articles in the absence of Iohn Hus, hee went withall speede vnto maister Wencelate de Duba, and Iohn of Clum, & tolde them al the matter: who incontinent made report therof to the Emperour. Who vnderstanding their intent, sent Lewes the Countie Palantine of Heydelberge, and the Lord Frederick, Burgraue of Nuremberge, to signify vnto them, whych ruled the councel, that nothing should be resolued or done in the case of Iohn Hus, before that it wer first heard with equity: and that they should send him all such articles as were said against the sayd Hus, which were either false or hereticall, & he would do so much,The craftie coū saile of the papistes stopped by the Emperour. that the said articles shoulde be examined by good and learned men. Then according to the Emperors will, the iudgement of the principals of the Councell was suspended, vntill suche time as Iohn Hus were present.

In the meane season these gentlemen, master of Dube and of Clum, did geue vnto the two Princes whych the Emperor had sent, certaine smal treatises which the sayde Hus had made, out of ye which they had drawn certain articles to present vnto them which ruled the councel, vnder this condition, that they would render them againe, when they should demand them. The intent & meaning of these Barons was, yt by thys meanes the aduersaries of Iohn Hus might ye more easily be reproued, ye which of a naughty and corrupt conscience, had picked out corrupt sentēces out of the said bookes of Iohn Hus. The bookes were deliuered vnto the Cardinals and Byshops, and that done, [Page] Iohn Hus was brought forth, and the Princes whiche were sent by the Emperour, departed backe agayne. After they shewed the bookes vnto Iohn Hus, and he cōfessed openly before the whole assembly that hee had made them, & that he was ready, if there were any fault in thē, to amend the same.

I. Hus forced to keepe silence by outrage of the bishops and priestes.Now harken a litle to the holy proceedynges of these reuerēd fathers, for here happened a straunge & shamefull matter. With much a do they had scarsly read one article, & brought forth a few witnesses vpō the same agaynst him, but as hee was about to apen his mouth to aunswere, all this mad heard or flocke begā so to cry out vpon him, that he had not leasure to speake one onely worde. The noyse & trouble was so great and so vehemēt, that a man might well haue called it a brute or noyse of wild beasts, and not of men, much lesse was it to be iudged a cōgregatiō of men gathered together,The like practise in these latter dayes was vsed at Oxford against the godly fathers. to iudge and determine so graue and waightie matters. And if it happened that the noyse and cry did neuer so litle cease, that hee might aunswere anythyng at all, out of the holy Scriptures or Ecclesiasticall Doctours, by and by he shoulde here these goodly replyes vpon him: That maketh nothyng to the purpose.

An outragious councel.Beside all this, some did outrage in wordes agaynst him, & other some spitefully mocked him: so yt he seing him selfe ouerwhelmed with this rude and barbarous noyses & cryes, & that it profited nothing to speake, he determined finally with himselfe to hold his peace & keepe silence. Frō that tyme forward all the whole route of his aduersaries, thought that they had wonne ye battaile of him, and cryed out altogether, now he is dūme, now he is dumme. This is a certaine signe and token, that he doth consent & agree vnto these his errours. Finally, the matter came to this poynt, that certaine of the most moderate & honest among thē, seing this disorder, determined to proceede no further, but that all should be deferred & put of vntil an other time. Through their aduise the Prelates & others departed frō the Councell for that present, & appointed to meet there agayne the morrow after to proceede in iudgement.

A great Eclipse of the Sunne.The next day, which was the vii. of Iune, on whiche day the sunne was almost wholy eclipsed, somwhat after about vii. of the clocke, this same flocke assembled agayne in the cloister of the Friers Minors,They wēt forth with swordes & staues, as it had bene to take a theife. and by their appointment Iohn Hus was brought before them, accompanyed wt a great number of armed men. Thether went also the Emperor, whom the gentlemen, master of Dube, & Clum, and the Notarie named Peter, which were great friendes of the sayd Hus, did folow to see what the end woulde be. When they were come thether, they heard that in the accusation of Michael de Causis, they reade these wordes folowing: Iohn Hus hath taught the people diuers and many errours both in the chapell of Bethleem,Peter and Iohn, follow Christ into the bishops house. and also in many other places of the Citie of Prage, of the which errours some of them he hath drawen out of Wickleffs bookes, and the rest he hath forged and inuented of his owne head, and doth maintaine the same very obstinately and stifly.

Matter made against I. HusFirst, that after the consecration and pronunciatiō of the words, in the supper of the Lord, there remaineth materiall bread, and this is prooued by the witnesse of Iohn Protiwate parishe Priest of s. Clements in Prage,False witnes against Iohn Hus Iohn Pecklow preacher at s. Giles in Prage, Benise preacher in the castle of Prage, Andrew Brod, Chanon of Prage, and diuers other Priestes.The aunswer of Iohn Hus. Unto thys Iohn Hus takyng a solemne othe, answered that he neuer spake any such worde, but thus much he did graunt, that at what time the Archbishop of Prage forbad hym to vse any more that terme or word bread,Naming of bread forbid by the archb. he could not allow the bishops commaundement: for so much as Christ in the 6. chapter of Iohn doth oftentimes name himselfe the bread of angels, which came downe from heauē, to geue life vnto the whole world. But as touching materiall bread, hee neuer spake any thing at all. Then the Cardinall of Cambray taking a certaine bill in hys hand, which he sayd he receiued the day before, sayd vnto Iohn Hus, will you put any vniversalities a parte rei.i. The Cardinall sophisticateth with I. Hus. as touching the thing? When Iohn Hus aunswered, that he wold, because S. Anselme, and diuers other had so done, the Cardinall did proceed to gather his argument in this maner.

It followeth then, sayde he, that after the consecration is made, there remaineth the substance of materiall bread, & that I do thus proue: That the consecration being done, whiles the bread is chaunged & transubstanciated into the body of Christ, as you say, either there doeth remaine the common substaunce of materiall bread, or contrariwise. If the substance do remaine, then is our purpose at an end. If contrariwise, then doth it folow, that by the decision of the singularitie, the vniversall ceaseth any more to be, Iohn Hus answered, truely it ceaseth to be in this singular materiall bread, by meanes of this trāsubstantiatiō, whē as it is changed & transubstanciated into the body of Christ: but notwithstanding in other singularities, it is made subiect.

Then a certaine English man by yt argument woulde proue out of the first positiō,The disputation of the English use. that there remained materiall bread. Then sayd Iohn Hus, that is a childish argument, which euery boy in the schooles knoweth, and thereuppon gaue a solution. Then an other English man wold proue, that there remained materiall bread in the sacrament, because the breade after the consecration was not anihilate. Unto whom Iohn Hus answered: Although, said he, that the breade be not anihilate or consumed, yet singularly it ceaseth there to be by meanes of the alteration of hys substance into the body of Christ.An English man. Here an other English mā, stepping forth, sayd: Iohn Hus semeth vnto me, to vse the same kinde of crafty speach, which Wickleffe vsed, for hee graunted all these things, which this man hath done, & yet in very deede was fully perswaded that material bread remained in the sacrament after the cōsecration. The whych when Iohn Hus had denied, saying that he spake nothing but only sincerely & vprightly, according to his conscience, the English man proceeded to demaunde of hym againe, whether the body of Christe be totally and really in the sacrament of the altar.Iohn Hus agreeth with that blinde rime in the sacrament. Wherunto Iohn Hus answered: verely, I do thincke that the body of Christ is really and totally in the sacrament of the alter, the which was borne of the virgine Mary, suffered, died, & rose againe, and sitteth on the right hande of God the father almighty. When they had disputed a good while to and froe, as touching vniuersalities, the English man whych before would proue that material bread remained in the sacrament, because that the bread was not anihilate, interrupting and breaking theyr talke, sayd: to what purpose is this disputation vpon vniuersalities, the which maketh nothing to the purpose, as touching faith: for as farre as I can perceiue or here, this man holdeth a good opinion, as touching the Sacrament of the aultare.

Then an other English man, named Sto [...]kes, sayd: I haue seene at Prage (sayd he) a certaine treatise, the whych was ascribed vnto thys man Iohn Hus,Stokes an Englishe man. wherein it was plainely set foorth, that after the consecration, there remained materiall bread in in the Sacramēt. Uerely said Iohn Hus, sauing your reuerence, that is not true.

Then they returned againe vnto the witnesses of them which were spoken of a litle before,False witnes who euery mā for himselfe affirmed with an othe, that which he had said. Amongest whom Iohn Protyway parishe priest of S. Clemēts in Prage,Iohn Hus falsely accused for calling S. Gregory a rimer whē he should come to confirme his testimony, added more, that Iohn Hus should say, that S. Gregory was but a rimer, whē he did alleadge his athoritie against him. Unto whō Iohn Hus answered, that in this point they did him great iniury, for somuch as he alwaies esteemed and reputed S. Gregory for a most holy doctor of the Church.

These contentions and disputations being somewhat appeased,The Cardinall of Florence. the Cardinall of Florence turned himselfe toward Iohn Hus, & said: Maister, you know well inough that it is written that in the mouth of two or three witnesses all witnes is firme and stable:Twenty witnesses preuayled against Iohn Hus, but the testimony of al Boheme would not serue on his part. and heere you see nowe almost 20. witnesses against you, men of authority & worthy of credite, amongst the whych some haue hearde you teach these things themselues, the other by report & common brute or voice, do testify of your doctrine, and altogether generally bring firme reasons & proofes of theyr witnesse, vnto the which wee are forced & constrained to geue credite, and for my part I see not howe you can maintaine & defend your cause against so many notable & wel learned men. Unto whom Iohn Hus answered in this maner: I take God and my conscience to witnes, yt I neuer taught any thing, neither was it euer in my minde or fantasie to teach in such sort or maner, as these men here haue not feared to witnesse against me, that which they neuer hearde. And albeit they were as many more in nūber as they are, for all that, I do much more esteme, yea and wtout comparison regard the witnes of my Lord God,The Cardinall of Cambray. before the wytnes and iudgement of al mine aduersaries, vpon whom I do in no poynt stay my selfe. Then sayde the Cardinall againe vnto him, it is not lawfull for vs to iudge according to your conscience, for we can not chuse, but that wee must nedes stay our selues vpon the firme & euident witnes of these men heere. For it is not for any displeasure or hatred that these men do witnes thys against you (as you doe alleadge) for they alleadge and bring foorth suche reasons of their witnesse, that there is no man that can perceyue any hatred in them, or that we can in any case be in dout thereof. And as touching M. Steuen Paletz, whereas you say, you do suspect him that he hath craftly & deceitfully drawen [Page] out certaine poyntes or articles out of your books for to betray them afterward: It semeth that in this point you do hym great wrong, for in myne aduise he hath vsed and shewed a great fidelitie and amitie towarde you, in yt he hathe alleuiated and moderated many of your articles much more then they are in your owne bookes. I vnderstand also that you haue like opinion of diuers other notable men, and specially you haue sayd, that you do suspect M. Chauncellour of Paris,He meaneth Gerson. then whome there is no more excellent and Christian man in all the whole world.

An other accusation for defending of Wickliffes articles.Then was there read a certayne article of accusation in ye which it was alledged that Iohn Hus had taught & obstinately defended certayne erroneous Articles of Wicliffes in Boheme. Whereunto Hus answered, that he neuer taught any erroures of Iohn Wickliffes, or of anye other mans. Wherefore if it be so that Wickliffe: haue sowed any errours in England, let the English men look to ye themselues. But to confirme theyr article, there was alleaged that Iohn Husse did withstande the condemnation of Wickliffes articles, the which was first condemned at Rome, & afterward also, whē the Archb. Swinco with other learned men, held a conuocation at Prage for ye same matter, when as they should haue bene there condemned for this cause, that none of them were agreeing to the Catholicke faith or doctrine, but were either hereticall, erroneous or offensiue: he aunswered that he durst not agree thereunto, for offending hys conscience, and specially for these Articles:Certaine Articles of Wickliffe that I. Hus stoode in. that Siluester the pope and Cōstantine dyd erre in bestowing those gret gifts & rewards vpō ye church Also that the pope or Priest being in mortall sinne, can not consecrate nor baptise. This article said he, I haue thus determined, as if I should say that he doth vnworthely consecrate or Baptise, when as he is in deadly sinne, and that he is an vnworthy minister of the Sacramentes of God. Here his accusers, with their witnesses, were earnest and instant, that the article of Wickliffe was written by the very same wordes in the treatise which Iohn Husse made agaynst Stephen Paletz.A treatise against Steuē Palletz. Uerely said Iohn Husse I feare not to submit my selfe, euen vnder the daunger of death, if you shall not find it so, as I haue sayd. When the book was brought forth, they founde it written as Iohn Husse had sayd. He added also moreouer that he durst not agree vnto them which had condemned Wickliffes articles, for this Article: the tenthes were pure almes.

Whether tenthes be pure almoseHere the Cardinal of Florence obiected vnto him this argument, as touching ye almes: it is required that it shold be geuē freely without bond or duety. But tenthes are not geuen freely without bond or duety: therefore are they no almes. Iohn Hus denying the Maior of this Sillogismus brought this reason agaynst him. For somuch as rich men are bounden vnder the payne of eternall damnation, vnto the fulfilling of ye 6. works of mercy, which Christ repeteth in the 25. chap. of Mathew:Almose stā deth of duty and these workes are pure almes: Ergo, almes is also geuen by bond & duety. Then an Archbishop of Englād stepping vp, sayd, if we all be boūd vnto those 6. workes of mercy, it doth followe that poore men, which haue nothing at al to geue, should be damned. I answere, sayd Husse, vnto your antecedent, that I spake distinctly of rich men, and of those which had where withall to doe those workes: they I say were bound to geue almes vnder payne of damnation.

He answered moreouer vnto the Minor of the first argument, that tenthes were at first geuen freely, and afterward made a bond and duetie. And when as he woulde haue declared it more at large, he could not be suffered. He declared also diuers other causes, why he coulde not with safe conscience, consent vnto the condemnatiō of Wickliffes articles. But how soeuer the matter went he did affirme & say, that he did neuer obstinately confirme any Articles of Wickleffes, but only that he did not alow and consent that Wickliffes Articles should be condemned before that sufficient reasons were alleadged out of the holy Scripture for theyr condemnation,I. Hus his minde touching the cō demnation of Wickliffes articles. & of the same minde, saith Iohn Hus are a great many other Doctors and maysters of the Uniuersitie of Prage. For when as Swinco the archbishop commanded all Wickliffes bookes to be gathered together in the whole City of Prage, and to be brought vnto him, I my self brought also certayn books of Wickliffes, which I gaue vnto yt Archbishop desiring him yt if he found any error or heresie in them that he would note and mark thē, and I myselfe would publish them openly.Wickliffes bookes burned in prage by Archb. Suinco. But the archbishop, albeit that he shewed me no errour nor heresie in them, burned my bookes together with those that were brought vnto him, notwtstanding that he had no such commaundement from Pope Alexander the fifth of that name. But notwithstanding by a certaine pollicie he obtayned a Bull from the sayd Pope by meanes of Iaroslaus Bishop of Sarepte of the order of Franciscanes, that all Wickleff [...]s books for the manifold errours, contayned in them (wherof there was none named) should be taken out of all mens handes.

The archb. vsing the authoritie of this Bull,A narration touching Wickliffes bookes. thought he should bring to passe that the king of Boheme and the Nobles shold consent to the condemnation of Wickliffes bookes, but therein he was deceiued. Yet neuerthelesse he calling together certayn deuines, gaue them in cōmissiō to sit vpon Wickliffes bookes and to proceede agaynst them by a diffinitiue sentence in the Canon law. These men by a generall sentence iudged all those books worthy to be burned. The which when the Doctors, Maysters and Shollers of the vniuersitie heard report of, they altogether with one consent & accord (none excepted but onely they, which before were chosen by the Archbishop to sit in iudgement) determined to make supplication vnto the king to stay the matter.The vniuersitie of prage maketh supplication to the king for sauing of Wickliffes bookes. The king graunting their request, sent by and by certain vnto the Archbishop to examine the matter. There he denyed that he woulde decree anye thing as touchinge Wickleffes bookes contrary vnto the kinges will & pleasure. Wherupon, albeit that he had determined to burn thē the next day after, yet for feare of the king, the matter was passed ouer.

In the meane tyme Pope Alexander the fifth beyng dead,Wickliffs bookes burned in Prage against the kings will. A decree that no mā should teach any more in chappels. the Archbishop fearing least the Bull whiche he had receiued of the pope, would be no longer of any force or effect, priuily calling vnto him hys adherentes, and shutting the gates of hys Court round about him, being garded wt a number of armed souldiors, he consumed and burned all Wickliffes bookes. Beside this great iniurie the Archbyshop by meanes of his Bull aforesayd, committed an other lesse tollerable. For he gaue out commaundement that no man after that time vnder payne of excōmunication shold teach any more in Chappels.Iohn Hus appealed to the pope & from the pope to Christ. Wherunto I did appeale vnto the Pope, who being dead, and the cause of my matter remayning vndetermined, I appealed likewise vnto his successor Iohn 23. Before whom when as by the space of 2. yeres, I could not be admitted by my aduocates to defend my cause, I appealed vnto the high Iudge Christ. When I. Hus had spoken these wordes, it was demaunded of hym whether he had receiued absolution of the pope or no he aunswered,A questiō of the councell whether it be lawfull to appeale to Christ or no. no. Then agayne whether it were lawfull for him to appeale vnto Christ or no. Whereunto Iohn Hus answered: Uerely I doe affirme here afore you all that there is no more iust or effectuall appeale, then that appeale which is made vnto Christ, for asmuch as the law doth determine that to appeale is no other thinge then in a cause of griefe or wrong done by an inferior iudge, to implore and require ayde and remedy at a higher Iudges hand. Who is then an higher Iudge then Christ? Who I say cā know or iudge the matter more iustly or with more equitie? when as in him there is found no deceit, neyther can he be deceiued:The popishe church derideth Christ. or who can better helpe the miserable & oppressed thē he? While Iohn Hus with a deuout and sober countenaunce was speaking and pronouncing those words, he was derided and mocked of all the whole councell.

Then was there rehearsed an other Article of his accusation in this maner: that Iohn Hus for to confirme the heresie which he had taught the common and simple people out of Wickleffes bookes, sayd openly these wordes, that at what time a great number of Monkes and Friers and other learned men, were gathered together in Englād in a certayne Church, to dispute agaynst Iohn Wickliffe, & could by no meanes vanquishe him or geue him the foyle, sodenly the church doore was broken open with lightning so that with much a doe Wickleffes enemies hardly scaped without hurt. He added moreouer that he wished his soule to be in the same place where Iohn Wickleffes soule was. Whereunto Iohn Hus answered:Hus accused for trusting that Wickliffes soule is saued. that a douscine yeares before that any bookes of Diuinitie of Iohn Wickleffes were in Boheme, he did see certayne workes of Philosophie of hys, the which, he sayd, did merueilous delite and please hym. And when he vnderstoode the good and godly life of the sayd Wickleffe, he spake these wordes: I trust sayde he that Wickleffe is saued, and albeit that I doubt whether he be damned or no, yet with a good hope I wish that my soule were in the same place where Iohn Wickleffes is. Then agayne did all the company iest and laugh at hym.

It is also in hys accusation that Iohn Hus did counsaile the people according to the example of Moyses,Sedition laid to his charge. to resist with the sword agaynst all such as did gaynsay his doctrine. And the next day after he had preached the same, there were found openly in diuers places certaine intimations that euery man being armed with hys sword about [Page] him, should stoutly proceede: and that brother shoulde not spare brother, neyther one neighbor an other. Iohn Husse aunswered that all these thinges were falsly layd vnto hys charge by his aduersaries, for he at all times when he preached did dilligently admonishe, and warne the people, that they should all arme themselues to defend the truth of the Gospell, according to the saying of the Apostle, with the helmet and sworde of saluation, and that he neuer spake of any material sword, but of that which is the word of God. And as touching intimations or Moyses sword, he neuer had nothing to doe withall.

Hus accused for mouing certaine tumultes against the clergie and deuision in the vniuersitie of Prage.It is moreouer affirmed in hys accusation and witnes that many offences are sprong vp by the doctrine of Hus. For first of all he sowed discord betweene the Ecclesiastical and the politick state: whereupon folowed the persecution, spoiling: and robbery of the Clergie & Bishops. And more ouer that he through his dissention, dissolued the vniuersitie of Prage. Hereunto Iohn Hus briefly aunswered that these thinges had not happened by hys meanes or default. For the first dissention that was betweene the Ecclesiasticall and politicke state, sprang and grew vpon this cause, that pope Gregory the 12. of that name, promised at his election that at all times at the wil and pleasure of the Cardinals: he would depart from,A story of popes and geue ouer hys seate agayne: for vnder that condition he was electe and chosen. This man contrary and against Winceslaus king of Boheme, who was then also king of the Romaynes, made Lewes Duke of Bauaria Emperour.

A few yeares after it happened that when as P. Gregory would not refuse and geue ouer his seate and office at the request of the Cardinalles, that the whole Colledge of Cardinalles sent letters to the king of Boheme requiring him, that together with them he would renounce & forsake his obedience vnto pope Gregory, and so it shoulde come to passe that by ye authoritie of a new Byshop he should recouer againe his imperial dignity. For this cause the king cōsēted to the wil of yt Cardinals as touching a neutrality that is to say, that he would neyther take part with Pope Gregory,The cause why Swinco & other of the Clergie did flie out of Prage. neyther yet with Benedict the xii. Byshop of Auinion, whiche was then named Pope as it doth appeare by Chronicles. In this cause then, for somuch as the archbishop Swinco with the Clergy, were agaynst the kyng, and abstayning from the deuine seruice many of them departed out of the Citty, and the archbishop hymselfe breaking down the tombe of the Lord Wincelate contrary and agaynst the kinges will, did also take Wickliffes bookes & burned them: therupon the king without any gaynsaying suffered that certayne goodes of theyrs, which of their own wils were fled away, should be spoyled, because they shold not consent or accord with the bishop. Wherupon it is easie to be vnderstanded and knowne, that Iohn Husse was falsely accused for that matter.This doctor Naso was counsailer to king Wenceslus. Howbeit a certayn man one Naso rising vp, sayd, the Clergy (sayd he) did not abstayne from the deuine seruice because they woulde not sweare to consent vnto the king, but because that they were spoyled and robbed of theyr goodes and substaunce. And the Cardinall of Cambray, who was one of the Iudges sayd: here I must say somewhat, which is come into my minde.

When as I came from Rome, the same yeare that these thinges were done, by chaunce I met on the way certayne Prelates of Boheme. Whome when I demaunded what newes they had brought out of Boheme, they aunswered that there was happened a wonderfull cruel and haynous fact, for all the Clergy were spoyled of all theyr substaunce and very ill intreated and handled.A declaration how the Germaines departed frō the vniuersitie of Prage. Then Iohn Hus alledging the same cause which he did before, went forward vnto the secōd part of the Article which was obiected against him, denying also that it happened thorough his fault, that the Germaynes departed from the Uniuersitie of Prage. But when as the king of Boheme, according to the foundation of Charles the fourth, his father granted three voices vnto the Bohemes, & the fourth vnto the Germaynes whereat the Germaynes grudging, that they shoulde be exemted from theyr voices,The penaltie of money was 100. siluer shocke. of theyr owne accorde departed & went theyr wayes: binding themselues with a great oth and vnder a great penalty, both of their fame and also money, that none of them should returne agayne vnto Prage Notwithstanding: I am not ashamed to confesse that I did approue and allow the doinges of the king, vnto whom of only I ow obedience for the commoditie and profite of my country. And because you shal not thinke that I haue spoken any vntrueth, here is present Albert Warren Tranius, whiche was deacon of the faculties, who hadde sworne to depart with the rest of the Germaynes: he, if that he wil say the truth, shal easly clere me of this suspitiō.

But when as Albert would haue spoken, he could not be heard. But the foresayd Naso, of whome before is made mention, after he had asked leaue to speak, sayd, this matter do I vnderstand wel inough,The slaūder of the vnshamefast Sycophant. for I was in the Kinges court, when these thyngs were done in Boheme, when as I sawe the maysters of the 3. nations of the Germaynes, Bauarians, Saxons, and Silesians, amongst whome the Pollonians were also numbred, most humbly come vnto the king, requiring yt he would not suffer the right of their voyces to be takē from them. Then the kyng promised thē that he would forsee and prouide for theyr requestes. But Iohn Hus and Ierome of Prage with diuers others, perswaded the king that he should not so do. Wherat the king at the first being not a little moued, gaue him a sore checke that he and Hierom of Prage did somuch intermedie themselues, and moued such open controuersies, in somuch that he threatned them, that except they woulde forsee and take heede, hee woulde bring it to passe that the matter shoulde be determined and decreed by fire. Wherfore most reuerēd fathers, you shall vnderstand that the king of Boheme did neuer fauour with his hart, these men whose vnshamefastnes is such,Palletz speaketh against Iohn Hus. that they feared not euen of late, to entreat me euill, being so much in the kinges fauour and credite. After hym stepped forth Paletz, saying: verely most reuerend fathers, not onely the learned men of other nations, but also of Boheme it selfe: are through the Councell of Iohn Hus and his adherentes, banished out of Boheme, of the which number some remayne yet in exile in Morauia. Hereunto Iohn Hus answered, how can thys be true, sayd he, sithēs I was not at Prage at that tyme, when as these men you speake of, departed and went awaye from thence? These thynges were thus debated the day aforesayd as touching Iohn Hus.

This done, the sayd Iohn Hus was committed to the custody of the bishop of Rigen,Hus cōmitted to custodie. Ierome of Prage. vnder whome Ierome of Prage was also prisoner. But before that he was led away ye Cardinall of Cambray, calling him backe agayne in the presence of the Emperour, sayd Iohn Hus, I haue heard you say, that if you had not ben willing of your own mind to come vnto Constance, neyther the Emperour himselfe, neither the king of Boheme coulde haue compelled you to do it. Unto whom Iohn Hus answered, vnder your licēce most reuerend father, I neuer vsed any such kinde of talke or wordes. But this I did say, that there was in Boheme a great number of gentle mē and noble men, which did fauour and loue me, the whiche also might easely haue kepte me in some sure and secret place, that I shoulde not haue bene constrayned to come vnto thys towne of Constance neyther at the will of the Emperour,The Cardinall of Cambray. neyther of the king of Boheme. With that the Cardinall of Cambray, euen for very anger began to chaunge hys colour, and despiteously said do you not see the vnshamefastnes of ye man here? And as they were murmuring and whispering on all partes,Iohn de Clum. the L. Ioh. de Clum, ratifying and confirming that which Iohn Hus had spoken, sayd: that Iohn Hus had spoken very well, for on my part (sayd he) which in comparison of a great many others am but of small force in the realme of Boheme, yet alwayes if I would haue taken it in hand, I could haue defended hym easely by the space of one yeare, euen agaynst all the force & power of both these great and mighty kinges. How much better might they haue done it which are of more force or puissance then I am? and haue stronger castles and places then I haue? After that the L. de Clum had spoken, the Cardinal of Cambray sayd, let vs leaue thys talke. And I tell you Iohn Hus, and counsaile you, that you submit your selfe vnto the sentence and mind of the Councel, as you did promise in the prison, and if that you wyll do so, it shall be greatly both for your profite and honour.

And the Emperour hymselfe began to tell hym ye same tale,The aemperours oratiō to I. Hus. saying: Albeit that there be some which say that the 15 day after you were committed to prison, you obtayned of vs our letters of safe conducte, notwithstāding I can well proue by the witnes of many Princes and noble men, that the sayd sase conducte was obtayned and gotten of vs by my Lord de Dube and de Clum, before you were parted out of Prage, vnder whose garde we haue sent for you, to to the end that none shold do you any outrage or hurt, but yt you shold haue full liberty to speake freely before all the Councell, and to answere as touching your fayth and doctrine, and as you see my Lords the Cardinalles and Byshops, haue so dealt with you, that we doe very well perceaue theyr good will towardes you, for ye whych we haue great cause to thanke thē. And for somuche as diuers haue told vs, yt we may not or ought not of right, to defend anye man which is an hereticke or suspecte of heresie: therefore now we geue you euen the same Councell, which the Cardinal of Cambray hath geuen you already, that you be not obstinate to mayntayne any opinion, but yt you do submit [...] [Page] your selfe vnder such obedience as you owe vnto the authoritie of the holy Councell in all thinges, that shall be laid against you and confirmed by credible witnesses. The which thing if you do according to our Counsaile, we will geue order that for the loue of vs and of our brother ye whol realme of Boheme, the Councell shall suffer you to depart in peace, with an easie and tollerable penance & satisfactiō. The which thing if you do contrariwise refuse to do, ye presidentes of ye Councell, shall haue sufficient wherwithal to proceede agaynst you. And for our part be ye well assured, that we will sooner prepare and make the fire wt our own handes to burne you withall, then we wil endure or suffer any longer that you shal maintayn or vse this stifnes of opinions, which you haue hitherto mayntayned and vsed. Wherfore our aduise and councell is, that you submit your self wholy vnto ye iudgement of the coūcell. Vnto whome I.The answer of I. Hus vn to the Emperour. Hus answered in this sort: O most noble Emperour, I render vnto your highnes most immortall thankes for your letters of safeconduct. Uppon this L. Iohn de Clum did break him of his purpose, and admonished him, that he did in no poynt excuse himselfe of the blame of obstinacie.

Then said I. Hus, O most gentle lord, I do take God to my witnes, that I was neuer minded to mayntain any opinion euer obstinately, and that for this same intent and purpose, I did come hether of myne owne good will, that if any man could lay before me any better or more holy doctrine then mine, that then I would chaunge myne opinion without anye further doubt. After he had spoken and sayde these thinges, he was sent awaye with the Sergeantes.

The morow after, which was the viii. day of Iune, the uery same company which was assembled the day before, assembled now againe at the Couent of the Franciscaues. And in this assembly were also I. Husse, hys friends Lord de Dube, and Lord de Clum, and Peter the Notary. Thether was Iohn Hus also brought: & in his presence there were reade about 39. Articles, the which they sayde, were drawne out of his bookes. Hus acknowledged all those that were faythfully and truly collected and gathered to be his, of the which sort there were but very few. The residue were counterfayted and forged by his aduersaryes:1. Articles laide to I. Hus. & specially by Stephen Palletz, the principall authour of this mischiefe for they could finde no such thinge in the bookes out of the which they sayde they had drawne and gathered them, or at the least, if they were: they were corrupted by flaunders, as a man may easely perceiue by the number of Articles.

These be the same Articles in a matter whiche were shewed before in the prison to Iohn Hus, and are rehearsed here in an other order. Howbeit, there were more Articles added vnto thē and other some corrected & enlarged. But now we will shew them one with an other, and declare what the sayde Hus did aunswere both openly before them all, as also in the prison, for he left his aunsweres in the prison briefly written with hys owne hand in these wordes.

I Iohn Hus, unworthy minister of Iesus Christ, master of Arte and Bachelour of Diuinitie do confesse that I haue written a certayne small treatise intituled of ye church,The answer of Iohn Hus concerning his booke of the church. the copy whereof was shewed me by the Notaryes of the three Presidentes of the Councell, that is to saye, the Patriarche of Constantinople, the Byshop of Castle, and the Byshop of Libusse: the whiche deputies or presidentes in reprose of the sayd treatise, deliuered vnto me certayne articles, saying, that they were drawne out of the sayd treatise, and were written in the same.

The first Article. There is but one holy uniuersall or Catholicke Church, which is the vniversall company of al the predestinate. I doe confesse that thys proposition is mine and is confirmed by the saying of S. Augustin vpon S. Iohn.

The second article. S. Paule was neuer any member of the deuill:S. Paule was neuer any member of the deuill. albeit that he committed, and did certayne actes like vnto the actes of the malignant Churche. And likewise S. Peter which fell into an horrible sinne of periurie and deniall of his mayster, it was by the permission of God that he might the more firmely and stedfastly rise a gayne and be confirmed. I aunswere, according to Sainct Augustine, that it is expedient that the elect and predestinate should sinne and offend.

Hereby it appeareth, that there is two maner of seperations from the holy church.Two maner of separatiōs from the church. The first is, not to perdition as all the elect are deuided from the Church. The second is to perdition, by the which certayne heretickes are through theyr deadly sinne, deuided from the Church. Yet notwithstanding, by the grace of God they may returne agayne vnto the flocke and be of the sold of our Lord Iesus Christ of whome he speaketh himselfe saying, I haue other sheep which are not of thys fold. Iohn. xx.

The third article. No part or member of the Churche doth depart or fall away at any time from the bodye, for so much as the charitie of predestination,The members of the church neuer fall finally away. whiche is the bond and chayne of the same, doth neuer fall. Thys proposition is thus placed in my booke: As the reprobate of the church proceed out of the same, & yet are not as partes or mēbers of the same, for so much as no part or member of the same doth finally fall away, because that the charitie of predestination, which is the bond and chayne of the same, doth neuer fall away. This is proued by the 13. chapter of the first to the Corinthians and to the Romaynes the 8. chapter: All thinges turne to good to them whiche loue God. Also I am certayne that neyther death nor life can seperate vs from the charitie and loue of God, as it is more at large in the booke.

The fourth Article.The predestinate is alwaies a member of the vniuersal church although not in present iustice. The predestinate although he be not in the state of grace according to present iustice, yet is he alwayes a member of the vniuersall Churche. Thys is an errour, if it be vnderstand of all such as be predestinate, for thus it is in the booke about the beginning of the fift chapter where it is declared that there be diuers maners and fortes of being in the Church, for there are some in the Church according to a misshappen fayth, and other some according to predestination, as Christians predestinate now in sinne, but shall returne agayne vnto grace.

The fift article: There is no degree of honor or dignitie neyther any humain election,To be in the church: and a member of the church. or any sensible signe, that can make any man a member of the vniuersall Church. I aunswere this article is after this maner in my book. And such subtilties are vnderstanded & knowne by considering what it is to be in the Churche, and what it is to be a part or member of the Church,Predestination. & that predestination doth make a man a member of the vniuersall Church, the whiche is a preparation of grace, for the present, and of glory to come: & not degree of dignitie, neyther election of man, neyther any sensible signe. For the acuser Iudas Iscarioth notwt standing Christes election, & the temporall graces which were geuen him for his office of Apostleship, and yt he was reputed and counted of men a true Apostle of Iesus Christ yet was he no true Disciple but a wolf couered in a sheps skinne,Both good and bad in the Church. as sainet Augustine sayth.

The vi. Article: A reprobate man is neuer no member of the holy Church. I answere, it is in my booke with sufficient long probation out of the 26. Psalme, and out of the v. chapter to the Ephesians, & also by S. Barnarde saying the Church of Iesus Christ is more playnly and euidently his body, then the body which he deliuered for vnto death I haue also written in the v. chap. of my booke, that the holy church is the barne of the Lord, in the whiche are bothe good and euill, predestinate and reprobate, the good being as the good corne or grayne, and the ciuill as the chaffe, & thereunto is added the exposition of S. Augustine.

The seuenth article: Iudas was neuer no true Disciple of Iesus Christ. I answere and I do confesse the same. This appeareth by the fift article, which is passed afore, & by S. Augustine in his booke of penaunce, where he doth expound the meaning of S. Iohn in hys first Epistle and second chapter, where he sayd: They come out frō amōgst vs, but they were none of vs. He knewe from the beginning all them whiche should beleeue, and him also whiche should betray him and sayd: And therefore I say vnto you that none commeth vnto me, except it be geuen hym of my father. From that tune many of the Disciples parted from him, and were not those also called Disciples accordyng the wordes of the Gospell? And yet notwithstanding they were no true Disciples, because they did not remayne and continue in the word of the sonne of God, according as it is said: If you remayne in my word, you be my Disciples. For so much then as they did not continue with Christ as hys true Disciples, so likewise are they not the true sonns of God: although they seeme so, vnto him they are not so, vnto whom it is known what they shall be: That is to say of good, euill. Thus much writeth S. Augustine. It is also euident that Iudas could not be the true Disciple of Christ, by meanes of hys couetousnesse for Christ himselfe sayd in the presence of Iudas, as I suppose, except a man forsake all that he hath, he can not be my Disciple. For somuch then as Iudas did not forsake all thinges, according to the Lordes will, and follow him he was a theefe as it is sayd, Iohn the 12. and a deuill, Iohn the 6. whereby it is euident by the worde of the Lord, that Iudas was not hys true, but sayned Disciple. Whereupon S. Augustine writing vpon Iohn, declaring how the sheepe heare the voice of Christ, sayth, what maner of hearers, thinke we, hys sheepe were? Truely Iudas heard him and was a wolfe, [Page] yet followed he the shepherd, but being clothed in a sheeps skinne he lay in wayt for the shepheard.

The eight article: The congregatiō of the predestinate whether they be in the state of grace or no, according vnto present iustice, is the holy vniuersall Church, and therefore it is an article of fayth, and it is the same Churche, whiche hath neither wrinckle neyther spot in it, but is holy & vndefiled,The Church is taken sometime for the congregation of the elect & faithful, & so is the article taken in the Creede. the which the sonne of God doth cal his own. The answere. The wordes of the booke out of the which thys Article was drawne are these: Thirdly, the Church is vnderstand and taken for the congregation and assembly of ye faythfull, whether they be in the state of grace, according to present iustice or not. And in this sort it is an Article of our fayth, of the whiche S. Paule maketh mention in the fifth chapter to the Ephesians: Christ so loued his Church that he deliuered and offered himself for the same &c. I pray you then, is there any faythful man, the which doth doubt that the Church doth not signifie all the elect and predestinate the which we ought to beleue to be the vniuersall Church the glorious spouse of Iesus christ holy and without spot? wherfore this Article is an article of fayth, the whiche we ought firmely to beleue according to our Creede. I beleue the holy Catholicke Church, and of this Churche doth S. Augustine, S. Gregory, S. Ierome, and diuers other make mention.

Peter neuer was head of the whole vniuersal Church.The ix. article: Peter neuer was, neither is the head of the holy vniuersall Church. The aunswere. This Article was drawne out of these wordes of my booke: All men do agree in this poynt, that Peter had receiued of the rocke of the church (which is Christ) humilitie, pouertie, stedfastnes of fayth, and consequently blessednes. Not as though the meaning of our Lord Iesus Christ was, when he said vpon this rocke I will build my Churche,The Church builded vpon Peter, how. that he woulde build euery Militant Church vppon the person of Peter, for Christ should buyld hys Church vpon the rocke which is Christ himselfe, from whence Peter receiued hys steadfastnes of fayth, for somuche as Iesus Christ is the onely head and foundation of euery Church, and not Peter.

10 The tenth Article: If he that is called the vicar of Iesus Christ, do followe Christ in his life, then he is his true vicare.The vicare of Christ how he is to be taken. But if so be it, he do walke in contrary pathes and wayes, then is he the messenger of Antichrist, & the enemy and aduersary of S. Peter, & of our Lorde Iesus Christe, and also the vicare of Iudas Iscarioth. I aunswere the wordes of my book are these: If he which is called the vicare of S. Peter walke in the wayes of Christian vertues aforesayd, we do beleue verely that he is the true vicar and true Byshop of the Church whiche ruleth: but if he walke in contrary pathes and wayes, then is he the messenger of Antechrist cōtrary both to S. Peter,E [...]ard, ad Eu [...]en [...]m. lib. 4. and our Lord Iesus Christ. And therfore S. Bernard in hys 4. book did write in this sort vnto pope Eugenie: Thou delitest & walkest in great pride and arrogancie, being gorgeously and sumptuously arayd, what fruit or profite do thy flocke or sheepe receiue by thee? If I durst say it, these be rather the pastures and feedinges of deuils, then of sheepe. S. Peter & S. Paul did not so, wherfore thou seemest by these thy doings to succeede Constantine, & not S. Peter. These be the very wordes of S. Bernard. It followeth after in my booke that if the maner and fashion of his life and liuing, be contrary to that which S. Peter vsed, or that he be geuen to auarice and couetousnes, then is he the vicar of Iudas Iscarioth, which loued and chose the reward of iniquitie, & dyd set out to sale the Lord Iesus Christ. As soone as they had read the same, those which ruled and gouerned the coū cell, beheld one an other, making mockes and moes, they nodded theyr heades at hym.

11 The xi. article: Al such as doe vse Symmony, & priests liuing dissolutely and wantonly, do hold an vntrue opinion of ye 7. Sacramentes, as vnbeleuing bastardes, and not as Children, not knowing what is the office & duety of the keyes or censures, rites, and ceremonies, neither of the diuine seruice of the Churche, or of veneration or worshipping of reliques, neither of y• orders constituted and ordeined in the Church, neither yet of indulgences or pardons. I answere, yt it is placed in this maner in my book. Thys abuse of authoritie or power is committed by such as doe sell & make marchandise of holy orders,Prelates making merchandise of holy orders. and get and gather together riches by Symonie, making fayres and markets of the holy Sacramentes, and liuing in all kynd of voluptuousnes and dissolute maners, or in any other filthy or vilanous kind of liuing. They do polute and defile the holye ecclesiasticall state. And albeit that they professe in wordes that they do know God, yet doe they deny it again by their deeds, and consequently beleue not in God: But as vnbeleeuing bastardes they holde a contrarye and vntrue opinion of the 7. Sacramentes of the Church. And this appeareth most euidently, for somuch as all suche doe vtterly contemne and despise the name of God, according to the saying of Malachy, the first chapter: Unto you O Priestes be it spoken, which doe despise and contemne my name.

The xii. Article: The papall dignitie hath hys original 12 from the Emperours of Rome.The Pope taketh his originall [...] the Emperours. 96. dis [...]. I answere, and mark wel what my wordes are. The preeminence and institution of the Pope is sprong and come of the Emperours power & authoritie. And this is proued by the 96. distinction, for Constantine graunted thys priuiledge vnto the Bishop of Rome, and other after hym confirmed the same: That like as Augustus for the outward and temporal goodes bestowed vpon the Churche, is counted alwayes the most high king aboue al others: so the bysh. of Rome shold be called ye principal father aboue all other bishops. This notwithstanding the papall dignitie hath hys original immediately from Christ, as touching hys spirituall administration and office, to rule the Church. Then the Cardinall of Cabray sayd: in the tyme of Constantine there was a generall Councell holden at Nice, in the whiche, albeit the highest rowme and place in the Church was geuen to the Bishop of Rome, for honours cause, it is ascribed vnto the Emperour: wherefore then do you not aswell affirme and saye yt the Papall dignitie tooke hys originall rather from that councel, then by the Emperours authoritie and power?

The 13. article: No man would reasonably affirme (we out 13 reuelation) neyther of hymselfe nor of any other,The pope is not the head of any particuler church that hee is the heade of any particular Churche. I aunswere I confesse it to be written in my booke, and it followeth straight after: Albeit that through hys good liuing he oght to hope and trust that he is a member of the holy vniuersal Church, the spouse of Iesus Christ, according to the saying of the Preacher: No man knoweth whether he be worthy and haue deserued grace and fauour, or hatred. And Luke the 17. when ye haue done all that ye can, say that you are vnprofitable seruauntes.

The 14. Article: It ought not to be beleeued that the 14 pope, whatsoeuer he be, may be the head of any particular Churche, vnles he be predestinate or ordayned of God. I aunswere, that I doe acknowledge thys preposition to be myne, and thys is easie to proue, forsomuche as it is necessary that the Christian faith shuld be depraued, for somuch as the Churche was deceiued by N. as it appeareth by S. Augustine.

The 15. article. The popes power as Uicare, is but 15 vayne and nothing worth,The popes power vaine if he do not confirme & addresse hys lyfe accordyng to Iesus Christ, and not followe the maners of S. Peter. I answere that it is thus in my book that it is meet and expedient that he which is ordayned vicar should addresse and frame himselfe in maners and conditions, to ye authoritie of hym,Distinction of merite, and of office which did put him in place. And Iohn Hus sayd. Moreouer before the whole councell I vnderstand that the power and authoritie in such a pope as doth not represent the maners of Christ, is frustrate and voyd as touching the merite and rewarde, which he shold obtayne and get therby, and doth not get the same: but not as concerning hys office. Then certayne others standing by asked of hym saying, where is that glose in your book? I. Hus answered, you shall finde it in my treatise agaynst M. Palletz, wherat all the assistaunce (looking one vppon an other) began for to smile and laugh.

The 16. Article. The pope is most holy, not because hee 16 doth supply and hold the rowme and place of S. Peter,Holynes cómeth not by sitting, but by folowing but because he hath great reuenues. I answere that my words are mutilate, for thus it is written: He is not most holy because he is called the vicar of S. Peter, or because he hathe great and large possessions: But if he be the follower of Iesus Christ in humilitie, gentlenes, paciēce, labour and trauayle,17 and in perfect loue and charitie.

The 17. Article.The Cardinalles do count it heresie that they should be compelled to be followers of the Apostles The Cardinals are not the manifest and true successours of the other Apostles of Iesus Christ if they liue not according to the fashion of the Apostles keping the commaundementes and ordinaunces of the Lord Iesus, I answere, that it is thus written in my booke, and it proueth it selfe sufficiently. For if they enter in by an other way then by the dore whiche is the Lord Iesus, they be murtheres and theeues.

Then sayde the Cardinall of Cambray, beholde both this and all other articles before rehearsed, he hath written much more detestable thinges in his booke, then is presented in hys articles. Truely Iohn Hus yu hast kept no order in thy sermons and writings. Had it not ben your part to haue applyed your sermons according to your audiēce? For to what purpose was it, or what did it profite you before the people to preach agaynst the Cardinals, when as none of them were present? It had bene meeter for you to haue told them theyr faults before them all, then before the [Page] laity. Then aunswered Iohn Hus, reuerend father, for so much as I did see many prieste & other learned men present at my sermons, for their sakes I spake those wordes. Then sayd the Cardinal thou hast done very ill, for by such kinde of talke thou hast disturbed and troubled the whole state of the Church.

The 18. Article.18. An hereticke ought not to be committed to the secular powers to be put to death, for it is sufficient onely that he abide and suffer the ecclesiasticall censure. These are my wordes.I. Hus condeneth the crueltie of the prelates in seeking the death of heretickes. That they might be ashamed of their cruel sentence and iudgement, specially for somuch as Iesus Christ byshop both of the old and newe Testament would not iudge such as were disobedient by ciuill iudgement, neither condemne them to bodily death. As touching the first poynt. It may be euidently seene in the 12. Chapiter of S. Luke. And for the second it appeareth also by the woman which was taken in adultery, of who it is spoken in the 8. chapter of Sainct Iohn. And it is sayde in the 18. Chapter of Sainct Mathew: If thy brother haue offended thee. &c. Marke therfore what I do say: That an hereticke whatsoeuer he be, ought first to be instructed and taught with Christian loue, and gentlenes by the holy scriptures and by the reasons dra [...]ne and taken out of the same, as S. Augustine and others haue done, disputing agaynst the heretickes. But if there were any which after al these gentle and louing admonitions and instructions, woulde not cease from, or leaue of their stiffnes of opinions, but obstinately resist agaynst the truth, suche I say ought to suffer corporall or bodily punishment.

As soone as Iohn Hus had spoken those thinges, the iudges red in hys booke a certayne clause, wherein he seeined greeuously to enuey agaynst them which deliuered an hereticke vnto the secular power, not being confuted or contricted of heresie, and compared thē vnto the high priestes, Scribes, and Phariseis, which sayd vnto Pilate, it is not lawfull for vs to put any man to death, and deliuered Christ vnto him:The betraying and condemning of innocents. And yet notwithstanding according vnto Christes owne witnesse, they were greater murtherers then Pilate: for he, said Christ: which hath deliuered me vnto thee, hath committed the greatest offence. Then ye Cardinals and Bishops,And how coulde this bishop of Cambray vnderstand the bookes of I. Hus being written in Bohemiā speach, which he vnderstoode not. made a great noyse and demaunded of I. Hus, saying, who are they yt thou dost compare or assimule vnto the Phariseis? Then he sayd, all those whiche deliuered vp anye innocent vnto the ciuill sworde, as the Scribes and Phariseis deliuered Iesus Christ vnto Pilate. No, no, sayd they agayne, for all that, you spake here of doctors. And the Cardinall of Cambray, according to his accustomed maner sayd: Truly, they which haue made and gathered these articles, haue vsed great lenitie and getlenes, for his writings are much more detestable & horible

The 19. article.19. The Nobles of the world ought to cō strayne and compel the ministers of the Church to obserue and keepe the law of Iesus Christ. I answere, that it standeth thus word for word in my booke.The church militant standeth in three partes. 1. Ministers.2. Nobles.3. Commōs Those which be on our part do preach and affirme that the church militant, according to the partes, which the Lord hath ordayned, is deuided and consisteth in these partes. That is to say: Ministers of the Church, which should keepe purely and sincely the ordinaunces and commaundementes of the sonne of God, and the Nobles of the world that should compel and driue them to keepe the commaundementes of Iesus Christ, and of the common people, seruing to both these partes and endes according to the institution and ordinaunce of Iesus Christ.

The 20. Article.20. The ecclesiasticall obedience, is a kynd of obedience, which the priestes and monks haue inuented wtout any expresse authority of ye holy scriptures. I answer and confes, that those words are thus written in my book. I say,Three kinds of obediēce. 1. Spirituall.2. Secular.3. Ecclesiasticall. that there be three kindes of obedience, spirituall, secular and ecclesiasticall. The spirituall obedience is that which is onely due according to the lawe and ordinance of God, vnder the whiche the Apostles of Iesus Christ dyd lyue, and all Christians ought for to liue. The secular obedience, is that which is due according to the Ciuill lawes and ordinances. The ecclesiastical obedience is such as the Priestes haue inuented without any expresse authoritie of Scripture. The first kinde of obedience doth vtterly exclude from it all euill, as well on his part which geueth the commandement, as on his also which doth obey the same. And of this obedience it is spoken in the 24.True obedience ruled by Gods cō maūdemēt. Deut. 24. chap. of Deut. Thou shalt do all that which the priestes of the kindred of Leuy shall teach and instruct thee, according as I haue cō maunded them.

The 21. Article.21. He that is excōmunicated by the pope, if he refuse and forsake the iudgement of the Pope, and the generall Councell, and appealeth vnto Iesus Christ, after he hath made hys appellation all the excommunications and curses of the Pope cannot annoy or hurt hym. I aunswere, that I do not acknowledge this proposition, but in deede I did make my complaynt in my booke, that they had both done me and such as fauoured me great wrong, & that they refuse to heare me in the popes court. For alter the death of one pope I dyd appeale to hys successor, and all that did profite me nothing. And to appeale from the P. to the Councell,Appealing vnto Christ. it were to long, & that were euen as much as if a man in trouble should seeke an vncertayne remedy. And therfore last of all I haue appealed to the head of the Church my Lord Iesus Christ, for he is much more excellent and better, then any pope to discusse and determine matters and causes, for somuch as he cannot erre, neyther yet deny iustice to him that doth aske or require it in a iust cause, neither can he condemne the innocent. Then spake ye Cardinall of Cambray vnto hym and sayd:Appealing to Christ, forbiddē by the Cardinal of Cambray. wilt thou presume aboue S. Paule, who appealed vnto the Emperour and not vnto Iesus Christ? Iohn Hus answered: for somuch then as I am the first ye do it, am I therfore to be reputed & counted an hereticke? And yet notwithstanding S. Paule did not appeale vnto the Emperoure of hys owne motion or will, but by the will of Christ, which spake vnto hym by reuelation and sayd: be firme and constant for yu must go vnto Rome. And as he was about to rehearse his appeale agayne, they mocked hym.

¶ For so much as mention here is made of the appeale of the sayd Hus, it seemeth good here to shewe the manner and forme therof.

The copy and tenour of the appeale of Iohn Hus.

FOrasmuch as the most mighty Lorde one in essence. 3. in person, is both the chiefe and first,The appeale of Iohn Hus from pope Iohn 23. vnto Christ. &c also the last and vttermost refuge of al those which are oppressed, and that he is the God which defendeth verety and truth throughout all generations, doynge iustice to such as be wronged, being ready and at hand to al those whiche call vppon him in veritie and truth, and bindyng those that are bond: and fulfilleth the desires of all those which honour and feare hym: defending and keeping al those that loue him, and vtterly destroyeth and bringeth to ruine the stiffnecked and vnpenitent sinner,The ferlicht cō plaint & prayer of christ against wicked iudges. and that the Lorde Iesus Christ very God and man, being in great anguish compassed in with the priestes, Scribes and Phariseis, wicked iudges and witnesses, willing by the most bitter and ignominious death, to redeme the chosen children of God, before the foundation of the world, from euerlasting damnation, hath left behinde him this godly example for a memory vnto them which should come after hym, to the intent they should commit al their causes into the handes of God, who can doe all thinges, and knoweth and seeth all thinges, saying in this maner: O Lorde, beholde my affliction, for my enemy hath prepared hymselfe against me, and thou art my protector and defendor. O Lorde thou hast geuē me vnderstanding and I haue acknowledged thee: thou hast opened vnto me all their enterprises, and for mine owne parte I haue bene as a meeke lambe, which is led vnto sacrifice, and haue not resisted agaynst them. They haue wrought their enterprises vpon me, saying: Let vs put wood in hys bread, and let vs banysh him out of the land of the liuing that hys name be no more spokē of, nor had in memory. But thou O Lord of hostes whiche iudgest lustly and seest the deuises and imaginations of theyr hartes, hasten thee to take vengeance vpon them, for I haue manifested my cause vnto thee, for so much as the number of those which trouble me is great, and haue counsayled together, saying: the Lorde hath forsaken hym, pursue hym and catch hym. O Lord my God, behold their doinges, for thou art my pacience, deliuer me from myne enemies, for thou art my God: doe not seperate thy selfe fan from me: for so much as tribulation is at hand, and there is no mā which will succour me. My God my God looke downe vpon me wherefore hast thou forsaken me? So many doggs haue compassed me in,After the example of Christ he maketh his prayer to God. and the company of the wicked haue besieged me round about, for they haue spoken agaynst me with the deceitfull tonges, and haue compassed me in with wordes, full of despite, and haue inforced me without cause. In stead of loue towardes me, they haue slaundered me and haue recompensed me wyth euill for good, and in place of charitie, they haue conceaued hatred agaynst me.

Wherfore behold I staying my selfe vppon this most holy and fruitfull example of my sauiour and redeemer,A godly prayer of Iohn Hus. do appeale before God for this my grief and hard oppressiō from thys most wicked sentence, and iudgement, and the excommunication determined by the Byshop,Chrisostome. Andrew of Prage. Scribes, Phariseis, and Iudges, which sit in Moyses seate, and resigne my cause wholly vnto hym, so as the holy Patriarke of Constantinople Iohn Chrisostome appealed twise from the Councell of the Byshops and Clergy. And Andrew Byshop of Prage, and Robert Byshop of Lincolne, appealed vnto the soueraign and most iust iudge, the which is not defiled with crueltye, neyther canne he be corrupted with gifres and rewardes, neyther yet be deceiued, by false witnesse. Also I desire greatly [Page] that all the faythfull seruauntes of Iesus Christ,Robert bishop of Lincolne appealed from mē to christ. and especially the Princes, Barons, Knightes, Esquires and all other whiche inhabite our Country of Boheme, should vnderstand & know these things and haue compassion vpon me which am so greeuously oppressed by the excommunication whiche is out agaynst me, the whiche was obtayned and gotten by the instigation and procurement of Michaell de Causis my great enemy,Iohn Hus complaineth of Michaell de Causis, his great enemie. and by the consent and furtheraunce of the Canons of the Cathedrall Churche of Prage, and geuen and graunted out by Peter of Sainct Angelles Deane of the Church of Rome, and Cardinall and also ordayned iudge by Pope Iohn the xxiij. who hath continued almost these two yeares and would geue no audience vnto my Aduocates and Procurators (which they ought not to deny: no not to a Iew or Pagan, or to any hereticke, whatsoeuer he were) neyther yet woulde he receiue any reasonable excuse for that I did not appeare personally neyther would he accept the testimonials of the whole Vniuersity of Prage with the seale hāging at it, or the witnes of the sworn Notaries, and such as were called vnto witnesse. By thys all men may euidētly perceiue that I haue not incurred any fault or crym of contumacie or disobedience, for somuche as that I did not appeare in the Court of Rome, was not for any contempte, but for reasonable causes.

And moreouer, for somuch as they had layd embushmentes for me on euery side by wayes where I shoulde passe, and also because the perils & dangers of others, haue made me the more circumspect and aduised, and for somuche as my procurours were willing and contented to bind themselues euen to abide the punishment of the fire,The procurator of I. Hus laid in prison at Rome. to answere to all such as would appose or lay any thing agaynst me in the Court of Rome, as also because they dyd imprison my lawfull procuratour in the sayd Court, without any cause, demerite or faulte as I suppose. For somuch then as the order and disposition of all auncient lawes, as well deuine of the old and new testament, as also of the Canon lawes is this, that the Iudges should resorte vnto the place where the crime or faulte is committed or done, and there to enquire of al such crimes as shal be obiected and layd agaynst hym which is accused, or slandered and that of such men as by conuersation haue some knowledge or vnderstanding of the party so accused (the whiche may not be the euill willers or enemies of hym which is so accused or slaundered but must be men of an honest conuersation,The pope proued to do against his owne canon lawe. no common quarrell pickers or accusers, but feruent louers of the law of God) and finally that there shold be a fit and meete place appoynted whether as the accused party might without daunger or perill, resorte or come, and that the Iudge and witnesses should not be enemies vn to hym that is accused. And also forsomuche as it is manifest that all these conditions were wanting and lacking, as touching my appearaunce for the safegard of my life, I am excused before God from the friuolous pretended obstinacie and excommunication. Whereupon I I. Hus do present, & offer this my appeale vnto my Lord Iesu Christ, my iust iudge, who knoweth defendeth, and iustly iudgeth euery mans iust and true cause.

The 22. Article.22. A vicious and naughty man liueth viciously and naughtely:A knot found in a rushe. but a vertuous and godly man lyueth vertuously and godly. I answer: my words are these That the deuision of all humaine works is in two parties that is, that they be eyther vertuous or vicious: For somuch as it doth appeare that if any man be vertuous and godly, and that he do any thing, he doth it then vertuously and godly. And contrariwise if a man be vicious & naught that whiche hee doth is vicious and naught. For as vice which is called crime or offence, and thereby vnderstande deadly sinne, doth vniuersally infect or depraue all the acts and doinges of the subiect, that is of the man whiche doth them: so likewise vertue and godlines doth quicken all the actes and doyngs of the vertuous & godly man: in somuch that he being in the state of grace, is layd to praye and doe good works euen sleping, as it were by a certayn meanes working.The tree that is good bringeth forth good fruit. As S. Augustine, S. Gregory and diuers other affirme. And it appeareth in the sixt chapter of Luke: If thine eye that is to say, the minde or intention be simple, not depraued with the peruersenes of any sinne or offence all the whole body, that is to say, all the actes and doinges shall be cleare and shyning, that is, acceptable and grateful vnto God. But if thine eye be euil, the whole body is darkned And in the second to the Corin.2. Cor. 10. x. Chapter. All thinges that you do, do them to the glory of God. And lykewise in the first Epistle to the Corinthians, and last chapter it is sayd:1. Cor. vlt. Let all your doinges be done with charitie. Wherfore all kinde of lyfe and liuing according vnto charitie, is vertuous and godly: and if it be without charitie, it is vicious and euill. This saying may well be prooued out of the 23. chapter of Deuteronomy, where God speaketh vnto ye people that hee that keepeth hys commaundementes, is blessed in the house and in the field, out goyng and in comming, sleeping and waking:Deu. 23. but he that doth not keepe his commaundementes is accursed in the house and in ye fields in goyng out and comming in, sleeping, and waking &c. The same also is euident by S. Augustine vpon the Psal. where he writeth, that a good man in all hys doinges doth prayse the Lord. And Gregory saith that the sleep of saints and holy men doth not lack their merite. How much more then hys doinges which proceede of good zeale, be not we out reward and consequently be vertuous and good? And contrariwise it is vnderstanded of hym, which is in deadly sinne, of whome it is spoken in the law, that whatsoeuer the vncleane man doth touch, is made vncleane.

To this end doth that also appertayne which is before repeated out of the first of Malachie. And Gregorie in the first booke and first question, sayth: we doe defile the bread, which is the body of Christ, when as we come vnworthely to the table, and when we being defiled, doe drinke hys bloud. And S. Augustine vpon the 146. Psalme, sayth: if thou doest exceed the due measure of nature, & doest not abstayne from glottony, but gorge thy selfe vp w [...] dronkennes whatsoeuer laude or prayse thy tongue doth speake, of the grace and fauour of God,Cardinall of Cambray obiecteth. thy life doth blaspheme the same when he had made an end of this article, the Cardinall of Cambray sayd: The scripture sayth that we be all sinners. And agayne, if we say we haue nosinne, we deceiue our selues, and so we should alwayes liue in deadly sinne.Iohn Hus aunswereth. Iohn Hus aunswered, the Scripture, speaketh in that place of veniall sinnes, the whiche doe not rtterly expell or put away the habite of vertue from a man, but do associate thē selues together. And a certayne English man whose name was w. sayd: but those sinnes do nor associate themselues with anye acte morally good. Iohn Hus alledged agayne S. Augustines place vpon 146. Psalme the whiche when he rehearsed, they all with one mouth sayd, what makes this to the purpose?

The 13. article. The minister of Christ liuing according 23 to his law, and hauing the knowledge and vnderstanding of the scriptures,Forbidding to preach, whether it ought to be obeyed. and an earnest desire to edifie the people, ought to preach, notwithstanding the pretended excommunication of the pope. And moreouer if the pope or anye other ruler, doe forbid any priestes or minister so disposed, not to preach, that he ought not to obey him. I aunswere, that these were my wordes. That albeit the excommunication were eyther threatned or come out agaynst hym, in such sort that a Christian ought not to doe the commandementes of Christ, it appeareth by the wordes of S. Peter, and the other Apostles, that we ought rather to obey God, then man. whereupon it followeth that the minister of Christ lyuing according vnto this lawe. &c. ought to preach notwithstanding any pretended excommunication For it is euident that it is commanded vnto the ministers of the Church to preach the word of God.Act. 5. Actes 5. GOD hath commaunded vs to preach and testifie vnto the people, as by diuers other places of the scripture, and the holy fathers, rehearsed in my treatise it doth appeare more at large. The second part of this article foloweth in my treatise in this maner.

By this it appeareth that for a minister to preache,Preaching & almose geuing be not workes indifferent, but duties & commaundementes. To forbid a minister to preach: And to forbid a rich man to geue almose, is both one. How the popes cursinges are blessinges. and a rich man to geue almes, are not indifferent workes, but duties and commaundementes. Wherby it is further euident, yt if the pope or any other ruler of the Church do commaund any minister disposed for to preach, not to preach, or a rich man disposed for to geue almes, not to geue, that they ought not to obey hym. And he added moreouer, to the intent that you may vnderstand me the better. I call that a pretended excommunication, the whiche is v [...]iustly disordered and geuen forth contrary to the order of the law and Gods commaundements. For the which the meere Minister appointed therunto ought not to cease from preaching neyther yet to feare damnation.

Then they obiected vnto him, that he had sayd yt suche kinde of excommunications were rather blessinges. Uerely said Hus, euē so do I now say again, that euery excommunication, by the whiche a man is vniustly excommunicate: is vnto him a blessing afore God, according to yt saying of the Prophet: I will curse where as you blesse: and contrariwise, they shal curse, but thou O Lord shalt blesse. Then the Cardinal of florence,The Cardinall of Florence with his Notarie, 8. Causes why excommunication ought tobe feared. which had alwayes a Notary ready at his hand to write such thinges as he cōmanded him, said: The law is, that euery excommunication, be it neuer so vniust, ought to be feared. It is true sayd Iohn Hus, for I do remember eight causes, for the whiche excō munication ought to be feared. Then sayd the Cardinall, is there no more but eight? It may be, said Iohn Hus, that there be more.

The xxiiii. Article.24. Euery man which is admitted vnto 24 ye ministery of the Church, receiueth also by speciall cō maundement, the office of a preacher, and ought to execute and fulfil that commaundement, notwithstanding any excommunication [Page] pretendeth to the contrary. The aunswere. My wordes are these: For so muche as it doth appeare by that which is aforesayd, that whosoeuer commeth, or is admitted vnto the ministery, receiueth also by especiall commaundement, the office of preaching he ought to fulfill that commaundement, any excommunication to the contrary pretended notwithstanding. Also no Christian ought to doubte but that a man sufficientlye instructed in learning,A minister [...]re admitted is more [...]unde to preach: then to doe any other work [...]in rey, the popes pro [...]intiō not [...]thstaning. is more bound to counsel and instruct the ignoraunt, to teach those which are in doubt, to chastise those which are vnruly, and to remitte and forgeue those that do him iniury, then for to to any other works of mercy. For so much then as he that is rich and hath sufficient, is bounden vnder the payne of damnation to minister and geue comporall and bodely almes, as appeareth in the 25. chapter of Mathew: how much more is he bound to doe spirituall almes?

25 The 25. Article. The Ecclesiasticall censures are Antichristian, such as the clergy hath inuented for theyr owne preferment, and for the bondage and seuitude of the common people. whereby if the Laity be not obedient vnto the Clergy at theyr will and pleasure, it doth multiplye theyr couetousnesse, defendeth theyr malice, and prepareth a way for Antichrist.Censures of the Popes Churche, multiplyeth the Popes [...]ctousnes whereby it is an euident signe and token, that such censures proceede from Antichrist, the which censures in theyr processes they do call Fulminations or lightninges, whereby the Clergy doth chiefly proceede agaynst such as doe manifest and open the wickednesse of Antichrist, which thrust themselues into the office of the Clergye. These thinges are conteined in the last chapter of his treatise of the Church. I aunswere, and I deny that it is in that forme. But the matter thereof is largely handled in the 23. chapter. And in the examination of the audience, they haue gathered certayne clauses most contrary thereunto. The which when they had reade, the Cardinall of Cambray renewed his old song, saying: truly these are much more greeuous and offensiue, then the Articles which are gathered.

26 The 26. Article. There ought no interditement to be appoynted vnto the people, for so much as Christ the high Byshoppe, neither for Iohn Baptist, neither for any iniury that was done vnto him did make any interditement. My wordes are these: when as I complayned, that for one Ministers sake, an Interditement was geuen out, and thereby all good men ceased from the laude and prayse of God. And Christ the high Byshoppe, notwithstanding that the Prophette was taken and kept in prison,Christ in [...]dited [...]ne, but [...]rayed for all. then whome there was no greater amongest the children of men, did not geue out any curse or interditement, no not when as Decode beheaded him, neither when he himselfe was spoyled, beaten, and blasphemed of the Souldiours, Scribes and Pharisies, he did not then curse them, but prayed for them, and taught his Disciples to doe the same, as it appeareth in the fift chapter of Saynt Mathew. And Christes first Uicare folowing the same doctrine and learning, sayth in his first Epistie of Saynt Peter and the second chapter:1. Pet. 2. Hereunto are ye called: For Christ hath suffered for vs, leauing vs an example that we should follow his footsteppes, who when he was cursed and euill spoken of did not curse agayne.Rom. 12. And Saynt Paule following the same order and way in the xij. chapter of the Romaynes, sayth: blesse them that persecute you. There were besides these many other places of scripture recited in that booke, but they being omitted, these were onely rehearsed, whiche did helpe or preuayle to styrre vppe or, mooue the iudges mindes.

And these are the Articles which were alledged out of I. Hus his booke intituled Of the Church.

Other Articles moreouer out of other his bookes were collected, & forced agaynst him, first out of his treatise written agaynst Steuen Paletz, to the number of 7. Articles. Also 6. other Articles strayned out of his treatise agaynste Stanislaus Znoyma. whereunto his aunsweres likewise be adioyned, not vnfruitfull to be read.

¶ Here followeth seuen Articles, which are sayde to be drawen out of hys Treatise which he wrote agaynst Stephen Pallets.

The first Article.1.Articles drawen out of the trea-, tise written against Steuen Palletz If the Pope, Byshop, or Prelate, be in deadly sinne,. he is then no Pope, Byshoppe, nor Prelate. The aunswere, I graunt thereunto, and I send you vnto Saynt Augustine, Ierome, Chrisostome, Gregory, Cyprian, and Bernarde, the which doe say, moreouer that whosoeuer is in deadly sinne, is no true Christian, howe much lesse then is he Pope, or Byshop, of whom it is spoken by the Prophet Amos in his 8. chapter. They haue raigned and ruled and not through me, they became Princes, and I knew them not. &c. But afterward I doe graūt that a wicked Pope, Byshop, or Priest, is an vnworthye minister of the Sacrament, by whom God doth baptise, consecrate, or otherwise worke to the profit of his Church, and this is largely handled in the text of the booke by the authorityes of the holy Doctours, for euen he which is in deadly sinne is not worthely a kyng before God, as it appeareth in the first booke of kynges 15. chapter. where as God sayth vnto Saule by the Prophet Samuel, sayinge: for so muche as thou hast refused and cast of my worde, I will also refuse and cast thee off, that thou shalt be no more King.The Emperours iudgement of I. Hus. whiles these thinges were thus intr [...]ating, the Emperour looking out at a certayne window of the cloyster, accompanyed with the Countye Palentine, and the Burgraue of Norenberg, conferring and talking much of Iohn Hus. At lēgth he sayd, that there was neuer a worse or more pernitious hereticke then he. In the meane while when Iohn Hus had spoken these wordes,The Cardinall of Cambray. as touchinge the vnworthy king, by and by the Emperour was called, and he was commaunded to repeat those wordes agayne, which after that he had done, his duety therein being considered, the Emperour aunswered, no man sayth he, doth liue without faulte, then the Cardinall of Cambray, being in a great fury sayd, is it not enough for thee that thou doest contemne and despise the Ecclesiastical state, and goest about by the writinges and doctrine to perturbe and trouble the same, but that now also thou wilt attempte to throw kinges out of theyr state and dignity? Thē Paletz began to alleadge the lawes whereby he would proue that Saule was king, euen when those words were spoken by Samuel, and therefore that Dauid did forbidde that Saul should not be slayne, not for the holynesse of his life, the which there was none in him, but for the holynesse of hys annoynting. And when as Iohn Hus repeated out of S. Cyprian, that he did take vpon him the name of Christianity in vayne which did not followe Christ in his liuing, Paletz aunswered, beholde and see what a folly is in thys man which alleadgeth those thinges which make nothing for the purpose, for albeit anyman be not a true Christian, is he not therefore true Pope, Byshop, or Kyng? when as these are names of office and to be a Christian is a name of merite and desert, and so may any man be a true Pope, Byshoppe, or King, although he be no true Christian. Then sayd Iohn Hus, if Pope Iohn the xxiij. were a true Pope, wherefore haue ye depriued him of hys office? The Emperour aunswered, the Lordes of the Councell haue now lately agreed thereupon that he was true Pope, but for his notorious and manifest euill doinges wherewithall, he did offend and trouble the Church of God, and dyd spoyle and bring to ruine the power thereof, he is reiected and cast out of his office.

2 The second Article. The grace of predestination is the bond whereby the body of the Church and euery parte and member thereof is firmely knitte and ioyned vnto the head. The aunswere. I acknowledge this Article to be mine, and it is proued in the text out of the eight chapiter to the Romaynes, who shall seperate vs from the charity and loue of Christ. &c. And in the tenth chapter of Iohn, My sheepe heare my voyce, and I know them, and they followe me, and I geue them eternall life, neyther shall they perish eternally, neither is there any man which shal take them out of my handes. This is the knotte of the body of the Church, and of our spirituall head Christ, vnderstanding the Church to be the congregation of the predestinate.

3 The third Article. If the Pope be a wicked man, and specially a reprobate, then euen as Iudas the Apostle, he is a Deuill, a Theefe, and the Sonne of perdition, and not the head of the holy mylytant Churche, for so muche as he is no parte or member thereof. The aunswere. My wordes are thus, if the Pope be an euill or wicked man, and specially if he be a Reprobate, then euen as Iudas, so is he a Deuill, a Theefe, and the Sonne of perditition. How then is he the head of the holy militant Church? where as he is not truely no member or part thereof, for if he were a member of the holy Churche, then shoulde he be also a member of Christ, and if he were a member of Christ, then shoulde he cleaue and sticke vnto Chryste by the grace of Predestination and present iustice, and shoulde be one spirite with God, as the Apostle sayth in the first Epistle to the Corinthians, the sixt Chapter: knowe ye not that your bodyes are the members of Christ?

[Page] 4 The 4. Article. An euill Pope or Prelate, or reprobate is no true pastour, but a theefe and a robber. The answere. The text of my booke is thus. If he be euill or wicked, thē is he an hireling, of whom Christ speaketh, he is no sheepe heard, neither are the sheepe his owne. Therefore when he seeth the wolfe comming he runneth away, and forsaketh the sheepe, and so finally doth euery wicked and reprobate man. Therefore euery such reprobate or wicked Pope or Prelate is no true Pastour. But a very theefe and a robber, as is more at large proued in my booke. Thē sayd Iohn Hus, I doe so limitte all thinges, that such as touching theyr desert, are not truely and worthely Popes and shepheardes before God, but as touching their office and reputation of men, they are Popes, Pastors, and Priestes.

Then a certayne man rising vp behinde Iohn Husse clothed all in silke, sayd: my Lordes take heede least that Iohn Hus deceiue both you, and himselfe with these hys gloses, and looke whether these thinges be in his booke or not, for of late I had disputation with him, vpon these Articles, in the which I sayd, that a wicked Pope, &c. was no Pope, as touching merite and desert, but as touchyng his office, he was truely Pope. Whereupon he vsed these gloses which he had heard of me, and did not take them out of his booke. Then Iohn Hus turning himselfe vnto him, sayd: did you not heare that it was so readde out of my booke, and this did easily appeare in Iohn xxiij. Whether he were true Pope or a very theefe and robber. Then the Bishoppes and Cardinals looking one vpon another, sayd: that he was true Pope, and laughed Iohn Hus to scorne.

5 The 5. The Pope is not, neither ought to be called according vnto his office most holy. For then the king ought also to be called most holy, according to his office. Also the tormentors, lictors and deuilles, ought also to bee called holy. The aunswere: My wordes are otherwise placed in this maner, so ought a fayner say, that if any man be a most holy Father, then he doth most holyly obserue and keepe hys Fatherlynesse. And if he be a naughty and wicked Father, then doth he most wickedly keepe the same. Likewise if the Byshoppe be most holyest, then is he also most good, and when as he sayth that he is Pope, it is the name of his office.

Wherupon it foloweth that the man which is Pope being an euill and reprobate man, is a most holy man. And consequently by that hys office, he is most good. And for so much as no man can be good by hys office, except he do exercise & vse the same, his office very well, it followeth that if the Pope be an euill & reprobate man, he cannot exercise or vse his office wel. Forsomuch as he cannot vse the office wel, except he be morally good. Mat. 12. How cā you speak good things, when you your selues are euil, & immediatly af [...]er it foloweth. If ye Pope by reasō of his office be called most holy, wherefore should not the King of Romaynes be called most holy by reason of his office and dignity? When as the Kyng, according vnto Saynt Augustines minde, representeth the Deitye and Godhead of Christ, and the Priest representeth onely hys humanity. Wherefore also should not iudges: yea, euen tormentours be called holy, forsomnth as they haue theyr office by ministring vnto the Church of Christ. These thinges are more at large discoursed in my booke, but I cannot finde or knowe sayth Iohn Husse any foundation whereby I shoulde call the Pope most holy, when as thys is onely spoken of Christ. Thou onely art most holy. Thou onely art the Lord. &c. Shoulde I then truely call the Pope moste holy?

6 The 6. Article. If the Pope liue contrary vnto Christ. Albeit he be lawfully and Canonically elect and chosen, according to humayne election, yet doth he ascende and come in another way then by Christ. The aunswere. The text is thus, if the Pope liue contrary vnto Christ in pride and auarice, how then doth he not ascend and come another way into the sheepe folde, then by the lowlye and meeke doore our Lord Iesus Christ? But admitte as you say, that he dyd ascend by lawfull election, the which I call an election principally made of God, and not according vnto the common and vulgare constitution and ordinaunce of men, yet for all that, it is affirmed and proued that he shoulde ascende and come in another way, for Iudas Iscariot was truely and lawfully chosen of the Lorde Iesus Christ vnto his Bishopricke, as Christe sayth in the sixt of Iohn, and yet he came in an other way into the sheepe folde, and was a thefe and a Deuill, and the sonne of perdition. Did he not come in another waye? when as our Sauiour spake thus of him, he that eateth breade with me, shall lift vp his heele agaynst me.

The same also is proued by Saynte Bernarde vnto Pope Eugenius. Then sayde Paletz: beholde the [...] ror and maddenesse of this man, for what more furious or madde thing canne there be then to say, Iudas is chosen by Christ, and notwithstanding he did ascende an other way, and not by Christ. Iohn Husse aunswered, verely both partes are true, that he was electe and chosen by Christ, and also that he did ascende, and come in another way, for he was a Theefe, a Deuill, and the sonne of perdition. Then sayde Palettez, cannot a manne be truely and lawefully chosen Pope or Byshoppe, and afterwarde liue contrarye vnto Christe? and that notwithstanding he doth not ascende any other wayes. But I, sayde Iohn Husse doe saye that whosoeuer doth enter into anye Byshoppricke or like office by Simonye, not to the intent to labour and trauell in the Church of God, but rather to liue delicately, voluptuouslye and vnrighteously, and to the intent to aduaunce hymselfe with all kinde of pride, euery suche man ascendeth and commeth vppe by an other way, and according vnto the Gospell, he is a theefe and a robber.

7 The 7. Article. The condemnation of the forty fyue Articles of Wickliffe made by the Doctours is vnreasonable and wicked, and the cause by them alleadged is fayned and vntrue: That is to say, that none of those Articles are Catholicke, but that euery of them be either hereticall, erronious or offenciue. The aunswere: I haue wrytten it thus in my treatise. the forty fyue Articles are condemned for this cause, that none of those forty fyue, is a Catholicke Article, but eache of them is either hereticall, erronious or offenciue.The Cardinal of Cambray.

O Mayster Doctour, where is your proofe, you fayne a cause which you doe not poue, &c. As it appeareth more at large in my Treatise. Then sayd the Cardinall of Cambraye, Iohn Husse, thou diddest saye that thou wouldest not defend any errour of Iohn Wickliffes. And now it appeareth in your bookes, that you haue openly defended his Articles. Iohn Hus aunswered. Reuerend Father, euen as I sayde before, so doe I now say agayne, that I will not defende any errours of Iohn Wickliffes, neyther of anye other mannes, but for so muche as it seemed vnto me to be agaynst conscience, simply to consent vnto the condemnation of them, no Scripture beyng alledged or brought contrary and agaynst them, thereupon I woulde not consent or agree vnto the condemnation of them, And for so much as the reason whiche is copulatiue can not be verifyed in euery poynt, according to euery part thereof.Articles drawen out of his treatise written against Stanislaus de Znoyma.

Nowe there remayneth sixe Articles of 39. These are sayd to be drawen out of an other treatise which he wrote agaynst Stanislaus de Znoyma.

The first Article. No man is lawfully elect or chosen,1 in that the Electours or the greater part of them haue consented with a liuely voyce according to the custome of men to elect and choose any person, or that he is thereby the manifest and true Successour of Christ, or Uicare of Peter in the Ecclesiasticall office, but in that that any man doth most aboundantlye worke meritoriouslye to the profitte of the Churche, he hath thereby more aboundant power geuen him of God thereunto. The answere. These things which follow are also written in my booke. It standeth in the power and handes of wicked Electours to choose a woman into the Ecclesiasticall office, as it appeareth by the election of Agnes, whiche was called Iohn, who held and occupyed the Popes place & dignitye by the space of two yeares and more.

It may also be that they doe choose a Theefe, a Murderer, or a Deuil, and consequently they may also elect and choose Antichrist.

It may also be, that for loue, couetousnesse, or hatred, they doe choose some person whom God doth not allowe. And it appeareth that that person is not lawfully elect and and chosen: In so much as the Electours or the greater part of them haue consented and agreed together, according to the custome of men vpon any person, or that he is thereby the manifest Successour or Uicare of Peter, the Apostle or any other in the Ecclesiasticall office.

Therefore they which most accordingly vnto the scripture doe elect and choose, reuelation being sette a parte, doe onelye pronounce and determine by some probable reason vppon hym they doe electe and choose, wherevppon whether the Electours doe so choose good or euill, we ought to geue creditte vnto the workes of hym that is chosen, for in that poynt that any manne doth moste [Page] aboundauntly worke meritoriously to the profitte of the Church, he hath thereby more aboundaunt power geuen 2 him of God thereunto. And hereupon sayth Christ in the 10. of Iohn, geue credit vnto workes.

The 2. Article. The Pope being a reprobate, is not the head of the holy Church of God. The aunswere. I wrote it thus in my Treatise, that I woulde willinglye receiue a probable and effectuall reason of the Doctour, howe thys question is contrary vnto the fayth, to say, that if the Pope be a reprobate, how is he the head of the holy churche. Beholde the trueth cannot decay or fayle in disputation, for did Christ dispute agaynst the fayth, when he demaunded of the Scribes and Pharisyes. Math. 12. Ye stocke and ofspring of Uypers, how can ye speake good thinges, when you your selues are wicked and euill? and beholde I demaunde of the Scribes if the Pope be a reprobate, and the stocke of Uipers, how is he the head of the holy Church of GOD, that the Scribes and Pharisyes which were in the Councell house of Prage make aunswere hereunto? For it is more possible that a reprobate man shoulde speake good thinges, for so much as he may be in state of grace according vnto present iustice, then to be the head of the holy Church of God.

Also in the 5. of Iohn, our Sauiour complayneth vppon the Iewes, saying. How can you beleue which doe seeke for glory amongest your selues, and doe not seeke for the glory that commeth onely of God. And I likewise doe complayne how that if the Pope be a reprobate, can he be the head of the Church of God, which receiueth hys glory of the world, and seketh not for the glory of GOD? For it is more possible that the Pope being a Reprobate should beleue, then that he should be the head of the Churche 3 of God. For so much as he taketh his glory of the world.

The 3. Article. There is no sparke of apparance, that there ought to be one head in the spiritualtye, to rule the Church, the which shoulde be alwayes conuersant with the militant Church. The aunswere. I do graunt it. For what consequent is this. The king of Boheme is head of the kingdome of Boheme. Ergo, the Pope is head of the whole militant Church. Christ is the head of the spiritualtye, ruling and gouerning the militant Church by much more and greater necessity then Cesar ought to rule the tē poralty. For so much as Christ which sitteth on the ryght hand of God the Father doth necessaryly rule the militant Church as head. And there is no sparke of apparance that there should be one head in ye spiritualty ruling the church, that should alwaies be conuersant with the militant churche, except some infidell would heretically affirme, that the militant Church should haue here a permanent and continuall Citty or dwelling place, and not to enquire and seeke after that which is to come. It is also further euident in my booke, how vnconsequent the proportion of the similitude is for a reprobate Pope to be the head of the militent church, and a reprobate king to be the head of ye kingdome of Boheme.

The 4. Article.4. Christ would better rule his Churche by his true Apostles dispersed through out the whole world without such monstrous heades: I aunswere, that it is in my booke, as here foloweth, that albeit that ye doctor doth say, that the body of the militant Church, is oftentimes without a head: yet notwithstanding we do verelye beleue that Christ Iesus is the head ouer euery Churche, ruling the same without lacke or default, pouring vpō the same a continuall motion and sence, euen vnto the latter day, neither can the doctor geue a reason why the Churche in the time of Agnes, by the space of 2. yeares and 5. monethes, liuing according to many members of christ in grace and fauour, but that by the same reason the Church might be without a head, by ye space of many yeares. For so much as Christ should better rule his Church by his true disciples dispersed throughout the whole world, without suche monstrous heads. Then sayd they all together: Beholde now he prophecieth, and Iohn Hus prosecuting his former talke sayd, but I say that the Church in the time of the Apostles was farre better ruled and gouerned then now is. And what doth let or hinder that christ should not now also rule the same better by his true Disciples without such monstrous heades, as haue bene now a late? For beholde euen at this present we haue no such head. And yet Christ 5 ceaseth not to rule his Church, when be had spoken these wordes, he was derided and mocked.

The 5. Article. Peter was no vniuersall Pastour or shepheard of the sheepe of Christ, much lesse is the Byshop of Rome. The answere. These words are not in my book, but those which do follow. Secondly it appeareth by the wordes of Christ, yt he did not limit vnto Peter for his iurisdiction, the whole world, no not one onely prouince. So likewise neither vnto any other of the Apostles. Notwithstanding certayne of them walked through many regions and other some fewer, preaching and teaching the kingdome of God, as Paule which laboured & trauelled more then all the rest did corporally visite and conuert most prouinces, whereby it is lawfull for any Apostle or his vicar to conuert and confirme as much people, or as many prouinces in the fayth of Christ, as they are able, neither is there any restraynt of their liberty or iurisdiction. But only by disability or insufficiency.

The 6. Article. The Apostles and other faythfull priestes 6 of the Lord haue stoutly ruled the Church in al things necessary vnto saluation before the office of the Pope was brought in to the Church, and so would they very possibly doe still, if there were no Pope euen vnto ye latter day. Then they all cryed out agayne and sayd: Behold the prophet, but Iohn Hus sayde verely it is true that the Apostles did rule the Churche stoutly, before the office of the Pope was brought into the Churche. And certaynely a great deale better then it is now ruled. And likewise may other faythfull men which doe follow their steppes doe the same, for as now we haue no Pope, and so peraduenture it may continue and endure a yeare or more. Besides this were brought agaynst him other 19. articles obiected vnto him being in prison which with his answeres to the same here likewise follow. Of the whiche Articles, the first is thys.

The first Article.1. Article. Paule how he was both a blasphemer, & also a member of Christ. Paule according vnto present iustice was a blasphemer and none of the Church, and therwithall was in grace, according vnto predestination of life euer lasting. The aunswere. This proposition is not in the booke, but this which foloweth: whereby it doth seme probable, that as Paule was both a blasphemer accordyng to present iustice, and therewithall also was a faythfull childe of our holy mother the Church, and in grace accordyng to predestination of life euerlasting. So Iscariot was both in grace according vnto present iustice, and was neuer of our holy mother the Church, according to the predestination of life euerlasting, for so much as he lacked that predestination. And so Iscariot albeit he was an Apostle, and a Byshop of Christ, which is the name of his office, yet was he neuer no part of the vniuersall Church.

The 2. Article.2. Article. Predestination. Christ doth more loue a predestinate man being sinnefull, then any reprobate in what grace possible soeuer he be. The aunswere. My wordes are in the 4. chapter of my booke intituled of the Church, and it is euident that God doth more loue any predestinate beynge sinnefull, then any reprobate, in what grace so euer he be for the time: for so much as he will, that the predestinate shall haue perpetuall blessednesse, and the reprobate to haue eternall fire. Wherefore God partly infinitely louing them both as his creatures, yet he doth more loue the predestinate because he geueth him greater grace, or a greater gift: that is to say, life euerlasting, which is greater & more excellent then onely grace, according vnto present iustice. And the third Article of those Articles before, soundeth much neare vnto this, that the predestinate cannot fall frō grace, for they haue a certayne radicall grace rooted in thē, although they be depriued of the aboundant grace for a time. These thinges are true in the compound sence.

The 3. Article.3. Article. All the sinnefull according vnto present iniustice, are not faythfull, but doe swerue from the true Catholicke fayth, for so much as it is impossible that any man can committee any deadly sinne but in that point,Who so committeth deadly sinne sw [...]eth from the faith. that he doe swerue from the fayth. The aunswere. I acknowledge that sentence to be mine, and it appeareth, that if they did thinke vpon the punishment which is to be laid vpon sinners, and did fully beleue, and had the fayth of the diuine knowledge and vnderstanding. &c. then vndoubtedly they would not so offend and sinne. This proposition is verified by the sayinge of the Prophette Esay. Thy rulers are vnfayth [...]ll, misbeleuers, fellowes and companions of theeues, they all loue bribes, and followe after rewardes. Beholde the Prophet calieth the rulers of the Church infidels for their offences, for all such as do not keep theyr fayth inuiolate vnto theyr principall Lorde, are vnfaythfull seruauntes, and they also are vnfathfull children wich keepe not theyr obedience, feare, and loue vnto God their father.

Item, this proposition is verified, by the saying of the Apostle,Tit. cap. 1. the 1. chap. to Titus: They doe confesse that they know God, but by their works they do deny him. And for so much as they which are sinnefull, do swerue away from y• meritorious work of blessednes, therfore they do swerue from the true fayth grounded vpon charity, for so much as [Page] fayth without workes is dead. To this end doth also pertaine, that which the Lord speaketh Math. 23. of the faythfull and vnfaythfull seruaunt.

The 4. Article.4. Article. These wordes of Iohn in his 22. chap. Receiue the holy Ghost: And whatsoeuer you sholl binde vpon earth. &c. And Mathew 16. and 18. chapter for lack of vnderstanding shall terrifye many Christians, and they shalbe wonderfully afrayd, and others shalbe deceiued by them, presuming vpon the fulnes of theyr power and authority. The answere. This sentence I do approue and allow, and therefore I say in the same place,The wordes of Christ for binding and losing, vnles they be well vnderstanded, minister to much feare or presumption. that it is first of all to be supposed that the saying of our Sauiour is necessary, as touching the vertue of the word, forasmuch as it is not possible for a Priest to binde and loose, except that binding and loosing be in heauen. But for the lacke of the true vnderstanding of those wordes, many simple Christians shalbe made arrayd, thinking with themselues that whether they be iust or vniust, the Priestes may at their pleasures, whensoeuer they will, binde them. And the ignorant Priestes do also presume and do take vpon thē to haue power to binde and loose whensoeuer they wil. For many foolish and ignorant priestes do say that they haue power and authority to absolue euery man confessing himself, of what sinne or offence soeuer it be, not knowing that in many sinnes it is forbidden them, and that it may happen that an hypocrite do confesse himselfe, or such one as is not cōtrite for his sinne, wherof proofe hath oftentimes bene founde and it is euident for so much as the letter doth kill, but the spirite doth quicken.

The v. Article,5. Article. The binding and loosing of God, is simply & playnly the chiefe and principal.Binding & loosing chiefly and principally belong to Christ. The answere. This is euident, forsomuch as it were blasphemous presumption to affirme, that a man may remit and forgeue an euill fact or offence done agaynst such a Lord, the Lord himselfe not approuing or allowing the same. For by the vniuersall power of the Lord, it is necessary that he doe first absolue and forgeue, before that his vicare doe the same, neyther is there one Article of our fayth, which ought to be more cō mon or knowne vnto vs, then that it should be impossible for any man of the militant Church to absolue or binde, except in suche case as it be conformable vnto the head of the Churche Iesu Christ. Wherefore euery faythfull Christian ought to take heed of that saying: if the Pope or any other pretend by any maner of signe to binde or loose, that he is thereby bound or loosed, for he that doth graunt or confesse that, must also consequently graunt and confesse that the Pope is without sinne, and so that he is a God, for otherwise he must needes erre, and doe contrary vnto the keyes of Christ. This saying proueth the fact of the Pope, who alwayes in his absolution presupposeth contrition and cō fession. Yea moreouer, if any letter of absolution be geuen vnto any offender, which doth not declare the circumstances of the offence which ought to be declared, it is sayd that thereby the letter of absolution is of no force and effect. It is also hereby euident, that many Priestes do not absolue those which are cōfessed, because that either through shamfastnes they do cloke or hide greater offences, or els yt they haue not due contrition or repentance,To true absolution 4. thinges are required. for vnto true absolution there is first required contritiō. Secondly a purpose & intent to sinne no more. Thirdly, true cōfessiō. And fourthly stedfast hope of forgeuenes, The j. appeareth by Ezech. if the wicked do repent him. &c. The ij. in the v. & 8. of Iohn do thou not sinne any more. The third party by this place of Luke: shew your selues vnto the Priestes. And the fourth is confirmed by the saying of Christ: My sonne beleue, and thy sinnes are forgeuen thee. I also added many other probations in my treatise out of the holy fathers, Augustine, Ierome, and the maister of the sentences.

The 6. Article.6. Article. The Priestes do gather and heape vppe out of the Scriptures those things which serue for the belly but such as pertayne to the true imitation and folowing of Christ, that they reiect and refuse as impertinent vnto saluation. The aunswere. This Saynt Gregory doth sufficiently proue in his 17.Ex Gregorio. Homely, alledging the sayinge of Christ:Priestes more geuen to their owne lucre and belly, then to the seruice of Christ. The haruest is great, the workemen are few, speaking also that which we cannot say without griefe or sorrow, that albeit there be a great number which willingly heare good things, yet there lacketh such as should declare the same vnto them, for behold the world is full of priests, but notwithstanding there is a scarcitye of workemen in the haruest of the Lord. We take vpon vs willingly priesthood, but we do not fulfil & do the workes & office of priesthood. And immediately after he sayth, we are fallen vnto outward affayres & busines, for we take vpō vs one office for honour sake, and we do exhibite & geue an other to ease our selues of labour. We leaue preaching and as farre as I can perceiue we are called Bishops to our paine, which do retayne the name of honour, but not the verity.

And immediatly after he sayth, we take no care for our flocke, we dayly call vpon for our stipend & wages, we couet and desire earthly thinges with a gredy mind, we gape after worldly glory, we leaue the cause of God vndone, and make haste about our worldly affayres & busines, we take vpō vs the place of sanctity and holines, and we are wholy wrapped in worldly cares & troubles. &c. This writeth saynt Gregory with many other thinges more in the same place. Also in his Pastorall, in his Morals, in his register. Also Saynt Bernard with many other places. Likewise in his xxxiij. Sermon vpon the Canonicalles, he sayth, all frendes, and all enemies: all kinsfolkes and aduersaryes, all of one householde, and no peace makers: they are the Ministers of Christ, and serue Antichrist: they goe honourably honoured with the goodes of the Lord, and yet they do honour. &c.

The 7. Article.7. Article. The power of the pope, which doth not folow Christ, is not to be feared. The answere. It is not so in my treatise, but contrariwise, that the subiects are boūd willingly & gladly to obey the vertuous and good rulers, and also those which are wicked and euill.The Popes power [...]oing vngodly is not to be feared. But notwithstā ding, if the pope do abuse his power, it is not thē to be feared as by bondage. And so the Lordes the Cardinals as I suppose, did not feare the power of Gregory the xij. before his deposition, whē as they resisted him, saying that he did abuse his power contrary vnto his owne othe.

The 8. Article.8. Article. An euill and a wicked Pope is not the successor of Peter, but of Iudas. The aunswere. I wrote thus in my treatise: If the pope be humble and meek, neglecting and despising the honors and lucre of the world: if he be a shepheard taking his name by the feeding of ye flock of God (of the which feeding the Lord speaketh,The Pope doing contrarye to Christ is not the vicare of christ, but Antichrist. sayinge: feede my sheepe) if he feede the sheepe with the worde, and with vertuous example, and that he become euen lyke hys flocke with his whole hart and minde: if he doe diligently and carefully labour and trauell for the Church, then is he without doubt the true Uicare of Christ. But if he walke contrary vnto these vertues, for so much as there is no society betwene Christ and Belial, and Christ himselfe saith: he that is not with me, is agaynst me: how is he then the true vicar of Christ or Peter, and not rather the Uicare of Antichrist? Christ called Peter himselfe Sathanas, when he did cōtrary him but onely in one word, and that wyth a good affection, euen him whom he had chosen his Uicare, and specially appoynted ouer his church. Why should not any other then, being more contrary vnto Christ be truely called Sathanas, and consequently Antichrist, or at lest the chiefe and principall minister or vicar of Antichrist? There be infinite testimonyes of this matter in S. Augustine, S. Ierome, Ciprian, Chrisostom, Bernard, Gregory, Remigius, and Ambrose. &c.

The 9. Article.9. Article. The Pope is the same beast of whome it is spoken in the Apot.I. Hus neede not proue this article the pope will proue it himselfe. power is geuen vnto him to make warre vpon the sayntes. The answere. I deny this Article to be in my booke.

The 10. Article.10. Article. It is lawful to preach, notwithstāding the Popes inhibition. The answere. The Article is euidēt forsomuch as the Apostles did preach contrary to the commaundement of the bishops at Ierusalem.Top reach against the popes commandement. And S. Hillary did the like, contrary to the cōmaūdement of ye pope which was an Arrian. It is also manifest by the example of Cardinals, which contrary vnto the cōmaundement of Pope Gregory the xij. sēt throughout all realmes such as should preach agaynst him. It is also lawfull to preach vnder appeale, contrary vnto the Popes commaundement. And finally he may preach which hath the commaundement of God, wherunto he ought chiefly to obey.

The 11. Article.11. Article. If the Popes commaundement be not concordant and agreeable with the doctrine of the Gospell or the Apostles, it is not to be obeyed. The answer. I haue thus written in my booke:How farre prelates are to be obeied The faythfull disciple of Christ ought to wey and consider whether the popes commaundement be expressely & plainely the cōmaūdement of Christ or any of his Apostles, or whether it haue any foundatiō or groūd in their doctrine or no: and that being once knowne or vnderstand, he ought reuerētly and humbly to obey the same. But if he do certaynly know that the popes cōmaū dement is contrary and agaynst the holy Scripture, and hurtful vnto the Church: then he ought boldely to resist agaynst it, that he be not partaker of the crime and offēce by cōsenting thereunto. This I haue handled at large in my treatise, and haue confirmed it by the authorityes of Saint Austine, Hierome, Gregory, Chrisostome, Bernard and Bede, and with the holy Scripture and Canons, the which for breuities cause I do here passe ouer.Isydorus. I will onely reherse the saying of Saint Isydore, who writeth thus: He [Page] which doth rule, and doth say or commaund any thing cō trary and besides the will of God, or that which is euidētly commaunded in the Scriptures, he is honoured as a false witnesse of God, and a Church robber. Whereupon we are bounden to obey no Prelate, but in such case as he do commaund or take counsell of the Councels and commaundements of Christ.

Likewise S. Augustine vpon this saying: vpon the chayre of Moyses. &c. sayth: Secondly, they teach in the chayre of Moyses the law of God: Ergo, God teacheth by them: but if they will teach you any of theyr owne inuentions, do not geue eare vnto them, neither doe as they cō maund you. Also in the saying of Christ, he that heareth you heareth me, all lawfull and honest thinges be comprehended, in the which we ought to be obedient, according to Christes saying: it is not you which doe speake, but the spirite of my father whiche speaketh in you. Let therfore my aduersaryes and slaunderers learne that there be not onely 12.Concilia. pr [...]cept [...]. Counsels in the Gospell, in the which subiectes ought to obey Christ and his appoynted ministers, but that there are so many Counsels and determinations of God, as there be lawfull and honest thinges ioyned with preceptes and commaundementes of God, bindinge vs thereunto, vnder the payne of deadly sinne: for euery such thing doth the Lord commaund vs to fulfill in tyme and place, with other circumstaunces at the will and pleasure of their minister.

The 12. Article.12. Article. It is lawfull for the clergy and laytye by their power and iurisdiction to iudge and determine of all things pertayning vnto saluation,The clergie and laitie may iudge of the works of their prelates. and also of the workes of the Prelates. The aunswere. I haue thus written it in my booke, that it is lawfull for the clergy and laity to iudge and determine of the works of their heades and rulers. It appeareth by this, that the iudgement of the secret counselles of God, in the court of conscience is one thyng, & the iudgement of the authority and power in the church is an other. Wherefore subiectes first ought principally to iudge and examine themselues 1. Corinthians. 11. chapter. Secondly they ought to examine all thinges whiche pertayneth vnto their saluation, for a spirituall man iudgeth and examineth all thinges. And this is alleadged, as touching the first iudgement, and not the second, as the enemy doth impute it vnto me.Iudgement double. Secret in the co [...] of cō science. Open in the [...]urt of authoritie. Whereupon in the same place I doe say that the lay man ought to iudge and examine the workes of his Prelate, like as Paule doth iudge the doinges of Peter in blaming him. Secondly to auoyd them according to this saying: Beware of false Prophets. &c. Thirdly to rule ouer the ministery: For the subiect ought by reason to iudge and examine the works of the Prelats. And if they be good, to prayse God therefore and reioyce: But if they be euill, they ought with patience to suffer them, and to be sorry for them, but not to do the like, least they be damned with them: according to this saying: If the blinde lead the blinde, both fall into the ditch.

The 13. Article.13. Article. God doth suspend of himselfe, euery wicked Prelate from his ministery, while he is actually in sinne. for by that meanes that he is in deadly sinne, he doth offend and sinne whatsoeuer he do:To God [...] warde all wicked ministers be suspended. and consequētly is forb [...]dden so to do: therefore also is he suspended from his ministery. The aunswere. This is proued as touching suspension from dignitie, by Osee the iiij. chapter, and Esay, and Malachy the first. And Paule in the 1. Corinthians. 11. chapter, suspendeth all such as be sinnefull or in any greeuous crime or offence, from the eating of the bodye of the Lord, and the drinking of his bloud, and consequently suspendeth all sinneful Prelates from the ministration of the reuerent Sacrament. And God doth suspend the wicked and sinnefull from the declaration of his righteousnesse. Psalme. 49. For so much then as to suspend in effect, is to prohibite the ministery or any other good thing for the offence sake, or as the new lawes do terme or cal it, to interdict or forbidde: It is manifest by the Scriptures afore rehearsed, that God doth prohibite the sinnefull, being in sinne to exercise or vse theyr ministerye or office, whiche by Gods commaundement ought to be exercised without offence. Whereupon he sayth by Esay the Prophet: ye that cary the vessels of the Lord, be ye clensed and made cleane. And to the Corinthians it is sayd: Let all thinges be done with loue and charity. &c. The same thing also is cōmaunded by diuers and sundry Canons, the which I haue alleged in my treatise.

The 14. Article.14 Article. The aunswere which he made to the 25. Article in prison suffiseth for this,The laye people supplanted by the Clergy. that is to say, that the Clergye for theyr owne preferment and exaltation, doth supplant and vndermine the lay people, doth increase and multiply theyr couetousnes, cloaketh and defendeth theyr malice and wickednes, and prepareth away for Antichrist.

The first part he proueth by experience, by the example of Peter de Luna, which named himselfe Benedict: by the example of Angelus Coriarius, which named himselfe Gregory the 12. and also by the example of Iohn 23. Likewise by the xiij. and xxiiij. of Ezechiel, and out of Gregory, which sayth, what shalbe come of the flock, when the shepheardes themselues, are become wolues. &c. Also out of Osee, Miche, and other of the Prophets, and many places of S. Barnard.

The second part is proued by the 8. chapter of Ieremy, Gregory in his 17. Homely, and S. Barnard vpon the Canonicals.

The third part of this Article is also proued by experience: for who defendeth the wickednes of any schisme but onely the Clergy alledging Scriptures, and bringing reasons therfore? Who excuseth Simony, but onely the Clergy? likewise couetousnes in heaping together many benefices, luxuriousnes and fornication? For how many of the Clergy is there now a dayes which do say it is no deadly sinne alledging (albeit disorderly) the saying of Genesis, increase and multiply.

Hereby also is the 4. part of the Article easily verified. For the way of Antichrist is wickednesse and sinne: of the which the Apostle speaketh to the Thessalonians: Gregory in his register Pastorall and moralls: Also S. Barnard vpon the Canonicalles playnely sayth: wicked and euyll Priestes prepare the way for Antichrist.

The 15. Article.15. Article. Iohn Hus doth openly teach and affirme that these conclusions aforesayd are true.The dishonest [...]e of such as gathered fal [...] accusatiōs against Iohn Hus. The aunswere is manifest by that which I haue afore written. For some of these propositions I did write and publishe, other some my enemy did fayne, now adding, then diminishing and taking away, now falsely ascribing and imputing the whole proposition vnto me: the which thing the commissioners themselues did confesse before me. Whome I desired for the false iuuention and fayning of those Articles, that they would punish those, whom they thēselues knew and confessed to be mine enemies.

The 16. Article.16. Article. Hereby also it appeareth, that it is not true which they haue affirmed in the article followyng: that is to say, that all the aforesayd conclusions be false, erronious, seditious, and such as do weaken and make feeble the power and strength of the Churche, inuented contrary to the holy Scriptures and the Churche. But if there be any such, I am ready most humbly to reuoke and recant the same.

The 17. Article.17. Article. There was also an obiection made agaynst me as touching the Treatises whiche I wrote agaynst Paletz and Stanislaus de Znoyma. The which I desired for Gods sake, they might be openly read in the audience of the whole Councell, and sayd that I, notwithstanding my former protestation, would willingly submit my selfe to the iudgement of the whole Councell.

The 18. article.18. Article. There was also an other article obiected agaynst me in this forme. Item, Iohn Husse sayd and preached that he shoulde goe to Constance, and if so be that for any maner of cause he shoulde be forced to recant that he had before taught, yet notwithstanding he neuer purposed to doe it with his minde: for so much as what so euer he had before taught, was pure and true, and the sounde doctrine of Christ. The aunswere. This article is full of lyes: to the inuenter whereof I suppose the Lord sayth thus: All the day long thou hast imagined mischiefe and wickednesse, and with thy toung as with a sharpe rasour, thou hast wrought deccypte. Thou hast delighted and loued rather to talke of wickednesse and mischiefe then of equity and iustice. Uerely I do graunt that I left behinde me a certayne epistle to be read vnto the people, the which did conteine that all such as did wey and consider my carefull labors and trauelles, should pray for me, and stedfastly perseuere and continue in the doctrine of our Lord Iesu Christ, knowing for a certainty that I neuer taught them any such errours as mine enemies do impute or ascribe vnto me, and if it should happen that I were ouercome by false witnesse, they shoulde not be vexed or troubled in their mindes, but stedfastlye continue in the truth.

The 19. Article.19. Article. Last it was obiected agaynst me, that after I was come into Constance, I did write vnto the Kingdome of Boheme, that the Pope and the Emperour receiued me honourablye and sent vnto me two Byshoppes to make agreement betweene me and them, and that thys seemeth to be wrytten by me to thys ende and purpose, that they shoulde confirme and establishe me and my hearers in the errours, whiche I had preached and taught in Boheme. Thys Article is falsely alledged euen from the beginning. For how manifestly [Page] false should I haue written yt the pope & the Emperour did honour me, when as otherwise I had written before, that as yet we knew not where ye Emperour was? and before the Emperour himselfe came vnto Constance, I was by the space of 3. weekes in pryson. And to wryte that I was honoured by my imprisonment, the people of the kingdome of Boheme would repute the honour as no great renowne and glory vnto me. Howbeit my enemies may in derision say vnto me, that according to their willes & pleasures, I am exalted and honored. Wherfore this article is wholy throughout false and vntrue.

Articles 19. drawen out by the Parisians against I. Hus.Unto these articles aboue prefixed, were other articles also to be annexed, which the Parisians had drawne out agaynst M. Iohn Hus, to the number of 19. The chiefe author wherof, was Iohn Gerson Chauncellour of the vniuersity of Paris, a great setter on of the Pope against good men.Iohn Gerson Chauncelor of Paris. Of these articles Iohn Hus doth often complayne in his Epistles that he had no time nor space to make answere vnto them. Which articles being falsly collected and wrongfully depraued although Iohn Hus had no time t [...] aunswere vnto, yet I thought not vnfit here to set downe for the reader to see and iudge.

¶ Articles formally contayned or picked out of the Treatise of Iohn Hus of Prage, which he intituled of the Church folowing in this part or behalfe the errours they terme them of Iohn Wickelyffe

THe first article.1. No reprobate is true Pope, Lorde or Prelate. The errour is in the fayth and behauiour and manners, being both of late and many times before condemned, as well agaynst the poore men of Lions, as also agaynst the Waldenses and Pikardes. The affirmation of which error is temerarious, seditious, offensiue and pernitious, and tending to the subuersion of all humaine policy and gouernance, forasmuch as no man knoweth whether he be worthy of loue or hatred, for that all men doe offend in many poyntes, and therby shoulde all rule and dominion be made vncertayne and vnstable, if it shoulde be founded vpon predestination and charity: neither shoulde the commaundement of Peter haue bene good, which willeth all seruauntes to be obedient vnto their maisters and Lordes although they be wicked.

The 2. article.2. That no man being in deadly sinne, whereby he is no member of Christ, but of the Deuill, is true Pope, Prelate or Lord. The error of this is like vnto the first.

The 3. article.3. No reprobate or otherwise being in deadly sinne, sitteth in the Apostolicke seate of Peter, neither hath any Apostolical power ouer ye christian people This error is also like vnto the first.

The 4. Article.4. No reprobrate are of the Church neither likewise any which doe not followe the life of Christ. This error is agaynst the common vnderstanding of the doctors, concerning the church.

The 5. Article.5. They onely are of the church, and sit in Peters seat, and haue Apostolicke power whiche followe Christ and his Apostles in their life and liuing. The error hereof is in fayth and maners, as in the first article, but contayning more arrogancy and rashnes.

The 6. article.6. That euery man which liueth vprightly according to the rule of Christ may and ought openlye to preach and teach, although he be not sent, yea although he be forbidden or excommunicate by any Prelate or Bishop euen as he might and ought to geue almes: for his good life in liuing together with his learning doth sufficientlye send him.

This is a rash and temerarious errour offensiue and tending to the confusion of the whole ecclesiastical hierarchy.

The 7. article.7. That the Pope of Rome being contrary vnto Christ, is not the vniuersall Bishop, neither hath the church of Rome any supremacy ouer other Churches, except peraduenture it be geuen him of Cesar, and not of Christ. An error lately and playnely reproued.

The 8. article.8. That the Pope ought not to be called most holy, neither that his feet are holy and blessed, or that they ought to be kissed. This error is temerarius vnreuerently and offensiuely published.

The 9. article.9. That according vnto the doctrine of Christ, heretickes, be they neuer so obstinate or stubburne, ought not to be put to death, neither to be accursed or excō municated. This is the error of the Donatistes, temerariously, and not without great offence affirmed agaynst the lawes of the ecclesiasticall discipline as S, Augustine doth proue.

The 10. Article.10. That subiectes and the common people may and ought publickly and openly to detect and reproue the vices of their superiours and rulers, as hauing power geuen them of Christ, and example of Saynt Paul so to doe: this error is pernitious, full of offence, inducing all rebellion, disobedience and sedition, and the curse and malediction of Cham.

The 11. article.11. That Christ onely is head of the church and not the Pope. It is an errour accordyng vnto the cō mon vnderstanding of the Doctors, if all the reason of the supremacy, and of being head be secluded and taken away from the Pope.

The 12. article.12. That the onely church which comprehendeth the predestinate and good liuers, is the vniuersall Church, whereunto subiectes do owe obedience. And this is consequent vnto the former article. The error is conteined as in the former articles.

The 13. article.13. That tithes and oblations geuen vnto the Church are publicke and common almes. This error is offenciue, and contrary to the determination of the Apostle. 1. Cor. 9. chapter.

The 14. article.14. That the clergy liuing wickedly, ought to be reproued and corrected by the lay people by the taking away of theyr tithes and other temporall profites. A most pernicious errour and offenciue, inducing the secular people to perpetrate sacriledge subuerting the ecclesiasticall liberty.

The 15. article.15. That the blessinges of such as are reprobate or euill liuers of the clergye are maledictions and cursinges before God according to the saying. I will curse your blessinges. This error was lately reproued of Saynt Augustine, agaynst Saynct Cyprian and his followers, neither is the maister of the sentences allowed of the maysters in that poynt that he semeth to fauor this article.

The 16. article.16. That in these dayes and in long tyme before, there hath bene no true Pope, no true Church, or fayth, which is called the Romishe Churche, whereunto a man ought to obey, but that it both was and is the sinagogue of Antichrist and Sathan. The errour in this article is in this poynt that it is deriued, and taketh his foundation vpon the former articles.

The 17. article.17. That all gift of money geuen vnto the ministers of the Church, for the ministration of any spirituall matter, it doth make such ministers in that case vsers of Simony. This errour is seditious and temerarius, for so much as some thing may be geuen vnto the clergy, vnder the title of sustentation or mayntaynyng the minister, without the selling or buying of any spirituall thing.

The 18. article.18. That whosoeuer is excommunicate of the pope if he appeale vnto Christ, he is preserued that he need not feare the excommunication, but vtterlye to contemne and despise the same. This errour is temerarious and full of arrogancy.

The 19. article.19. That euery deed done with out charity is sinne. This errour was reproued and reuoked before this time at Paris, specially if it be vnderstand of deadlye sinne, for it is not necessarye that he whiche lacketh grace should continually sinne and offend a new Albeit he be cō tinually in sinne.

¶ This following, the Maisters of Paris by theyr whole voyce and consent did adde and adioyne vnto these ninetene articles, for theyr reason and determination.

WE affirme that these articles aforesayd are notoriously hereticall, and that they are iudicially to be condemned for such, and diligently to be rooted out with theyr most seditious doctrines, least they do infect other. For albeit they seeme to haue a zeale against the vices of the Prelates and the clergy, the which (the more is the pittye and griefe) do but to much abound, yet is it not according vnto learning, for a sober and discreete zeale, suffereth and lamenteth those sinnes and offences, whiche he seeth in the house of God, that he cannot amend or take away, for vyces cannot be rooted out, and taken away by other vices and errours, for so much as Deuilles are not cast out thorowe Belsabub, but by the power of God whiche is the holy Ghost, who willeth that in correction the measure and meane of prudence be alwayes kept, according to the saying. Marke, who, what, where and why, by what meanes and when, Prelates and Byshoppes are bound vnder greeuous and expresse penaltyes of the lawe diligently and vigilantly to beare themselues agaynst the foresayd errours and such other like, and the mayntayners of them, for let it alwayes be well vnderstand [Page] and noted that the errour which is not resisted is allowed, neither is [...]here any doubt of prime affinitie or societie of him, which slack [...] to withstand a manifest mischiefe.

These things are entermedled by the way vnder correction, as by way of doctrine.

Iohn Gerson Chauncellour of Paris, vnwoorthie.

These things thus declared, a man may easily vnderstand, that Iohn Husse was not accused for holding any opinion contrary to the Articles of our faith, but because hee did stoutly preach and teach against the kingdome of Antichrist for the glorye of Christ, and the restoring of the Churche.

Now to returne vnto the story: when as the first 39. articles,The wordes of the Cardinall of Cambray vnto I. Hus [...]er his accusation. which I haue before rehearsed, were all read ouer together with their testimonies, the Cardinal of Cambray cailing vnto Iohn Hus, said: thou hast heard what greeuous and horrible crimes are laid against thee, and what a number of them there are: and now it is thy part to deuise with thy selfe what thou wilt do. Two waies are proponed and set before thee of the Councell, whereof the one of them, thou must of force and necessitie enter into.

First, that thou do humbly and meekely sub [...]nit thy selfe vnto the iudgement & sentence of the Councel,A double inconuenience for I. Hus to fall in. that whatsoeuer shall be there determined by their cōmon voice and iudgement, thou wilt paciently beare and suffer the same. The which thing if thou wilt doe, we of our part both for the honour of the most gentle Emperour here present, and also for the honour of his brother the King of Boheme, & for thy owne sauegard and preseruation, will intreate and handle thee with as great humanitie, loue, and gentlenes, as we may. But if as yet thou art determined to defende any of those Articles which wee haue propounded vnto thee, and doest desire or require to be further heard therevpon, we will not denie thee power and licence thereunto: but this thou shalt well vnderstand that heere are such mance of men, so cleare in vnderstāding and knowledge, and hauing so firme and strong reasons and argumentes against thy articles: that I feare it will be to thy greate hurt, detriment, and perill, if thou shouldest any longer will or desire to defend the same.

This do I speake and say vnto thee to counsaile and admonish thee, and not as in maner of a iudge.

This Oration of the Cardinals many other prosecuting, euery man for himselfe,I. Hus aunwereth. did exhort and persuade Iohn Hus to the like: vnto whom with a lowly countenance he aunswered: Most reuerend fathers, I haue often said that I came hither of mine owne free wil, not to the intent obstinately to defende any thing, but if that in any thing I should seeme to haue conceiued a peruerse or euill opiniō, that I would meekely and paciently be content to be reformed and taught. Whereupon I desire that I may haue yet further libertie to declare my minde. Wherof except I shall alledge most firme & strong reasons, I wil willingly submit my selfe (as you require) vnto your informatiō.

Then there start vp one, which with a loud voice sayd: Behold how craftely this man speaketh. Determeth it information and not correction or determination. Verely sayd Iohn Hus, euen as you will tearme it, information, correction, or determination: for I take God to my witnes, that I speake nothing but with my hart and mind.

Then sayde the Cardinall of Cambray, forsomuch then as thou doest submit thy selfe vnto the information and grace of this Councell,The Cardinal of Cambray appointeth I. Hus certaine conditions, wherby he may be deliuered. this is decreed almost by threescore Doctours, wherof some of them are now departed hence, in whole roome and place the Parisians are succeeded: and also it is approued by the whole Councell, not one man speaking the contrary thereunto.

First of all, that thou shalt humbly and meekely confesse thy selfe to haue erred in these Articles, which are alledged and brought against thee.

Moreouer, that thou shalt promise by an othe, that frō hencefoorth thou shalt not reach, holde, or maintayne anie of these Articles. And last of all that thou shalt openly recant all these Articles.

Upon the which sentence, when as many others had spoken their minds,The answer of I. Hus. at the length Iohn Hus said: I once againe do say, that I am redy to submit my selfe to the informatiō of the Councell: but this I most humbly require and desire you all, euen for his sake, which is y• God of vs all, that I be not cōpelled or forced to do the thing, which my conscience doth repugne or striue against, or the which I cannot do without danger of eternall damnation: that is, that I should make reuocation by othe to all ye Articles which are alledged against me. For I remēber yt I haue red in the booke of vniuersalities, that to abiure is to renounce an error which a man hath before holden. And for so much as many of these Articles are sayde to bee myne, which were neuer in my mind or thought to hold or teach, how shoulde I then renounce them by an othe? But as touching those articles which are mine in deed, if there be any man which can teach me contrarywise vnto them, I will willingly performe that which you desire.

Then said the Emperour,The Emperour exhorteth Iohn Hus to recant. why mayest not thou without danger also renounce all those articles which thou saiest are falsly alleged against thee by the witnesses? For I verily would nothing at al doubt to abiure all errors, neither doth it follow that therfore by and by I haue professed any errour. To whom Iohn Hus answered: Most noble Emperour, this word to abiure, doth signifie much otherwise then your maiesty doth heere vse it. Then sayde the Cardinall of Florence: Iohn Hus, you shall haue a forme of abiuration, which shal be gentle and tollerable inough, written and deliuered vnto you, and then you will easily & sone determine wt your selfe, whither you will do it or no.

Then the Emperour repeating againe the wordes of the Cardinall of Cambray,The Emperour rehearseth the Cardinall of Cā brayes wordes. said: thou hast heard that there are two waies layd before thee. First, that thou shouldest opēly renounce those thy errors, which are now cōdēned, and subscribe vnto the iudgement of the Councel, wherby thou shouldest try and find their grace and fauour. But if thou proceed to defend thy opiniōs, the Councell shal haue sufficient, wherby according to their lawes & ordinances, they may decree and determine vpō thee. To whom Iohn Hus answered: I refuse nothing (most noble Emperour) whatsoeuer ye Councell shall decree or determine vpō me. This only one thing I except, that I do not offend God and my cōscience, or say that I haue professed those errors which was neuer in my mind or thought, for to professe. But I desire you al, if it may be possible, yt you will grant me further libertie to declare my mind and opiniō, that I may answere as much as shall suffice, as touching those things which are obiected against me, and speciallie cōcerning ecclesiasticall offices, and the state of the ministerie.

But when as other men began to speake,The force of false witnes. the Emperor himselfe began to sing the same song which he had song before. Thou art of lawfull age said ye Emperor, thou mightest haue easily vnderstand what I saide vnto thee yesterday and this daye:The Emperour to Iohn Hus. for wee are forced to giue credit vnto these witnesses which are worthy of credit: for so much as the Scripture saith, that in the mouth of two or three witnesses, all truth is tried: How much more then by so manie witnesses of such worthy men.

Wherfore if thou be wise, receiue penance at the handes of the Councell, with a contrite hart, and renounce the manifest errors, and promise by an othe that from henceforth thou wilt neuermore teach or preach againste them. The which if thou refusest to do, there are lawes and ordinances, whereby thou shalt be iudged of the Councell.

Heere a certain very old Bishop of Pole put to his verdict.An olde bishop of Pole. He saide the lawes are euident as touching hereticks, with what punishment they ought to be punished. But Iohn Hus constantly answered as before: in somuch that they saide he was obstinate and stubborne. Then a certaine well fed priest and gaily apparelled,Obiection of a priest better sed then taught. cried out vnto the presidents of the Councell, sayeng: he ought by no meanes to be admitted to recantation: for he hath written vnto his frends, that although hee do sweare with hys tong, yet he will keepe his mind vnsworne without othe: wherefore he is not to be trusted. Unto this slander Iohn Hus answered as is said in the last Article, affirming that he was not guilty of any errour.

Then said Palletz,Palletz against Iohn Hus. to what end is this protestation, for so much as thou saiest that thou wilt defend no error, neyther yet Wickliffe, and yet doest defend him? When he had spoken these words, he brought forth for witnes 9. Articles of Iohn Wickliffes, and red thē openly: & afterward he saide: When as I and M. Stanislaus in the presence of Ernestus of Austrich duke of Prage, preached against thē, he obstinately defended the same, not only by his sermōs, but also by his bookes which he set forth. The which except you do here exhibite, we will cause them to be exhibited. So said the Emperor also.A new heape of slaunders. Unto whome Iohn Hus answered, I am very well contented that not onely those, but also all other my bookes be brought forth and shewed.

In the meane time there was exhibited vnto the Coū cell a certaine Article, wherein Iohn was accused, that he had slaunderously interpreted a certaine sentence of the Popes: the which he denied that he did, saieng, that he neuer sawe it, but in prison, when as the Article was shewed him by the Commissioners. And when he was demaunded who was the authour thereof, he aunswered that hee knew not, but that he hard say that maister Iessenitz was [Page] the author thereof.

What (sayd they) then do you thinke or iudge of the interpretation thereof? Then aunswered Iohn Hus, what should I say therunto, when as I said I neuer saw it, but as I haue heard it of you. Thus they were all so greuous and troublesome vnto him,I. Hus waxeth faint and weary. that he waxed faint & wearie, for he had passed all y• night before without sleepe, through the paine of his teeth.

An other quarel against I. Hus, touching these three men beheaded at Prage. Vide supra. pag. 590.Then was there another Article read, in the which was conteined that three men were beheaded at Prage, because that through Wickleffes doctrine and teaching, they were contuinelious and slanderous against the Popes letters: and that they were by the same Hus, with the whole pompe of the Scholers, and with a publike conuocation or congregation caryed out to be buryed, & by a publicke Sermon placed amongst the number of Saints. And the same Doctour Naso, of whome you haue heard certaine testimonies already recited, affirmed the same to be true, and that he himselfe was present, when as the king of Boheme commanded those blasphemers so to be punished.

I. Hus belied.Then said Iohn Hus: both those partes are false, that the King did command any such punishment to be done, and that the coarses were by me conueyed with any such pompe vnto their sepulture or buriall: wherefore you do both iniury vnto me and the King. Then Palletz confirmed the affirmation of Doctour Naso, his fellow, with this argumēt (for they both laboured to one end and purpose:) That it was prouided by the Kings commaundement, that no man should once speake against the Popes Bulles:Ex puris affirmatiuis non con sistet. argum. in 2 figuta. And these three spake against ye Popes Bulles: Ergo, by vertue of the kings commaundement they were beheaded. And what Iohn Husse his opinion and mind was as touching these men, it is euident inough by hys booke intituled Of the Church, wherein he writeth thus: I beleeue they haue read Daniell the Prophet, where as is said: And they shall perish with sword and fire, and with captiuitie, and many shall fraudulently & craftely associate themselues vnto thē. And afterward he saith: how is this fulfilled in these two lay men, who not cōsenting, but speaking against the fained lies of Antichrist, haue offred their liues therfore, and many other were ready to do the same, and many were fraudulently associate vnto them, which being feared by the threatnings of Antichrist, are fled, and haue turned their backes, &c.

When these things were read, one looking vpon another, as though they had bene all in a maruellous strange study, they held their peace for a certaine space. For this Palletz, & the foresaide Doctour Naso had also added that Iohn Hus in an open Sermon had inflamed & stirred vp the people against ye Magistrates, in so much that a great number of the citizens did openly set themselues against ye magistrates: and by yt meanes was it, that he said those in. were ready to suffer death for the truth. And this sedition was hardly appeased by any benefite, or help that the king could do.Another quarel picked by Englishe men against Iohn Hus Then the Englishmē exhibited the copy of a certaine Epistle, which they saide was falsely conueyed vnto Prage, vnder yt title of the Uniuersitie of Oxford, & that Iohn Hus did reade the same out of ye Pulpit vnto ye people, that he might cōmend and praise Iohn Wickleffe vnto the Citizens of Prage. When they had read the same before the Councell,The testimonial of Oxford, for Wikliff brought to Prage. the Englishmen demaunded of Iohn Hus, whether he had read the same openly or no. Which whē he had confessed, because it was brought thether by two scholers vnder the seale of the Uniuersitie: they also inquired of him what scholers they were. He aunswered: this my frend (meaning Stephen Palletz) knoweth the one of them as well as I, the other I know not what he was.

Then they first enquired of him, as touching the last man, where he was. Iohn Hus aunswered: I heard say (said he) that in his returne into England, he died by the way. As touching the first, Palletz said, that he was a Bohemian, and no Englishman, and that he brought out of England a certaine small peece of the stone of Wickleffes sepulchre,A peece of the stone of Wickliffes sepulchre brought for a relique to Prage. which they that are ye followers of his doctrine at this present, do reuerence and worship as a thing most holy. Hereby it appeareth for what intent all these things were done, and that Iohn Hus was the author of thē all.

Then the Englishmen exhibited another Epistle, contrary to the first, vnder the seale of the Uniuersitie, the effect and argument whereof was this: The Senate of the vniuersitie, not without great sorrow and griefe hath experimented & found that the errours of Wickleffe are scattered & spread out of y• Uniuersitie throughout all England. And to the intent that through their helpe & labour, meanes may be found to remedy this mischiefe, they haue appointed for that purpose twelue Doctours, men of singuler learning, and other maisters, which should sit in iudgement vpon the bookes of Wicklesse.

These men haue noted out aboue th [...] [...]um [...]er of CC. articles, the which the whole universitie haue iudged worthy to be burnt: but for the reuerence of the said sacred Councell, the said Uniuersitie hath sent them vnto Constance, referring and remitting the whole authoritie of the iudgement vnto this Councell.

Heere was great silence kept for a while.The othe of Palletz. Then Palletz rising vp, as though he had finished now his accusation, said: I take God to my witnes before the Emperours maiestie here present, & the most reuerend fathers, Cardinals and Bishops, that in this accusation of Iohn Hus, I haue not vsed any hatred or euill will: but that I might satisfie the othe which I tooke, when I was made Doctour, that I would be a most cruell and sharpe enemie of all maner of errours, for the profite and commoditie of the holy Catholike Church.The othe of Michael de Causis. Michaell de Causis did also the like. And I, said Iohn Hus, do commit all these things vnto the heauenly Iudge, which shall iustly iudge ye cause or quarell of both parties.Iohn Hus witnesseth the Lord. Then saide the Cardinall of Cambray, I cannot a little commend and praise the humanitie and gentlenes of Maister Palletz, which he hath vsed in drawing out the articles against maister Iohn Hus. For as we haue heard, there are many things conteined in his booke, much worse and detestable.

When he had spoken these words, the Byshop of Rygen vnto whom Iohn Hus was committed, commanded that the said Iohn Hus, should be carried againe safely vnto prison. Then Iohn de Clum folowing him, did not a little incourage and comfort him.I. de Clum doth cōfort Iohn Hus. No toung can expresse what a courage and stomacke he receiued by the shorte talke which he had with him: when as in so great a broile and greuous hatred, he saw himselfe in a maner forsaken of all men. After that Iohn Hus was caried away, the Emperour began to exhort the presidents of the Councell in this maner, saieng:

YOu haue heard the manifold and greuous crimes which are layd against Iohn Hus,The Emperours oratiō to the president of the councell. which are not onely prooued by manifest and strong witnesses, but also confessed by him: of the which euery one of them by my iudgement and aduise haue deserued, and are worthy of death. Therefore, except he do recant them all, I iudge and thinke meete that he be punished with fire: and albeit he doo that which hee is willed and commanded to do: notwithstanding I do counsell you, that he be forbid the office of preaching and teaching, and also that he returne no more into the kingdome of Boheme. For if he bee admitted againe to teach and preach, and specially in the kingdome of Boheme, hee will not obserue and keepe that which he is commaunded, but hoping vpon the fauour and good will of such as be his adherents and fautours there, he will returne againe vnto his former purpose and intent, and then besides these errours, he will also sow new errours amongst the people, so the last errour shall be worse than the first.

Moreouer, I iudge and thinke it good that his articles which are condemned, should be sent vnto my brother the king of Boheme, and afterward into Pole and other prouinces, whereas mens minds are replenished with his doctrine, with this commandement, that whosoeuer do proceed to hold or keepe the same,That which god plateth man shall neuer roote vp they should by the common ayde both of the Ecclesiasticall and Ciuill power, be punished. So at the length shall remedy bee founde for this mischiefe, if the boughes together with the roote, be vtterly rooted and pulled vp: and if the Byshops and other Prelates, which heere in this place haue laboured and trauelled for the extirpating of this heresie, be commended by the whole voices of the Councell vnto the Kings and Princes, vnder whose dominion they are.Hierome of Prage mentioned and promoted by the Emperour. Last of all, if there be any founde heere at Constance, which are familiars vnto Iohn Hus, they also ought to be punished with such seueritie and punishment as is due vnto them, and specially his scholer Hierome of Prage. Then saide the rest, when the maister is once punished, we hope wee shall finde the Scholer much more tractable and gentle.

After they had spoken these wordes, they departed out of the Cloystev, where they were assembled and gathered together. The day before his condemnation, which was the sixt of Iuly,4. Bishops sent to Iohn Hus. the Emperour Sigismond sent vnto him foure Bishops, accompanied with maister Wencelate de Duba, and Iohn de Clum, that they should learne and vnderstand of him what he did intend to do. When as hee was brought out of prison vnto them, Iohn de Clum began first to speake vnto him, saieng.

MAister Iohn Hus,The pitifull and louing oration of I. de Clum vnto I. Hus. I am a man vnlearned, neither am I able to counsell or aduertise you, being a man of learning and vnderstanding: notwithstanding I do require you, if you know your selfe giltie of any of those errours, which are obiected and laid against [Page] you before the Councell, that you will not be ashamed to alter & change your mind to the will and pleasure of the Councell: if cōtrary wise, [...] will be no author vnto you, that you should do any thing contrary or against your conscience, but rather to suffer and endure any kinde of punishment, than to denie that which you haue knowne to be the truth. Vnto whome, Iohn Hus turning himselfe, [...] marne [...]as constance of Iohn Hus. with lamentable teares, sayd: verely as before I haue often times done, I do take the most high God for my witnes, that I am ready with my whole hart and minde, if the Councell can instruct or teach me any better by the holy Scripture: I will be ready with all my hart to alter and change my purpose. Then one of the Byshops which sate by,That is no [...] mode [...] that are regardeth to obey [...], then manifest ve [...], Iohn Hus answereth. sayde vnto him, that hee would neuer be so arrogant or proude, that he would prefer his owne mind or opinion before the iudgemēt of the whole Councell. To whome Iohn Hus aunswered, neither doo I otherwise minde or intend. For if he which is the meanest or least in all this Councell, can conuict me of errour, I will with an humble hart and mind performe and do whatsoeuer the Councell shall require of me. Marke said the Bishops, how obstinately he doth perseuer in his errours. And when they had thus talked, they commaunded the keepers to cary him againe vnto prison, and so they returned againe vnto the Emperour with their commission.

The next day after, which was Saterday, and the sixte day of Iuly, there was a generall Session holden of the Princes and Lords, both of the Ecclesiastiall and Temporall estates in ye head Church of the Citie of Constance, the Emperour Sigismund being President in his Imperiall robes and habite: in the middest whereof, there was made a certaine high place being square about like a table, and hard by it there was a deske of wood, vpon the which the garments and vestiments pertaining vnto Priesthode were laide, for this cause, that before Iohn Husse should be deliuered ouer vnto the Ciuill power, he should be openly depriued and spoiled of his Priestly ornaments. When Iohn Husse was brought thether, he fell downe vpon his knees before that same high place, and praied a long time. In the meane while ye Bishop of Londy went vp into the Pulpit, and made this Sermon following.

The Sermon of the Byshop of Londy, before the sentence was giuen vpon Iohn Husse.

The sermon where the [...]tence.IN the name of the Father, the Sunne, and of the holy Ghost. Trusting by humble inuocation vpon the diuine helpe and ayde, most noble Prince, and most Christian Emperour, and you most excellent Fathers, and reuerend Lords, Byshops, and Prelates, also most excellent Doctours and Maisters, most famous and noble Dukes and high Countes, honourable Nobles, and Barons, and all other men woorthie of remembraunce: that the intent and purpose of my minde may the more plainelie and euidently appeare vnto this most sacred congregation,The theame I am first of all determined to intreate or speake of that which is read in the Epistle on the next Sonday,His theame confirmed by Aristotle. in the sixt Chapter to the Romaines. That is to say: Let the bodie of sinne be destroied, &c.

It appeareth by the authoritie of Aristotle, in his booke intituled De coelo & mundo, how wicked, dangerous, and foolish a matter it seemeth to be, not to withstand peruerse and wicked beginnings. For he saith, that a small errour in the beginning, is very great in the end. It is very damnable and dangerous to haue erred, but more hard to be corrected or amended. Whereupon that worthy Doctour S. Hierome, in his booke vpon the exposition of the Catholicke faith, teacheth vs how necessarie a thing it is, that heretickes and heresies should be suppressed, euen at the first beginning of them, saieng thus: the rotten and dead flesh is to be cut off from the body, least that the whole body doo perish and putrifie. For a scabbed sheepe is to be put out of the fold, least the whole flocke be infected. And a little fire is to be quenched, least the whole house be consumed and burned. Arrius was first a sparke in Alexandria, who because hee was not at the first quenched, he presumed and went about with his wicked and peruerse imaginations, and phantasticall inuentions, to spot and defile the Catholicke faith, which is founded and established by Christ, defended with the victorious triumphes of so manie Martirs, and illuminate and set foorth with the excellent doctrines and writings of so manie men. Such therefore must be resisted: such heretickes of necessitie must be suppressed and condemned.

Wherefore I haue truely propounded, as touching the punishment of euery such obstinate hereticke, that the body of sin, is to be destroied. Whereupon it is to be considered according vnto the holy traditions of the fathers, that some sins are aduerse and contrarie vnto another. Othersome are annexed or conioyned together: othersome are, as it were, branches and members of others. And some are as it were the rootes and head of others. Amongst all which, those are to be counted the most detestable, out of the which the most and worst, haue their originall and beginning. Wherefore, albeit that all sinnes and offences are to be abhorred of vs: yet those are specially to be eschewed, which are the head and roote of the rest. For by how much the peruersenes of them is of more force and power to hurt, with so much the more speede and circumspection, ought they to be rooted out and extinguished, with apt preseruatiues and remedies. For so much then as amongst all sinnes none doth more appeare to be inueterate, then the mischiefe of this most execrable Schisme, therefore haue I right well propounded, that the bodie of sinne should be destroied. For by the long continuance of this Schsme, great and most cruell destruction is sproong vp amongst the faithfull, and hath long continued, abhominable diuisions of heresies are growne: threatnings are increased and multiplied: the confusion of the whole Cleargie is growne thereupon, and the opprobries and sclaunders of the Christian people are aboundantlie sproong vp and increased. And truely it is no maruell, for so much as that most detestable and execrable Schisme, is as it were, a bodie and heape of dissolution of the true faith of God: for what can be good or holie in that place, where as such a pestiferous Schisme hath raigned so long a time? For as Sainct Bernard sayth, like as in the vnitie and concord of the faithfull, there is the habitation and dwelling of the Lord, so likewise in the Schisme and dissipation of the Christians, there is made the habitation and dwelling of the Diuell. Is not Schisme and deuision the originall of all subuersion, the denne of heresies, and the nourisher of all offences? for the knot of vnitie and peace being once troubled and broken, there is free passage made for all strife and debate. Couetousnes is vttered in othes for lukers sake,They cannot abide the laitie to rule in any case. lust and will is set at libertie, and all meanes opened vnto slaughter. All right and equitie is banished, the Ecclesiasticall power is iniuried, and the calamitie of this Schisme bringeth in all kinde of bondage, swords and violence doth rule, the laitie haue the dominion, concord and vnitie are banished, and all prescript rules of Religion vtterly contemned and set at naught.

Consider most gentle Lords,All the popishe religion lieth in landes, lordships and liberties. how that during this most pestiferous Schisme, how manie heresies haue appeared and shewed themselues, how manie heretickes haue scaped vnpunished, how manie Churches haue beene spoiled and pulled downe, how manie Cities haue beene oppressed, and regions brought to ruine,Note here the popes diuinitie, how the bloud of christ s. rueth to purchase their patrimonie. what confusion hath there happened in the Cleargie? What and how great destruction hath bene amongst the Christian people? I pray you marke how the Church of God, the spouse of Christ, and the mother of all faithfull, is contemned and despised. For who doth reuerence the keies of the Church, who feareth the censures or lawes, or who is it that doth defend the liberties thereof? But rather who is it, that doth not offend the same, or who doth not inuade it, or else what is he that dare not violentlie lay hands vpon the patrimonie or heritage of Iesus Christ? The goods of the Cleargie, and of the poore, and the reliefe of Pilgrimes and straungers, gotten together by the bloud of our Sauiour, and of manie Martyres, are spoyled and taken awaie, behold the abhomination of the desolation brought vpon the Church of God, the destruction of the faith, and the confusion of the Christian people, to the ruine of the Lordes flocke or folde, and all the whole companie of our most holy Sauiour and redeemer. This losse is more great or greeuous then anie which could happen vnto the Martires of Christ, and thys persecution much more cruell then the persecution of anie tyrants, for they did but only punish the bodies, but in this schsme, and diuision the soules are tormented. There the bloud of men was only shed, but in this case the true faith is subuerted and ouerthrowne. That persecution was saluation vnto many: but this Schisme is destruction vnto all men. When the tirants raged, then the faith did increase: but by this diuision it is vtterly decaied. During their crueltie and madnes, the primatiue Church increased, but through this schisme it is confounded and ouerthrowne. Tiraunts did ignorantly offende: but in this schisme many do wittingly and willingly euen of obstinacie offend. There came in heretikes, vsers of Symonie, and hypocrites, to the great detriment and deceit of the Church: vnder those tirants the merites of the iust were increased.

But during this Schisme, mischiefe and wickednes are augmented, for in this most cursed and execrable diuision, truth was made an enimie vnto all Christians, faith is not regarded, loue and charitie hated, hope is lost, iustice ouerthrowne, no kinde of courage or valiantnes, but onely vnto mischiefe: modestie and temperance cloked, wisedome turned into deceit, humilitie fained, equitie and truth falsified, pacience vtterly fled, conscience small, all wickednes intended, deuotion counted folly, gentlenes abiect and cast away,This Schisme cō tinued 40. yeares religion despised, obedience not regarded, and all maner of life reprochfull and abhominable. With how great and greeuous sorowes is the Church of God replenished & filled, whiles that tirants do oppresse it, heretikes inuade it, vsers of Symonie do spoile and rob it, and schismatikes go about vtterly to subuert it? O most miserable and wretched christian people, whome now by the space of forty yeares, with such indurate and continuall schisme, they haue tormented and almost brought to ruine. O the little barke and ship of Christ, whiche [Page] hath so long time wandred and straied now in the middest of the whorlepooles, and by and by sticketh fast in the rocks, tossed too and fro with most greeuous and tempestuous stormes. O miserable and wretched boate of Peter, if the most holy father would suffer thee to sinke or drowne, into what dangers and perils haue the wicked pirates brought thee? amongst what rockes haue they placed thee? O most godly and louing Christians, what faithfull deuout man is there, which beholding and seeing the great ruine and decay of the Church, would not be prouoked vnto teares? what good conscience is there that can refraine weeping? because that contention and strife is powred vpon the ecclesiasticall rulers, which haue made vs to erre in the way: because they haue not founde,He stirreth vp the Emperour. Sigismund. or rather, would not finde the way of vnitie and concord: Whereupon so many heresies: and so great confusion is sproong vp, and growne in the flocke of Peter, and the fold of our Lord.

Many Princes, Kings and Prelates, haue greatly laboured and trauelled for the rooting out heereof, but yet could they neuer bring to passe, or finish that most holesome and necessary worke. Wherefore most Christian King, this most glorious and triumphant victory hath tarried only for thee, the crowne and glorie therof shal be thine for euer, and this most happy victory shall be continually celebrate to thy great honour and praise, that thou hast restored againe the Church which was so spoiled, thou hast remoued and put away all inueterate and ouergrowne Schismes and diuisions, thou hast troden downe vsers of Symony, & rooted out all hereticks. Doest thou not behold & see how great perpetuall and famous renowne & glory it wil be vnto thee? For what can be more iust, what more holy, what more better, what more to be desired, or finally, what can be more acceptable, than to roote out this wicked and abhominable Schisme, to restore the Church againe vnto hir auncient libertie, to extinguish and put away all Simony, and to condemne and destroy all errours and heresies from amongst the flocke of the faithfull? Nothing truly can be better, nothing more holy, nothing more profitable for the whole worlde, and finally, nothing more acceptable vnto God. For the performance of which most holy and godly worke, thou wast elect and chosen of God, thou wast first deputed and chosen in heauen, before thou wast elect and chosen vpon earth. Thou wast first appointed by the celestiall and heauenly Prince, before the electours of the Empire did elect or choose thee, and specially, that by the Imperiall force and power, thou shouldest condemne and destroy those errours and heresies, which wee haue presently in hand to be condemned and subuerted. To the performance of this most holy worke, God hath giuen vnto thee the knowledge & vnderstanding of his diuine truth and veritie, power of princely maiestie, and the iust iudgement of equitie and righteousnes, as the most highest himselfe doth say: I haue geuen thee vnderstāding and wisedome, to speake and vtter my words, and haue set thee to rule ouer nations and kingdomes, that thou shouldest helpe the people, plucke down and destroy iniquitie, & by exercising of iustice, thou shouldest, I say, destroy all errours and heresies, and specially this obstinate heretike heere present, through whose wickednes & mischiefe, many places of the world are infected with most pestilent and hereticall poison,Loripidē rectus deridcat, aethiopus album. and by his meanes and occasion, almost vtterly subuerted & destroyed. This most holy and godly labour, O most noble Prince, was reserued only for thee, vpon thee it doth only lye, vnto whome the whole rule and ministration of iustice is giuen.Note the vile flattery of these papistes when they would haue any thing of the Emperor for their purpose Wherfore thou hast established thy praise & renowne, euen by the mouthes of infants & sucking babes, for thy praises shall be celebrate for euermore that thou hast destroied & ouerthrowne such and so great enimies of the faith. The which that thou maist prosperously & happely perfourme & bring to passe, our Lord Iesu Christ may vouchsafe to grant thee his grace & help, who is blessed for euer & euer, Amen.

The proctor of the councell calleth for the sentence. When this Sermon was thus ended, the Procurer of the Councell rising vp, named Henricus de Piro, required that the processe of the cause against Iohn Hus might be continued, and proceed vnto the difinitiue sentence. Then a certaine Byshop, whych was appointed one of the Iudges, declared the processe of the cause, which was pleaded long since in the Court of Rome and elsewhere, betweene Iohn Hus, and the Prelates of Prage.

At the last he repeated those articles which we haue before remembred, amongst the which he rehearsed also one article, that I. Hus shoulde teach the two natures of the Godhead and manhead to be one Christ. Iohn Hus went about briefly with a word or two to aunswer vnto euerie one of them, but as often as he was about to speake, the Cardinall of Cambray cōmanded him to hold his peace, The Cardinall of Cābray cōmā ded Iohn Hus. to keepe silence. Iohn Hus could not be heard in the councell. saieng: heereafter you shall answere to all together, if you will. Then said Iohn Hus, how can I at once aunswere vnto all those things which are alledged against me, whē as I cannot remember them all? Then sayde the Cardinall of Florence, we haue heard thee sufficiently. But whē as I. Hus for all that, would not hold his peace, they sent the officers which should force him therunto. Then began he to intreate, Iohn Hus committeth his cause to the Lord Christ. pray, and beseech ther [...] [...]hat they woulde heare him, that such as were present, [...]ight not credite or beleeue those things to be true which were reported of him. But when all this would nothing preuaile, he kneeling downe vpon his knees, committed the whole matter vnto God, and the Lord Iesus Christ, for at their handes he beleeued easely to obtaine that which he desired.

When the articles abouesaid were ended, last of all there was added a notable blasphemy, Marke the vnshame fast nes of thē to faine what they list. which they all imputed vnto Iohn Hus. That is, that he saide there shoulde be a fourth person in diuinitie, and that a certaine Doctour did heare him speake of the same. When Iohn Hus desired that the Doctour might be named, the Bishop which had alledged the article, said, that it was not needefull to name him. Iohn Hus againe slaundered. Then said Iohn Hus, O miserable and wretched man that I am, which am forced and compelled to beare such blasphemy and slaunder.

Afterward the Article was repeated, The councel doth call it hereticall to appeale to Christ. how he appealed vnto Christ, and that by name, was called hereticall, whereunto Iohn Hus answered: O Lord Iesu Christ, whose word is openly condemned heere in this Councell, vnto thee againe I do appeale: which when thou wast euill intreated of thine enimies, diddest appeale vnto God thy father, committing thy cause vnto a most iust Iudge, that by thy example we also being oppressed with manifest wrongs and iniuries,Contempt of the popes excōmunication laide to Iohn Pus.should flee vnto thee. Last of all, the Article was rehearsed, as touching the contempt of the excommunication by Iohn Hus. Whereunto he answered as before, that he was excused by his aduocates in ye court of Rome, wherefore he did not appeare when he was cited: and also that it may be proued by the actes, that the excommunication was not ratified: and finally, to the intent he might cleare himselfe of obstinacie, he was for that cause come vnto Constance, vnder the Emperours safeconduct. When he had spoken these words, one of them which was appointed Iudge, reade the definitiue sentence against him, which followeth thus word for word.

The sentence or iudgement of the Councell of Constance geuen against Iohn Husse.

THe most holy and sacred generall Councell of Constance, being congregate and gathered together, representing the Catholike Church for a perpetuall memory of the thing,The sētence read against Iohn Hus. as the veritie & truth doth witnes, an euill tree bringeth forth euill seuite: hereupon it commeth, that the man of most damnable memory Iohn Wickleffe, through his pestiferous doctrine, not through Iesu Christ by the Gospell, as ye holy Fathers in times past, haue gottē faithfull children, but cōtrary vnto the holesome faith of Iesus Christ, as a most venemous roote, hath begotten many pestilent & wicked children, whome he hath left behind him, successours and folowers of his peruerse and wicked doctrine, against whome this sacred Synode of Constance is forced to rise vp, as against bastards and vnlawfull children, and with diligent care, with the sharpe knife of the Ecclesiasticall authoritie, to cut vp their errours out of the Lords field, as most hurtfull brambles and briers, least they should growe to the hurt and detriment of others.

For somuch then as in the holy generall Councell lately celebrated and holden at Rome, it was decreed that the docrine of I. Wickleffe of most damnable memory should be condemned, & that his bookes which cōteined the same doctrine, should be burned as hereticall, & this decree was approued & confirmed by the sacred authoritie of yt whole Coūcell: neuertheles one Iohn Hus here personally present in this sacred Councell, not yc Disciple of Christ, but of Iohn Wickliffe, an Archheretike, after, and contrary or against the cōdemnation and decree, hath taught, preached & affirmed the Articles of Wickleffe, which were condemned by the Church of God, and in times past by certaine most reuerend fathers in Christ, Lords, Archbishops, and Byshops, of diuers kingdomes & Realmes, Maisters of diuinitie of diuers Uniuersities: especially resisting in his open Sermons, and also with his adherents and complices in the scholes, the condemnation of the said Articles of Wickleffes, oftentimes published in the said Uniuersitie of Prage, and hath declared him the said Wickleffe, for the fauour and commendation of his doctrine, before ye whole multitude of the Cleargy and people, to be a Catholicke man, and a true Euangelical Doctour. He hath also published and affirmed, certaine & many of his Articles worthely condemned to be Catholicke, the which are notoriously conteined in the bookes of the said Iohn Hus.

Wherfore, after diligent deliberation & full information first had vpon the premisses by the reuerend fathers and [Page] Lords in Christ of the holy Church of Rome,They shall bring you before their councells, they shall persecute you, and cast you in prisō and bring you before kings & presidents for my nāe. &c. Luke, 21. Cardinals, Patriarkes, Archbishops, Bishops, and other Prelates, & Doctours of [...]nitie and of both lawes in great number assembled and gathered together, this most sacred & holie Councell of Constance declareth & determineth ye articles aboue said (the which after due conference had, are found in his bookes written with his owne hand, the which also ye said Iohn Hus in opē audience, before this holy Councell, hath confessed to be in his bookes) not to be Catholicke, neither worthy to be taught, but that many of them are erroneous, some of them to be wicked, othersome to be offensiue vnto godly eares, many of thē to be temerarious and seditious, and the greater part of them to be notoriously hereticall, and euē now of late by ye holy fathers and generall Councels, reproued & condēned. And for so much as ye said Articles are expresly conteined in the bookes of the said Iohn Hus, therefore this said The sayde concelium malignantium. sacred Councell, doth cōdemne & reproue all those bookes which he wrote, in what forme or phrase soeuer they be, or whether they be trāslated by others & doth determine and decree, that they all shall be solemnely & openly burned in the presence of ye clergy & people of ye city of Constance, & elsewhere: adding moreouer for the premisses, that all his doctrine is worthy to be despised & eschewed of all faithfull Christians. And to the intent this most pernicious & wicked doctrine, may be vtterly excluded & shut out of the Church, this sacred Synode doth straightly cōmand, that diligent inquisition be made by ye ordinaries of the places by the Ecclesiasticall censure, for such treatises and works, and that such as are found, be consumed & burned with fire. And if there be any found, which shall contemne or depise this sentence or decree, this sacred Synode ordeineth and decreeth that the ordinaries of the places, and the inquisitours of heresies, shal proceed against euery such person as suspect of heresy.

Wherefore, after due inquisition made against the sayd Iohn Husse, and full information had by the Commissaries and Doctours of both lawes, and also by the saiengs of the witnesses which were worthy of credite, and many other things opēly read before the said Iohn Hus, and before ye fathers and prelates of this sacred Councell (by the which allegatiōs of the witnesses it appeareth that ye sayd Iohn Hus hath taught many euill & offensiue,Many shall come in my name and shal deceiue many. Marke 13. seditious, and perilous heresies, and hath preached the same by a long time) this most sacred & holy Synode lawfully congregate and gathered together in the holy Ghost, the name of Christ being inuocate & called vpon, by this their sentence which here is set forth in writing, determineth, pronounceth, declareth, & decreeth, that Iohn Hus was and is a true and manifest hereticke, and that he hath preached openly errours & heresies lately condemned by the church of God, and many other seditious, temerarious, & offensiue things to no small offence of the Diuine maiestie, and of the vniuersall Church, and detriment of the Catholicke faith & Church, neglecting and despising the keyes of the Church, & Ecclesiasticall censures. In the which his errours he continued with a minde altogether indurate and hardned by the space of many yeares, much offending the faithfull Christians by his obstinacie & stubburnes, when as he made his appeale vnto the Lord Iesu Christ,To appeale to Christ is deragatory to the popes holynes. as the most high iudge, omitting and leauing all Ecclesiasticall meanes. In the which his appeale he alledged many false, iniurious, and offensiue matters, in contempt of the Apostolicke sea, and the Ecclesiasticall censures and keyes.

Wherupon both for the premisses & many other things, the said Synode pronounceth I. Hus to be an hereticke,Veritie condemned for heresie. & iudgeth him by these presents to be condemned & iudged as an heretike, & reproueth ye said appeal as iniurious, offensiue, & done in derisiō vnto ye ecclesiastical iurisdictiō, & iudgeth the said Hus, not only to haue seduced the christian people by his writings & preachings, and specially in the kingdome of Boheme, neither to haue bene a true preacher of the Gospell of Christ vnto ye said people, according to the exposition of ye holy Doctours: but also to haue bene a seducer of them, & also an obstinate and stifnecked person, yea and such a one as doth not desire to returne againe to the lappe of our holy mother the Church, neither to abiure the errours and heresies which he hath openly preached and defended. Wherefore this most sacred Councell decreeth and declareth that the said Iohn Husse, shall be famously deposed and disgraded from his Priestly orders and dignitie, &c.

Whilest these things were thus read, Iohn Husse, albeit he were forbidden to speake, notwithstāding he did often interrupt them,I. Hus cleareth himself of obstinacy and specially whē he was reproued of obstinacie, he said with a loude voice: I was neuer obstinate, but as alwaies heretofore, euē so now againe I desire to be taught by the holy Scriptures, and I do professe my selfe to be so desirous of yt truth, that if I might by one only word subuert the errours of all heretickes, I would not refuse to enter into what peril or bāger soeuer it were.They condemne the bokes written in the Bohemian tongue, which they neuer read. When his bookes were condēned, he said: wherefore haue you cōdemned those books, when as you haue not proued by any one Article, that they are cōtrary to the scriptures or Articles of faith? And moreouer, what iniury is this yt you do to me, that you haue cōdēned these bookes written in the Bohemian toung, which you neuer saw, neither yet read? And oftētimes looking vp vnto heauē, he prayed.

Whē the sentence and iudgement was ended,Hus prayeth for his enemies. kneeling downe vpon his knees, he said: Lord Iesu Christ, forgeue mine enimies, by whome thou knowest that I am falsely accused, and that they haue vsed false witnes and slanders against me: forgeue them I say, for thy great mercies sake. This his praier and oration the greater part, and specially the chiefe of the Priests did deride and mocke.

At the last,I. Hus commanded to put on the priestes garmentes. the seuen Bishops which were chosen out to disgrade him of his priesthood, commanded him to put on the garments pertaining vnto priesthood, which thyng when he had done, vntill he came to the putting on of the Albe, he called to his remembraunce the white vesture which Herode put vpon Iesus Christ to mock him withall. So likewise in al other things he did comfort himselfe by the example of Christ. When he had now put on all his priestly vestures, the Bishops exhorted him that he should yet alter and change his minde and purpose, and prouide for his honour and safegard. Then he (according as ye maner of the ceremony is) going vp to the top of the scaffold, being full of teares, hee spake vnto the people in this sort.

These Lords and Bishops do exhort and councell mee, that I should heere confesse before you all that I haue erred, the which thing to do, if it were such as might be done with the infamy and reproch of anye man, they might peraduenture easily perswade me therunto: but now truly I am in the sight of the lord my God, without whose great ignominy, and grudge of mine owne conscience, I can by no meanes do that which they require of mee. For I doo well knowe,I. Hus his oration vnto the people. that I neuer taught any of those thinges which they haue falsly alledged against mee, but I haue alwayes preached, taught, written, and thought contrary thereunto. With what countenance then should I behold the heauens? with what face should I looke vpon them, whome I haue taught, where of there is a great number, if thorough me it should come to passe that those things which they haue hetherto knowne to bee most certaine and sure, should now be made vncertaine? Should I by this my example astonish or trouble so manye soules, so manye consciences, endewed with the most firme and certaine knowledge of the Scriptures, and Gospell of our Lord Iesu Christ and his most pure doctrine, armed against all the assaults of Satan? I will neuer do it, neither commit any such kinde of offence, that I shoulde seeme more to esteeme this vile carcas appoynted vnto death, then their health and saluation. At this most godly worde he was forced againe to heare by the consent of the Bishops, that hee did obstinately and maliciously perseuere in his pernicious and wicked errours.

Then he was commanded to come downe to the execution of his iudgement, and in his comming downe, one of the seauen Bishops afore rehearsed, firste tooke awaye the chalice from him which he helde in his hand,The disgrading of Iohn Hus. saieng: O cursed Iudas, why hast thou forsakē the counsell & waies of peace, and hast counsailed with the Iewes? we take away frō thee this chalice of thy saluation. But Iohn Hus receiued this curse in this maner: but I trust vnto God the father omnipotent, and my Lorde Iesus Christ, for whose sake I do suffer these things, that hee will not take away the chalice of his redemption, but haue a stedfast and firme hope that this day I shall drinke thereof in his kingdome. Then followed the other Bishops in order, which euery one of them tooke away the vestiments from him, which they had put on, eche one of them geuing hym their curse. Whereunto Iohn Hus answered, that hee did willingly embrace and beare those blasphemies for the name of the Lord Iesus Christ. At the last they came to the rasing of his shauen crowne. But before the Bishops would go in hand with it, there was a great contention betweene them, with what instrument it should be done, with a rasour, or with a paire of sheares.

In the meane season,The wordes of I. Hus vnto the Emperour. The crowne of Iohn Hus pared away with sheares. Iohn Hus turning himselfe toward the Emperour, saide: I maruell that forsomuch as they be all of like cruell minde and stomacke, yet they can not agree vpon their kinde of crueltie. Notwithstanding, at the last they agreed to cut off the skinne of the crowne of his head with a paire of sheares. And when they had done that, they added these words: now hath the Church [Page] taken away all her ornaments and priuilegies from hym. Now there resteth nothing else, but that he be deliuered ouer vnto the secular power. But before they did that, there yet remained another knacke of reproch. For they caused to be made a certaine crowne of paper,The marueilous constancie and courage of the blessed martyr. almost a cubite deepe, in the which were painted three deuils of wonderfull ougly shape, and this title set ouer their heads, Heresiarcha. The which when he saw, he sayde: My Lord Iesus Christ for my sake did weare a crowne of thorne: why should not I then for his sake againe weare thys light crowne, be it neuer so ignominious? Truly I will do it, and that willingly. When it was set vpon his head, the Bishops saide: now we commit thy soule vnto the deuill.The paper with the inscription set vpon Husses head. But I, sayde Iohn Husse (lifting his eies vp towardes the heauens) doo commit my spirite into thy handes: O Lord Iesu Christ, vnto thee I commend my spirit which thou hast redeemed. These contumelious opprobries thus ended, the Bishops turning themselues towards the Emperour, said: This most sacred Synode of Constance, leaueth now Iohn Husse, which hath no more any office, or to do in the Church of God, vnto the ciuill iudgement and power. Then the Emperour commaunded Lodouicus Duke of Bauaria, which stoode before him in his robes, holding the golden apple with the crosse in his hande, that he should receiue Iohn Husse of the Byshops, and deliuer him vnto them which should do the execution. By whome, as hee was led to the place of execution, before the Church doores hee sawe his bookes burning, whereat hee smiled and laughed. And all men that he passed by,The protestation of Iohn Hus as he was ledde to the place of execution. he exhorted, not to thinke that he should dye for any errour or heresie, but only for the hatred and ill will of his aduersaries, which had charged him wyth most false and vniust crime. All the whole Citie in a maner being in armour, followed him.

The place appointed for the execution, was before the gate Gorlebian, betweene the gardens and the gates of the suburbs. When as Iohn Husse was come thether, kneeling downe vpon his knees, and lifting his [...]ies vp vnto heauen, he praied, and saide certaine Psalmes, and specially the 50. and 31. Psalmes. And they which stoode by, heard him oftentimes in his praier, with a merrie and chearefull countenance repeate this vers [...] ▪ Into thy hands, O Lord, The prayers of I. Hus well liked of the people. I commend my spirit, &c. Which th [...]g when the lay people beheld which stood next vnto him, they said: what he hath done afore, wee knowe not, but now wee see and heare that hee doth speake and pray very deuoutely and godly. Othersome wished that he had a Confessor. There was a certaine Priest by, sitting on horsebacke in a greene gowne drawne about with red silke, which said, he ought not to be heard,Ex epist. Ioan. Hus. 31. because he is an hereticke. Yet notwithstanding whilest he was in prison, he was both confessed, and also absolued by a certaine Doctour, a Monke, as Hus himselfe doth witnes in a certaine Epistle which he wrote vnto his frendes out of prison.The paper with deuils fell from his head. At the praier of Hus the paper with deuils fell downe. Thus Christ raigneth vnknowne vnto the world, euen in ye middest of his enimies. In the meane time whilest he praied, as he bowed his necke backward to looke vpward vnto heauen, the crowne of paper fell off from his head vpon the grounde. Then one of the souldiours taking it vp againe, said: let vs put it againe vpon his head, that he may bee burned with his maisters the diuels whome he hath serued.

When as by the commandement of the tormentours, he was risen vp frō the place of his praier, with a loud voice he saide: Lord Iesu Christ assist and help me, that with a constant and pacient mind, by thy most gracious helpe, I may beare & suffer this cruel & ignominious death, wherunto I am condemned for the preaching of thy most holie Gospel and word. Then as before, he declared the cause of his death vnto the people. In ye meane season the hangmā stripped him of his garments, and turning his hands behinde his backe, tied him fast vnto the stake with ropes that were made wet.Iohn Hus fastened to the stake. Iohn Hus turned towarde the West. And where as by chance he was turned towards the East, certain cried out that he should not looke towards the East, for he was an heretick: so he was turned towards the West. Then was his necke tied with a chaine vnto the stake, the which chaine when he beheld, smiling he said, that he woulde willingly receiue the same chaine for Iesu Christes sake, whom he knew was bound with a farre worse chaine. Under his feete they set two fagots, admixing straw withall, and so likewise frō the feete

¶ The description of the burning of Iohn Hus, contrary to the safeconduict graunted vnto hym.

vp to the chin, he was inclosed in rounde aboute with wood.Pardon offered againe to I. Hus But before the wood was set on fire, Lodouicus Duke of Bauaria, with another Gentleman with hym, whiche was the sonne of Clement, came and exhorted Iohn Hus, that he would yet be mindfull of his safegard, and renounce his errours. To whome he saide, what errour should I renounce, when as I knowe my selfe giltie of none? For, as for those things which are falsly alledged agaynst mee, I knowe that I neuer did so much as once thinke them, much lesse preach them. For thys [Page] was the principall ende and purpose of my doctrine, that I might teach all men penaunce and remission of sinnes,The last cō fession of Iohn Hus. according to the verity of the Gospel of Iesus Christ, and the exposition of the holy Doctours: wherefore wyth a chearefull minde and courage I am heere ready to suffer death. When he had spoken these words, they left him, and shaking hands together they departed.

The martyrdome of b [...]essed Iohn Hus.Then was the fire kindled, and Iohn Hus began to sing with a loud voice, Iesu Christ the sonne of the liuing God haue mercy vpon me. And when he began to say the same the third time, the winde droue the flame so vpon his face, that it choked him. Yet notwithstanding he mooued a while after,Precious in the sight of God is the death of hys saintes. by the space that a man might almost say three times the Lordes prayer. When all the wood was burned and consumed, the vpper parte of the body was left hanging in the chaine, the which they throwe downe stake and all, and making a newe fire burned it, the heade being first cut in small gobbets, that it might the sooner be consumed vnto ashes. The heart, which was founde amongest the bowels,The hart of Iohn Hus beaten with s [...]aues, and consumed with fire. The ashes of Iohn Hus cast into the riuer of Rh [...]ine. being well beaten with staues and clubbes, was at last pricked vppon a sharpe sticke, and roasted at a fire a parte vntill it was consumed. Then with great diligence gathering the ashes together, they cast them into the riuer of Rhene, that the least remnaunt of the ashes of that man shoulde not be left vppon the earth, whose memorie notwythstanding can not be abolished out of the minds of the godly, neither by fire, neither by water, neither by anye kinde of torment.

¶ I know very well that these things are very [...]lenderly wrytten of me as touching the labours of thys most holy Martyr Iohn Hus,The author and witnes [...] this story. with whome the labors of Hercules are not to be compared. For that auncient Hercules slew a few monsters: but this our Hercules with a moste stout and valiant courage hath subdued euen the worlde it selfe, the mother of all monsters and cruell beastes. Thys story were worthy some other kind of more curious handling, but for so muche as I cannot otherwise perfourme it my selfe, I haue endeuored according to the ve [...]y truth, as the thing was in deede, to commend tho same vnto al godly mindes: neither haue I heard it reported by others, but I my selfe was present at the doing of all these things, and as I was able I haue put them in wryting, that by thys my labour, and indeuor howsoeuer it were. I might preserue the memory of this holy man and excellent Doctour of the Euangelicall truth.

[...]. Iohn Pizibram is thought to be his name. Ex Cochleo lib 2. de Hist. H [...]ssit.What was the name of this author which wrote thys story, it is not here expressed. Cochleus in his 2. boke contra Hussitas, supposeth his name to be Ioannes Pizibram, a Bohemian. Who afterward succeeding in the place of I. Hus at Prage, at last is thought to relent to the Papists.

This godly seruaunt and Martyr of Christ was condemned by the cruel councel, and burned at Constance an. 1415. about the moneth of Iuly.

Howe grieuously this death of Iohn Hus was taken among the nobles of Boheme and of Morauia, heereafter (Christ willing) shall appeare by their letters which they sent vnto the councell, & by the letters of Sigismund the king of Romaines, wrytten vnto them. Wherin he laboureth, all that he can, to purge and excuse himselfe, of Husses death. All be it he was not altogether free from that cruell fact, and innocent frō that bloud: yet notwithstanding hee pretendeth in words so to wipe away that blot from hym, that the greatest part of that crime seemeth to rest vpon the bloudy prelates of that councel,Ex Cocbleo dehist. Huss. lib. 4. as the wordes of the king do purport in forme as followeth.

INterea (inquit) nobis adhuc in partibus Rheni existentibus, peruenit ad Constantiam &c i. The Empe [...]ur excuseth him self of the death of I. Hus. In the meane time as we were about the coastes of Rhene, Iohn Hus went to Constance, and there was arrested, as is not to you vnknowen. Who if he had first resorted vnto vs, & had gone with vs vp to the Coūcel, perhaps it had bene otherwise with him. And God knoweth, what griefe and sorrowe it was to our heart, to see it so to fall out, as with no wordes can be well expressed. Whereof all the Bohemians, which were there present, can beare vs witnesse, seeing and beholding howe carefull and sollicitous we were in labouring for him: In so much that wee many times with anger and furie departed out of the Councell: and not onely out of the Councell, but also went out of the City of Cōstance taking his part, vnto such time as the rulers of the Councell sending vnto vs, sayde: That if wee woulde not permit them to prosecute that, which right required in the Councell, what should they then do in the place. Whereupon thus we thought with our selues, that here was nothing els for vs more to doe, nor yet to speake in this case, for asmuche as the whole Councell otherwise had ben dissolued. Where is to be noted moreouer, that in Constance the same time there was not one clearke, or two, but there were Ambassadours for all kinges and princes in Christendome, especially since the time that (Petrus de Luna geuing ouer) all those kinges and princes which tooke his part, came to vs: so that whatsoeuer good was to be done, it was nowe to be passed in this present Councell. &c. Ex Epist. Imper. Sigismundi. ad Nobiles. &c.

¶ By this it may appeare that the Emperour as partly ashamed and sory of that which was done, wold gladly haue cleared himselfe therof, and haue washed hys handes with Pilate: yet he coulde not so cleare himselfe, but that a great portion of that murder remained in him to be noted, and well worthy of reprehension: as may both appeare by his last words spoken in the Councel to I. Hus, whereof Iohn Hus in his Epistles complaineth,Ex epist. Iohn Hus. 33. wryting to certaine of his friendes in Bohemia in his 33. Epistle, as by hys wordes may appeare here following.

I Desire you yet againe for the loue of God, The Emperour vncurteous to Iohn Hus. that the Lordes of Boheme ioyning together, will desire the king for finall audience to be geuen me. For so muche as he alone saide to me in the Councell, that they shoulde geue me audience shortly, and that I shoulde aunswer for my selfe briefly in wryting: it will be to hys great confusion, if he shall not perfourme that which he hath spoken. But I feare that worde of his will be as firme and sure, as the other was concerning my safeconducte graunted by him. Certaine there were in Bohemia, which willed mee to beware of hys safeconducte. And other sayde: he will sure geue you to your ennemies. And the Lord Mikest Dweky told me before M. Iessenitz, saying: Maister, know it for certaine you shalbe condemned. And this I suppose he spake, knowing before the intētion of the king. I hoped well that hee had bene well affected towarde the lawe of God and trueth, and had therein good intelligence: nowe I conceiue that he is not greatly skilfull nor so prudently circumspecte in himselfe. Pilate more moderate to Christ, then this Emperour to Iohn Hus. He condemned me before mine ennemies did. Who, if it had pleased him, might haue kept the moderation of Pilat the Gentile, which sayde: I finde no cause in this man: or at least if hee had sayde but thus: beholde I haue geuen him his safeconducte safely to returne And if hee will not abide the decision of the councell, I will send him home to the king of Boheme, with youre sentence & attestations, that he with his cleargie may iudge him. But nowe I heare by the relation of Henry Leffl, and of other, that he will ordaine for me sufficient audience: And if I will not submit my selfe to the iudgement of the councel, he wil send me safe, the contrary way. &c.

This Iohn Hus being in prison, wrote diuers treatises, as of the commaundements, of the Lordes prayer, of mortal sinne, of matrimony, of the knowledge and loue of God, of 3. ennemies of mankinde, the world, the flesh, and the deuill, of penaunce, of the Sacrament of the body and bloud of the Lord: of the sufficiencie of the lawe of God to rule the church. &c. He wrote also diuers Epistles and letters to the Lordes and to his frendes of Boheme: And in hys wrytings did foreshewe many things before to come, touching y• reformation of the Churche: and seemeth in the prison to haue had diuers prophetical reuelations shewed to him of God. Certaine of which his letters, and predictions, I thought here vnderneath to insert, in such sort, as neither in reciting all I will ouercharge the volume too much: nor yet in reciting of none, I wil be so brief, but that the reader may haue some taste, and take some profit of the Christian wrytings and doings of this blessed man: Firste beginning, with the letter of the Lorde Clum, concerning the safeconduct of Iohn Hus.

A letter of the Lorde Iohn de Clum concerning the safeconduict of Iohn Hus.

TO all and singulare that shall see and heare these presentes, I Iohn de Clum doe it to vnderstande, howe maister Iohn Hus Bacheler of diuinitie, vnder the safeconduicte and protection of the renowned prince and Lorde Sigismund of Romaines semper Augustus, and king of Hungarie. &c. My gracious Lorde, and vnder the protection, defence, and safegarde of the holy Empire of Rome, hauing the letters patent of the said my Lorde king of Romaines. &c. came vnto Constance to render a full counte of hys faith in publicke audience to al that would require the same. This the saide M. Iohn Hus, in this Imperiall Citie of Constance, vnder the safeconduict of the said my Lord king of Romaines, hath bene and yet is deteined. And although the Pope with the Cardinalles haue bene seriously required, by solemne Ambassadours of the sayd my Lord king of Romaines. &c. in the kings name & behalfe, that the said maister Iohn Hus should be set at libertye, and be restored vnto me, yet notwythstanding, they haue and yet do refuse [Page] hitherto to set him at liberty, to the great cōtempt & derogation of the safeconduct of the king, & of the safegard and protection of the Empire or Emperial maiestie. Wherefore I Iohn aforesaide in the name of the king, do here publish and make it known, that the apprehending and deteining of the sayde M. Iohn Hus, was done wholy against the wil of the fornamed king of Romains my Lord, seeing it is done in the contempt of the safeconducte of hys subiects, and of the protection of the Empire, because that the sayde my Lord was then absent farre from Constance, and if he had ben there present, woulde neuer haue permitted the same. And when hee shall come, it is to be doubted of no man, but that hee for this great iniury, and contempt of this safeconducte done to him & to the Empire, wil greuously be molested for the same.

Geuen at Cō stance in the day of the natiuitie of the Lord 1414.

¶ In this instrument aboue prefixed note (gentle reader) 3. things.

First, the goodnes of this gentle Lord Iohn de Clum, being so feruent and zelous in the cause of Iohn Husse, or rather in the cause of Christ.

Secondly, the safeconduct graunted vnto the sayde I. Hus, vnder the faith and protection of the Emperor, and of the Empire.

Thirdly, here is to be sene the contempt and rebellion of these proud prelates in disobeying the authority of their high Magistrate, who contrary to his safeconduct geuen, and the mind of the Emperor, did arest and imprison this good man, before the comming of the sayd Emperor, & before that Iohn Hus was heard. Let vs nowe, as we haue promised, adioyne some of the epistles of this godly man.

An Epistle of Iohn Hus, vnto the people of Prage in his owne vulgare speeche.

A letter of Iohn Hus to the people of Prage.GRace and peace from our Lorde Iesus Christ, that you being deliuered from sinne, may walke in his grace, and may growe in all modesty and vertue, and after this may enioy eternall life.

Derely beloued, I beseeche you which walke after the law of God, that you cast not away the care of the saluatiō of your soules, whē as you hearing the word of God, are premonished wisely to vnderstand that you be not deceiued by fals apostles: which do not reprehend the sinnes of men, but rather doe extenuate and diminish them: which flatter the priests, and doe not shewe to the people their offences which magnify themselues boast their own workes, and maruelously extol their owne worthines: but follow not Christ in his humility, in pouerty, in the crosse and other manifold afflictions. Of whome our merciful sauiour did premonish vs before, saying: false Christes and fals Prophets shal rise, and shall deceiue many. And when he had forewarned his welbeloued disciples he said vnto them: beware and take hede of false Prophets, which come to you in shepes clothing, but inwardly are rauening wolues: ye shal know them by their fruits. And truth it is, that the faithful of Christ haue much neede diligently to beware, and take hede vnto themselues. For as our sauiour himselfe doth say: the elect also, if it were possible, shalbe brought into error. Wherefore my welbeloued, be circumspect and watchful, that ye be not circumuented with the crafty trains of the deuil. And the more circumspect ye ought to be, for that antichrist laboureth the more to trouble you. The last iudgement is nere at hande death shal swallow vp many, but to the electe children of God, the kingdome of God draweth nere, because for them he gaue his own body Feare not death, loue together one an other, perseuere in vnderstanding the good wil of God without ceasing. Let the terrible & horrible day of iudgement, be alwaies before your eies, that you sinne not: and also the ioy of eternal life, wherunto you must endeuor. Furthermore, let the passion of our sauioure be neuer out of youre minds: that you may bear with him & for him gladly, whatsoeuer shalbe laid vpon you. For if you shal consider well in your mindes his crosse & afflictions, nothing shalbe greuous vnto you, & patiently you shal geue place to tribulations, cursings, rebukes, stripes, and prisonment, and shal not dout to geue your liues moreouer for his holy truth, if nede require. Knowe ye welbeloued that antichrist being stirred vp against you, deuiseth diuers persecutions. And many he hath not hurte, no not the least heire of their heads, as by mine owne example I can testify, although hee hathe ben vehemently incensed against me. Wherefore I desire you all, with your praiers to make intercessiō for me to the lord, to geue me intelligence, sufferance, pat [...]ence and constancie, that I neuer swarue from his diuine verity. He hath brought me now to Constance. In all my iourney openly and manifestly, I haue not feared to vtter my name as becommeth the seruant of God. In no place I kept my selfe secrete, nor vsed any dissimulation. But neuer did I finde in any place more pestilent and manifest ennemies then at Constance. Which enemies neither should I haue had there, had it not ben for certain of our owne Bohemians, hypocrites & deceiuers, who for benefits receiued and stirred vp with couetousnes, with boasting and bragging haue perswaded the people that I wēt about to seduce them out of the right way. But I am in good hope that through the mercy of our God, and by your prayers I shall persiste strongly in the immutable veritie of God, vnto the last breath. Finally, I wold not haue you ignorāt, that wheras euery one here is put in his office, I only as an outcast am neglected. &c. I cōmend you to the merciful Lord Iesu Christ, our true God, and the sonne of the immaculate virgin Mary, which hath redeemed vs by his moste bitter death, without all our merites, from eternall paines, from the thraldome of the Deuill, and from sinne.

From Constance, the yere of our Lord. 1415.

¶ An other letter of Iohn Hus to his benefactours.

MY gracious benefactours and defendours of the truthe,An other letter of I. Hus. I exhort you by the bowels of Iesus Christ, that now ye setting aside the vanities of this present world, will giue your seruice to the eternall king, Christ the Lord. Trust not in Princes nor in the sonnes of men, in whome there is no health. For the sonnes of men are dissemblers and disceitfull. To day they erre, to morrowe they pearish, but God remaineth for euer. Who hath his seruants, not for any neede he hath of them, but for their owne profite: vnto whō he performeth that, which he promiseth, & fulfilleth that which he purposeth to geue. He casteth of no faithful seruant from him, for he sayth: where I am there also shal my seruāt be. And that Lorde maketh euery seruaunt of his to be the Lorde of all his possession, geuing himselfe vnto him, and with himselfe, all thinges: that without all tediousnesse, feare, and without al defect, he may possesse all thinges, reioycing with all Saintes in ioy infinite. O happie is that seruaunt, whome, when the Lorde shall come, hee shall finde watching. Happy is the seruaunt which shall receiue that king of glory with ioy. Wherefore, well beloued Lordes, and benefactours, serue you that king in feare: which shall bring you, as I trust, nowe to Boheme at this present, by his grace in health, and hereafter, to eternal life of glory. Fare ye wel: For I think that this is the last letter that I shall write to you: who to morrowe, as I suppose, shall be purged in hope of Iesu Christ, throughe bitter death, from my sinnes. The things that happened to me this night, I am not able to wryte. Sigismund hath done all things wyth mee disceitfully, God forgeue him and onely for your sakes. You also heard the sentence which he awarded against me. I pray you haue no suspition of faithfull Vitus.

An other letter to the Lord Iohn de Clum.

MOste gracious benefactour in Christe Iesu,An other letter of I. Hus. dearely beloued, yet I reioyce not a little, that by the grace of God I maye wryte vnto your honour. By your letter, which I receaued yesterday, I vnderstand, first how the iniquitie of the great strompet, that is, of the malignaunt congregation (whereof mention is made in the Apocalips) is detected and shall be more detected. Wyth the which strumpet the kinges of the earth doe commit fornication, fornicating spiritually from Christe, and as is there sayde, sliding back from the truth, and consenting to the lies of antichrist, thoroughe his seduction and thoroughe feare, or thoroughe hope of confederacie, for getting of worldly honour. Secondly I perceaued by your letter, how the enemies of the truth, begin nowe to be troubled. Thirdly, I perceiued the feruent constancie of your charitie; wherewith you professe the truth boldly. Fourthly, with ioy I perceiued that you minde now to geue ouer the vanity and the painefull seruice of this present world, and to serue the Lorde Iesus Christ quietly at home. Whome to serue, is to raign, as Gregory sayeth. Whome he that serueth faithfully, hath Christe Iesus himselfe in the kingdome of heauen to minister vnto him, as hee himselfe sayeth▪ Blessed is that seruaunt, whome when the Lorde shall come, he shall finde waking, and so doing. Verely I say vnto you that hee rising, shall girde himselfe, and shall minister to him. This do not [...]he kings of this worlde to their seruauntes: whome onely they doe loue so long as they are profitable and necessary for their commodities &c.

Another Epistle of Iohn Hus, wherein he declareth why God suffreth not his to perish, bringing diuers examples, wherwith he doth comfort and confirme both himselfe and other.

THe Lord God be with you. Many causes there were, welbeloued in God my deare frends, which moued me to thinke that those letters were the last, which before I sent vnto you, lookinge that same time for instāt death. But now vnderstanding the same to be deferred, I take it for great cōfort vnto me, that I haue some le [...] ser more to talke with you by letters: & therfore I write again to you, to declare & testify at least, my gratitude & mindfull duty toward you. And as touching death, God doth know why he doeth defer it both to me and to my welbeloued brother M. Hier. who I trust will die holily and without blame: and do know also that he doth, and suffereth nowe more valiauntly, then I my selfe a wretched sinner. God hath geuen vs a long time, that we myghte call to memorie our sinnes the better, and repent for the same more feruently. Hee hath graunted vs time, that our longe and greate temptation shuld put away our greuous sinnes, & bring the more [Page] consolation. He hath geuen vs time, wherin we should remember the horrible rebukes of our mercifull king and Lorde Iesus, and shoulde ponder his cruell death, and so more paciently myght learne to beare our afflictions.The tormēts of the martirs vnder the olde and new Testament. And moreouer that we might kepe in remembraunce, how that the ioyes of the life to come, are not geuen after the ioyes of this world immediatly, but through many tribula [...]ions the Saints haue entred into the kingdō of heauen. For some of them haue bene cutte and chopt all to peeces, some their eies bored through, some sodde: some rosted, some slaine aliue, some buried quicke, stoned, crucified, grineded betwixt mill stones, drawne & hailed hither and thither vnto execution, drowned in waters, strangled and hanged, torne in pieces, vexed wyth rebukes before their death, pined in prisons, & afflicted in bands. And who is able to recite all the tormentes and suffringes of the holy Saintes, which they suffered vnder the olde and newe Testament for the verity of God: namely those which haue at any time rebuked the malice of the priestes, or haue preached against their wickednesse. And it will be a meruaile if any man nowe also shall escape vnpunished, who so euer dare boldly resist the wickednesse and peruersity, especially of those priests, which can abide no correction. And I am glad that they are compelled now to reade my bookes, in the which, their malice is somewhat described: and I know they haue reade the same more exactly and diligently, then the holy Gospell, seeking therein to finde out errours.

Geuen at Constance vppon Thursday, the 28. day of Iune. An. 1415.

¶ Another letter of Iohn Hus, wherein he rehearseth what iniuries he receiued of the Councel, and of the deputies.

He meaneth be like that he should moue the king in these matters contayned in this Epistle.IF my letter be not sent yet to Boheme, keepe it and send it not, for hurt may come thereof, &c.

Item, if the king doe aske who ought to be my iudge, since that the Councel neither did call me, nor did cite me, neither was I euer accused before the Councell, and yet the Councell hath imprisoned me, and hath appoynted their proctor against me.

Item, I desire you right noble and gracious Lord Iohn, if audience shall be geuen me, that the king will be there present himselfe, and that I may haue a place appoynted neare vnto him, that he may heare me well and vnderstand what I say: and that you also with the Lord Henry, and with Lord Wenselaus and other mo, if you may, will be present, and heare what the Lorde Iesus Christ my procuratour and aduocate, and most gracious iudge, will put in my mouth to speake, that whether I liue or die, you may be true and vpright witnesses with me, least lying lips shall say heereafter that I swarued away from the truth which I haue preached.

Item, know you that before witnesses and notaries in the prison, I desired the commissioners that they would depute vnto me a proctor and an aduocate, who promised so to do, and afterward would not performe it. Wherefore I haue committed my selfe to the Lorde Iesus Christ that he will be my procuratour and aduocate and iudge of my cause.

Item, know you, that they haue as I suppose no other quarell against mee, but onely this, that I stoode against the Popes Bull, which Pope Iohn sent downe to Boheme,Vide supra. pag. 553. to sanctifie warre wyth the signe of the crosse & full remission of sinnes, to all them which would take the holy crosse to fight for the patrimonie of the Romish church against Ladislaus king of Naples, and they haue mine owne wryting which was read against me, and I do acknowledge it to be mine. Secondly, they haue also against me, that I haue cō tinued so long in excommunication, and yet did take vppon mee to minister in the church and say Masse Thirdly they haue against me, because I did appeale from the Pope to Christ. For they reade my appeale before me, in the which with a willing minde, smiling I confessed before them all to be mine. Fourthly, because I left a certaine letter behind me, which was read in the church of Bethleem, the which letter my aduersaries haue very euill fauouredly translated and sinisterly expounded, in the which I did wryte that I went out without a safeconducte. Whereunto you your selues can say and beare me recorde, that I in my going out, had no safe conducte of the Pope, neither yet did knowe whether you should goe out with me when I wrote that letter.

Item, if audience may be geuen to me, and that after the same audience the king would suffer me not to be returned againe into prison, but that I may haue your counsels & others my frends: and if it may please God that I may say some thing to my soueraigne Lord the king, for the behalfe of Christianitie, and for hys owne profite. &c.

¶ Another letter of Iohn Hus, wherein he confirmeth the Bohemians, and describeth the wickednesse of that Counsell.Another letter of Iohn Hus.

IOhn Husse in hope the seruaunt of GOD, to all faythfull in Boheme, which loue the Lord, greetyng thorough the grace of GOD.

It commeth in my mynde, wherein I must needes admonish you, that be the faythfull and beloued of the Lord, how that the Councell of Constance beyng full of pride,The Councell cond [...]ne bookes which they vnderstand not. auarice, and all abhomination, hath condemned my bookes written in the Boheme tounge, for hereticall, whiche bookes they neuer saw, nor neuer heard them read: And if they had heard them, yet they could not vnderstād the same, being some Italians, some Frenchmen, some Britaines, some Spanyardes, Germaines, with other people of other nations moe: vnlesse peraduenture Iohn Bishop of Litomishe vnderstoode them, whiche was present in that Councell, and certaine other Bohemians, and Priestes whiche are agaynst me, and labour all they may how to depraue both the veritie of God,Prayse of Bohemia. The abhomination of the Coū cell of Cōstanc [...] described. and the honesty of our countrey of Boheme: Which I iudge in the hope of GOD, to be a Godly land, right well geuen to the true knowledge of the Fayth, for that it doth so greatly desire the word of GOD, and honest maners. And if you were here at Constance, ye should see the greeuous abhomination of this Councell, which they call so holy, and such as can not erre. Of the which Councell I haue heard it by the Swechers reported, that the Citie of Constaunce is not able in 30. yeares to be purged of those wicked abhominations in that Coū cell committed. And all be offended almost with that Councell, beyng sore greeued to behold such execrable thynges perpetrate in the same.

When I stoode first to aunswere before myne aduersaries, seyng all thynges there done with no order, and hearyng them also outragiously crying out, I sayd playnely vnto them, that I looked for more honest behauiour, and better order and discipline, in that Councell. Then the chief Cardinall aunswered, sayest thou so? but in the tower thou spakest more modestly▪ To whome, sayd I:I. Hus seemeth here to prophesi [...] of the Councell as it came to passe. The Councell afraide to be t [...]ied by the scriptures. in the Tower no man cryed out agaynst me, where as now all doe rage agaynst me. My faythfull and beloued in Christ, be not afrayde with their sentence in condemnyng my bookes. They shall bee scattered hether and thether abroad, like light Butterfleis, and their Statutes, shall endure as Spiderwebbes. They went about to shake my constancie from the veritie of Christ: but they could not ouercome the vertue of God in me. They would not reason with the scriptures against me, as diuers honourable Lordes can witnesse with me, which being ready to suffer contumely for the trueth of God, tooke my part stoutly; namely Lorde Wenceslaus de Duba, and Lorde Iohn de Clum: for they were let in by king Sigismund into the Councell.This cardinall was Cardinall Cambrensis. And when I sayde, that I was desirous to be instructed, if I did in any thing erre, then they heard the chiefe Cardinall aunswere againe: because thou wouldest be informed, there is no remedy, but that thou must first reuoke thy doctrine, according to the determination of 50. Bachelers of Diuinitie appoynted. O high instruction.

After like maner S. Katherine also shoulde haue denied and reuoked the veritie of God and faith in Christ, because the 50. maisters likewise did withstand her: which notwithstanding, that good virgine would neuer doe,S. Katherine disputed with 50. doctors, cōuerted them but I. Hus could not conuert his 59. Doctors. standing in her faith vnto death: But shee did winne those her maisters vnto Christ, when as I can not win these my maisters by any meanes. These things I thought good to wryte vnto you, that you might knowe howe they haue ouercome me, with no grounded Scripture nor with any reason: but onely did assay with terrours and disceits to perswade me to reuoke and to abiure. But our mercifull God, whose lawe I haue magnified, was and is with me, and I trust, so will continue, and will kepe me in his grace vnto death. Wrytten at Constance after the feast of Iohn Baptist, in prison and in bandes, daily looking for death, although for the secrete iudgements of God, I dare not say whether this be my last Epistle: for nowe also almighty God is able to deliuer me.

Another letter of Iohn Hus, wherin he comforteth his frendes and willeth them not to be troubled for the condemnyng of his bookes: and also declareth the wickednesse of the Clergy.

MAister Iohn Husse, in hope the seruaunt of God, to all the faythfull which loue him and his statutes, wisheth the truth and grace of God.

Beloued, I thought it needefull to warne you that you should not feare or bee discouraged because the aduersaries haue decreed that my bookes shall be burnt. Remember how the Israelites burned the preachynges of the Prophet Ieremy and yet they could not auoyde the thynges that were Prophecied of in them.Good bookes of good men haue bene burn [...]d of olde time. For after they were burnt, the Lord commaunded to write the same Prophecie agayne, and that larger: which was also done. For Ieremie sittyng in prison spake, and Baruch which was ready at his hand, wrote. This is written either in the 35. or 45. chapiter of the Vision of Ieremie. It is also written in the bookes of the Machabees, that the wicked did burne the law of God, and killed them that had the same. Agayne, vnder the new Testament, they burned the Saintes,Good men with their bookes to be burned, no newes. with the bookes of the law of God. The Cardinals condemned and committed to fire certaine of S. Gregories bookes, & had burnt thē all if they had not ben preserued of God by the meanes of Peter, Gregories minister. Hauing these things before your eyes, take heede least through feare, you omit [Page] to read my bookes, and deliuer them to the aduersaries to bee brent. Remember the sayings of our mercifull sauiour, by whych he forewarneth vs. Math. 24. There shall be (sayeth he) before the day of iudgement, great tribulation, such as was not from the beginning, vntill this day, neither shall be afterwardes: So that euen the elect of God shoulde be deceiued if it were possible. But for their sakes, those dayes shal be shortened. Whē you remēber these things (beloued) be not afraid, for I trust in God that that schoole of Antichrist shall be afraide of you, and suffer you to be in quiet, neither shall the Councell of Constance extende to Bohemia For I thinke,I. Hus seemeth to prophesie of the Councell of C [...]ns [...]nce. that many of them, which are of the Councell, shall die before they shall get from you my bookes And they shall departe from the Councel and be scattred abroad, throughout the partes of the world, like storkes, and then they shall knowe when winter commeth, what they did in sommer. Consider that they haue adiudged their heade the Pope worthy of death, for many horrible factes that he hath done.The blasphemous opinion of Lawiers and papistes, touching the soueraintie of the Pope. Go to nowe: Aunswer to this you preachers which preach that the Pope is the God of the earth, that he may as the Lawyers say, make sale of the holy things: that he is the head of the whole holy Church in verity wel gouerning the same: that he is the heart of the Church in quickening the same spiritually: that hee is the well spring from the which floweth all vertue and goodnesse: that he is the sonne of the holy church: that hee is the safe refuge to which euery Christian mā ought to flie for succour. Beholde nowe that head is cutte off with the sworde, nowe the God of the earth is bound, now his sinnes are declared openly, nowe that well spring is dried vppe, that sunne darkened, that heart is plucked out and throwne away, least that any man should seeke succour thereat. The Councell hath condemned that head, and that for this offence, because hee tooke money for indulgences, Bishopprickes and other such like. But they condemned hym by order of iudgement, which were themselues the buiers and sellers of the same marchandise. There was present Iohn Byshop of Lytomissia, who went twise about to buy the bishoprike of Prage, but others preuented him.One Symonist condemneth an other. O wicked men, why did they not first cast out the beame out of their owne eyes? These men haue accursed and cōdemned the seller, but they themselues which were the buiers and consenters to the bargaine, are without daunger. What shall I say that they doe vse in this maner of buying and selling at home in their owne countreis? For at Constance there is one Bishop that bought,The bishops of the Councell noted of Symonie. & another which sold, and the Pope for allowing of both their factes, tooke bribes of both sides. It came so to passe in Bohemia also as you knowe. I woulde that in that Councell God had sayde, he that amongst you is without sinne, let him geue the sentence against Pope Iohn: Then surely they had gone all out of the Councel house, one after another. Why did they bowe the knee to him alwaies, before this his fall, kisse hys feete, and call him the most holy father, seeing they saw apparantly before, that he was an hereticke, that hee was a mankiller, that he was a wicked sinner? all which things nowe they haue found in him.Pope Ioh. made a pope being knowen to be a murderer. Why did the Cardinals chuse him to be Pope, knowing before that he had killed the holy Father? Why suffered they him to meddle with holy thinges, in bearing the office of the Popedome? for to this ende they are his counsailours, that they shoulde admonish him of that which is right. Are not they themselues as guiltie of these faults as he? seeing that they accoūted these things vices in him, and were partakers of some of them themselues? why durst no man lay ought to his charge, before he had fledde from Constance, but assone as the secular power, by the sufferaunce of God, laide holde vpon him, then, and neuer afore, they conspired altogether that he shoulde not liue any longer. Surely, euen as at this day is the malice, the abhomination and filthinesse of Antichrist reuealed in the Pope and others of this Councell.

Antichrist now first beginneth to be reuealed in the Pope.Nowe the faithfull seruaunts of God may vnderstande what our sauiour Christ meant by this saying: when you shal see the abhomination of desolation, which is spoken of Daniel. &c. who so can vnderstand it, &c. Surely these be great abhominatiōs, pride, couetousnesse, symonie, sitting in a solitarie place, that is to say, in a dignitie voide of goodnesse, of humilitie, and other vertues: as we do now clearely see in those that are constituted in any office and dignitie. O howe acceptable a thing should it be (if time would suffer me) to disclose their wicked actes, which are nowe apparant,A prophesie of Iohn Hus. that the faithfull seruaunts of God might knowe them? I trust in God that he wil send after me, those that shall be more valiant: and there are aliue at this day, that shall make more manifest the malice of Antichrist. and shall geue their liues to the death, for the truth of our Lord Iesus Christ: who shall geue both to you and me the ioyes of life euerlasting. This Epistle was written vppon S. Iohn Baptistes day in prison and in colde yrons, I hauing thys meditation with my selfe, that Iohn was beheaded in his prisone and bondes, for the worde of God.

¶ Another letter of Iohn Hus.

IOhn Husse in hope the seruant of God to all the faithfull at Boheme, which loue the Lord, wisheth to stand and die in the grace of God, and at last to attaine to eternall life. Amen.

Ye that beare rule ouer other and be rich, and ye also that be poore, well be loued and faithfull in God, I beseeche you, and admonish you all, that ye will be obedient vnto God, make muche of his worde, and gladly hearing the same, will humbly perfourme that which yee heare. I beseeche you sticke fast to the veritie of Gods worde, which I haue written and preached vnto you out of his lawe, and the Sermons of his Saintes. Also I desire you if any man either in publicke Sermon or in priuate talke heard of me any thing, or haue read any thing written by me which is againste the verity of God, that he do not follow the same. Albeit I do not finde my conscience guiltie that I euer haue spoken or wrytten any such thing amongst you.

I desire you moreouer if any man at any time haue noted any leuitie either in my talke or in my conditions, that he doe not follow the same: but pray to God for me, to pardon me that sinne of lightnes. I pray you that ye wil loue your priests and ministers which be of honest behauiour, to prefer and honor them before others: namely such priests as trauaile in the worde of God. I pray you take hede to your selues and beware of malitious and deceitful men, and especially of these wicked priests, of whom our Sauiour doth speake that they are vnder shepes clothing, & inwardly are rauening wolues. I pray suche as be rulers & superiors, to behaue them selues gently towardes their poore inferiours, and to rule them iustly. I beseche the citizens that they will walke euery man in his degree, and vocation with an vpright conscience. The Artificers also I beseeche, that they will exercise their occupations diligently, and vse them with the feare of God. I beseeche the seruauntes, that they wil serue their maisters faithfully. And likewise the scholemaisters I beseeche, that they liuing honestly, will bryng vp their Scholers vertuously, and to teach them faythfully: First to learne to feare GOD: then for the glory of GOD and the publicke vtilitie of the common wealth, and their owne health, and not for auarice or for worldly honor, to employ their myndes to honest Artes. I beseech the Studentes of the Vniuersitie and all Scholes, in all honest thynges to obey their Maisters, and to follow them, and that with all diligence, they will study to be profitable both to the settyng foorth of the glory of God, and to the soules health as well of themselues, as of other men. Together I beseech and pray you all, that you will yeld most harty thankes to the right honorable Lordes,A note for all noble mē to marke & to folow. the Lord Wencelaus de Duba, Lord Iohn de Clum, Lord Henry Lumlouio, Lord Vilem Zagecio, Lord Nicholas and other Lordes of Boheme, of Morauia and Polony: that their diligence towardes me, may bee gratefull to all good men: because that they like valiaunt champions of Gods trueth, haue oftentymes set themselues agaynst the whole Councell for my deliueraunce, contendyng and standyng agaynst the same to the vttermost of their power: but especially Lord Wencelaus de Duba, and Lord Iohn de Clum. What so euer they shall report vnto you, geue credite vnto them: for they were in the Councell when I there aunswered many. They know who they were of Bohemia, and how many false and slaunderous thynges they brought in agaynst me, and that Councell cryed out agaynst me, and how I also aunswered to all thynges wherof I was demaunded. I beseech you also that ye will pray for the kyng of Romaines, and for your kyng, and for his wife your Queene, that God of his mercy would abide with thē and with you, both now and henceforth in euerlastyng life. Amen.

This Epistle I haue writtē to you out of prison and in bandes, lookyng the next day after the writyng hereof, for the sentence of the Councell vpon my death, hauyng a full trust that he will not leaue me, neither suffer me to deny his truth and to reuoke the errours, whiche false witnesses maliciously haue deuised agaynst me. How mercyfully the Lord GOD hath dealt with me, and was with me in maruailous temptations, ye shall know, when as hereafter by the helpe of Christ, we shall all meete together in the ioye of the world to come. As concernyng M. Hierome my dearely beloued brother and fellow, I heare no other but that he is remayning in straight bandes, lookyng for death as I doe: and that for the fayth which he valiauntly mainteyned amongest the Bohemians, our cruell enemies of Boheme, haue geuen vs into the power and handes of other enemies, and into bandes. I beseech you pray to God for them.

Moreouer I beseech you, namely you of Prage, that we will loue the temple of Bethleem, and prouide so long as God shall permit, that the word of God may be preached in the same For, because of that place, the Deuill is angry, and agaynst the same place he hath stirred vp Priestes and Canons, perceiuyng that in that place his kyngdome should be disturbed and diminished. I trust in GOD that he will keepe that holy Church so long as it shall please him, and in the same shall geue greater encrease of his worde by other, then he hath done by me a weake vessell. I beseech you also that ye will loue together, and withholdyng no man from the hearyng of Gods word, ye will prouide and take care that good men be not oppressed by any force and violence.

Written at Constance, the yeare of our Lord. 1415.

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¶ An other right godly letter of Iohn Hus, to a certaine priest admonishing him of his office, and exhorting him to be faithfull: worthy to be red of all Ministers.

A worthie lesson for all ministers & prelates.THe peace of our Lorde Iesus Christ. &c. My deare brother be diligent in preaching the Gospel, and do the worke of a good Euangelist: neglect not your vocation: labour like a blessed souldiour of Christ. First liue godly and holily. Secondly, teach faithfully and truely. Thirdly, be an example to other in well doing, that you be not reprehended in your sayings: correct vice and set foorth vertue. To euill liuers threaten eternall punishmēt: but to those that be faithfull and godly, set forth the comforts of eternall ioy. Preach cōtinually, but be short and fruitfull, prudētly vnderstanding, & discretly dispēsing the holy Scriptures. Neuer affirme or maintaine those things that be vncertaine and doubtfull, least that your aduersaries take holde vpon you, which reioyce in deprauing their brethren, whereby they may bring the ministers of God into contempt. Exhort men to the confession of their faith, and to the communion of both kindes, both of the body & bloud of Christ, wherby such as do repent earnestly of their sinnes, may the more often come to the holy communion. And I warne you that you enter into no tauernes with ghestes, & be not a cōmon cōpany keper. For the more a preacher keepeth him frō the company of men, the more he is regarded. All be it, deny not yet your helpe and diligence, where soeuer you may profite other. Against fleshlye lust preache continuallye all that euer you can: For that is the raging beast, which deuoureth men, for whom the flesh of Christ did suffer. Wherfore my heartily beloued, I beseech you to flie fornication: for where as a man woulde most profite and doe good, there this vice vseth most to lurke. In any case flie the company of yong women, and beleeue not their deuotion: For S. Austen sayth, the more deuout she is, the more procliue to wantonnesse, and vnder the pretence of religion, the snare and venome of fornication lurketh.S. Augustin meaneth not here of all, but of the common sort of light persons. And this knowe my welbeloued, that the conuersation with them, subuerteth many, whome the conuersation of this worlde coulde neuer blemish nor beguile. Admit no womē into your house, for what cause, so euer it be, and haue not much talke with them otherwise, for auoiding of offence. Finally, howsoeuer you do, feare God and keepe his precepts: so shall you walke wisely, and shall not pearish: so shall you subdue the flesh, contemne the world, and ouercome the deuill: so shall you put on God, finde life, and confirme other, and shall crowne your selfe wyth the crowne of glory, the which the iust iudge shall geue you. Amen.

¶ This letter of Iohn Hus conteineth a confession of the infirmitie of mans flesh: Howe weake it is, and repugnant against the spirite. Wherein he also exhorteth to perseuere constantly in the truth.

This Palletz was the chiefest enemy of I. Hus, & procurer of his death.HEalth be to you from Iesus Christ. &c. My deare frend, knowe that Palletz came to me to perswade me that I shuld not feare the shame of abiuration, but to consider the good which thereof will come. To whome I sayd, that the shame of condemnation and burning is greater then to abiure and why shuld I feare then that shame? But I pray you tel me plainly your minde. Presuppose that such articles were laid to you, which you knewe your selfe not to be true:Michael de Causis another bitter enemy of Iohn Hus. Iohn Hus prayeth for his enemies. what would you do in that case? Would you abiure? Who aunswered. The case is sore, & began to weepe. Many other things wee spake which I did reprehende Michael de Causis, was some times before the prison with the deputies. And when I was wyth the deputies, thus I heard him speake vnto the keepers: Wee by the grace of God wil burne this hereticke shortly: for whose cause I haue spent many Florenes. But yet vnderstand that I wryte not this to the intent to reuenge mee of him, for that I haue committed to God, and pray to God for him with all my heart.

Yet I exhort you again, to be circumspect about our letters: for Michael hath taken suche order that none shall be suffered to come into the prisone:A prophecy of Iohn Hus no not yet the keepers wrues are permitted to come to me. O holy God, howe largely doth Antichrist extend his power and crueltie? But I trust that hys power shall be shortned, and his iniquitie shalbe detected more & more amongst the faithfull people.

Almighty God shal confirme the hearts of his faithful, whom he hath chosen before the costitution of the world, that they may receiue the eminall crowne of glory. And let Antichrist rage as much as he wil, yet he shal not preuaile against Christ, which shal destroy him with the spirite of his mouth, as the Apostle sayeth: And [...] shall the creature be deliuered out of seruitude or corruptions into the libertie of the glorye of the sonnes of God, as sayeth the Apostle in the wordes following: we also wythin oure selues doe grone, waiting for the adoption of the sonnes of God, the redemption of our body.

I am greatly comforted in those wordes of our Sauiour [...] happy be you when men shall hate you and shall seperate you, and shall rebuke you, and shall cast out your name as execrable, for the sonne of man. Reioyce and be glad, for beholde, great is your rewarde in heauen, Luke 6. O worthy, yea O most worthy consolation, which not to vnderstande, but to practise in time of tribulation, is a hard lesson.

This rule sainct Iames with the other Apostles, did well vnderstand, which saieth: count it exceeding ioy my brethren, when yee shall fall into diuers tentations, knowing that the probation of your faith woorketh patience: let patience haue her perfecte worke. For certainely it is a great matter for a man to reioyce in trouble, and to take it for ioy to be in diuers temptations. A light matter it is to speake it and to expounde it: but a great matter to fulfill it: For why, our most patient and most valiaunt champion him selfe,The example of Christ. knowing that hee shoulde rise againe the thirde day, ouercomming his ennemies by his death, and redeeming from damnation his electe after his last Supper was troubled in spirite and sayde: My soule is heauie vnto death. Of whom also the Gospell sayeth, that hee began to feare, to be sadde and heauie. Who being then in an agonie, was confirmed of the Aungell, and his sweat was like the droppes of bloud falling vpon the ground. And yet he notwithstanding, being so troubled, sayde to his disciples: let not your hearts be troubled, neither feare the crueltie of them that persecute you: for you shall haue me with you alwaies, that you may ouercome the tyranny of your persecutours. Whereupon those his souldiours, looking vppon the Prince and king of glory, sustained great conflictes. They passed throughe fire and water and were saued, and receiued the crowne of the Lord God, of the which S. Iames in his canonicall Epistle, sayeth. Blessed is the man that suffereth temptation, for when he shall be proued, he shall receaue the crowne of life, which God hathe promised to them that loue him. Of this crowne I trust stedfastly the Lord wil make mee partaker also with you, which be the feruent sealers of the trueth, and with all them which stedfastly and constantly doe loue the Lord Iesus Christ, which suffred for vs, leauing to vs example that we should follow his steppes. It behooued him to suffer, as hee sayeth: and vs also it behooued to suffer, that the members may suffer together with the head. For he sayeth: If any man will come after mee, let him denie himselfe and take vp hys crosse and followe me.

O most mercyfull Christ,The prayer of I. Hus to Christ. draw vs weake creatures after thee, for except thou shouldst draw vs, we are not able to follow thee. Geue vs a strong spirite, that it may be ready, and although the flesh be feeble, yet let thy grace goe before vs, goe with vs, and follow vs: for without thee we can do nothyng, and much lesse enter into the cruell death for thy sake. Geue vs that prompt and ready spirite, a bold hart, an vpright fayth, a firme hope and perfect charitie, that we may geue our lyues paciently and ioyfully for thy names sake. Amen. Written in prison and in bondes in the Vigill of holy S. Iohn the Baptist, who beyng in prison and in bondes for the rebuking of wickednesse, was beheaded.

¶ Among diuers other letters of Iohn Hus, which he wrote to the great consolation of others: I thought also here to intermixt an other certaine godly letter writtē out of England, by a faythfull Scholler of Wickleffe, as appeareth, vnto Iohn Hus and the Bohemians, which for the zealous affectiō therein cōteined, seemeth not vnworthy to be read.

¶ A letter to Iohn Hus, and to the Bohemians from London.

GReetyng, and whatsoeuer can be deuised more sweete, in the bowels of Christ Iesu.A zealous letter to I. Hus from London.

My dearely beloued in the Lord, whom I loue in the trueth, and not I onely, but also all they that haue the knowledge of the trueth, whiche abydeth in you, and shall be with you through the grace of GOD for euermore: I reioysed aboue measure, when our beloued brethren came and gaue testimony vnto vs of your trueth, and how you walke in the trueth. I haue heard brethren, how sharpely Antichrist persecuteth you, in vexyng the faithfull seruauntes of Christ with diuers and straunge kyndes of afflictions. And surely no maruaile, if amongest you (since it is so almost all the world ouer) the law of Christ be too too greuously impugned, and that redde Dragon hauyng so many heades (of whom it is spoken in the Apocalyps) haue now vomited out of his mouth that great floud, by whiche he goeth about to swallow vp the woman: but the most gracious God will deliuer for euer his onely and most faythfull spouse Let vs therfore cofort our selues in the Lord our God, and in his vnmeasurable goodnes, hopyng strongly in him which will not suffer those that loue him, to be vnmercifully defrauded of any their purpose, if we according to our duety, shall loue him with all our hart: for aduersitie should by no meanes preuaile ouer vs, if there were no iniquitie raignyng in vs. Let therefore no tribulation or sorrow for Christs cause, discourage vs, knowing this for a surety, that whosoeuer the Lord vouchsafeth to receaue to be his childrē, those he scourgeth: For so the mercifull father will haue them [Page] tried in this miserable life by persecutions, that afterwardes hee may spare them. For the golde that this high artificer hathe chosen, he purgeth and trieth in this fire, that he may afterwardes lay it vp in his pure treasurie. For we see that the time which we shall abide here, is short and transitory: the life which we hope for after this, is blessed and euerlasting. Therefore whilest we haue time, let vs take paine, that we may enter into that rest. What other thyng do we see in this brickle life, then sorow, heauinesse and sadnesse, and that which is most greuous of all to the faithfull, too much abusing and contempt of the lawe of the Lord. Let vs therefore endeuoure our selues as much as we may, to lay holde of the things that are eternall and abiding, despising in our mindes all transitory and fraile things. Let vs consider the holy fellowship of our fathers that haue gone before vs. Let vs consider the Saincts of the olde and newe Testament. [...]amples of the olde martirs Did they not passe through this sea of tribulation and persecution? were not some of them cut in peces, other some stoned, & others of them killed with the sword? Some others of them went about in pelts and goates skinnes, as the Apostle to the Hebrues witnesseth. Surely they all walked straight wayes, following the steppes of Christ, which sayde, he that ministreth vnto me, let him follow me, whether so euer I go. &c. Therfore let vs also, which haue so noble examples geuen vs of the Saintes that went before vs, laying away as muche as in vs lyeth, the heauy burden, and the yoke of sinne which compasseth vs about, runne forwarde through patience, to the battaile that is set before vs, fixing our eyes vppon the author of faith, and Iesus the finisher of the same: who seeing the ioy that was set before hym, suffred the paines of the crosse, despising death. Let vs call vppon him, which suffred suche reproche against himselfe of sinners, that we be not wearied, fainting in our hearts, but that we may heartely pray for helpe of the Lorde, and may fight against his aduersary Antichrist: that we may loue his law, and not be deceitfull labourers, but that we may deale faithfully in all things, according to that, that God hath vouchsafed to geue vs, and that wee may labour diligently in the Lordes cause vnder hope of an euerlasting reward. Behold therefore brother Hus, most dea [...]ly beloued in Christe, although in face vnknowen to me, yet not in faith and loue (for distance of places cannot separate those whom the loue of Christ doth effectually knit together) be comforted in the grace which is geuen vnto thee, labour like a good souldiour of Christ Iesus, preach, be instant in word and in example, and call as many as thou canst, to the way of truth: for the truth of the gospel is not to be kept in silence because of friuolous censures and thunderboltes of Antichrist. And therefore to the vttermost of thy power strengthen thou and confirme the members of Christ, whych are weakened by the deuil: and if the Lord wil vouchsafe it, Antichrist shall shortly come to an end. And there is one thing wherein I do greatly reioyce, that in your realm and in other places, God hath stirred vp the harts of some men that they can gladly suffer for the word of God, imprisonment, banishment and death.

Further, beloued I knowe not what to wryte vnto you, but I confesse that I could wish to powre out my whole heart, if thereby I might comfort you in the lawe of the Lorde. Also I salute from the bottome of my heart, all the faithfull louers of the law of the Lord, and specially Iacobellus your coadiutor in the gospell, requiring that he will pray vnto the Lorde for me in the Vniuersall churche of Iesus Christ. And the God of peace which hath raised from the dead the shepheard of the sheepe, the mighty Lorde Iesus Christ, make you apt in all goodnesse to doe his will, working in you that which may be pleasant in his sight. All your friendes salute you which haue heard of your constancie. I would desire also to see your letters wrytten backe to vs, for knowe yee that they shall greatly comfort vs.

At London

by your seruaunt, desiring to be fellow with you in your labors Ricus Wiceewitze, priest vnworthy.

¶ An other letter of Iohn Hus to his friendes of Boheme.

THe Lord God be with you. I loue the counsaile of the Lorde, aboue gold and precious stone. Wherfore I trust in the mercy of Iesus Christ, that he wil geue me his spirit to stand in his truth. Pray to the Lord, for the spirit is ready and the flesh is weake The Lord almighty be the eternal reward vnto my Lords, which constantly, firmely and faithfully do stand for righteousnes: to whom the Lorde God shall geue in the kingdome of Boheme, to knowe the truth. For the following of which truth, necessary it is that they returne againe into Boheme, setting apart all vaine glory, & following not a mortall and miserable king, but the king of glory which geueth eternall life.

O howe comfortable was the geuing of the hande of Lorde Iohn de Clum vnto me, which was not ashamed to reache foorth his hand to me a wretche, and such an abiecte hereticke, lying in fetters of yron, and cried out vpon all men. Nowe peraduenture I shall not speake much hereafter with you: Therfore salute in time as you shall see them, all the faithfull of Boheme.

Palletz came to me into prisone.Wicked Palletz. His salutation in my vehement infirmitye, was this before the Commissaries, that there hath not risen a more perillous hereticke since Christ was borne, then was Wickliffe and I. Also he sayd that al such as came to heare my talke, were infected with this heresie, to thinke that the substance of bread remained in the sacrament of the altare. To whome I answered and sayd: O maister, what a grieuous salutation haue you geuen me? and how greatly do you sinne? Behold I shal die, or peraduenture to morow shall be burnt. And what rewarde shall be recompenced to you in Boheme for your labour?

This thing peraduenture I shoulde not haue wrytten, least I might seeme to hate him. I haue alwayes had this in my heart, trust not in princes. &c. And againe, cursed be the man whiche trusteth in man, and maketh flesh to be his arme. For Gods sake be you circumspecte how you stand and how you returne Carie no letters with you. Directe your bookes not all by one, but diuersly by diuers frendes.

Knowe this for certaine,The visions of I. Hus by dreames. that I haue had great conflictes by dreames, in such sort as I had much a doe to refraine from crying out. For I dreamed of the Popes escape before he went. And after the Lord Iohn had told me therof, immediately in the night it was told me that the Pope shuld returne to you again. And afterward also I dreamed of the apprehēding of maister Hierome, although not in ful maner as it was done. Al the prisonments, whether and howe I am caryed, were opened to mee before, although not fully after the same fourme and circumstance. Many serpents oftentimes appeared vnto me hauing heads also in their taile: but none of them could bite me, and many other things more.

These thinges I wryte, not esteeming my selfe as a prophet, or that I extoll my selfe, but onely to signifie vnto you what temptations I had in body and also in mind, and what great feare I had,A Prophesie of Maister Hierome of Prage. least I shoulde transgresse the commaundement of the Lord Iesus Christ. Nowe I remember with my selfe the wordes of maister Hierome which sayde, that if I shoulde come to the Councell, hee thoughte I shoulde neuer returne home againe. In like maner there was a good and godly man, a tailor,This taylers name was Andrew, a Polonian. which taking his leaue of me at Prage, spake to me in these words: God be wyth you (said he) for I thinke verely, my deare and good maister Iohn, that you shall not returne again to vs with your life. The king, not of Hungarie, but of heauen, rewarde you with all goodnes, for the faithfull doctrine which I at your hands haue receiued. &c.

¶ And shortly after the writing hereof, he sendeth also vnto them an other propheticall vision of his to be expoūded, touching the reformation of the church, written in his 44. Epistle: the contentes whereof be these.

¶ An other letter of Iohn Hus, sent to the Lord Iohn de Clum.

I Pray you expound to me the dreame of thys nyght. I sawe how that in my churche of Bethleem; they came to rase and put out all the images of Christ, and did put them out. The next day after I arose and sawe many painters, which painted and made more fairer Images & many more then I had done before: which Images I was very glad and ioyfull to behold. And the painters wyth much people about them, sayde, let the bishops and priestes come now, Prophetia. & put vs out these pictures. Which being done, much people seemed to me in Bethleem to reioyce, and I with them. And I awaking therewith, felt my selfe to laugh. &c.

¶ This vision Lorde Iohn de Clum, and Iohn Hus himselfe in his booke of Epistles in the 45. Epist. semeth to expounde, and applyeth these Images of Christ vnto the preaching of Christ and of his lyfe. The which preachyng and doctrine of Christ, though the Pope and his Cardinals should extinguish in him, yet did he foresee & declare, that the time should come, wherin the same doctrine shuld be reuyned againe by others, so plenteously, that the pope with al his power, shuld not be able to preuaile against it. Thus much as cōcerning this visiō of Iohn Hus. Wherunto doth wel accord the Prophesie of Hierome of Prage, printed in the coyne called Moneta Hussi: of the which coyn I haue my selfe one of the plates hauing this superscriptiō folowing printed about it: Centum reuolutis annis Deo respondebitis & mihi. That is. After a hundreth yeres come and gone, you shal geue a count to God and to me. Wherof (God willyng) more shalbe sayd hereafter.

Furthermore in 48. Epist. the sayd I. Hus seemyng to speake with the like spirit of Prophecy, hath these wordes folowing:Prophetia. Sed spero, quod quae dixi sub tecto, praedicabuntur super tecta: That is: but I trust that those thinges which I haue spoken within the house, hereafter shalbe preached vpon the top of the house.

And because we are here in hand with the Prophesies of Iohn Hus, it shall serue well in place, here moreouer to [Page] recorde his wordes in a certayne treatise by hym written, De Sacerdotum & Monachorum carnalium Abhominatione, wherein the sayd Iohn Hus speaking prophetically of the reformation of the Church, hath these wordes following. Ex istis vlterius aduerte incidentaliter, quod Dei ecclesia nequit ad pristinam suam dignitatem reduci. &c. That is in english.

Prophetia.Moreouer, hereupon note and marke by the way, that the church of God, cannot be reduced to his former dignitie, or be reformed, before all thinges first be made new. The truth whereof is playne by the Temple of Salomon Like as the Clergie and Priests, so also the people and laity: Or els vnless all such as now be addict to auarice, from the least to the most, be first conuerted and reclaymed, as wel ye people as the clergy and Priests. Albeit as my mind now geueth me, I beleue rather the first, that is, that then shall rise a new people, formed after the new man, whiche is created after God. Of the which people new Clerkes & Priestes shall come, and be taken: whiche all shall hate couetousnes, and glory of this life, hasting to an heauenly cō uersation. Notwithstanding all these thinges shall come to passe and be brought by little and little in order of times dispensed of God for the same purpose. And this God doth and will do for his owne goodnes and mercy, and for the riches of his great longanimity and pacience, geuing time and space of repētance to them yt haue lōg line in theyr sins to amend, and flye from the face of the Lordes fury, whyle that in like manner the carnall people, and carnal priestes successiuely and in time, shall fall awaye and be consumed as with the moth. &c.

¶ An other letter of Iohn Husse.

MAister Martin my deare brother in Christ,

I exhorte you in the Lord, that you feare God, keepe hys commaundementes and flee the company of women,Note that then priestes were not maried, and therfore he willeth him to auoide all company of women. and beware of hearing their confessions, least by the hipocrisie of women, Sathan deceiue you, trust not their deuotion. You know how I haue detested the auarice and the inordinate life of the Clergy, wherefore through the grace of God I suffer now persecution, which shortly shalbe consummate in me, neither doe I feare to haue my hart powred out for the name of Christ Iesus. I desire you hartely be not greedy in seeking after benefices. And yet if you shalbe called to anye cure in the country, let the honour of God, the saluation of soules, and the trauaile therof moue you therunto, and not the hauing of the lining or the commodities thereof. And if you shall be placed in any such benefice, beware you haue no yong womā for your cook or seruant, least you edifie and encrease more your house, then your soule. See that you be a builder of your spirituall house, being gentle to the poore, and humble of mind, and waste not your goodes in great fare. I feare also if you do not amend your life, ceasing from your costly and superfluous apparell, least you shalbe greuously chastised, as I also wretched mā shalbe punished, which haue vsed the like,H [...] repenteth his gay garmentes. being seduced by custome of euill men and wordly glory, wherby I haue bene wounded agaynst God wyth the spirite of pride. And because you haue notably knowne both my preaching and outward conuersation euen from my youth, I haue no neede to write many thinges vnto you, but to desire you for the mercy of Iesus Christ, that you do not followe me in anye such leuitie and lightnes,He repenteth his playing at the chesse. whiche you haue in seene in me. You knew how before my priesthoode, whiche greueth me nowe, I haue delighted to playe oftentimes at chesse, and haue neglected my time, and thereby haue vnhappily prouoked both my self and other to anger many times by that play. Wherfore, besides other my innumerable faultes, for thys also I desire you to inuocate the mercy of the Lord, that he will pardon me, and so directe my life, that hauing ouercome the wickednes of this present life, the flesh the world and the deuill, I may finde place in the heauenly country, at the least in the day of iudgement. Fare ye well in Christ Iesus, with all them which keepe hys law. My gray coate if you will keepe to your selfe for my remembraunce, but I thinke you are ashamed to wear that gray colour: therfore you may geue it to whō you shall thinke good.Iohn Hus from his gay garments cōmth to his white coate. My white coate you shall geue the minister. N. my scholer. To George or els to Zuzikon. 60. groates, or els my gray coate: for he hath faythfully serued me.

¶ The superscription

I pray you that you doe not open this letter, before you be sure and certayne of my death.

The consolation of Mayster Hierome to Mayster Hus.

MY maister, in those thinges which you haue both written hetherto and also preached after the law of God agaynst the pride, auarice, an other inordinate vices of the Priestes, goe forward, be constant and strong And if I shall know that you are oppressed in the cause, and if neede shal so require, of myne own accorde, I will folow after to helpe you, as much as I can.

BY the lyfe, actes and letters of Iohn Hus hetherto rehearsed, it is euident and playne, that he was condemned, not for any errour of doctrine, which they coulde well proue in hym, who neyther denyed their popishe transubstantiation, neither spake against the authoritie of ye church of Rome,Iohn Hus condemned for no erroneous doctrine wherein he was culpable if it were well gouerned, nor yet the 7. Sacraments, & also sayd masse himself, and almost in al their popish opinions was a papist wt them: but onely of euil wil was accused of his malicious aduersaries, because he spake agaynst the pompe, pride, and auarice, & other wicked enormities of the pope, Cardinals, & Prelates of yt Church, and because he could not abide the high dignities & liuings of the Churche, and thought the doinges of the pope to be Antichristlike. For this cause he procured so many enemies & false witnesses agaynst him. Who strayning and picking matter out of hys bookes and writinges, hauing no one iust article of doctrine to lay vnto him, yet they made hym an hereticke, whether he would or no, and brought him to hys condemnation. This can hatred and malice do, where the charitie of Christ hath no place. Whiche being so, as thy charitie (good reader) may easely vnderstand, in perusing the whol course of hys story: I beseech thee thē, what cause had Iohn Cochleus to write his 12. bookes agaynst Iohn Hus and Hussites?Cochleus ralleth against Iohn Hus without cause. In which bookes how bitterly & intē perately he misuseth hys penne, by these few words in hys second booke thou mayst take a little tast: which wordes I thought here briefly to place in English to the ende that all English men may iudge thereby, with what spirite and truth these Catholickes he caryed. Hys wordes be these. Lib. 2. Hist. Dico igitur Ioan Huss neque sanctum neque beatum habendum esse, Ex Chocleo. Lib. 2. Hist. Hussitarum. pag. 88. sed impium potius. &c. That is, I say therfore Iohn Husse is neither to be counted holy nor blessed: but rather wicked and eternally wretched: insomuche that in ye day of iudgement, it shalbe more easie, not onely with the infidell Pagans, Turks, Tartarians, and Iewes, but also wt the most sinfull Sodomites, & the abhominable Persians, which most filthily doe lye with their daughters, sisters or mothers,, yea & also with most impious Cain killer of hys owne brother, with Thyestes killer of hys own mother, and ye Lestrygones & other Andropophagi, which deuour mans flesh, yea more easie wt those infamous murderers of infants, Pharao, & Herode, then wt him &c. These be the words of Cochleus. Whose rayling books although they deserue neyther to be read, nor aunswered, yet if it pleased God, it were to be wished that the Lord would stir vp some towardly yong man, that hath so much leasure, to defend the simplicitie of thys Iohn Hus, whiche cannot now aunswere for himselfe. In the meane tyme, something to satisfie or stay the readers mynde agaynst thys immoderate, hyperbole of Cochleus, in like fewe wordes I wyll bryng out Iohn Hus to speake and to cleare hymselfe agaynst this slaunder: whose wordes in hys booke De sacerdotum & Monachorum abhominatione desolationis. pag. 84. &c. I beseech the reader to note. Nam & ista scribens fateor, ꝙ nihil aliud me in illis perurget, nisi dilectio Dom. Nostri Iesu crusifixi. &c. That is. For in writing these things, I confesse nothinge els to haue moued me hereunto, but onely the loue of our Lorde Iesus crucified, whose printes and stripes, (according to the measure of my weakenes and vilenes) I couet to beare in my selfe, beseeching hym so to geue me grace, that I neuer seek to glory in my selfe or in any thing els, but onely in his crosse, and in the inestimable ignominy of his passion which he suffered for me. And therefore I write and speake these thinges, which I do not doubt will like all such as vnsaynedly do loue the Lord Christ crucified: and contrary will mislike not a little all suche as be of Antichrist. Also agayne, I confesse before the most merciful Lord Iesus Christ crucified, that these thinges which I do now write, and those that I haue written before, neither I could haue writtē, nor knew how, nor durst so haue written, vnlesse he by hys inward vnction had so commaunded me. Neither yet do I write these thinges as of authority, to get me fame and name: For as S. Augustine & Hierome do say, that is onely to be geuen to the scriptures and writinges of the Apostles, Euangelistes and Prophetes, and to the Canonicall Scriptures, which doe abounde in the fulnes of the spirite of Iesus. And whatsoeuer is there sayd, is full of veritie and wholesome vtilitie. &c. And here place also would require something to say to Aeneas Siluius to Antoninus, and to Laziardus, which falsly impute articles to him, whiche he neuer mayntayned. But because tyme suffereth not, I wil proceed to the story of maister Hierom of Prage.

The Tragicall and lamentable history of the famous learned man and godly Martyr of Christ, maister Hierome of Prage, burned at Constance for like cause and quarrell as Maister Iohn Hus was. 1416.

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The story of Hierome of Prage. THese thinges hetherto being discoursed touching the lyfe, Actes and Constant martyrdom of M. Iohn Hus with part also of his letters adioyned to the same, whose death was on the 6. of Iuly. an. 1416. now remayneth cō sequently to describe the like Tragedy and cruell handeling of his Christian companion and fellow in bandes M. Hierome of Prage: Who grieuously sorrowing the slaunderous reproch and diffamation of his coūtry of Boheme, and also hearing tell of ye manifest iniuries done vnto that man of worthy memory M. Iohn Hus: freely and of hys own accord came vnto Constance,Hierome commeth to Constance. the 4. day of Iprill. an, 1415. Who there perceiuing that Iohn Hus was denyed to be heard, and that watche and wayte was layd for hym on euery side, he departed to Iberling a Citty of the Empire, vntill the next day: the which Citty was a myle of frō Constance,The safe cōduct was required but in vaine of the Emperour. and from thence he wrote hys letters by me vnto Sigismund kyng of Hungry and hys Barons, and also vnto the Councell, most earnestly requiring that the kyng and the Councell would geue him a safe conduct frely to come and go, and that he woulde then come in open audience to aunswere vnto euery man, if there were any of the Councell that would lay any cryme vnto hym, as by the tenour of his intimation, shall more at large appeare.

When as the sayd king of Hungary was required therunto, as is aforesayd, being in the house of the Lord Cardinall of Cambray, he denyed to geue M. Hierome anye safe conducte excusing himselfe for the euil speede he had wt the safe conduct of Iohn Hus before, and alleadging also certayne other causes. The deputies also of the foure nations of ye Councell, being moued thereunto by ye Lords of ye kingdome of Boheme, aunswered: wee (say they) will geue hym a safeconduct to come, but not to depart. Whose aunsweres, when they were reported vnto maister Hierome, he the next day after wrote certaine intimations according to the tenour here vnder written, which he sent vnto Constance to be set vpon the gates of the Citty, and vpon the gates of the Churches and Monasteries, and of the houses of the Cardinals, and other nobles and prelates. The tenour wherof here followeth word for word in thys maner.

The intimations of Hierome of Prage, set vp in diuers places of the towne of Constance.Unto the most noble Prince and Lord, the Lord Sigismund, by the grace of God king of the Romanes, alwaies Augustus, and of Hungary &c. I Hierome of Prage maister of Arte of the generall vniuersities of Paris, Colleyn, Heldeberg & Prage, by these my present letters do notifie vnto the king together with the whole reuerend Councell and as much as in me lyeth, do all men to vnderstand and know, that because of the crafty slaunderers, backbiters & accusers, I am ready freely & of myne owne will, to come vnto Cōstance, there to declare openly before the Councell the puritie and sinceritie of my true fayth and myne innocencie, and not secretly in corners before any priuate or particulate person. Wherfore if there be any of my slaūderers, of what natiō or estate soeuer they be, which will obiect agaynst me anye crime of errour or heresie: let them come forth openly before me in the presence of the whole Councell, and in theyr owne names obiect agaynst me, and I will be ready, as I haue written, to aunswere openly and publikely before the whole Councell of myne innocencie, and to declare the puretie and sinceritie of my true fayth. And if so be that I shalbe foūd culpable in errour or heresie, then I will not refuse openly to suffer such punishment as shall be meete and worthy for an erroneous person, or an hereticke.

Wherefore I most humbly beseech my Lord the King and the whole sacred Coūcell, that I may haue to this end and purpose aforesayd, safe and sure accesse. And if it happē that I offering suche equitie and right as I do, before any fault be proued agaynst me, be arested imprisoned, or haue any violence done vnto me, that thē it may be manifest vnto the whole worlde that this generall Councell doth not proceede according to equitie and iustice, if they woulde by any meanes put me backe from this profoūd and straight iustice, being come hether freely and of myne owne minde and accorde. The whiche thing I suppose to be farre from so sacred and holy Councell of wise men.

Safe conduct [...]nied to Hierome.WHen as yet he through such intimations copied out in the Bohemian, Latine, and Germayne tongue, being set vp as is aforesayd, could not get any safeconduct thē the Nobles, Lords, and Knightes specially of the Bohemian nation,Hierome returneth toward Boheme, with the testimonies of the Lordes of Boheme. Hierom apprehēded in the way by Duke Iohn. Michaell de Causis, and Palletz enemies to Hierome. present in Constance, gaue vnto maister Hi [...]rome their letters patentes, cōfirmed with their seales for a testimony and witnesse of the premisses. With the which letters the sayd M. Hierome returned agayne vnto Boheme, but by the treason and conspiracy of his enemies was taken in Hirsaw by the officers of Duke Iohn, and in Zultzbach was brought backe agayne to the presence of the Duke. In the meane time such as were the setters forward of the Councell agaynst M. Iohn Hus, and M. Ierome, that is to say Michael de Causis and M. Palletz and other their accomplices, required that the sayde mayster Hierome should be cited by reason of hys intimations: & certayne dayes after the citation hereunder written, was set vpon the gates and porches of the citty, and Churches, which followeth here in this maner.

This most sacred and holy Synode and general councell of Constance,Hierome of Prage cited by the councell whē he was taken. faithfully congregated and gathered together in the holy Ghost, representing the vniuersall militant Church, vnto Hierome of Prage, which writeth himselfe to be a mayster of Arte of so many Uniuersities, and pretendeth those things which are onely pertayning vnto sobriety and modesty, and that he knoweth no more then he ought. &c. Know thou that there is a certayne writinge come vnto our vnderstanding and knowledge, the whiche was set vp as it were by thine owne person vpon yt gates of the Churches and Citty of Constance, vppon the Sonday, when there was song in the Church of God: Quasi mo do geniti. Wherein thou doest affirme, that thou wilt openly answere vnto thy accusers and slaunderers which shall obiect any crime, errour or heresie agaynst thee, whereof yu art meruailously infamed and accused before vs, and specially touching the doctrine of Wickleff, and other doctrines contrary vnto the catholicke fayth, so that thou mightest haue graunted vnto thee a safe conduct to come. But for so much as it is our part principally and chiefly to foresee and looke vnto these crafty Foxes which goe about to destroy the vyneyarde of the Lord of hostes, therefore we do cite & and call forth by the tenour of these presentes, thy person manifoldly defamed and suspected for the temerarious affirming and teaching of manifold erroures, so that within the term of 15. dayes to be accompted from the date of these presentes, wherof 5. dayes are appoynted for the first term fiue for the second, and other fiue for the third, we do ordein and appoynt by Canonicall admonition and warninge, that thou do appeare in the publique Session of the sacred Councell, if there be any holden the same day, or els y• first day immediately following, when as any Session shalbe, according to the tenour of thy sayd writing, to answere to those thinges, which any person or persons shall obiect or lay agaynst thee in any cause of thy fayth, and to receiue & haue, as iustice shall require. Wherupon, so much as in vs lyeth, & as catholike faith shall require, we offer & assigne to thee by the tenour hereof, our safe cōduct frō all violence (iustice alwayes being saued) certifying thee yt whether yu doest appeare or not, the sayd terme or tyme appoynted notwithstanding, processe shall goe forward agaynst thee by the sayd sacred Councell, or by their Cōmissary or Cō missaries, for the time aforesayd not obserued and kept, thy contuinacie or stubburnes in any thing notwithstanding Geuen in the 6. Session of the generall Councell, the 17. day of Aprill, vnder the seale of the presidentes of the foure nations.

¶ Grumpert Faber Notary of the Germaynes.

AFter that Sigismund king of Hungary with the rest of the Councell,This Duke Iohn in histories is comōly called the sonne of Clement. vnderstood by the foresaid Duke Ioh. that M. Hierome was taken, they were earnestly in hand, requiring that M. Hierome shold be brought before them vnto the Councell. The whiche Duke Iohn, after hee had receiued letters of the kyng and the Councell, brought M. Hierom bound vnto Constance, whom his brother Duke Ludouicus lead through the Cittie to the Cloyster of the Friers Minors in Constance, whereas the chiefe Priestes and Elders of the people, Scribes & Phariseis, were gathered together attending and wayting for hys comming.Hierome is brought bound vnto Constance by Duke Iohn. He the sayd mayster Hierome caryed a great handbolte of iron with a long chayne in hys hand, and as he passed the chayne made a great ratlyng and noyse, and for the more confusion and despite towardes hym, they led him by the same chayne after Duke Ludouicus aforesaid, holding and stretching out the chayne a great way from him: with the whiche chayne, they also kept him bounde in the Cloyster. When he was brought into the Cloyster, they reade before hym the letter of Duke Iohn, which was sent with yt sayd mayster Hierome vnto the Councell, contayning in effect how that the sayd Duke Iohn had sent mayster Hierome [Page] vnto the councell, who by chance was fallen into his handes, because he heard an euill report of hym, yt he was suspected of the heresies of Wickleffe: that the Councell might take order for him, whose part it was to correct & punish such as did erre and stray from the truth, besides many other flattering tales which were written in the sayd letter for the prayse of the Councell. After this they read the citation which was geuen out by the councell agaynst maister Hierome,The coūcell neither would geue him libertie safely to come nor freely to go. wherof we haue spoken before. Then certayne of the Byshops sayd vnto hym: Hierom why diddest thou flye & runne awaye, and diddest not appeare when yu wast cited? He answered, because I could not haue any safecō duict, neither from you, neither from the king, as it appeareth by these letters patentes of the Barons, whiche you haue, neither by my open intimations could I obtain any safe conduict.

Wherfore I perceauing many of my greuous & heauy frendes to be here present in the Councell, would not my selfe be the occasion of my perils and daungers, but if I had known or had any vnderstanding of this citation, wt out al doubt, albeit I had bene in Boheme, I would haue returned agayne. Then all the whole rabble rising vp, alledged diuers and sondry accusations and testimonies agaynst him with a great noyse and tumulte. When the rest held their peace,M. Hierome was accused by M. Gersō with cōmendation of his eloquence. then spake maister Gerson the Chauncellour of Paris: Hierome when thou wast at Paris, thou thoughtest thy selfe by meanes of thy eloquence to be an Angell, & diddest trouble the whole Uniuersitie, alledging openly in the schooles many erroneous conclusions with their correlaria, and specially in the question de vniuersalibus & de Idaeis, with many other very offensiue questiōs. Unto whom Mayster Hierome sayd: I answere to you mayster Gerson:Gerson renueth olde matters. Those matters which I did put forth there in the Schooles at Paris, in the whiche also I aunswered to the argumentes of the Maysters, I did put them forth Philosophically and as a Philosopher, and mayster of the Uniuersitie: and if I haue put foorth anye questions whiche I ought not to haue put forth, teache me that they be erroneous, and I will most humbly be informed, and amend the same.

The maister of the vniuersitie of Coleine. This man would accuse but he lacked matter. Whiles he was yet speaking, an other (as I suppose, the mayster of the Uniuersity of Colleyne vpon the Riuer of Rheine) rising vp sayd: when thou wast also at Coleyn in thy position whiche thou diddest there determine, thou diddest propound many erroneous matters. Then sayd M. Hierome vnto hym, shew me first one errour whiche I propounded. Wherwithall he being in a maner astonished, sayd, I do not remember them now at the first, but hereafter they shalbe obiected agaynst you.

The maister of the vniuersitie of Heidelberg. And by and by the thirde man rising vp, sayde: when yt you were also at Heidelberg, you propounded many erroneous matters as touching the Trinitie, and there painted out a certayne shield or scutchine, comparing the Trinitie of persons in diuinitie vnto water, snow, and yse, and such like. Unto whō M. Hierome answered: Those thinges that I wrote or paynted there, the same will I also speake, write and paynt here, and teach me that they be erroneous, and I will most humbly reuoke and recant the same.

Crucifige, Crucifige cum.Then certayne cryed out, let hym be burned, let him be burned. Unto whom he answered: if my death doe delight or please you, in the name of God let it be so.

Then sayd the archbishop of Salisburg, not so mayster Hierome, forsomuch as it is written: I will not the death of a sinner, but rather that he conuert and liue. When these and many other tumultes and cryes were passed, whereby they did then most disorderly and outragiously witnes agaynst them, they deliuered the sayd mayster Hierome being bound, vnto ye officers of the Citty of Constance, to be caryed to prison for that night: and so euery one of them returned to their lodginges.

Hierome is cōforted by the Notarie.In the meane tyme, one of the friendes of M. I. Hus, looking out at a window of the Cloyster, sayd vnto hym, M. Hierome. Then sayd hee, you are welcome my deare brother. Then s [...]yd Peter vnto hym: Be constant & feare not to suffer death for the truth sake, of the whiche whē you were in tymes past at libertie, you dyd preache so muche goodnes. Vnto whome Hierome aunswered, truely brother I do not feare death, and forsomuch as we know that we haue spoken much therof in times past: let vs now see what may be knowne or done in effect. By and by hys keepers comming to the window, threatning hym wyth strokes, dyd put away the sayd Peter from the window of the Cloyster.

Et tu de illis es. Luc. 22.Then came there one Uitus vnto M. Hierome & sayd mayster how doe you? Unto whom he aunswered: truely brother, I do very well. Then hys keepers comming about him, layd hold of the sayd Uitus, saying, this is also one of the number,Vitus the companion of Iohn de Clum. and kept hym. When it drew towards euening, the archb. of Rigen, sent certayne o [...] hys seruants which lead away M. Hi [...]rome, being strōgly bound with chaynes, both by the handes and by the neck, and kept him so for certayne houres.Hierom straightly bound hande and foote. When night drew on, they caryed hym vnto a certayn tower of the Cittie in Sainct Paules Churchyarde, where as they tying him fast vnto a great blocke, and his f [...]ete in the stockes: hys handes also being made fast vppon them, they left hym: where as the blocke was so high, that he could by no meanes sit therupon, but that his head must hang downward.Vitus had to the Archbishop of Rigen. They caryed also the sayd Uitus vnto the archbishop of Rygen, who demaunded of him, why he durst be so bold to talk with such a man being a reprobate of all men, and an hereticke: and when as he could finde no cause of imprisonment in hym, and yt he sayd he was maister Iohn de Clums friend (taking an othe and promise of him that he should not go about to endamage the Councell,Vitus bound by othe. by reason of that imprisonment and captiuitie) so dismissed hym and sent him away.

Maister Hierom, vnknown vnto vs whether he was caryed,Hierome hanging in the stock [...] was fedde with bread & water.lay in the sayd tower two dayes & two nightes relieued onely with bread and water. Then one of hys keepers comming vnto M. Peter, declared vnto him howe yt M. Hierome lay hard by in bondes and chaines, and how he was fed. Then M. Peter desired that hee might haue leaue geuen hym to geue him meat,Peter bringeth meate to Hierome. because he would procure the same vnto hym. The keeper of the prison graunting hys request, caryed meate vnto hym. Within [...]leuen dayes after, so hanging by the heeles: he vsed so small repast, that he fell sore sicke euen vnto the death.Hierome in greatsicknes calleth for a confessor. M. Hie [...]ome was kept in irons in prisō the space of one yeare. When as he lying then in that captiuitie and prison, desired to haue a Confessor, they of the Councell, denyed that he shold haue any, vntill such time as by great importunitie he obtayned to haue one: hys friends being then there present in ye same prison and tower, wherein he then lay by the space of one yeare lacking but seuen dayes.

After they had put Iohn Hus to death, then about the feast of the natiuitie of Mary the Uirgine, they brought forth M. Hierome, whom they had kept so long in chains, vnto the Churche of S. Paule: and threatning hym with death, being instant vpon him, they forced him to abiure & recant, and cōsent vnto the death of M. Iohn Hus, that he was iustly and truely condemned and put to death by thē. He, what for feare of death and hopyng thereby to escape out of their handes, according to their will and pleasure: & according to the tenour whiche was exhibited vnto hym: did make abiuration, and that in the Cathedrall Churche and open Session, the draught whereof penned to hym by the Papistes, here ensueth.

¶ The abiuration of M Hierome of Prage.

I Hierome of Prage,The forced abiuration of Hierome. Mayster of Arte, acknowledging the Catholicke Church and the Apostolicke fayth: do accurse and renounce all heresies, & specially that, whereof I haue hetherto bene infamed, and that which in tymes past Iohn Hus and Iohn Wickleffe haue bolden and taught in theyr workes, treatises and sermons, made vnto the people and Clergy: for the whiche cause the sayde Wickliffe and Hus, together with the sayde doctrines & errours, are condēned by this Sinode of Constance, as heretickes and all the said doctrine sentencially condemed, and especially in certayne articles expressed in the sentences and iudgementes geuen agaynst them by this sacred Councell.

Also I do accorde and agree vnto the holy Churche of Rome, the Apostolick seate in this sacred Councel, & with my mouth and hart do professe in al thinges, and touching all thinges, and specially as touching the keyes, Sacramentes, orders and offices and ecclesiasticall censures, of pardons, reliques of Saintes. Ecclesiasticall libertie, also ceremonies and all other thinges pertayning vnto Christian Religion, as the Church of Rome, the Apostolick sea and this sacred Councel do professe: and specially that many of the sayd Articles are notoriously hereticall and lately reproued by the holy fathers, some of them blasphemous, other some erroneous: some offensiue vnto godly cares, & many of them temerarious and sedicious. And suche also were counted the Articles lately condemned by the sacred councell, and it was inhibited and forbidden to all and singular Catholicke men hereafter to preach, teach or presume to hold or mayntayne any of the sayd Articles, vnder payn of being accursed.

And I the sayd Hierome, forsomuch as I haue laboured by Scholasticall Artes, to perswade the opinion, De Vniuersalibus realibus, and that one substance of the common kinde should signifie many thinges subiect vnder the same [Page] and euery one of them as S. Ambrose, Hierom, Augustin do affirme, and likewise others. For the teaching hereof by a playne example I described as it were a certayne triangle, forme or figure, the which I cald the shield of fayth.

Therfore vtterly to exclude and take away the erroneous and wicked vnderstanding therof, the which peraduē tture some men may gather thereby: I do say, affirme: & declare, that I neuer made the sayd figure, neither named it the shield of faith to yt intent or purpose, yt I woulde extoll or preferre the opinion of vniuersalities aboue or before ye contrary opinion, in such sort as though that were ye shield of faith, & yt without the affirmation therof, the Catholicke faith coulde not be defended or maintained, when as I my selfe would not obstinately sticke thereunto. But this I said, because I had put example in the description of the Triangle or form, that one diuine essence consisted in three subiectes or persons in themselues distinct: that is to saye, the father, the sonne, and the holy Ghost. The article of the which Trinitie, is the chiefe shield of fayth, and foundation of the Catholicke truth.

Furthermore that it may be euident vnto all mē what the causes were for ye whiche I was reputed & thought to stick to, and fauour some time I. Hus. I signifie vnto all men by these presentes, that when as I heard him oftentimes both in his sermons and also in the schooles: I beleleued that he was a very good man, neither that he dyd in any poynt gaynsay the traditions of our holy mother the Church or holy doctors: in somuch as when I was lately in this Citty, and the articles, which I affirmed were shewed vnto me, whiche were also condemned by the sacred Councell, at the first sight of them I did not beleeue that they were hys, at the least not in that forme. But when as I had further vnderstood by certayn famous Doctours & maysters of Diuinitie, that they were hys articles: required for my further information and satisfaction, to haue ye bookes of hys own hand writing shewed vnto me,Hierom is made here to say not his own minde, but what pleased them. wherin it was sayd, those articles were contayned. The which books, when they were shewed vnto me written with his owne hand, which I did know as well as mine owne, I found all, and euery one of those articles therein written in like forme as they are condemned. Wherfore I do worthely iudge and thinke him and his doctrine with his adherents to be condemned and reproued by this sacred coū cell, as hereticall and without reason. Al which ye premisses with a pure minde and conscience I do heare pronounce & speake, being now fully and sufficiently informed of ye foresaid sentences and iudgementes geuen by the sacred councell agaynst the doctrines of the sayd Iohn Wickleffe and Iohn Hus, and agaynst their own persons: vnto ye which iudgement, as a deuout Catholike in all thinges, I doe most humbly consent and agree.

Also I the foresayd Hierom, which before the reuerend fathers the Lordes Cardinals, and reuerend Lordes Prelates and Doctours, and other worshipful persons of this sacred Councell in this same place, did heretofore frely and willingly declare and expound myne intent, and purpose amongest other thinges speaking of the Churche, did deuide the same into three partes. And as I did perceaue afterward, it was vnderstanded by some ye I would affirme that in the triumphant Church, there was fayth. Whereas I do firmly beleue that there is the blessed sight and beholding of God, excluding all darke vnderstanding & knowledge: And now also I do say, affirm & declare, that it was neuer my intent and purpose, to proue that there sholde be fayth, speaking of fayth as fayth is commonly defined, but knowledge farre exceeding fayth. And generally whatsoeuer I sayd, eyther there, or at any time before, I do referre and most humbly submit my selfe vnto the determination of this sacred Councell of Constance.

Moreouer, I do sweare both by the holy Trinitie, and also by the most holy Gospell, that I will for euermore remayne and perseuere without all doubt, in the truth of the Catholicke Churche. And all such as by their doctrine and teaching, shall impugne this fayth, I iudge them worthy together with their doctrines, of eternall curse. And if I my selfe at any time (which God forbid I should) doe presume to preach or teach, contrary thereunto, I will submit my self vnto the seueritie of the Canons, and be bound vnto eternall payn and punishment. Wherupon I do deliuer vp this my cōfession and tenour of my profession willingly before this sacred generall councell, and haue subscribed and written all these thinges with myne owne hand.

Hierome after his abiuration returned into prison.AFter all this, they caused hym to be caryed agayn vnto the same prison, but not so straightly chayned & bound as he was before: notwithstanding kept euery day wyth souldiors and armed men. And when as afterward, his enemies which were appoynted agaynst him, as Michaell de causis, & wicked Palletz, with other their companions in these affayres, vnderstood & knew by the words & talke of M. Hierome and by other certayn tokens, that he made the same abiuration & recantation, not of a sincere & pure minde, but onely to the intent thereby to scape their hands they together with certayne Friers of Prage,Hierom accused a new by Causis, Palletz, and the Carmelites. of the order of Carmelites, then comming in, put vp new accusations agaynst the sayd M. Hierome, and drew the same into Articles, being very instant and earnest that he shoulde answere thereunto. And forsomuch as his iudges & certaine Cardinals,The Cardinal of Cambray with certaine other Cardinalles labour for the deliuery of Hierome. as the Cardinall of Cambray, the Cardinal de Vrsinis, the Cardinall of Aquilegia, and of Florence, considering the malice of the enemies of M. Hierome, dyd see the great iniurie that was done vnto him, they laboured before the whole Councell for hys deliuery.

It happened vpon a certayn day, as they were labouring in the Councell for the deliuery of the sayd M. Hierome: that the Germaynes and Bohemians his enemies, with al force and power resisted against it, crying out, that he should in no case be dismissed. Then start vp one called Doctor Naso, which said vnto the Cardinalles, we maruaile much of you most reuerend fathers, that your reuerences will make intercession for such a wicked hereticke, for whose sake we in Boheme with the whole clergy,Si dimittio hunc non es amicus Caesaris. haue suffered much trouble & mischiefe, and peraduenture your fatherhoodes shall suffer: and I greatly feare least that you haue receiued some rewardes, eyther of ye king of Boheme or of these heretickes. When as the Cardinalles were thus rebuked, they discharged themselues of mayster Hieromes cause and matter.

Then his enemies aforesaid,The Patriarke of Cō stantinople gaue sentēce of death both against M. Hus, and M. Hierome of Prage. obtayned to haue other iudges appointed, as the Patriarcke of Constantinople, & a Germayne doctour, forsomuch as they did knowe that the Patriarch was a greeuous enemy vnto M. Hierome, because he being before appoynted iudge by the Councell, had condemned Iohn Hus vnto death.

But M. Hierome would not aunswere them in prison requiring to haue open audience, because he woulde there finally declare vnto them hys minde, neyther would he by any meanes consent vnto those priuate iudges. Wherupon the Presidents of ye Councell thinking yt the sayd M. Hierome woulde renue hys recantation, before the sayd audieuce and confirme the same: did graunt him open audiēce.

In the yeare of our Lord.Ann. 1416. 1416. the 25. day of May, which was the Saterday before the Ascen [...]ion of our Lord the sayd M. Hierom was brought vnto open audience before the whole Councell,Hierome brought againe before the councell to the great Cathedrall church of Constance, whereas by the Commissioners of the Councell, in the behalfe of hys foresayd enemies, there was laid agaynst him of new. C. and vii. Articles, to the intent that he should not scape the snare of death, which they prouided and layd for him: in so much as the iudges had before declared that by the saying of the witnesses it was already concluded in the same audience. The day aforesayd, from morning vntill noone, he aunswered vnto more then 40. Articles, most subtletie obiected agaynst him: denying that he held or mayntayned any such articles as were either hurtfull or false,False witnesse against Hierome. & affirming ye those witnesses had deposed thē agaynst him falsly and slaunderously as his most cruel and mortall enemies. In the same Session they had not yet proceeded vnto death, because that the noone time drew so fast on, that he could not answere vnto the Articles. Wherfore for lacke of time sufficient to aunswere vnto the residue of the Articles, there was an other time appoynted, which was the third day after the foresaid Saterday, before the Ascention of our Lord, at whiche time againe early in the morning, hee was brought vnto the sayde Cathedrall Church to answere vnto all the residue the Articles.

In all which articles, as well those which he had aunswered vnto the Saterday before: as in the residue, he cleared himselfe very learnedly,The dexteritie of Hierom in confuting his aduersaries. refelling his aduersaries (who had no cause) but onely of malice & displeasure were set agaynst him, & did him great wrong) in suche sort that they were themselues astonyed at his oration, and refutation of their testimonies brought agaynst him, and with shame enough were put to silence: As when one of them had demanded of him, what he thought by ye sacrament of the aultar: He answered, before consecration (sayd he) it is bread & wine: after the consecration it is the true body and bloud of Christ, adding withall moe wordes according to theyr catholicke fayth. Then an other rising vp, Hierome, sayde he: there goeth a great rumor of thee, that thou shouldest hold, bread to remain vpon the aultar. To whom he pleasantly answered, saying: that he beleued bread to be at the Bakers. At which wordes being spoken, one of the Dominicke Friers fumishly tooke on and sayd, what? doest yu [Page] deny, that no man doubteth of? Whose peuishe sausines, Hierome wt these words did well represse: holde thy peace (said he) thou monke, thou hipocrite And thus the monke being nipped in the head, sate downe dumme. After whom started vp an other, who with a loude voyce cryed out: I sweare (sayd he) by my conscience, that to be true, that thou doest deny. To whom sayd Hierome agayne, speaking in latine: Heus inquit, sic iurare per conscientiam tutissima fallendi via est. That is, thus to sweare by your conscience, is the next way to deceiue. An other there was, a spitefull and a bitter enemy of his, whom he called by no other name then dogge, or asse. After he had thus refuted them: one after an other, that they could finde no crime against him, neyther in this matter nor in anye other, they were all driuen to keepe silence.

False witnesses.This done, then were the witnesses called for, who cō ming in presence, gaue testimony vnto the Articles before produced. By reason wherof, ye innocent cause of Hierome was oppressed, and began in the councell to be concluded. Then Hierome rising vp begā to speak, forsomuch (sayth he) as you haue heard mine aduersaries so diligētly hether to, conuenient it is, that you should also nowe heare me to speake for my selfe. Whereupon wt much difficultie, at last audience was geuē in ye Councell for hym to say his mind Which being granted,Audience hardly geuē to Hierome to speake for himselfe. The oration of Hierome had before the councel. he from morning to noon continuyng, entreated of diuers and sondry matters, with great learning and eloquēce. Who first beginning with his praier to God, be sought him to geue him spirite, habilitie and vtterance, which might most tend to the profite & saluation of his own soule. And so entring into hys Oration.

I Know sayth he, reuerend Lords, yt there haue bene many excellēt men, which haue suffered much otherwise thē they haue deserued, being oppressed with false witnesses, & condemned with wrong iudgementes. And so beginning with Socrates he declared howe hee was vniustly condemned of hys countrimen,Socrates. neither woulde he escape when hee might: taking from vs the feare of two thinges, whiche seeme most bitter to men, to wit, of prisonment and death. Then he inferred the captiuitie of Plato,Plato. Anaxagoras Zeno, Rupilius. Bo [...]tius. the banishment of Anaxagoras, and the tormentes of Zeno. Moreouer he brought in the wrongfull condemnation of many gentiles as the banishment of Rupilius: reciting also the vnworthy death of Boetius and of others, whom Boetius himselfe doth write of.

From thence he came to the examples of the Hebrues, and first began with Moyses the deliuerer of the people, & the law geuer,Moses. Ioseph. how he was oftentimes slaundered of hys people as being a seducer and contemner of the people. Ioseph also, sayth he, for enuy, was sold of hys brethren, and for false suspicion of whoredome,Esayas, Daniell. The Prophetes. Susanna. was cast into bandes. Besides these, he reciteth Esayas, Daniell, and almost all the Prophetes, who as contemners of god, and seditious persons, were oppressed with wrongfull condemnation. Frō thence he proceeded to the iudgement of Susanna, and of diuers other besides, who being good and holy men, yet were they vniustly cast away with wrongfull sentence. At the length he came to Iohn Baptist,Iohn Baptist Christ. and so in long processe he descended vnto our sauiour, declaring how it was euident to all men, by what false witnesses both he and Iohn Baptist, were condemned. Moreouer how Stephen was slayne by the Colledge of the priestes,The Apostles. and how all the Apostles were condemned to death, not as good men but as seditious styrrers vp of the people, and contemners of the Gods, and euil doers. It is vniust sayth he, vniustly to be condemned one priest of an other, and yet he proued that ye same hath so happened most vniustly in that Councell of Priestes. These thinges did he discourse at large, wt marueilous eloquēce, and with singuler admiration of all that heard hym.

The false witnesse of Hierome [...]felled.And forasmuch as all the whol summe of the cause dyd rest only in the witnesses, by many reasons he proued that no credite was to be geuen vnto them, especially seing they spake all thinges of no truth, but onely of hatred malice, & enuy. And so prosecuting the matter, so liuely and expressely he opened vnto them the causes of their hatred, that hee had almost perswaded them. So liuely and likely their hatred was detected, that almost no trust was geuen to their testimonies, saue onely for the cause and quarrell wherein they stood touching the popes doctrine. All mens mindes here were moued and bending to mercye towardes hym. For he told them how that he of hys owne accord came vp to the Councell, and to purge hymselfe he did open vnto them all hys life and doinges, being full of vertue & godlines. This was (sayth he) the old maner of auncient and learned mē and most holy Elders, that in matters of fayth they did differ many times in argumentes, not to destroy the fayth, but to finde out the veritie. So did Augustine and Hierome dissent, not onely being diuers, but also contrary one from the other & yet wtout al suspition of heresy.

All this while the popes holy Councell did wayt still, when he would beginne to excuse himselfe, and to retracte those thinges, whiche were obiected agaynst him, and to craue pardon of the Councell. But he persisting still in hys constant oration, did acknowledge no errour, nor gaue any signification of retractation.

At last entring into the prayse & commendation of M. Iohn Hus,Hierome commendeth the life, and bewayleth the death of Iohn Hus. he affirmed that he was a good, iust, and holy man, and much vnworthy that death, whiche he did suffer. Whom he did know from his youth vpward, to be neither fornicator, drunkard, neither anye euill or vicious person: but a chast & sober man, & a iust and true preacher of ye holy Gospell: and whatsoeuer things mayster Iohn Hus and Wicklyff had holden or written specially agaynst the abuse and pompe of the clergie, he would affirme euen vnto the death, that they were holy and blessed men, and that in all pointes of the Catholicke fayth, he doth beleue as the holy Catholicke Church doth hold or beleue. And finally he did conclude that al such articles, as Iohn Wickleffe & Iohn Hus had written & put forth agaynst ye enormities, pompe and disorder of the Prelates, he would firmely & steadfastly, without recantation, hold & defend euē vnto the death, And last of all, he added yt al the sinnes that euer he had cō mitted, did not so much gnaw and trouble his conscience, as did yt onely sinne, whiche he had committed in that most pestiferous fact, when as in his recantation, he had vniustly spoken against that good and holy man & his doctrine, & specially in cōsenting vnto his wicked cōdēnation concluding yt he did vtterly reuoke & deny that wicked recantatiō which he had made in that most cursed place,Hierome repenteth his speaking against Iohn Hus. & that he dyd it through weakenes of hart and feare of death: And moreuer that whatsoeuer thing he hath spokē against that blessed man, he hath altogether lyed vpō him, and that he doth repent him with his whole hart, that euer he did it.

And at the hearing hereof, the hartes of ye hearers were not a little sory. For they wished and desired greatly that such a singular man shold be saued if otherwise their blind superstition would haue suffered it.Hus neuer maintained any doctrine against the Churche of Rome: but onely spake against their naughtie lyfe. But he continued still in his prefixed sentence, seeming to desire rather death then lyfe. And persisting in the prayse of Iohn Husse, he added moreouer, that he neuer mayntayned anye doctrine agaynst the state of the Church, but onely spake agaynst the abuses of the clergye, against the pride, pompe and excesse of the Prelates. For somuch as ye patrimonies of the churches were first geuen for the poore, then for hospitality and thirdly to the reparations of the Churches: it was a griefe to that good man (sayd he) to see the same misspent and cast away vpon harlots, great feastings, and keping of horses and dogges, vpō gorgeous apparell and such other things vnseming Christian Religion. And herein he sheweth him selfe marueilous eloquent: yea neuer more.Hierome did put them to silence.

And when his oration was interrupted many tymes by diuers of them, carping his sentences as he was in speaking: yet was there none of all those that interrupted hym which scaped vnblanckt, but he brought them all to confusion, and put them to silence. When any noise began, he ceased to speake, & after began againe, proceeding in his Oration and desiring them to geue him leaue a while to speak whō they hereafter should heare no more:Hierome in prison 340. dayes. The excellent memory in M. Hierome. neither yet was his mind euer dashed at all these noyses and tumults.

And thys was marueilous in him to behold, notwithstanding he continued in strait prison, 340. dayes, hauing neither booke, nor almost light to read by: yet how admirably his memory serued him: Declaring howe all those paynes of his strait handling, did not somuch greeue him, as he did wonder rather to see their vnkind humanitie towardes him.

When he had spoken these and many other thinges as touching the prayse of Iohn Wickleffe, & Iohn Hus, they which sat in the Councell, whispered together, saying: by these his wordes it appeareth that he is at a poynt wt hym selfe. Then was he agayne caried into prison, & greeuously settered by the hands,M. Hierome brought agayne before the coū cell. armes and feete with great chaines and fetters of yron.

The Saterday next before the Ascension day, early in the morning he was brought with a great number of armed men vnto the Cathedral Church before the open congregation, to haue his iudgement geuen hym. There they exhorted him, that those thinges which he had before spokē in the open audience, as is aforesayde touching: he prayse and commendation of M. Iohn Wickleffe, and M. Iohn Hus, confirming and establishing their doctrine, he would y [...]t recant the same: but he merueilous stoutly without all feare, spake agaynst them, & amōgst other things said vnto them: I take God to my witnes, and I protest here before [Page] you all, that I do beleeue and holde the articles of the fayth,M. Hierom hold [...]th all the articles of the Catholicke Church. The eloquence of M. Hierome. as the holy Catholicke Church doth hold and beleue the same: but for this cause shall I now be condemned, for that I will not consent with you vnto the condemnation of those most holy and blessed men aforesayd, whome you haue most wickedly condemned for certaine articles, detetesting and abhorring your wicked and abhominable life. Then he confessed there before them all his beliefe, and vttered many thinges very profoundly and eloquently, in so much that all men there present, could not sufficiently cō mend & prayse hys great eloquēce & excellent learning and by no means could they induce or perswade him to recant.

Then a certayne bishop named the Bishop of Landy made a certayne sermon exhortatiue agaynst M. Hierome perswading to his condemnation.

After the Byshop had ended the sayd sermon, M. Hierome sayd agayn vnto them: You shall condemne me wickedly and vniustly.The prophesie of M. Hierome. But I after my death will leaue a remorse in your conscience, and a nayle in your hartes, ET CITO VOS OMNES, VT RESPONDEATIS MIHI CORAM ALTISSIMO ET IVSTISSIMO IVDICE POST CENTVM ANNOS: that is. And here I cite you to aunswere vnto me before the most high and iust Iudge, within a C. yeares.

No penne can sufficiently write or note those thinges which he most eloquently, profoundly, & Philosophically had spoken in the sayd audience, neither can anye tongue sufficiently declare ye same, wheerfore I haue but onely touched here the superficiall matter of his talke, partly, & not wholly noting the same. Finaly, when as by no meanes he might be perswaded to recant the premisses, immediately euen in his presence, the sentence & iudgement of hys concondemnation was geuen against him, & read before him.

The sentence [...] [...]inst M. [...]rome.IN the name of God Amen. Christ our God and our Sauiour being the true vyne, whose father is the husbandman, taught hys Disciples and all other faythful men, saying: If anymā dwel not in me, let him be cast out as a bow or braunch, & let him wither and dry. &c. The doctrine and preceptes of which most excellent doctor and mayster, this most sacred Synode of Constance, executing & following in the cause of inquisition agaynst hereticks, being moued by this said sacred Sinode, through report, publicke same, and open infamation: proceedeth agaynst Hierome of Prage, Mayster of Arte, lay man. By the Actes & processes of whose cause it appeareth that the sayd mayster Hierome hath holdē, mayntayned, and taught diuers Articles hereticall and erroneous, lately reproued and condemned by the holy fathers, some being very blasphemous, other some offēding godly cares, & many temerarious & seditious which haue bene affirmed, mayntayned, preached and taught by the men of most damnable memory I. Wickleffe & Iohn Hus, the which are also written in diuers of their workes & books. Which articles of doctrine and books of the sayd Iohn Hus and Wickleffe together with their memory, and the person of the sayd Iohn Hus, were by the sayd sacred Synode condemned of heresie. The which sentence of condemnation this Hierome afterward during yt time of inquisition, acknowledged in the sayd sacred Synode, & approued the true Catholicke & Apostolicke faith, thereunto consenting, accursing all heresie, specially that whereof he was enfamed, & confessed himself to be infamed & that which in times past I. Hus & I. Wickleffe maintained & taught in their works, sermōs & books: for ye which the sayd Wickleffe & Hus together with theyr doctrine and errors, were by the sayd sacred Synode as hereticall, condemned. The condemnatiōs of all which the premisses, he did openly professe and allow, and did sweare that he wold perseuere and continue in the veritie of that fayth. And if that he shold presume at any time to hold opiniō or preach contrary thereunto, that he would submitte himselfe to the triall and truth of the Canons, and be bound to perpetual punishment. And this his profession writtē with his own hand, he deliuered vp into the holy Councell. Many daies after hys sayd profession and abiuration, as a dogge returning vnto hys vomitie, to ye intent he might openly vomit vp the most pestilent poyson whiche had long lurked and laien hid in his brest, he required and desired that he might be openly heard before the Councell. The whiche being graunted vnto him, he affirmed, sayd and professed before the whole Synode, being publickely gathered together, yt he had wickedly consented and agreed to the sentence & iudgement of the condemnation of the said Wickleffe and Hus, and that he had most shamefully lyed in approuing and allowing the sayd sentēce, neyther was he ashamed to confesse that he had lyed: yea he did also reuoke and recant his confession, approbation and protestation, which he had made vpon their condemnation, affirming that he neuer at any tyme had read any errours or heresie in the bookes & treatises of the said Wickleffe and Hus. Albeit he had before confessed it, and it is euidently proued that he did dilligently study, read and preache their bookes, wherein it is manifest that theyr are contayned many erroures and heresies. Also the sayd Mayster Hierome did professe as touching

¶ The burning of maister Hierome of Prage.

[Page] the Sacrament of the aulter, and the transubstantiation of the bread into the body of Christ, that he doth hold & beleue as the church doth hold & beleeue, saying also that he doth geue more credit vnto S. Augustine, and the other Doctors of the Church, then vnto Wickliffe and Hus. It appereth moreouer by the premisses, that the sayd Ierom is an adherent & maintainer of the said Wickliffe & Hus, & theyr errors, and both is and hath bene a fauourer of them. Wherfore the said sacred Synode determineth the sayd M. Hierome as a rotten and withered braunch not growing vpon the vine, to be cut of and cast out. The sayd Synode also pronounceth, declareth & condemneth him as an heretick, and drowned in all kinde of heresies, excommunicate and accursed, leauing him vnto the arbitrement and iudgement of the secular iudge,Hierome ge [...] to the secular [...]wer. to receiue iust and due punishment, according to the quality of so great an offence: The sayd sacred Synode notwithstanding intreating that the sayd iudge would moderate his sentence of iudgemēt with out perill of death.

A paper with redde deuilles put vpon the head of M. Hierome, by deuelishe papistes. M. Hierome committed to the secular power.The which sentence so geuen before his face, & ended. A great & lōg miter of paper was brought vnto him, painted about with red deuils: the whiche when he beheld and saw, throwing away his hood vpon the ground amongest the Prelates, he tooke the miter, and put it vpon his head: saying, Our Lorde Iesu Christ, when as he shoulde suffer death for me most wretched sinner, did weare a crowne of thorne vpon his head: and I for his sake in stede of that crowne, will willingly weare this miter and cappe. Afterward he was layd hold of by the secular power.

After that he was ledde out of the sayde Church to the place of execution, when he was going out of the Churche with a cherefull coūtenance & a loud voyce lifting his eyes vp into heauen,M. Hierome went singing vnto his martirdome. he began to sing Credo in vnum Deum, as it is accustomed to be song in ye church. Afterward as he passed a long, he did sing some Canticles of the Church. The which being ended, in the entring out of the gate of the city, as men go vnto Gothlehem, he did sing this himne, faelix namque. M. Hierome praieth. And that respond being ended, after he came to the place of execution where as Maister Iohn Hus before had suffred death innocently, kneeling downe before an image which was like vnto the picture of M. Iohn Hus, which was there prepared to burne M. Hierom, he made a certayne deuout prayer.

While he was thus praying, the tormentors tooke him vp and lifting him vp from the ground,M. Hierome [...] to an Image like to Iohn Hus. spoyled him of all his garmentes, and left him naked, and afterward girded him about the loynes with a linnen cloth, and bound him fast with cordes and chaynes of Iron to the sayde Image, whiche was made fast vnto the earth: and so standinge vpon the ground, when as they beganne to lay the woode about him,M. Hierome [...]geth at [...] burning. he songe Salue festa dies. And when the himne was ended, he songe agayne with a loude voyce, Credo in vnum Deum, vnto the end. That being ended, he sayde vnto the people in the Germaine toung in effect as foloweth. Dearely beloued children,The wordes of Hierome to the people. euen as I haue now song, so do I beleue and none otherwise. And this Creede is my whole fayth: notwithstanding nowe I dye for this cause, because I would not consent, and agree to the councel, and with them affirme and hold that maister Iohn Hus,M. Hierome geueth testimony of Iohn Hus. was by thē holily and iustly condemned: For I did know well enough that he was a true preacher of the Gospell of Iesu Christ.

After that he was compassed in with the wood vp to the crowne of the head, they cast all his garments vpō ye wood also, and with a firebrand they set it on fire. The which being once fired, he began to sing with a loud voyce: In manus tuas domine commendo spiritum meum when that was ended, and that he began vehemently to burne, he sayd in the vulgar Bohemian tongue:The last wordes of M. Hierome O Lord God father almighty, haue mercy vpon me and be mercifull vnto mine offēces, for thou knowest how ye sincerely I haue loued thy trueth. Then his voyce by the vehemency of the fire, was choked & stopped, that it was no longer heard, but he moued continually his mouth and lips, as though he had still prayed or spoken within himselfe.

The crueltie of his death.When as in a maner his whole body wt his beard was burned round about, and that there appeared through the great burning vpon his body certayne great bladders, as big as an egge, yet he continually very strongly & stoutlye moued, & shaked his head & mouth, by the space almost of one quarter of an houre. So burning in the fire, he liued wt great paine & Martyrdome, whiles one might easily haue gone from S. Clementes ouer the bridge, vnto our Lady Church: he was of suche a stout and strong nature. After that he was thus deade in the fire, by and by they brought his bedding, his strawbed, his bootes, his hood, & all other thinges that he had in the prison,The ashes of M. Hierome cast into the riuer of Rheine. and burned them all to ashes in the same fire. The which ashes, after that the fire was out, they did diligently gather together, and cary thē in a cart, and cast them into the riuer of Rheine, which ran hard by the City.

That man whiche was the true reporter hereof,The witnes of the writer. and which testified vnto vs the actes and doinges about the condemnation Maister Hierome, and sent the same vnto vs to Prage in writinge, doth thus conclude: All these thinges (sayth he) I did beholde, see and heare to be done in this forme & maner. And if any man do tell you the contrary, do not credite him, for al those things which happened vnto him, when he came toward Constance, and also at his first comming vnto Constance of his own free well, and afterward when he was brought bounde vnto Constance, as is aforesay, I my selfe did see and perfectly beholde: and for a perpetuall memory thereof to be had for euer, I haue directed the same vnto you, not lying or falsifying any poynte thereof,The truth of this storie. as he which is the searcher of all mennes hartes can beare me witnesse: willing rather to sustaine the note of ignoraunce & rudenesse of stile, to beare witnesse vnto the trueth, then I would by any meanes bee compelled by tickling or flattring the cares of the hearers, with fayned and cloked speach to swerue or goe aside from the truth,

Thus end the tragicall histories of M. Iohn Hus, and M. Hierom of Prage, faythfully gathered and collected by a certain Bohemian, being a present witnes and beholder of the same, written and compiled first in Latine, & so sene by the said Bohemian into his country of Boheme: and agayne translated out of the Latine with like fidelitye, into our English toung.

In the meane time while Maister Hierome was in this trouble, and before the Councell, the nobles and Lordes of Boheme and of Morauia (but not a little agreeued thereat) directed theyr letters vnto this barbarous Councell of popishe murderers, in tenour and forme of wordes as followeth.

¶ The letter of the 54. Nobles of Morauia written vnto the Councell of Constaunce in the defence of Mayster Iohn Hus, and Hierome of Prage.

☞ To the right reuerend Fathers and Lordes in Christ, the Lordes, Cardinals, Patriarkes, Primates, Archbishops, Bishops, Ambassadours, Doctors, & Maysters, and to the whole Councell Constaunce. We the Nobles, Lordes, Knightes and Esquyres, of the famous Marquesdome of Morauia, wishe the desyre of al goodnes, and the obseruation of the commaundementes of our Lord Iesu Christ.

FOrsomuch as euery man both by the law of nature, and also by Gods law, is commaunded to doe that vnto an other man, which he woulde haue done vnto himselfe, and is forbidden to do that thing vnto an other, which he would not haue done vnto himselfe, as our Sauiour sayth: all things whatsoeuer you wyll that men should do vnto you,Math. 7. the same doe you vnto thē, for this is the law and the Prophetes, yea the lawe is fulfilled in this one poynt: thou shalt loue thy neighbour as thy self:Rom. 13. We therfore (God being our author) hauing respect as much as in vs lieth vnto the said law of God: & the loue of our neighbor, before did send our letters vnto Constaunce for our dearelye beloued frende of good memorye Mayster Iohn Husse Bacheler of Diuinitye and Preacher of the Gospell. Whome of late in the Councell of Constaunce (wee knowe not with what spirite beeing ledde) you haue condemned as an obstinate hereticke: neither hauing confessed any thing, neither being lawfully conuict as were expediét: hauing no errours or heresies declared or layde agaynst him, but onely at the sinister, false and importune accusations, suggestiōs and instigations of his mortall enemies, and the traytours of our kingdome and Marquesdome of Morauia. And being thus vnmercifully condemned, you haue slayne him with most shamefull and cruell death: to the perpetuall shame and infamy of our most christian kingdome of Boheme, and the famous Marquesdome of Morauia (as we haue written vnto Constance, vnto the most noble Prince and Lord, the Lord Sigismund king of Romaynes, and of Hungary, the Heyre and Successor of our kingdom) the which was also read and published in your congregations,The cause of I. Hus cleared by the testimony of the nobles of Bohemia. whiche wee will here also haue enrolled: and haue burned him, as it is reported, in the reproch and contempt of vs.

Wherfore we haue thought good, euen now to direct our letters patentes to your reuerences nowe present, in the behalfe of Maister Iohn Hus, openly professing and protesting both wyth [Page] hart and mouth, that he the sayd Mayster Iohn Hus, was a iust, good and Catholicke man, and a long season worthely commended and allowed in our kingdome, for his life and conuersation. He also preached and taught vs and our subiectes the law of the Gospell, and of the holy Prophets, and the bookes of the olde and new Testament, according to the exposition of the holy Doctors approued by the church, & left many Monumēts in writing, most constantly detesting and abhorring all errors and and heresy, continually admonishing both vs and all faithfull christians to do the like, diligently exhorting all men as muche as in him lay by hys words, writings and trauel, vnto quietnesse and concord: so that vsing all the diligence that we might, we neuer heard or coulde vnderstand, that Mayster Iohn Hus had preached, taught or by any meanes affirmed any error or heresy in his Sermons, or that by any maner of meanes he had offended vs or our subiectes, either by word of deed,All that will liue godly in Christ. 2. Tim. 3. but that he alwayes led a quiet and a godly life in Christ, exhorting all men diligently, both by his word and workes, as much as he might, to obserue and keepe the law of the Gospel, and the institutiōs of the holy fathers, after the preaching of our holy mother the church, & to the edifying of mens soules. Neither did these premisses, which you had so perpetrated to the reproch both of vs and our kingdom and Marquesdom, suffice & content you, but that also without all mercy and piety, you haue apprehended, imprisoned, and condemned, and euen now peraduenture, like as you did Mayster Iohn Hus, you haue most cruelly murdered the worshipfull man, Mayster Ierome of Prage, a man abounding in eloquence,Defence of M. Hierome of Prage. Mayster of the seuen liberall artes, and a famous Philosopher, not being seene, heard, examined, neither conuict: but onely at the sinister and false accusation of hys and our accusers and betrayers.

Furthermore, it is come to our knowledge and vnderstanding (which we do not without great griefe rehearse) as we may also euidently gather by your writings, how that certayne detractors, odible both to God and men, priuy enuyers and betrayers, haue wickedly and greuously, albeit falsly and trayterously, accused vs, our kingdome, and Marquesdome aforsayde, before you in your councell, that in the sayde kingdome of Boheme and Marquescome of Morauia, diuers errors are sprong vp, which haue greuously and manifoldely infected both our hartes, and also the hartes of many faythfull men: in so much, that without a speedy stop or stay of correction, the sayd kingdome and Marquesdome together with the faythfull Christians therein, should incurre an irrecuperable losse and ruine of theyr soules.

These cruell and pernitious iniuries which are layd vnto vs, and to our sayd kingdome and Marquesdome,He meaneth the longe schisme spoken of before where three popes were striuing one against an other. albeit most falsly & slaunderously, howe may we suffer? for so muche as through the grace of God (when in a maner all other kingdomes of the world haue oftentimes wauered, making Schismes and Antipapes) our most Christian kingdome of Boheme, and most noble Marquesdome of Morauia, since the time they did receiue the Catholicke fayth of our Lord Iesus Christ, as a most perfecte A quadrant being foure square prouerbially signifieth a man that is constant and immutable. Rom. 12. quadrant haue alwayes without reproofe stucke vnto the Church of Rome, and haue sincerely done theyr true obedience. Also with how greate costes and charges and great trauell, with what worship and due reuerence they haue reuerenced the holy mother the church and her pastors, by theyr princes and faythfully subiects, it is more manifest then the day light vnto the whole world: and your selues, if you will confesse the truth, can witnes the same also.

Wherfore that we, according to the mind of the Apostle, may procure honest and good thinges, not onely before God but before men also, and least by neglecting the famous renowne of the kingdom and Marquesdom, we be foūd cruel towards our neighbours: hauing a stedfast hope, a pure and sincere conscience and intent, and a certayne true fayth in Christ Iesu our Lord, by the tenour of these we signify and declare vnto your fatherhoods, & to all faythfull Christians, openly professing both with hart and mouth, that whatsoeuer man, of what estate, preheminence, dignity, condition, degree, or religion so euer he be, which hath sayd or affirmed, eyther doth say or affirme, that in the sayd kingdome of Boheme and Marquesdome of Morauia, heresyes haue sprong vp which haue infected vs and other faythfull Christians, as is aforesayd (the onely person of our most noble prince and Lord, Sigismund king of Romaynes and of Hungary. &c. our Lord and heire successor, being set apart, whom we trust and beleue, not to be guilty in the premisses) all and euery such man (as is aforesaid) doth lye fasly vpon his head, as a wicked and naughty traytour & betrayer of the sayd kingdome and Marquesdome, and most traiterous vnto vs,Iohn 8. Deut. 38. Psal. 30. & most pernitious hereticke, the sonne of all malice and wickednesse, yea and of the deuill himselfe, who is a lyar and the father of all lyes.

Notwithstanding, we for this present committing the foresayd iniuryes vnto God, vnto whom vengeance perteyneth, who will also aboundantly reward workers of iniquity, will prosecute them more amply before him whom God shall appoynt in the Apostolicke sea, to gouerne his holy Churche as the onely and vndoubted Pastour. Vnto whom God willing, we exhibiting our due reuerence & obedience as faythfull children, in those things which are lawfull,These noble men offered their obedience to the Pope, no further then was lawful, honest and agreeable to reason and the lawe of God. Marke this and learne you noble men. honest, and agreeable to reason and the law of God, wil make our request and petition, that speedy remedy may be prouided for vs, our sayde kingdome and Marquesdome, vpon the premises, according to the law of our Lord Iesus Christ, and the institutions of the holy fathers. The premises notwithstanding we setting apart all feare and mens ordinances prouided to the contrary, will maynetayne and defend the law of our Lord Iesus Christ, and the deuout, humble and constant preachers thereof, euen to the shedding of our bloud.

Dated at Sternberg, in the yeare of our Lord. 1415. vpon S. Wē ceslaus day, Martyr of our Lord Iesu Christ.

Round about the sayd letters there were 54. Seales, hanging and their names subscribed, whose Seales they were. The names of which noble men, I thought it good here to annext with all, partly for the more credite of that hath bene sayd, partly also for examples sake, to the intent that our noble men and gentlemen in this our Realme of England, now liuing in this cleare light of the Gospell, may by their example vnderstand, that if they ioyne themselues with the Gospell of Iesus, zealouslye and as they should do, yet are they neither the first, nor the most that so haue done before them: if not, yet the trueth may here remayne in the story to theyr shame, or els to theyr instruction, seing so many noble and worthy gentlemen, within the small kingdome of Bohemia, to be so forward in those so darcke dayes and among so many enemyes 200. yeares agoe, to take part with Christ: And yet our Gentlemē here in such long cōtinuance of time, being so diligētly taught, are neyther in number nor in zeale to thē to be compared, but will still take part, contrary both to Christ, and to the example of these nobles whose names they may see & read here folowing.

1 | Alssokabat de Wiscowitz.
2 | Vlricus de Lhota.
2 | Ioan, de Ksimicz.
4 | Iossko de sczitowicz
5 | Paerdus Zwiranowicz.
6 | Ioan. de Ziwla.
7 | Ioā. de Reychēberg.
8 | Wildo Skitzyny.
9 | Drliko de Biela.
10 | Kos de Doloylatz.
11 | Ioan de Simusin.
12 | Dobessim' de Tissa.
13 | Drazko de Aradeck
14 | Steph. de Hmodorkat.
15 | Ioan Dern de Gabonecx.
16 | Barso dictus Hloder de Zeinicz.
17 | Ioan Hmrsdorfar.
18 | Psateska de Wilklek
19 | Petrus Mg de Sczitowicy.
20 | N. Studenica.
21 | N. Brischell.
22 | N. de Cromassona
23 | Arannisick Donant de Poloniae.
24 | Ioan. Donant de Poloniae.
25 | Ioan. de Cziczow.
26 | Wenceslaus de N.
27 | N. de N.
28 | N.N.
29 | Iosseck de N.
30 | Henricus de N.
31 | Waczlals de kuck.
| This noble man did accompanye Hus, and with certain horsemen conducte him to Constance.
32 | Henr. de. Zrenowicz
33 | Baczko de Cōuald.
34 | Petr. dictus Nienick de zaltoroldeck.
35 | Czēko de Mossnow.
36 | N.
37 | Zibilutz de Clezā.
38 | Ioan. de Peterswald.
39 | Parsifal de Namyescz.
40 | Zodoni de Zwietzick.
41 | Raczeck Zawskalp.
42 | Ion de Tossawicz.
43 | Diwa de Spissnia
44 | Steffko de Draczdw.
45 | Issko de Draczdw,
46 | Odich de Hlud.
47 | Wosfart de Paulowicz.
48 | Pirebbor de Tire zenicz.
49 | Rynard de Tyrczewicz.
50 | Bohunko de Wratisdow.
51 | Vlricus de Racdraw
52 | Deslaw de Nali.
53 | Bonesb de Frabenicz.
54 | Eybl de Roissowan.

After these things thus declared and discoursed cōcerning the history of Iohn Hus, and Hierome of Prage, the order of place and countrye next woulde require, consequently to infer and comprehend the great troubles & perturbations, which happened after & vpō the death of these men in the coūtry of Boheme: but the order of time calleth me backe, first to other matters here of our owne country, which passed in ye meane time with vs in England. Which things being taken by the way and finished, we will (christ[Page]willing) afterward returne to the tractation hereof, to prosecute the troubles and conflictes of the Bohemians, with other things beside perteyning to the latter end of the coū cell of constance, and chosing of Pope Martin, as the order of yeares and time shall require.

Vid supra. pag. 588. Henry Chichesley Archb. of Cant.Ye heard before pag. 588. how after the death of Thomas Arundell Archb. of Caunt. succeeded Henry Chichesley. an. 1414. and sate 25. yeres. In whose time was much trouble and great affliction of good mē here in England: of whom many were compelled to abiure, some we burned, diuers were driuē to exile. Wherof partly now to entreat, as we finde them in registers & historyes recorded, we will first begin with Iohn Claydon Currier of Londō, & Richard Turming, whom Rob. Fabian, doth falsly affirm to be burned in the yeare where in Syr Roger Acton and M. Browne suffered: who in deed suffered not before the secōd yeare of Henry Chichesley being Archb. of Caunt. whiche was an. 1413. The history of which Iohn Claydon, in the Registers is thus declared.

The story of Iohn Claydon Currier, and of R. Turming Baker.

THe 17. of August 1415. did personally appeare I. Claydon Currier of London (arrested by the Mayor of the sayd City for the suspition of heresy) before Henry Archbishop of Caunterbury, in Saynt Paules Church: whiche Iohn (being obiected to him by the Archbishop, that in ye City of London & other places of the prouince of Canterbury,The historie of I. Claidō [...]nner of London, & of Robert Turming Baker. he was suspected by diuers godly and learned mē for heresy, and to be contrary to the catholick fayth, and determinatiō of the church) did openly confesse and denyed not, but that he had bene for the space of xx. yeres, suspected both about the City of London, & also in the prouince of Caunt. and specially of the common sort for Lollardy and heresy,Ex regist. Cant. I. Claidon [...]amined. I. Claydon [...]st imprisoned by R. Braybroke Bishop of London. & to be contrary to the catholick fayth and determination of the church of Rome, and defamed of the same all the tyme aforesayd.

In so much that in the time of M. Robert Braybrooke B. of London deceased, he was for the space of two yeares commaunded to the prison of Conwey, for the foresayd defamation and suspition, and for the same cause also he was in prison in the fleete for 3. yeares. Out of which prison he (in the raigne of King Henry the 4.) was brought before Lord Iohn Scarle then Chauncellor to the king,1. Claidon before abiu [...]ed. & there did abiure all heresy and errour. And the sayd Iohn Claydon being asked of the sayd Archbishop whither he did abiure the heresye of which he was suspect before any other: did confesse that in a Conuocation at London in Paules Church before Thomas Arundell late Archbishop deceased, he did abiure all such doctrine which they called heresy and error contrary to the Catholick fayth and determination of the Church, and that he had not onely left such articles and opiniōs, wherin he was defamed, but also did abstaine from all company that were suspected of such opinions so that he should neither geue ayd, helpe, councell, nor fauor vnto them.

And moreouer, the sayd Iohn was asked by the sayde Archbishop,Englishe bookes. whether he euer had in his house since his abiuration, in his keeping, any bookes written in Englishe. Wherunto he confessed that he would not deny, but that he had in his house, and in his keeping many english bookes: for he was arested by the Mayor of the city of London, for such bookes as he had, which bookes (as he thought) were in the Mayors keping.The iudgement of the Maior of London. Upon the which, the Mayor did openly confesse that he had such bookes in his keping, which in his iudgement were the worst and the moste peruerse that euer he did read or see, and one booke that was well bound in red leather of par [...]chment, written in a good english hand: and among the other bookes found with the said Iohn Claydon, the Mayor gaue vp the sayd booke afore the Archbishop. Whereupon the sayde Iohn Claydon being asked of the Archbishop if he knewe that booke,Claidon bestowed much money vpon Englishe bookes. dyd openly confesse that he knew it very well, because he caused it to be written of his owne costes and charges, for he spēt muche money thereupon since his abiuration. Then was he asked who wrote it. He did aunswere, one called Iohn Grime.

And further being required what the said Iohn Grime was, he aunswered, he coulde not tell. Agayne, being demaunded whether he did euer read the same booke, he dyd confesse that he could not read,Iohn Claydon could not read. but he had heard the fourth part therof red of one Iohn Fullar. And being asked whether he thought the contentes of that booke to be Catholicke, profitable, good and true, he aunswered that many thinges which he had hearde in the same booke, were both profitable, good and healthful to his soule: and as he sayde, he had great affection to the sayd book, for a Sermon preached at Horsaldowne, that was written in the sayd booke. And being futher asked, whether, since the tyme of hys sayd abiuration, he did commune with one Richard Baker of the City aforesayd, he did answere yea: for the sayde Richard Baker did come often vnto his house to haue cō munication with him.Richard Turming Baker. And being asked, whether he knew the said Richard to be suspected, and defamed of heresy: he did aunswere agayne that he knew well that the sayd Richard was suspected & defamed of many men and women in the City of Londō,This Turming belike, was then in prison. as one whom they thought to be an hereticke.

Which confession being made, did cause the sayd bookes to be deliuered to maister Robert Gilbert,William Lindewood doctor of both lawes. Doctour of diuinity: to William Lindewood Doctor of both lawes, and other Clerkes, to be examined, and in the meane time Dauid Beard, Alexander Philip, and Balthasar Mero, were taken for witnesses agaynst him, and were committed to be examined, to Maister Iohn Escourt generall examiner of Canterbury. This done, the Archbishop continued hys Session till Monday next in the same place. Which Monday being come, which was the xx. of the sayd moneth, the sayd Maister Escourt openly and publickely exhibited the witnesses, being openly read before the Archbishop and other Bishops: which being read, then after that were read diuers tractations, founde in the house of the sayde Iohn Claydon: out of the which, being examined, diuers points were gathered and noted for heresies and errors,An Englishe booke intituled: The Lanterne of light. and specially out of the booke aforesaid: which booke the said Iohn Claydon confessed by his owne costes to be written and bound, which booke was intituled, the Lanterne of light. In the which and in the other examined, were these Articles vnder written conteyned.

1. First, vpon the text of the Gospell, how the enemy dyd sowe the tares, there is sayd thus: that wicked Antichrist ye Pope hath sowed among the lawes of Christ, his popish and corrupt decrees, which are of no authoritye, strength, nor valure.

2. That the Archbishops and Bishops, speaking indifferently, are the seates of the beast Antichrist, when he sitteth in thē and raigneth aboue other people in the darck caues of errors and heresyes.

3. That the Bishops licence for a man to preach the word of God, is the true caracter of the beast. i. Antichrist, & therfore simple and faythfull Priestes may preache when they will agaynst the prohibition of that Antichrist, and without licence.

4. That the court of Rome is the chiefe head of Antichrist and the Bishops be the body:The head & taile of Antichrist. & the new sectes, that is, the monks, canons, and friers, brought in not by Christ, but damnably by the pope, be the venimous & pestiferous tail of Antichrist.

5. That no reprobate is a member of the Church but only such as be elected and predestinate to saluation:This is true speaking of the inuisible Church. seing the church is no other thing but the congregation of faythfull soules, which doe and will keepe their faith constantly, as well in deed as in word.

6. That Chryst did neuer plante priuate religions in the church, but whilest he liued in this world he did root them out. By which it appeareth that priuate religiōs be vnprofitable branches in the church and to be rooted out.

7. That the materiall churches should not be decked with golde siluer & precious stone sumptuously, but the folowers of the humility of Iesus Christ, ought to worship their Lord God humbly in mean & simple houses, & not in great buildings, as the churches be now a dayes.

8. That there be ij. chiefe causes of the persecution of the christians:Two causes of persecution noted. one is the priestes vnlawfull keeping of tēporal and superfluous goods, the other is ye vnsatiable begging of the friers with their hye buildings.

9. That almes is not geuen vertuously nor lawfully except it be geuen with these 4. conditions:Foure conditiōs in geuing almes first vnlesse it be geuen to the honor of God. 2. vnlesse it be geuen of goodes iustly gotten. 3. vnlesse it be geuē to such a person as the geuer therof knoweth to be in charity. And 4. vnles it be geuē to such as haue need and do not dissemble.

10. That the often singing in the church is not founded in the scripture, and therefore it is not lawfull for priestes to occupy thēselues with singing in the Church, but with the study of the law of Christ, and preaching his word.

11. That Iudas did receiue the body of Christ in breade,That bread remaineth in the Sacrament. & his bloud in wine In the which it doth playnly appeare that after consecration of breade and wine made, the same bread and wine that was before, doth truely remayne on the aultar.

12. That all ecclesiasticall suffrages do profit all vertuous and godly persons indifferently.

[Page]13. That the Popes and the Bishops indulgences be vnprofitable, neither can they profite them, to whom they be geuen by any meanes.

14. That the laity is not bound to obey the prelates what so euer they commaūd, vnles the prelats do watch to geue God a iust account of the soules of them.

15. That Images are not to be sought to by pilgrimages, neither is it lawfull for Christians, to bow theyr knees to them, neither to kisse them, nor to geue them any maner of reuerence. For the which Articles the Archbishoppe with other Bishops, and diuers learned commoning together, first condemned the bookes as hereticall and burned them in fire:The bookes of I. Claidon burned. and then because they thought the said Iohn Claydon to be forsworne and fallen into heresy, the Archbishop did proceed to his definitiue sentence against the said Iohn personally appearing before him in iudgement (his cōfessions being read and deposed against him) after this maner.

The sentence & condemnation of Iohn Claidō. IN the name of God. Amen. We Henry by the grace of GOD Archbishop of Caunterbury, primate of all England, and Legate of the Apostolicke sea, in a certayne cause of hereticall prauity & of relapse into the same, wherupon I. Claidon lay man of the prouince of Caunterbury, was detected, accused and denounced, & in the sayd our prouince of Caunterbury publickely defamed (as by publick fame and common report notoriously to vs hath bene known) first, sitting in iudgement seat & obseruing all things lawfully required in this behalfe, do proceed to the pronouncing of the sentence definitiue in forme as followeth. The name of Christ being inuocated & onely set before our eies, forasmuch as by the actes and thinges enacted, producted, exhibited and confessed before vs, also by diuers signes & euidences we haue found the said Iohn Claydon to haue bene and to be publickly and notoriously relapsed agayne into his former heresye, heretofore by him abiured: according to the merites and desertes of the sayd cause, being of vs diligently searched, weyed and pondered before, to the intēt that the sayd I. Claidon shall not infect other with his scab, by the consent and assent of our reuerend brethrē Richard Bishop of Lō don, Iohn Bishop of Couentry and Liechfield, Iohn Claidon cōmitted to the secular power. & Steuen Bishop of S. Dauids, and of other Doctors as well of diuinity as of both lawes, and also of other discreet and learned men assisting vs in this behalfe, do iudge, pronounce, and declare the sayd I. Claydon, to be relapsed agayne into his heresy, which he before did abiure, finally and definitiuely appoynting him to be left vnto the secular iudgement, and so do leaue him by these presentes.

Thus Iohn Claidon receiuing his iudgement & condemnation of the Archbishop,The law de comburendo, insufficient. was committed to the secular power, and by them vniustly & vnlawfully was cōmitted to the fire, for that the tēporall magistrate had no such law sufficient for them to burne any suche man for religion condēned of the prelats, as is aboue sufficiently proued & declared pag. 523. But to be short,The death and martirdome of Iohn Claidon. Quo iurè quaque iniuria, Iohn Cleydon notwithstanding by the temporall magystrats, not lōg a [...]ter, was had to smithfield, where meekely he was made a burnt offering vnto the Lord. an. 1415.

The burning of Iohn Claydon, and Richard Turming.

Robert Fabian, and other Chronologers which folow him,I. Claidon, Richard Turming, martus. adde also that Richard Turming Baker, of whome mention is made before in the examination of Iohn Claydon, was likewise ye same time burned with him in smithfield. Albeit in the Register I finde no sentence of condemnation geuen against the sayd Turming, neither yet in the story of S. Albons is there any such metiō of his burning made, but only of the burning of Iohn Claydon aforesaid: wherfore the iudgement hereof I leaue free to the reader. Notwithstanding, concerning the sayd Turming thys is certaine that he was accused vnto the bishops, & no doubt was in their handes, & bands. What afterward was done with him, I refer it vnto the authors.

The next yeare after the burning of these two aforesaid and also of Iohn Hus being burnt at Constaunce, whiche was an. 1416. the Prelates of England seing the dayly increase of the Gospell,Anno 1416. and fearing the ruine of theyr papall kingdome, were busily occupied with all theyr counsel and diligence, to mayntayne the same. Wherefore to make their state and kingdome sure, by statutes, lawes, constitutions, and terrour of punishment, as Thomas Arundell and other Prelates had done before, so the forenamed Henrye Chichesley Archbishop of Canterbury, in his conuocation holden at London, maketh another constitutiō (as though there had not enough bene made before) agaynst the poore Lollardes: the coppy and tenor wherof he sendeth abroad, to the bishop of London, and to other his Suffraganes by them to be put in straight execution, conteyning in words as foloweth.

HEnry by the grace of God Archbishop of Canterbury,Ex Regist. Chichesley. 217. Primate of all England, and Legate of the chiefest seat: to our reuerēd brother in the Lord Richard, by the grace of God bishop of London, health, & brotherly loue, with continuall increase. Lately in our last conuocation in Sayncte Paules Church in London, being kept by you and other our brethren and clergy of our prouince, we do remember to haue made this order vnderwritten by your consentes, When as among many other our cares this ought to be chiefe, yt by some meanes we take those heretickes, whiche like foxes lurke & hide thēselues in the Lordes vineyard:You should be better occupied to shake of the duste from your du [...]y pulpets. Twise euery yeare to enquire for Lollardes. & that the dust of negligēce may be vtterly shakē from our feete and from the feete of our fellow brethren: In thys the sayd conuocation of the Prelats and clergy, we haue ordeined, and that our fellowe brethren, our Suffraganes and Archdeacons of our prouince of Canterbury by thēselues, their Officials or Commissaryes in all their iurisdictiōs, & euery of their charges in theyr country, twise euery yere at the least, do diligētly enquire of such persons as are suspect of heresy: And that in euery suche their Archdeaconries in euery parish, wherin is reported any hereticks to inhabit, they cause three or more of the honestest mē and best reported of,Against priuie conuenticles. To differ frō the common sort in life and maners, against the popes lawe. Against Englishe bookes. to take their othe vpon the holy Euangelist, that if they shall knowe or vnderstand any frequenting either in priuy conuēticles, or els deferring in life or maners frō the common conuersation of other Catholick men, or els that holde any, either heresyes or errors, or els that haue any suspected bookes in the English tong, or that do receiue any such persons suspect of heresyes and errours into theyr houses, or that be fauorers of them that are inhabitants in any such place, or conuersant with them, or els haue any recourse vnto them: they make certificats of those persons in writing: with all the circumstances wherewith they are suspect, vnto the said our Suffraganes or Archdeacons, or to theyr Commissaryes, so soone, & with as much speede as possibly they can: And that the sayd Archdeacon and euery of their Commissaryes aforesayd: do declare the names of all such persons denounced together with all the circūstā ces of thē, the dioces, & places, & secretly vnder theyr seales do send ouer vnto vs the same: And yt the same diocessans effectually direct forth lawfull proces agaynst them, as the quality of the cause requireth, & that with all diligence they discerne, define and execute the same.

And if perhaps they leaue not such persons cōuict vnto the secular court, yet notwithstanding let them commit thē vnto the perpetuall or temporall prisons, as the quality of the cause shall require, vntil the next conuocation of y• prelates and Clergy of our prouince of Canterbury, there personally to remaine: and that in the same prisons they cause thē to be kept according as the lawe requireth: And that of all and singular the things aforesayd, that is, what iniquisition they haue made, and what they haue found, and how in the processe they haue behaued themselues, and what persons so conuict they haue caused to be put in safe keeping, with what diligence or negligence of the Commissaryes aforesayd, with all and all maner of other circumstances premised, and therunto in any wise apperteining, and [Page] specially of the abiurations, if in the meane time they shall chaunce to abiure any heresyes: that then in the next cōuocation of the Prelates and Clergy vnder the forme aforesayd, they cause the same distinctly and apertly to be certified to vs and our successours: And that they deliuer effectually to the Officiall of our Court, the same processe to remain with them, or els in the register of one court of Canterbury, so that euery one, to whom [...]th things appertaineth for the further execution of the same proces, may haue recourse vnto the same officiall, with all effect.

We therefore commaund, that as touching the constitution brought vnto your City & Diocesan, you cause the same in conueniēt place and time to be published, and that in all pointes you both obserue the same your selues and cause it also of others to be diligently obserued: Commaū ding furthermore, all and singular our felow brethren and Suffraganes, that they in likewise cause the same to be published throughout all their Cities and Dioces, & both diligently obserue the same themselues, and also cause al others to do the same: and what thing soeuer you shall do in the premisses, that you certify vs betwixt this and the feast of S. Peter ad vincula, next comming, that you duely certify vs of these thinges, by your letters patentes, contayning the same effect, sealed with your seales. Dated at our house in London, the first day of Iuly. an. 1416.

The trouble of I. Barton, and Robert Chapell in cause of religion. This Philip seemeth to be Philippe Repington afore mentioned in the story of Wicklieffe.During the time of this conuocatiō, in the yere aboue sayd, two priestes were presented & brought before the bishops, noted and defamed for hereticks: one named Iohn Barton, vnto whom it was obiected by Philip Bishop of Lincolne, that he had bene excommunicated about 6. or 7. yeares before, vpon Articles concerning religion, and yet neither would appeare being cited, nor woulde seeke to be reconciled agayne vnto the Church. Which thinges being so prooued agaynst him, he was committed to the custody of the foresayd Philip Bishoppe of Lincolne, and so to be holden in prison, till he should heare further what should be done.

The other was Robert Chapel, otherwise named Holbech, Chaplain sometime to the Lord Cobham: vnto whō likewise it was obiected, that he being vnder the sentence of excommunication about three or foure yeares, yet notwithstanding to the contempt of the keyes, did continue saying Masse, and preaching, & sought not to be recōciled, Chapel denying that he did know any such excommunication geuen out agaynst him. Then was the copy of his excommunicatiō first made by the bishop of Roff. afterward denoūced by ye Bishop of Lōdon at Paules crosse brought and read before him: & so that done, that Session brake vp for that time, which was about the latter ende of May. an. 1416.

The xij. day of the moneth of Iuly next following, the sayd Chappell appeared agayn before the Archbishop and the Prelates. To whom when it was obiected as before, how he had preached without the Bishops licence, in dyuers places,R. Chapell [...]ureth. as at Cobham, at Cowling, and at Shorne, ac length he confessing and submitting himself, desired pardō. Which although it was not at the first graunted vnto him, yet at the last the Bishop of Roff. putting in his hands the decree of the canon law. 1. q. 7. cap. Quoties. &c. and causing him to read the same, made him to aviure all his former articles & opinions as hereticall and schismaticall, neuer to holde the same agayne, according to the contentes of the foresayd Canon. Wherupon the sayd Robert being absolued by the authority of the Archb. (saue only that he should not intermeddle with saying Masse, before he had bene dispensed from the Pope himselfe for his irregularity) was enioyned by the Archb. himselfe for his penance, standing at Paules to publish these articles folowing vnto the people, in stead of his confession geuen him to be read.

Articles obtruded to R. Chapel to confesse. In primis, I confesse that Bishops, Priestes, and other Ecclesiasticall persons, hauing no other profession to the contrary, may lawfully haue, receiue, and reteyne landes and possessions temporall, to dispense and dispose the same and the rentes thereof, to the behoofe of themselues or of theyr Church where they dwell, according as semeth good to them.

2. Item, I confesse that it were very vnlawfull, yea rather vniust, that temporal men vpon any occasion, whatsoeuer it be, should take away temporall landes and possessions from the church either vniuersal or particular, to whō they are geuen, the consideration of the abuse of mortall prelates, priest, or other ministers in the Church conuersant (which are mixt together good with bad) abusing the same to the contrary notwithstanding.

3. Item, I confesse that peregrinations to the reliques of saintes and to holy places,Marke well this catholicke doctrine of the Popes Church, concerning remission of sinnes. Marke how this doctrine ioyneth with Gods cō maundement. & with his word. are not prohibited, nor to be cō temned of any Catholicke, but are auayleable to remission of sinnes, and approued of holy fathers, and worthy to be commended.

4. Item, I confesse that to worship the images of Christ or of any other saynts being set vp in the church, or in any other place is not forbiddē: neither is any cause inductiue of Idolatry, being so vsed as the holy fathers do will them to be worshipped: But rather such images do profit much to the health of Christians, because they do put vs in remē braūce of the merits of those sayntes, whom they represent and the sight of them doth moone and stirre vp the people to prayers and deuotion.

5. Item,Ergo, by this doctrine the iust man liueth not by his faith, but by his confession auricular. How can these priestes be seruantes of Christ, which be makers of Christ. I confesse that auriculer confession vsed in the Churche is necessarye for a sinner to the saluation of hys soule, and necessary to be done of such a priest, as is ordeyned by the Church, to heare the confession of the sinner, & to enioyne him penance for the same: without which confession (if it may be had) there is no remission of sinnes to him that is in sinne mortall.

6. Item, I confesse and firmely do hold, that although the Priest be in mortall sinne, yet may he make the bodye of Christ, and minister other Sacramentes and Sacramentals: which neuerthelesse are profitable to all the faythfull, whosoeuer receiueth them in fayth and in deuotion of the Church.

7. Item, I confesse that bishops in their own dioces, may forbid, decree, & ordayn vpō reasonable causes, that priests should not preach without theyr speciall licēce, the word of God, and that those that do agaynst the same, should suffer the ecclesiasticall censurs.

8. Item,Priuate religiōs profitable, if ye could tell wherfore. I confesse that priuate religiōs as wel of monks canons and other, as also of the begging Friers, being allowed by the church of Rome, are profitable to the vniuersall church, and in no meanes contrary to Gods law, but rather founded and authorised thereon.

9. Item, I promise and sweare vpon these holy Euangelies, which I hold here in my hands, that I will hēceforth neuer hold, affirme, nor by any meanes teach any thing cō trary vnto the premisses either openly or priuately.

After the setting out of the constitution aforesaid in the dayes of the aboue named Henry Chichesley Arbishop of Caunterbury great inquisition hereupon followed in England, and many good men whose harts began to be won to the Gospell, were brought to much vexation and caused outwardly to abiure.

Thus,Straight inquisition in Englād. Christ had the hartes of men: they had their bodies A briefe summe of such as abiured, vnder Hen. Chichesley. I. Tailour W. Iames. I. Dweiffe. while Christ had the inward hartes of men: yet the Catholicke Antichrist would needes possesse their outward bodyes, and make them sing after his song. In the number of whom, being compelled to abiure, besides the other aforesayd was also I. Taylor of the parishe of Saynt Michaels at Duerne. William Iames maister of Art and Phisition, who had long remained in prison, and at length after abiuration, was licēced with his keper, to practise his Phisicke.

Also Ioh. Dwerf, so named for his low stature, which was sent by the Duke of Bedford to the foresayd Chichesly and other bishops to be examined before them in the cō uocation: there he at length reuolting from his doctrine recanted and did penaunce.

In like maner Iohn Iourdelay of Lincolnshire,Iohn Iourdelay. well commended in the registers for his learning, accused by ye priestes of Lincoln for a certayn book, which he contrary to the former decree of the bishops did conceale & dyd not exhibite vnto thē,I. Iourdelay abiureth. was therfore enforced to abiure. After whō was brought likewise before the Byshops, one Katharin Dertford a Spinster, who being accused and examined vpon these 3. articles concerning the Sacrament of the popes altar, adoration of Images, and of pilgrimage, answered that she was not able, being vnlearned, to answere to such high matters, neither had she any further skil, but only her Creed and x. commaundements: and so was she committed to the vicar general of the B. of Wint. (for that she was of the same dioces) to be kept and further to be examined of the same. Ex Regist. Hen. Chichesley.

At the same sitting was also brought before the sayde Archb.Rob. person of Heggeley examined. and his fellow bishops, by the liuetenant of ye Tower, the person of Heggely in Lincolneshyre, named M. Robert, who being long kept in the tower, at lēgth by the kinges writte was brought and examined the same tyme vpon the like articles, to witte: touching the sacrament of their aultar, peregrinatiō, adoration of images, & whether it was lawfull for spirituall men to enioy temporall Lordships. &c. To the which articles he answered (saith the Register) doublely and mockingly, saue onely in the sacramēt he semed something more conformable, albeit not yet fully to their contētation. Wherfore being committed to the custody [Page] and examination of Richard Bishopp of Lincolne, where in the end he was also induced to submit himselfe.

W. Henry of Tenterdon examined.The same likewise did W. Henry of Tenterden being suspected and arested for company keping with thē, whom the Bishops called Lollardes, and for hauing suspected bookes.

A booke of the new laW. I. Galle. R. Monke. Bart. Co [...]mōger N. Hoper. Tho. Granter troubled for their doctrine.Besides these, diuers other there were also which in the same conuocation were conuented, and reuoked theyr opinions, as Iohn Galle a Priest of London, for hauing a booke in English intituled: A booke of the new law. Item, Richard Monke, vicar of Chesham in Lincolnshyre, who submitted himselfe likewise. In this race and number followed moreouer, Bartholomew Cormnonger, Nic, Hoper seruaunt to the Lord Cobham. Tho. Granter, with other mo, mentioned in the foresayd register.

Among the rest which were at this time troubled for theyr fayth, was one Radulph Mungin priest, who for the same doctrine was arested and sent vp by the L. Chancellor of England, to the foresayd Arch. and by him committed to Dauid Price, Uicar generall to the B. of London: Where after he had endured 4. moneths in prison, he was by the sayd Dauid presented to the conuocation, agaynst whom diuers articles were obiected.

But for the better explaining of the matter, first here is to be noted, that during the time of this conuocation prouinciall, Pope Martine had sent downe to the Clergye of Englande,A subsidie ge [...] thered by the pope to fight against the faithfull of Bohemia. for a subsidye to be gathered of the Church, to mayntayne the Popes warre agaynst the Lolards (so the Papistes did terme them) of Bohemia. Also an other subsidy was demaunded to persecute one Peter Clerke mayster of art of Oxford, who flying out of England, was at ye councell of Basill, disputing on the Bohemians side. And thirdly, an other subsidy was also required to persecute W. Russell, Warden of the Gray Friers in London, who the same time was fled from England to Rome, to mayntayne his opinion before the Pope, and there escaped out of prison. &c. of whom more largely hereafter (Christ willing) we shall entreat.Romishe sleightes to get the Englishe money. In the meane time marke here the preey shiftes of the Pope to hooke in the English mony by all maner of pretences possible.

Thus Rafe Mungyn, the foresayd examinate appearing before the bishops in the conuocation, it was articulated agaynst him,Articles obiected against Rafe Mungin. first that he should affirme and hold, not to be lawfull for any Christian to fight and make warre agaynst the heretickes of Bohemia.

Item, it was to him obiected, that he did holde & say, not to be lawfull for any man to haue propriety of goodes, but the same to be cōmon, which he expressely denyed that euer he so sayd or affirmed. Whereby we haue to obserue, how the crafty malice of these aduersaries vseth falsely to collect and surmise of men, what they neuer spake, wherby to oppresse them wrongfully, whom by playne trueth they cannot expugne.

Moreouer, they obiected agaynst him, that he shoulde keepe company with Mayster Clarke aforesayde, and also that he dispersed in the City of London, certayn bookes of Iohn Wickliffe and of Peter Clarke, namely, the booke Trialogus and the Gospels of Iohn Wickleffe.Trialogus. The Gospells translated by Iohn Wickliffe. &c. He was charged moreouer to haue spoken agaynst the Popes indulgences, for that the Pope had no more power to geue indulgences, then he had.

Upon these and other such Articles obiected, the sayde Mungyn being asked if he would reuoke, aunswered that it seemed to him not iust or meet so to doe, whiche dyd not know himself guilty of any heresy. Thus he being respited for that time, was cōmitted to prison till the next sitting, who then being called diuers and sundry times afterward before the Bishops, after long inquisition and straight examination made,Radulph Mungin condēned to perpetual prisō. also depositions brought in agaynst him so much as they could search out, he notwithstanding styll denyed as before, to recant. Wherefore the foresayd Henry the Archbishop, proceeding to his sentence definitiue, condemned him to perpetuall prison.

After whose condemnation, the sonday next folowing, the recantation of Tho. Granter,Tho. Granter. Richard Monke. and of Richard Monke Priestes aboue mentioned, were openly read at Paules crosse, the Byshop of Rochester the same time preached at the sayd crosse. The tenour of whose recantation, with his Articles in the same expressed, here vnder foloweth.

The recantation of Tho. Granter. Note the doctrine & opinions in those daies, where the Gospell tooke place.IN the name of God. Before you my Lord of Canterbury, and all you my Lords here being present, & afore you all here gathered at this time, I Thomas Granter priest vnworthy, dwelling in this City of Londō, feeling & vnderstanding, that afore this time I affirmed open errours and heresies, saying, beleuing, and affirming within thys City, that he that Christian men callen Pope, is not verye Pope, ner Gods vicary in earth, but I sayd he was Antichrist. Also I sayd, beleued, and affirmed, that after the sacramentall wordes sayd by a Priest in the Masse, there remayneth materiall bread and wine, and is not turned into Christes body and his bloud. Also I said and affirmed that it was not for to doe in no wise, to goe on pilgrimage, but it was better I sayd to abide at home and beate the stooles with theyr heeles, for it was, I sayde, but tree & stone that they soughten. Also I sayde and affirmed that I held no Scripture catholicke ner holy, but onely that is conteyned in the Bible. For the Legendes and liues of Sayntes, I held hem nought, and the miracles written of hem I helde vntrue. Because of which errours and heresies I was tofore M. Dauy Price, Uicar generall of my Lord of London, and since tofore you my Lord of Caunterbury & your brethren in your councell prouinciall, & by you fully informed, which so sayd, mine affirming, beleuing & teaching, bene open errors and heresies, and contrarious to the determination of the chirch of Rome. Wherfore I willing to follow and sewe the doctrine of holy chirch, and depart fro all maner errors and heresye, and turne with good will & hart to ye onehead of the chirch, cōsidering that holye chirch shitteth ner closeth not her bosome to him that will turne agayne,One head, that is, the vnitie of the Church. ne God will not the death of a sinner, but rather he ben turned & liue: With a pure hart I confesse, detest, & despise my sayd errours and heresies, and the sayd opinions I confesse as heresies and errours, to the fayth of the Chirch of Rome, & to all vniuersally holy Chirch repugnaunt. And therfore these sayd opinions in speciall, and all other errours and heresies, doctrines and opiniōs, [...]yen ye fayth of the Church and the determination of the Churche of Rome, I abiure and forsweare, here tofore you all, and sweare by these holy Gospels by me bodily touched, that from henceforth I shall neuer hold teach, ne preach errour errours, heresie, ne heresies, nor false doctrine agaynst the faith of holy chirch,Men tied to the Church of Rome. & determination of the chirch of Rome ner none such thing I shall obstinately defend, ne any man holding or teaching such maner thinges by me or an other person, openly or priuily I shal defend. I shall neuer after thys tyme be receitor, fautor, councellor, or defendor of hereticks, or of any person suspect of heresie, ner I shal trow to him: ner wittingly fellaship with him, ner yeue him counseil, fauour, yiftes, ne cōfort. And if I know any heretickes, or of heresie, or of such false opinions, anye person suspect, or anye man or woman making or holding priuy conuenticles, or assemblies, or any diuers or singular opinions from the common doctrine of the Church of Rome, or if I may know any of their fautors, comforters, councelours, or defensers, or any that haue suspect bookes or quiers of such erroures and heresies: I shall let you my Lord of Canterbury, or your officers in your absence, or the Diocesans and Ordinaries of such men, haue soone and ready knowing, so help me God and holydeme, and these holy Euangelies by me bodely touched.

¶ After this recantation at the Crosse thus published, and his submission made, 'the sayd Granter then was by the aduise of the Prelates, put to 7. yeares prisonment, vnder the custody and charge of the bishop of London.

After this, followed in like maner the recantation of Richard Monke. Also of Edmund Frith, which was before Butler so sir Iohn Oldcastle.

Beside these aboue remembred,The affliction and trouble in Kent, vnder Chichesley. many and diners there be in the sayd register recorded, who likewise for their faith and religion were greatly vexed and troubled, especially in the Dioces of Kent, in the townes of Romney, Tenterden, Wodcherche, Cranbroke, Staphelherst, Beninden, Halden, Roluenyden and others, where as whole housholdes, both man and wife, were driuen to forsake theyr houses and townes for daunger of persecution: as sufficiently appeareth in the processe of the Archb. Chichesley agaynst the sayd persons, and in the certificat of Burbath his officiall,Persons persecuted in Ke [...]t. wherein are named these persons following.

1. W. White Priest.

2. Tho. Grenested. Priest.

3. Bartho. Cronmonger.

4. Iohn Wadnon.

5. Ioan his wife.

6. Tho. Euerden.

7. William Euerden.

8. Steuen Robin.

9. W. Chiueling.

10. Iohn Tame.

11. Iohn Fowlin.

12. Will. Somer.

13. Marion his wife.

14. Iohn Abraham.

15. Rob. Munden

16. Laurence Coke.

These being cited vp together by the bishop would not appere. Wherupon great inquisition being made for them by his officers, they were constrained to flie their houses & townes, & shift for themselues as couertly as they might. When Burbath and other officers had sent worde to the [Page] Archbishop that they coulde not be founde, then he directed downe order that Citations should be set vp for them on euery Church dore through all townes where they did inhabite: appointing them a day & terme whē to appeare. But not withstanding, when as they yet could not be taken, neither would appeare, the Archbishop sitting in hys tribunall seate, proceedeth to the sentence of excommunication against them. What afterward happened to them, in the register doth not appeare: but like it is, at length they were forced to submit themselues.

Concerning sir Iohn Oldcastle the Lord Cobham, and of his first apprehension,The seconde apprehensiō of the Lord Cobham. with his whole story & life, sufficiently hath bene expressed before, pag. 575. how he being committed to the Tower, and condēned falsely of heresie, escaped afterward out of the Tower, and was in Wales about the space of four yeares. In the which meane time, a great summe of money was proclaimed by the King, to hym that could take the sayde sir Iohn Oldcastle, eyther quicke or dead. About the ende of which foure yeares beeing expired,The Lord Powes plaieth Iudas. the Lord Powes, whether for loue and greedines of the money, or whether for hatred of true and sincere doctrine of Christ, seking all maner of wayes how to play the parte of Iudas, at length obteined his bloudie purpose, and brought the Lorde Cobham bound vp, to London: which was about the yeare of our Lord. 1417. and about the moneth of December. At which time, there was a Parliament assembled at London, for the reliefe of money the same time to be sente to the King, whome the Byshops had sente out (as yee heard before) to fight in Fraunce. The records of which Parliament do thus say: that on Twesday the xiiij. day of December, and the xxix. day of the sayd Parliament, Sir Iohn Oldcastle of Cowling, in the Countie of Kent, Knight, being outlawed (as is afore minded) in the Kings bench, and excommunicated before by the Archbishop of Canterbury for heresie, was brought before the Lords, and hauing heard his said conuictions, aunswered not thereto in his excuse. Upon which record and processe, it was adiudged, that he should be taken as a traytour to the King and the Realme: that he should be carried to the Tower of London, and from thence drawne thorough London vnto the new gallowes in S. Gyles without Temple barre, and there to bee hanged, and burned hanging.

¶ The description of the cruell Martyrdome of Sir Iohn Oldcastle, Lorde Cobham.

Treason falsly surmised.As touching the pretenced treason of this Lord Cobham falsely ascribed vnto him in his inditement, rising vpon wrong suggestion and false surmise, and aggrauated by rigour of words, rather then vpon any ground of due probation, sufficiently hath bene discoursed before in my defence of the saide Lorde Cobham,Vide supra. pag. 575. against Alanus Copus, page. 575. where againe is to be noted, as I saide before, how by this appeareth, that the Lorde Cobham was neuer executed by force of the inditement or outlawry, because, if he had, he should then haue bene brought to the barre in the Kings bench, and there the Iudges shoulde haue demaunded of him, what he could haue said, why hee shoulde not haue died: and then not shewing sufficiente cause for the discharge or delay of execution, the Iudges should haue awarded and geuen the iudgemente of treason: which being not so, it is cleare he was not executed vpon the Inditement. Besides, to proue that he was not executed vpon the Inditement, and the outlawry, the maner of the execution proueth it, because it was neither the execution of a Traitour, nor was the whole punishment thereof pronounced by the Iudge, as by due order of lawe was requisite.

Finally, as I said before, heere I repeate againe, that albeit the sayd Lord Cobham was attained of treason by the Act, and that the King, the Lords, and the commons assented to the Act: yet all that bindeth not in such sorte (as if in deede he were no traytour) that any man may not by search of the truth, vtter and set forth sincerely and iustly, the very true and certaine cause, whereupon his execution did follow. Which seemeth by all circumstances and firme arguments, to rise principally of his Religion, which first brought him in hatred of the Bishops: the Bishops brought him in hatred of the King: the hatred of the King brought him to his death and Martirdome. And thus much for the death and execution of this worthy seruaunt of Christ Lord Cobham.

Moreouer, in the records aboue mentioned it followeth, how in the sayd Parliament, after the Martirdome of this valiant Knight,Iudas feeleth for his reward. motion then was made, that the Lord Powes might be thanked and rewarded, according to the Proclamation made, for his great trauaile taken in the apprehension of Sir Iohn Oldcastle Knight, hereticke. Thus stand the wordes of the recorde. Where two things are to be noted: First, how Sir Iohn heere in the record is called not traitour, but hereticke only. Secondly, marke how this brother of Iudas heere craueth hys [Page] reward for betraieng the innocent bloud. Wherein it is not to be doubted, but that his light fee, and quid vultis mihi dare in this world, will haue an heauie reward hereafter in the world to come, vnlesse he repented. &c.

An. 5. Henr. 5 act. 17.Furthermore, in the sayde Parliament, Act. 17. it was enacted, that the Church and all estates should enioy all their liberties, which were not repealed, or repealeable by the common lawe: meaning belike, the excluding of the iurisdiction of the Popes foreine power, which hath alwaies by the common lawe bene excluded out of thys Realme.

An. 5. Hēnr. 5. act. 17.In the same Parliament also a greeuous complainte was made (by the Bishops no doubt) against insurrections. In the ende, they suspected that they were the Lollards, hereticks, and traitours, with a request that commissions might at all times be graunted to inquire of them. Whereunto aunswere was made, that the statutes therefore made,All the blame laide to the Lollardes. should be executed, &c. Thus the Cleargy Tanquam leones rugientes, ceased not to roare after Christian bloud: And whosoeuer was else in fault, still the Clergy cried: crucifie Christ, and deliuer vs Barrabas: For then all horrible facts and mischieues, if anye were done, were imputed to the poore Lollards.

And now from our English matters, to returne againe to the story of the Bohemians, from whence wee haue a little digressed, when as the newes of the barbarous cruelty exercised at Constance against Iohn Hus, & Hierome of Prage, were noised in Boheme, the nobles and gentlemen of Morauia and Boheme, such as fauoured the cause of Iohn Hus, gathering themselues together in the zeale of Christ: first sent their letter vnto the Councell, expostulating with them, for the iniurie done to those godly men, as is before expressed, page. 602. for the which letter they were all cited vp to the Councell. Unto this letter Sigismund the Emperour maketh aunswere againe in ye name of the whole Councell: first, excusing himselfe of Husses death, which he saide was against his safeconduict, and against his will: Insomuch that he rose in anger from the Councell, and departed out of Constance, as is before remembred. Secondly, he requireth them to be quiet, and to conforme themselues peaceably vnto the order of the Catholicke Church of Rome, &c.

Also the Councell hearing or fearing some stirre to rise among the Bohemians, did make lawes and Articles whereby to bridle them, to the number of xxiiij.

Articles decreed in the Councell of Constance agoinst the Bohemians.FIrst, that the King of Bohemia shall be sworne to giue obedience, and to defend the liberties of the Churche of Rome.

That all Maisters, Doctours and Priestes, shall bee sworne to abiure the doctrine of Wickleffe, and Husse, in that Councell condemned.

That all they which being cited, would not appeare, should also be sworne to abiure: and they whiche woulde not appeare, contemning the censure of the keyes, should haue processe against them, and be punished.

That all such lay men as had defended the causes of Iohn Wickleffe and Iohn Husse, should sweare to defend them no more, and to approoue the doings of that Councell, and the condemnation of Iohn Husse.

That all such seculare men as had spoiled the Cleargie, should be sworne to restitution.

That Priestes being expelled from their benefices, should be restored againe.

That all prophaners of Churches should bee punished after the Canonicall sanctions.

That such as had bene promoters in the Councell against Iohn Husse, should be permitted safely to returne into Boheme againe, and to enioy their benefices.

That the reliques and treasure taken out of the Church of Prage, should be restored fully againe.

That the vniuersitie of Prage should be restored againe and reformed, and that they which had bene the disturbers thereof, should be really punished.

That the principall heretickes and doctors of that secte, should be sente vp to the sea Apostolique, namely, Ionnes Iessenetz, The fauores, of I. Hus in Boheme. Iacobellus de Misna, Symon de Tysna, Symon de Rochinzano, Christiannus de Brachatitz, Ioannes Cardinalis, Zdenko de loben, The prouost of Alhalowes, Zaislaus de Suiertitz, and Michael de Czisko.

That all secular men which communicated vnder both kinds, should abiure that heresie, and sweare to stoppe the same heereafter.

This suffragane was a good man and helde with Iohn Hus.That they which were ordeined Priestes by the suffragane of the Archbishop of Prage, taken by ye Lord Zenko, should not be dispensed with, but sent vp to the Sea Apostolicke.

That the treatises of Iohn Wickliffe,Wicklieffes bookes translated by I. Hus and Iacobellus, into the Bohemiā speach. translated into the Bohemian tongue by Iohn Husse, and Iacobellus, should be brought to the Ordinary.

That the treatises of Iohn Husse condemned in the Councell, should also be brought to the Ordinarie.

That all the tractations of Iacobellus De vtraque specie, de Antichristo (wherein he ralleth the Pope Antichrist) Et de remanentia panis post consecrationem, should likewise be brought and burned.

That all songs and balates made to the preiudice of the Councell, and of the Catholike persons of both states, should be forbid to be soong in Cities, townes and villages, vnder great and extreame punishment.

That none should preach the word without the licence of the Ordinarie, or of the parson of that place.

That Ordinaries and Prelates, hauing iurisdiction, should not be stopped in their iurisdiction, by the secular power, vnder paine of excommunication.

That all and singular parsons shall be commaunded to obedience, vnder paine of excōmunication: and that whosoeuer knoweth any person to fauour any Wicleuistes or their doctrine, or that keepeth company with suspect persons, he shall present the same to his Diocesans or his officials.

That the confederacie of the seculars made betweene themselues, or any of the spiritualtie, to the preiudice of the foresaid Councell, and of the Apostolicke sea & Church of Rome, in the fauour of Iohn Hus, Hierome of Prage, and other in the said Councell cōdemned, shalbe dissolued.

That the rites and ceremonies of Christian Religion, touching Gods seruice,Concilium malignantium. Images, and worshipping of reliques, shall be obserued, and transgressours of the same be punished.

That all and singular, either spirituall or secular that shall preach, teach, holde, or maintaine the opinions and Articles of Iohn Wickliffe, Iohn Hus, and Hierome, in this Councell condemned, and conuict of the same, shall be holden for heretickes, and falling in relapse, shall bee burned.

That all secular persons being monished and charged by the Ordinaries, shall be bound to geue their aide and furtherance vnto them, touching the premisses.

The Bohemians, notwithstanding these cruell Articles, contemning the vaine deuises of these Prelates and fathers of the Councell, ceased not to proceede in their league and purpose begon, ioyning themselues more strongly together.

In this meane time it hapned, that during this Councell of Constance,Deposing of Pope Iohn. 23. after the deposing of Pope Iohn, and spoiling of his goodes, which came to 75. thousand poūds of golde and siluer, as is reported in the story of Sainct Albans,Ex hist, Albani. Pope Martin vpon the day of S. Martin, was elected. Concerning whose election, great preparation was made before of the Councell, so that beside the Cardinals, fiue other Bishops of euery nation should enter into the conclaue, who there together should be kept wyth thin diet, till they had founded a Pope. At last, when they were together,The election of Pope Martine. The Emperour kisseth the popes feete. they agreed vpon this man, and not tarieng for opening of the dore, like mad men, for hast, brast open an hole in the wall, crieng out, habemus papam, Martinum, we haue a Martine Pope. The Emperour hearing thereof, with the like hast, came apace, and falling downe, kissed the new Popes feete. Then went they all to the Church together, and sang, Te Deum.

The next day following,Pope Martind. this Martine was made priest (which before was but a Cardinall Deacon) and the next day after was consecrate Bishop, and sang his first masse, whereat was present 140. mitted Bishops. After thys, the next morow, the new holy Pope ordeined a generall procession, where a certaine Clarke was appointed to stand with flaxe and fire, who setting the flaxe on fire, thus said: Ecce pater sancte, sic transit gloria mundi. i. behold holye father, thus vadeth the transitorie glory of this worlde. Which done,The coronation of pope Martine. the same day the holy father was brought vp vnto an high scaffold (saith the story) I will not say to an high mountaine, where was offered to him all the glory of the world, &c. there to be crowned for a triple Kyng. This done, the same day, after dinner, the new crowned Pope was with great triumph brought through y• middest of the Citie of Constance, where all the Bishops and Abbots followed with their miters.Meretrix c [...] quitans super bessiam Apocalip. The Popes horsse was all trapt with red skarlet downe to the ground. The Cardinals horses were all in white silke, the Emperour on the right side, and prince Electour on the left, playeng both the Popes footemen, went on foote, leading the Popes horse by the bridle.

[Page] The pope [...] horse [...]acke, the Emperour [...] foote. Why then doth the [...]apek [...]epe [...]l the olde Iewes ceremonies, if all thinges be made new. Anno. 14 [...]7.As this Pageant thus with the great gyant proceeded, and came to the market place, there the Iewes (according to the maner) offered to him their lawe and ceremonies. Which the Pope receiuing, cast behind him, saieng: Recedant vetera, noua sunt omnia. i. Let olde thinges passe, all things be made new, &c. Ex hist. S. Alb. ex paralip. Vrsperg. This was an. 1417.

Thus the Pope being now cōfirmed in his kingdome, first beginneth to write his letters to the Bohemians, wherin partly he moueth them to Catholicke obedience, partly he dissembleth with them, faining, that if it were not for the Emperours request, he woulde enter processe against them. Thirdly and finally he threatneth to attempt the vttermost against them, and with all force to inuade them, as well with the Apostolicall, as also with the secular arme, if they did still persist, as they begōn.

Albeit these new threates of the new Bishop, did nothing moue the constant harts of the Bohemians, whome the inward zeale of Christes word had before inflamed.

Although it had bene to be wished, such bloudshead and warres not to haue followed: yet to say the truth, how could these Rabines greatly blame them heerein, whome their bloudy tirannie had before prouoked so iniustly, if nowe with their glosing letters they could not so easely appease them againe.

Wherfore these foresaid Bohemians, partly for the loue of Iohn Hus and Hierome their countreymen,A yearely memoriall of Iohn Hus & Hierome [...]pt among [...] Bohemia [...]ns. partly for the hatred of their malignant Papistry, assembling together, first agreed to celebrate a solemne memoriall of the death of Iohn Husse and Hierome, decreeing the same to be holden & celebrate yearely. And afterward, by meanes of their frends, they obteined certaine Churches of the King, wherin they might freely preach and minister the Sacraments vnto the congregation. This done, they suppressed diuers monasteries, pharisaicall temples, and idolatrous phanes, beginning first with the great monasterie of the blacke Friers, eight miles from Prage, and driuing away the wicked and vicious Priests & Monkes out of them, or compelling them vnto a better order. And thus their number more and more encreasing vnder the conduict of a certaine noble man named Nicholas, they went againe vnto the King, requiring to haue more and ampler Churches graunted vnto them. The King seemed at the first willingly and gently to giue care vnto the said Nicholas intreating for the people, and commaunded them to come againe the next day.

When the people were departed, the kyng turning himselfe to yt noble man Nicholas,K. Wenceslaus, threatneth Nicholas. which taried still behynde, said: Thou hast begun a webbe to put me out of my kingdome, but I will make a rope of it, wherewithall I will hang thee. Whereupon he immediatly departed out of the Kings presence, and the King himselfe went into the Castle of Uissegrad: within a while after, into a new Castle, which he himselfe had builded fiue stones cast frō thence, sending Ambassadours to his brother to require aide.

These Protestants beeing assembled in the Towne of Pra [...]e, holding their conuentions: the king sent forth his Chamberlaine with CCC. horsemē, to runne vpō them: but he hauing respect vnto his life, fled. Whē newes thereof was brought vnto ye king,The death of King Wenceslaus. all that were about him being amased, vtterly detested the fact: but the Kings cupbearer stāding by, said: I knew before that these thynges would thus come to passe.The maruelous worke of Gods iudgemēt to be noted, in defending his people. Whom ye king in a rage taking hold of, threw him downe before his feete, and with hys dagger would haue slaine him: but being letted by such as were about him, with much ado, he pardoned him his life. Immediatly the king being taken with a palsey, fell sicke, and within 18. daies after, whē he had marked the names of such, whom he had appointed to put to death, incessantly calling for aide of his brother, and other his frends, he departed this life before the Princes which he had sente vnto, were come with aide, whē he had raigned 55. yeares, and was about the age of 57. yeares.

The story of Zisca.

Out of Ene as Siluius.IMmediatly after the death of Wenceslaus, there was a certaine noble man named Zisca, borne at Trosnouia, which from his youth vpwarde, was brought vp in the kyngs court, and had lost one of his eies in a battel, where as he had valiantly borne himselfe. This man beeing sore greeued for the death of I. Hus, and Hierome of Prage, minding to reuenge the iniuries which the Councell had done, greatly to the dishonour of ye kingdom of Boheme, vpon their complices and adherēts: he gathered together a number of mē of warre, and subuerted the Monasteries and idolatrous temples, pulling downe, and breaking in peeces the images and idols, driuing away the Priestes and Monkes, which he saide were kept vp in their Cloysters, like swine in their styes to be fatted. After this, hys army beeing increased, hauing gathered together aboute fortie thousande men, hee attempted to take the Castle of Uissegrade, which was but slenderly warded. Frō thence the said Zisca vnder the conduict of Coranda, wente speedely vnto Pelzina,Zischa getteth Pelzina. whereas he knew he had many frends of his faction, and tooke the towne into his power, fortifieng the same very strongly, and those which tarried behinde, tooke the Castle of Uissegrade.

Then the Queene Sophia beeing very carefull,The queene sendeth for Sigismund the Empeerour. sente letters and messengers vnto the Emperour Sigismund, and other nobles adioining vnto her, requiring aide and helpe: but the Emperour made preparation against the Turke, which had then lately wonne certaine Castels of him. Whereupon the Queene seeing all ayde so farre off, together with Zenko Warrenberge, gathered an host with the kings treasure, and fortified the Castle of Prage, and the lesser Citie which ioineth vnto the Castle, making gates and Towers of wood vpon the bridge, ouer the Riuer Multane, to stoppe that the Protestants shoulde haue no passage that way. Then it hapned that at the Ile of S. Benedict, one Peter Steremberge fought an equall or indifferent battaile with them.

In the meane time the number of the Protestantes beeing increased in Prage, they fought for y• bridge. In which battaile many were slaine on both parts, but at the length the Hussites wanne the bridge, and the neather part of lesser Prage, the Queenes part fleeing into the vpper parte thereof: whereas they turning againe fiersly, renued the battaile, and fought continually day and night by y• space of fiue daies. Many were slaine on both parts, goodly buildings were rased, and the councell house, which was in a low place, was vtterly defaced and burned.

During the time of this troublous estate,The Emperours Ambassadours agree with the citizēs of Prage the Ambassadours of the Emperour Sigismund were come: whyche taking vpon them the rule and gouernāce of the Realme, made a truce or league with the Citie of Prage vnder this condition, that the Castle of Uissegrad beeing rendred, it should be lawful for thē to send Ambassadours to ye Emperour Sigismund to intreat as touching their estate, and that Zisca should render Pelzina & Piesta, with the other forts which he had taken. These conditions thus agreed vpon and receiued, all the forreine Protestants departed out of the Citie, and the Senate of the Citie began to gouerne againe according to their accustomed manner, and all things were quieted. Howbeit, ye Papists which were gone out of ye Towne, durst not returne againe: but still looked for the Emperour, by whose presence they thought they should haue bene safe. But this their hope was frustrate by meanes of certaine letters which were sent from the Emperour, wherein it was written that he woulde shortly come and rule ye kingdome, euen after the same order and maner as his father Charles had done before him. Whereby the Protestants vnderstoode that their sect and Religion should be vtterly banished, which was not begon during the raigne of the sayd Charles.

About Christmasse, the Emperour Sigismund came to Brunna a Citie of Morauia, and there he pardoned the Citizens of Prage, vnder condition that they woulde let downe the chaines and barres of the City, and receiue his rulers and magistrates. Wherunto the whole city obeied, and the Magistrates thereof lifting vp their handes vnto heauen, reioiced at the comming of the new king. But the Emperour turned another way, and wēt vnto Uratislauia, the head city of Slesia, where as a little before, the cō munalty of the City had slaine in an insurrection, the magistrates, which his brother Wēceslaus had set in authority: the principals wherof he beheaded.The citie of Prage fell from the Emperour. The newes wherof when they were reported at Prage, the Citizēs being seared by the example of the Vratislauians, distrusting their pardō, rebelled out of hand, and hauing obteined Cencho on their part, which had the gouernaunce of the Castle of Prage, they sent letters into all the Realme, that no man should suffer ye Emperour to enter, which was an enemie vnto Boheme, and sought nothing else, but to destroy the kingdome:The complainte of the citie of Prage against Sigismund. which also bound the aunciēt citie of the Prutenitants, vnto order by pledges, and put the Marques of Brandenburge from the Bohemian crowne: and had not onely suffered Iohn Hus & Hierome of Prage to be burned at ye Councel of Constance, but also procured the same, & with all his endeuour did impugne the doctrine & faith which they taught and folowed. Whilest these things wee thus done. Zisca hauing giuen ouer Pelzina by cōpositiō, was twise assaulted by his enemies, but through policy he was alwaies victor. The places where they sought, were [Page] rough and vnknowne, his enimies were on horsebacke, and all his souldiours on foote, neither could there be any battaile fought, but on foote. Whereupon, when his enemies were alighted from their horses. Zisca commaunded the women which customably followed the host,The policie of Zisca. to cast their kerchieffes vpon the ground, wherein the horsemen being entangled by their spurres, were slaine before they could vnlose their feete.

After this, he went vnto Ausca, a towne situate vpon the Riuer Lusinitius, out of which towne Procopius and Ulricius, two brethren Papists, had castout many Protestants. This Towne Zisca tooke by force of armes the first night of Lent, rased it, and set it on fire. He also tooke the Castle of Litius, which was a mile off, whether as Ulricius was fled, and put Ulricius and all his familie to the sword, sauing one only.

Then, forsomuch as he had no walled or fensed towne to inhabite, he chose out a certaine place vpon the same riuer, which was fensed by nature, about eight miles from the Citie of Ausca.The citie of Thabor builded. This place he cōpassed in with walles, and commaunded euery man to build them houses, where they had pitched their tents, and named this City Thabor, and the inhabitants his companions Thaborites, bicause their Citie, by all like, was builded vpon the top of some hill or mount. This Citie, albeit that it was sensed with high rockes and cleaues, yet was it compassed with a wall and vainnure, and the riuer Lusinitius fenseth a great part of the towne, the rest is compassed in wyth a great brooke, the which running straight into the riuer Lusinitius, is stopped by a great rocke, and driuen backe towards the right hand, all the length of the Citie, and at the further end it ioineth with the great riuer. The way vnto it by land is scarse thirtie foote broade, for it is almost an Iland. In this place there was a deepe ditch cast, and a triple wall made, of such thicknes, yt it could not be broken with any engine. The wall was full of towers & sorts set in their cōuenient & meete places. Zisca was the firste that builded the Castle, and those that came after him, fortified it, euery man according to his owne deuise. At that time the Thaborites had no horsemen amongst them, vntill such time as Nicholas, maister of ye mint (whom the Emperour had sent into Bohemia with a M. horsemen to set things in order, & to withstand the Thaborites lodging all night in a village named Uogize) was surprised by Zisca comming vpon him sodenly in ye night, taking away all his horse and armour, & setting fire vpon the village. Then Zisca taught his souldiours to mount on horseback, to leape, to runne, to turne, to cast in a ring, so that after this heuener led army without his wings of horsemen.

Si [...]smund get [...] the castle [...] Prage. In this meane time Sigismundus the Emperour gathering together, ye nobles of Slesia, entred into Boheme, and went vnto Grecium, and frō thence with a great army vnto Cuthna, alluring Cencho with many great and large promises, to render vp ye Castle of Prage vnto him, and there placed himselfe to annoy the towne. Thus Cencho infamed with double treason, returned home. The Citizens of Prage sent for Zisca, who speding himselfe thether with the Thaborites, receiued the citie vnder his gouernance.Zisca getteth the citie of Prage. In the Bohemiās host there was but only two Barons, Hilco Crussina of Liturburge, and Hilco of Waldestene, with a few other nobles. All the residue were of ye common people. They went about first to subdue the Castell, which was by nature very strongly fensed, and could not be won by no other meanes then with famine: wherupon all ye passages were stopped, that no vittailes should be carried in. But the Emperour opened the passages by dint of sword, & when he had geuen vnto them which were besieged, all things necessary, hauing sente for ayde out of the Empire, he determined shortly after to besiege the Citie. There was in the Emperours campe the Dukes of Saxon,Prage besieged of Sigismund. the Marqueses of Brandenburge, and hys sonne in law Albert of Austrich. The Citie was assaulted by the space of vi. weekes. The Emperor Sigismūd was crowned in the Metropolitane house in the Castle, Conradus the Archbishop solemnising the ceremonies of the coronation. The city was straightly besieged. In the meane time the Captaines Rosenses & Chragery, which had takē the tentes of the Thaborites, being ouercome in battaile by Nicholas Husse, whome Zisca had sent with parte of hys power for that purpose, were driuen out of their tentes, and Gretium the Queenes Citie was also taken.

There is also aboue the Towne of Prage a high hill, which is called Uidechon.The Marques of Misnia ouercome in the skirmish. On this hill had Zisca strongly planted a garrison, that his enemies should not possesse it, with whome the Marques of Misnia skirmishing, lost a great part of his souldiours. For when as the Misnians had gotten the top of the hill, being driuen back into a corner, which was broken & steepe, and fiersly set vpon, whē as they could no longer withstād the violent force of their enimies, some of them were slaine, and some falling headlong from the hill,Sigismund the Emperour rayseth his siege. were destroied. Whereupon the Emperour Sigismund raising his seege, departed vnto Cuthua and Zisca with his company departed vnto Thabor, and subdued many places: amōgst which he subuerted a town pertaining to the captaine of Uisgrade. During this tyme the Castell of Uisgrade was strongly besieged, whereas, when other vittailes wāted, they were compelled to eate horse flesh. Last of all, except the Emperour did aide them by a certaine daye, they promised to yeld it vp, but vnder this condition, that if the Emperour did come, they within the Castle should be no more molested.

The Emperour was present before the day,The Emperour fighting against Zisca, had the ouerthrow. but beeyng ignorant of the truce taken, entring into a straight vnderneath the Castle, was sodenly set vpon by the souldiours of Prage, where he had a great ouerthrow, and so leauing his purpose vnperformed, returned backe againe. There were slaine in that conflict xiiij. noble men of the Morauians, and of the Hungarians, & other a great number. The Castle was deliuered vp vnto them. Whilest these things were in doing, Zisca toke Boslaus a captaine, which was surnamed Cigneus, by force, in a very strōg towne of his, and brought him vnto his religion. Who a few yeares after, leading the protestants host in Austria, was wounded before Rhetium, and died.The Abbeis of Pelsina subuerted. Ther were in the territorie of Pelsina many monasteries, of ye which Zisca subuerted and burned fiue. And forsomuch as ye monastery of Saint Clare was the strongest, there he pitched himselfe.

Thether also came the Emperour with his army:Zisca putteth the Emperour to flight. but when Zisca brought forth his power against him, he most cowardly fled, and not lōg after, he departed and left Boheme. Then Zisca went with his army vnto Pelzina: but forsomuch as hee sawe the Citie so fenced, that hee was in doubt of winning the same, he went from thence to Commitauia a famous Citie, the which he tooke by force, burning all the Priests therein.

Afterward,Zisca loseth hys other eye in battel Zisca, albeit he lost his eyes, yet would not forsake his army. Zisca taketh diuers townes. when as he lay before the towne of Raby, and strongly besieged the same, he was stricken wyth a shaft in the eye, hauing but that one before to see withall. From thence, hee was carried to Prage to Phisicians, whereas he being cured of his wound, and his life saued, yet he lost his sight, and for all that, he woulde not forsake his army, but still tooke the charge of them.

After this, the garrisons of Prage went vnto Uarona, where as there was a great garison of the Emperours, & tooke it by force, many being slaine of eyther parte. They also tooke the towne of Broda in Germany, and slue the garrison, and afterward tooke Cuthna and many other cities by composition. Further, when as they ledde theyr army vnto a town called Pons,The Saxons retyre. which is inhabited by the Misnians, the Saxons meeting thē by the way, because they durst not ioine battaile, they returned backe. After all this, ye Emperour appointed the Princes electours a day,The Emperour with his power entreth againe into Boheme. that at Bartilmewtide, they should with their armie inuade the Weast part of Boheme, and he with an host of Hungarians would enter on the East part. There came vnto his ayde the Archbishop of Mentz, the countie Pallatine of Rheine, the Dukes of Saxon, the Marques of Brandenburge, & many other Bishops out of Almaine: all the rest sente their aydes. They encamped before the towne of Sozius, a strong & well fenced place, which they could by no meanes subdue. The countrey was spoiled & wasted round about, and the siege continued vntill ye feast of S. Galle. Then it was broken vp because the Emperour was not come at his day appointed, but he hauyng gathered together a great army of the Hungarians, and West Morauians, about Christmas entred into Boheme, and tooke certaine townes by force, and Cuthna was yelded vnto him.The Emperour afrayde of Zisca, flyeth. But when Zisca (although he was blinde) came towards him)and set vpon him, he being afcard, & many of his nobles slaine, fled. But first he burned Cuthna, which the Thaborites, by meanes of the siluer mines, called the powch of Antichrist.The powch of Antichrist. Zisca pursuing the Emperour a dayes iourney, got great & rich spoyle, and taking the towne of Broda by force, set it on fire: the which afterward almost by the space of xiiij. yeares, remained disinhabited. The Emperour passed by a bridge ouer the riuer of Iglaria.A noble victory of Zisca. And Piso a Florentine, which had brought xv. M. horsemen out of Hungary to these warres, passed ouer the Ise, the which by the multitude & number of his horsemen being broke, deuoured & destroied a great number. Zisca hauing obteined this victory,Zisca destroyeth images and idols in Churches would not suffer any image or idoll to be in the Churches, neither thought it to be borne withall, that Priests shoulde minister wyth copes or vestiments: for the which cause he was much the [Page] more enuied amongst the states of Boheme.Ioanes Premostratensis And the Cō suls of Prage beeing agreeued at the insolencie of Iohn Premonstratensis, called him and nine other of his adherents, whome they supposed to be the principals of thys faction, into the Councell house, as though they woulde conferre with them as touching the common wealth:The martirdome of certane godly Bohemians falsely circū uented and killed with sword. Priuie murther at length commeth out. and when they were come in, they slew them, and afterwarde departed home euery man to his owne house, thinking the Citie had bene quiet, as though nothing had bin done: But their seruaunts beeing not circumspect inough, washing downe the court or yarde, washed out also the bloud of those that were slaine, through the sinkes or canels: the which being once seene, the people vnderstood what was done. By and by there was a great tumult: the Councell house was straightway ouerthrowne, and eleuen of the principall Citizens, whiche were thought to be the authours thereof, were slaine, and diuers houses spoiled.

About the same time, the Castell of Purgell, wherein the Emperour had left a small garrison (whether as also many Papistes with their wiues and children were fled) was thorough negligēce burned, and those which escaped out of the fire, went vnto Pelsina. After this, diuers of the Bohemian Captaines, and ye Senate of Prage, sent Ambassadours to Uitolde Duke of Lituania, and made hym their king. This did Zisca and his adherentes gainesay. This Untold sent Sigismūd Coributus, with two thousand horsemen into Boheme, who was honourably receiued of the inhabitants of Prage. At his comming they determined to lay siege vnto a Castle situate vppon a hill, which was called Charles stone.

Heere Sigismundus had left for a garrison foure Centurions of souldiours. The tentes were pitched in ii. places. The siege continued vi. moneths, and ye assault neuer ceased day and night. Fiue great flyngs threw continually great stones ouer ye walles, and about two thousand vessels, tubbs, or baskets, filled with dead carcases and other excrements, were cast in amongest those which were besieged: whiche thing did so infect them with stench, that their teeth did either fall out or were all lose.Stench very [...]rtfull for [...] teeth. Notwithstā ding they bare it out with stout courage, & continued their fight vntill the Winter, hauing priuily receiued medicine out of Prage, to fasten their teeth againe.

In the meane time Fridericke the elder, prince of Brā denburge entring into Boheme with a great power, caused them of Prage to raise the siege. And Uitoldus at the request of Uladislaus king of Pole, which had talked with the Emperour in the borders of Hungary, called Coributus his vncle with his whole army out of Boheme. Wherupon ye Emperour supposed yt the Protestāts being destitute of foreine aid, would ye sooner do his commandement: but he was farre deceiued therein, for they leading their armies out of Boheme, subdued ye borderers thereupon adioining. It is also reported yt Zisca went into Austrich, and whē as the husbandinē of the countrey had caried away a great number of their cattell by water into an Isly of the riuer called Danubius, and by chaunce had left certaine values and swine in their Uillages behind them: Zisca draue them vnto the riuer side,An other warlike pollicy of Zischa. Straetagema. and kept thē there so long, beating them, and causing thē to roare out and cry, vntill that the cattell feeding in the Iland, hearing ye lowing and grunting of the cattell on the otherside the water, for the desire of their like, did swimme ouer the riuer: by the meanes where of, he got and draue away a great booty.

About the same time the Emperour Sigismūdus gaue vnto his sonne in law Albert Duke of Austrich, the countrey of Morauia, because it should not want a ruler. At the same time also Ericius king of Denmarke, & Peter Instant, brother to ye king of Portingal and father of Iames, Cardinall of S. Eustachius, came vnto y• Emperour, being both very expert men in the affaires of warre: which did augment ye Emperours host with their aid and power. Wherupon, they straightway pitched their camp before Lutemperge, a towne of Morauia, and continued the siege by the space of ii. moneths. There was at that time a certaine Knight at Prage surnamed Aqua, which was very rich and of great authority. This mā, forsomuch as he had no child of his owne, adopted vnto him his sisters sonne, named Procopius: whom when he was of meane stature and age, he caried with him into France, Spayne, and Italy, and vnto Ierusalem, and at his returne caused hym to be made Priest. This man when the Gospell began to flourish in Boheme, tooke part with Zisca, and for somuch as he was strong and valiant, and also painefull, he was greatly esteemed.

Procopius Magnus.This Procopius for his valiaunt actes, was afterward called Procopius Magnus, and had committed vnto him the whole charge of the prouince of Morauia, and the defence of the Lutemperges: who receiuing a great power by force (maugre all the whole power which lay in the siege) carried vittailes into the towne which was besieged, and so did frustrate the Emperours siege. The Emperour before this had deliuered vnto the Marquesses of Misnia the bridge and towne of Ausca,The valiant courage of Procopius. vpon the riuer of Albis, that they should fortifie them with their garrisons. Wherupon Zisca besieged Ausca, and Fridericke the Marquesse of Misnia, with his brother the Lantzgraue of Turyng, gathering together a greate army out of Saxonia, Turing, Misnia, and both the Lusaces, determined to rescue and ayde those which were besieged.

There was a great battaile fought before the Citie, and the victory depēded long vncertaine, but at last it fel on the Protestantes part.The victorie of the protestantes. There were slaine in that battaile, the Burgraues of Misnia or Chyrpogenses, the Barons of Glychen, and many other nobles, beside ix. thousand cō mon souldiours, and the Towne of Ausca was taken and vtterly rased.

At the last, dissention rising betweene Zisca and them of Prage, they of Prage prepared an army against him, wher with he perceiuing himselfe ouermatched, fled vnto ye Riuer of Albis and was almost takē, but that he had passage through the town of Poggiebras, but they of Prage pursuing the taile of y• battaile, slue many of his Thaborites. At the length they came vnto certaine hilsThe battaile betweene the citie of Prage & Zisca. whereas Zisca going into the valley, knowing the straights of the place, that his enimies could not spread their army, he commanded his standerd to stand still, and exhorting and encouraging his souldiours, he gaue them battaile.

This battaile was very fierce and cruell: but Zisca hauing the vpper hande, slue 3000. of them of Prage,The noble victory of Zisca. and put the rest to flight, and straightwaies tooke the Citie of Cuthna by force (which they of Prage had repaired) and set it on fire: then withall speed he went with his army to besiege Prage, and incamped within a bowe shoote of the towne.Zisca besiegeth Prage. There wer many both in the City, and also in his host which grudged sore at y• siege: some accusing Zisca, othersome them of Prage. There was great tumultes in the campe, ye souldiours saieng that it was not reasonable, that the City should be suppressed, which was both the head of the kingdome, and did not dissent frō them in opinion: saieng that ye Bohemians power would soone decay, if their enimies should know yt they were deuided within themselues: also that they had sufficient warres agaynst the Emperour, and that it was but a foolish deuise to moue warres amongst themselues. This talke came vnto the eare of Zisca, who calling together his armie, standyng vpon a place to be heard, spake these words.

BRethren be yee not agreeued against me, A notable oration of Zisca to his souldiours. neither accuse hym which hath sought your health and sauegard. The victories which ye haue obteined vnder my conduict, are yet fresh in memorie, neither haue I broughte you at anye time vnto any place, from whence you haue not come victours. You are become famous and rich, and I for your sake haue lost my sight, and dwell in darkenesse Nothing haue I gotten by all these fortunate battailes, but only a vaine name. For you haue I fought, and for you haue I vanquished, neither do I repente me of my trauailes, neyther is my blindnesse greeuous vnto me, but onely that I can not prouide for you, according to my accustomed manner: Neither do I persecute them of Prage for mine owne cause, for it is your bloud that they thirst and seeke for, and not mine. It were but small pleasure for them to destroy me being now an old man and blind: it is your valiantnesse and stoute stomackes which they feare. Either must you or they perish: who whilest they seeme to lye in wait for me, do seeke after your liues. You must rather feare ciuill warres then foreine, and ciuill sedition ought first to be auoided. We will subdue Prage, and banish the seditious Citizens, before the Emperour shall haue any newes of this sedition. And then hauing but a few of his faction left, we may wyth the lesse feare looke for it: better then if these doubtfull Citizens of Prage were still in our campe. But because ye shall accuse me no more, I geue you free libertie to do what you will. If it please you to suffer them of prage to liue in quietnesse, I will not be against it, so that there be no treason wrought. If you determine to haue warre, I am also readie. Looke which part you will decline vnto, Zisca will be your ayde and helper.

When he had spoken these words,The hartes of the souldiours altered by the oratiō of Zisca. the souldiours minds were changed, and wholly determined to make wars, so that they ran by and by to take vp their armour and weapon, to run vnto the walles to prouoke their enemies to fight for the gates of the citie. Zisca in the meane time prepared all things ready for the assault. There is a little from Pelsina acertain vilage named Rochezana. In this place, there was a child borne of poore and base parētage, whose [Page] name was Iohn: he came vnto Prage, and got his liuing there by begging, and learned Grammer & Logick. When he came to mās state, he became y• Scholemaster of a noble mans child, and for so much as he was of an excellent wit and ready toung, he was receiued into the Colledge of the poore, and last of all being made Priest, he began to preach the word of God to the Citizēs of Prage, and was named Iohannes de Rochezana, Peace betweene Zisca and Prage by the meanes of Iohn de Rochezana. by the name of the Towne where he was borne. This mā grew to be of great name and authoritie in the towne of Prage. Wherupon when as Zisca besieged Prage, he by the consent of the Citizēs went out into the camp, and reconciled Zisca againe vnto the Citie.

When as the Emperour perceiued that all things came to passe according vnto Zisca his will and minde, and that vpon him alone the whole state of Boheme did depend, he sought priuie meanes to recōcile and get Zisca into his fauour, promising him ye gouernance of the whole kingdom, the guiding of all his hostes & armies,The Emperour glad to be recō ciled with Zisca. and great yearely reuenues, if he would proclaime him King, and cause the Cities to be sworne vnto him. Upō which cōditions, whē as Zisca for the performance of the couenants went vnto the Emperour being on his iourney at the Castle of Priscouia, he was stricken with sicknesse and died.

It is reported, that when he was demaunded beyng sicke,The death of Zisca. in what place he would be buried, he commaunded the skinne to be pulled off from his dead carkase, and the flesh to bee cast vnto the foules and beastes, and that a drumme should be made of his skinne, which they should vse in their battailes, affirming, that as soone as their enimies should heare the sound of that drumme, they would not abide,The wordes of Zisca at his death. but take their flight. The Thaborites despising all other Images, yet set vp the Picture of Zisca ouer the gates of the Citie.

¶ The Epitaphe of Iohn Zisca, the valiant Captaine of the Bohemians.

I Iohn Zisca, not inferiour to any Emperour or Captain in warlike policie,The Epitaphe of Zisca. a seueare punisher of the pride and auarice of the Clergy, and a defender of my countrey, do lie heere. That which Appius Claudius by geuing good counsell, and M. Furius Camillus by valiantnesse did for the Romaines: the same I being blinde, haue done for my Bohemians. I neuer slacked oportunitie of battaile, neither did fortune at any time faile me. I being blinde, did foresee all oportunitie of well ordering or doing my businesse. Eleuen times in ioining battaile,Zisca eleuen times, victor in th [...]elde. I went victour out of the field. I seemed to haue worthely defended the cause of the miserable and hungry, against the delicate, fatte, and glotonous Priests, and for that cause to haue receiued help at the hande of God. If their enuy had not let it, without doubt I had deserued to be numbred amongst the most famous men. Notwithstanding my bones lye heere in this halowed place, euen in despite of the Pope.

[...]. ¶

Iohn Zisca a Bohemian, enemy to all wicked and couetous Priestes, but with a godly zeale.

And thus haue you the actes and doings of this worthy Zisca, and other Bohemians, which for the more credite we haue drawne out of Aeneas Syluius, onely his rayling tearmes excepted, which we haue heere suppressed.

All this while the Emperour with the whole power of the Germaines, were not so busie on ye one side, but Martin the Pope was as much occupied on the other side: who about the same time directed downe a terrible Bull, full of all poison to all Byshops and Archbyshops, agaynst all such as tooke any part or side with Wickleffe, Iohn Hus, Hierome, or with their doctrine and opinions. The copie of which Bull, which I found in an olde written monument, I wish the reader throughly to peruse, wherein he shall see the Pope to poure out at once all his poison.

The Bull of Pope Martine directed foorth against the followers of Iohn Wickliffe of England, of Iohn Husse of Boheme, and Hierome of Prage.

Pope Martins bloudy bull, to all Byshops and Archbishops.MArtine Bishop, the seruant of Gods seruants, to our reuerend brethren the Archbishops of Salzeburgen, Gueznen, and Pragē, & to the Bishops of Dlumcen, Luthomuslen, Bambergen, Misnen, Patauiē, Uratislauien, Ratisponen. Cra. ouien, Poznamen, and Nitrien, & also to our beloued children the Inquisitours appointed of the Prelates aboue recited, or where else soeuer, vnto whome these present letters shall come, greeting, and Apostolicall benediction. Amongst all other pastorall cares where with we are oppressed, this chefly and specially doth inforce vs, that heretikes with their false doctrine and errours, being vtterly expulsed from amōgst the cōpany of Christen mē, and rooted out (so farre forth as God will make vs able to do) the right and Catholike faith may remaine sound and vndefiled: and that all Christian people, immoueable and iuiolate, may stande and abide in the sinceritie of the same fayth, the whole vayle of obscuritie being remoued. But lately in diuers places of ye world, but especially in Bohemia, and the Dukedome of Morauia, and in the straights adioining thereunto, certaine Archheretickes haue risen and sprong vp, not against one only, but against diuers & sundry documēts of the Catholike faith, being landlopers schismatikes, and seditious persons, fraught with diuelish pride & Woluish madnes,All these errours and heresies be, for that they speke against the pride of prelates and their excessiue dignities. deceiued by the subtlety of Sathan, and frō one euill vanity brought to a worse. Who although they rose vp & sprang in diuers parts of ye world, yet agreed they all in one, hauing their tailes as it were knit together: to wit, Iohn Wickliffe of England, I. Hus of Bohemia, & Hierome of Prage of dammable memorie, who drew with thē no small nūber to miserable ruine and infidelitie. For when as those & such like pestiferous persons did in ye beginning of their poisoned doctrine, obstinately sow and spread abroad peruerse & false opinions, ye prelates who had the regiment & execution of the iudiciall power, like dumme dogs, not able to barke, neither yet reuenging speedely with the Apostle, all such disobediēce, nor regarding corporally to cast out of the lords house (as they were enioined by ye canons) those subtill and pestilēt Archheretickes, and their Woluish fury and cruelty, with all expedition, but suffering their false and pernicious doctrine negligētly, by their ouerlong delaies, to growe and waxe strōg: a great multitude of people in stead of true doctrine receiued those things, which they did lōg falsly, pernitiously and damnably sow among them, and geuing credite vnto them, fell from the right faith, and are intangled (the more pitie) in the foule errors of Paganisme.

In so much, that those Archheretickes, and suche as spring of them,All be Pagans with the Pope, that like not his superstitious and idolatrous traditions. haue infected the Catholicke flock of Christ in diuers climates of the world and parts bordering vpon the same, and haue caused them to putrifie in the filthie dunghill of their lies. Wherefore the generall Synode of Constance, was compelled with Sainct Augustine to exclaime against so great and ruinous a plague of faythfull men, and of the sound and true faith it selfe, saieng: what shall the Soueraigne medicine of the Church do, wyth motherly loue seeking the health of hir sheepe, chasing as it were, amongst a companie of men franticke, and hauing the disease of the Lethargie? What? shall she desist and leaue off hir good purpose? No not so. But rather let hir, if there be no remedie, be sharpe to both these sorts, which are the greenous enemies of her wombe. For the Phisition is sharpe vnto the man bestraught and raging in his frensie,A great difference betweene a rouing mother and the fratike whore of Babilon. and yet is he a father to his owne rude and vnmanerly sonne, in binding the one, in beating the other, by shewing therein his great loue vnto them both. But if they be negligent, and suffer them to perish (sayth Augustine) this mansuetude is rather to be supposed false crueltie.

And therefore the foresaide Synode, to the glory of almighty God, and preseruation of his catholicke faith, and augmenting of Christian religion, and for the saluation of mens soules: hath corporally reiected and cast forth of the houshold of God, the foresaid I. Wicklieffe, I. Hus, and Ierome: who amongst other things, did beleeue, preach, teach, and maintaine of the Sacrament of the aultar, and other sacramēts of the church & articles of the faith, cōtrary to that ye holy Church of Rome beleueth, holdeth, preacheth and teacheth, & haue presumed obstinately to preach, teach, hold, and beleue many other moe, to the damnation of themselues and of others: and the sayde Synode hath separated the same, as obstinate and malipert heretickes from the Communion of the faithfull people, and haue declared them to be spiritually throwne forth: and many other things both wholesome & profitable hath the same Councell as touching the premisses, stablished and decreed, whereby they, which by the meanes of those Archheretikes, and by their false doctrine, haue spiritually departed from the Lords house, may by the canonicall rules be reduced to the straight path of truth and veritie.

And moreouer (as we to our great griefe do heare) not only in ye kingdome of Bohemia, and Dukedome of Morauia and other places aboue recited, but also in certaine parts and prouinces neere adioining and bordering vpon [Page] the same, there be many other of ye secretaries and followers of the foresayd Archheritickes and hereticall opinions casting behind their backes as well the feare of God, as ye shame of the world, neither receiuing fruit of conuersion & repentaunce by the miserable destruction of the foresayde Iohn Hus and Hierome, but as men drowned in the dungeon of their sinnes,We fooles thought their life to be madnes, and their ende without honour. Sapiens. 5. cease not to blaspheme the Lord God taking his name in vayne (whose minds the father of lies hath damnably blinded) and do read and study the foresaid bookes or workes, contayning heresies & erroures, being lately by the foresayd Synode condēned to be burned: also to the perill of themselues and many other simple men, & against the statutes, decrees, and ordinaunces in the Synode aforesayd, and the Canonicall sanctions, do presume to preach & teach the same, to the great perill of soules, the derogation of the Catholicke fayth, and sclaunder of many other besides. We therfore considering that errour, when it is not relisted, seemeth to be allowed and liked, and hauing a desire to resist such euill and pernicious errours, and vtterly roote them out from amongst the companie of faythfull christians, especially frō the afore recited places of Bohemia, Morauia, and other straights and Ilands ioyning and bordering vpon the same, least they shold stretch out & enlarge their [...]ites: we will and commaund your discretions by our letters Apostolicall, the holy Councell of Cō stance approuing and allowing the same, that you that are Archbishops, Bishops, and other of the clergy, and euery one of you by himself or by an other or others, being graue and fit persons to haue spirituall iurisdiction: do see that al and singuler persons, of what dignitie, office, preeminence state, or conditiō so euer they be, and by what name soeuer they are knowne,Et os eius sicut os Le [...]nis. 1. And his mouth is like the mouth of a Lyon. Apoc. 13. which shall presume otherwise to teache preach, or obserue, touching the most high and excelent, the most wholesome and superadmirable Sacrament of the bloud of our Lorde Iesus Christe, or els of the Sacrament of Baptisme, confession of sinnes, penaunce for sins and extreme vnction, or els of any other Sacramentes of the Church, & articles of the faith, then that, which ye right holy & vniuersall church of Rome doth hold, teach, preach, & obserue: or els yt shall presume obstinately by any wayes or meanes, priuily, or apertly, to hold, beleue, and teach the Articles, bookes, or doctrine of the foresayd Archhereticks Iohn Wickleffe, Iohn Hus, & Hieronimus of Prage, being by the foresayd Synode of Constaunce with theyr authours (as is sayd) damned and condemned, or dare presume publikly or priuily to allow or commend in any wise ye death and end of ye said archheretiks, or of any other their receiuers, ayders and fauourers, in the fauour or supportation of the foresayd errors, as also their beleuers and adherentes: that then as before, you see and cause them and euery of them to be most seuerly punished, & that you iudge and geue sentence vpon them as hereticks, and that as arrant hereticks you leaue them to the secular court or power. Let the receiuers also,Draconis lex saguine scripta. and fauourers and defenders of such most pestiferous persons, notwtstanding they neyther beleue, fauour, nor haue deuotion, towardes their errors but happely shal receaue or entertain such pestiferous persons, because of carnall affection,The popes religiō hath left all sence of humanit [...]e. or friendly loue, besides ye punishmene due vnto thē by both lawes, ouer and aboue the same punishment, by competent iudges be so afflicted, & for so haynous actes of theirs, with so seuere payn & punishment excruciated, that the same may be to other in like case offending, an example of terrour: that at the least, those whome the feare of God by no meanes may reuoke from such euill doing, yet the seueritie of this our discipline may force and constrayne.

As touching the third sort, which shalbe any maner of wayes infected with this damnable sect, and shall after cōpetent admonition repēt and amend themselues of such errours and sectes aforesayd, and will returne agayn into the lap and vnitie of our holy mother the Churche, & fully acknowledge and confesse the Catholike fayth: towardes them let the seueritie of iustice, as the quallitie of the facte shall require, be somewhat tempered with a tast of mercy.

Et vidi & bestiam & [...]ges terrae & excercitus corum pugnantes cum illo qui [...]eceoat in equo, & exercitu eius. Apoc. 13. Et data est illi potestas in omnem t [...]ibum, et populum et linguam, & gentem. And furthermore, we will and command, that by thys our authoritie Apostolicall, ye exhort and admonish al the professours of the catholicke fayth, as Emperours, kings, Dukes, Princes, Marquesses, Earles, Barons, Knights and other Magistrates, Rectors, Consuls, Proconsuls, Shires, Countries and Uniuersities of the kingdomes, Prouinces, Cities, otwnes, Castles, villages, their lands & other places, & al other executing tēporal iurisdiction according to the form & exigence of the law, yt they expell out of their kingdoms, prouincies, Cities, towns, castles, villages & lands, & other places, al & all maner of suche heretickes, according to the effect and tenour of the Councell of Laterane, beginning, Sicut ait ecclesia. &c. yt those whom publikely and manifestly by the euidence of their deedes,1. And power is geuen him ones all tribes, and people and tongues, and nations, &c. Apoc. 13. shall be knowne to be such as like sicke and scabed sheepe infect the Lords flock, they expell and banish till such tyme as from vs or you or els other ecclesiasticall iudges or Inquisitours holding the fayth and communion of the holye church of Rome, they shall receiue other order and countermaund: and that they suffer no such within theyr shyres and circuites, to preach or to keepe either house or familye either yet to vse any handicrafte or occupations or other trades of merchaundise, or els to solace themselues anye wayes, or frequent the company of Christen men.

And furthermore if suche publike and knowne heretiques shall chaunce to dye (although not so denounced by the Church) yet in this so great a crime, let hym and them want Christian buriall, and let no offeringes or oblations be made for them nor receiued. Hys goodes and substance also frō ye time of his death, according to ye Canonical sanctions being confiscate, let no such enioy them to whō they appertayne, till that by the ecclesiasticall iudges hauing power and authoritie in this behalfe, sentence vpon that his or their crime of heresie, be declared, and promulgate, & let such owners as be found suspect or noted with anye suche suspition of heresie, before a competent and ecclesiasticall iudge, according to the consideration and exigence of that suspicion, and according to the quallitie of the person, by ye arbitrement of such a iudge: shew and declare hys proper & own innocēcy with deuotion as beseemeth in that behalf, And if in hys purgation, being Canonically interdicted, he do fayle, or be not able Canonically to make his purgation, or that he refuse to take hys othe by damnable obstinacie, to make suche purgation: then let him be condemned as an hereticke. But such as thorough negligence or thorough slothfulnes, shall omit to shew their sayd innocencie and to make such purgation, let them be excommunicate, and so long put out from the company of Christen men, til yt they shall make condigne satisfactiō: so that if by the space of one whole yeare they shall remayne in such excommunication, then let them as heretickes be condēned.Note the tendernes of this louing mother the Church of Rome.

And further, if any shalbe found culpable in any point of the foresayd pestiferous doctrine of the Archheretickes aforesayd, or in any Article thereof, whether it be by the reporte of the seditious, or els well disposed: let them yet be punished, according to the Canons. If onely through infamy and suspition of the foresaid Articles or any of them, any man shalbe found suspect, & in his purgation Canonicall for this thing being interdicted, shall fayle: let hym be accompted as a man conuict, & as a conuict person by the Canons let him be punished.

And furthermore we innouating and putting in execution the Canon of our predecessour of happy memory pope Boniface the 8. which beginneth thus:Et facies omnes pun [...]s, et [...]g [...], & dinites, et [...]auperes, et ic [...]uos, accipere characterern in manu sua dextra. 1. And he shall make both little and great, riche and poore, free & bond to take his character in their right hand &c. Apoc. 13. Vt inquisitionis negocium. &c. In exhorting wise require and also commaund all temporall potentates, Lordes & Iudges afore recited, by whatsoeuer dignities, offices, and names they are knowen: that as they desire to be had, estemed, & counted for the faythfull members and children of the Church, and do reioyce in the name of Christ: so in likewise for the defēce of the same faith, they wil obey, intēd, giue their ayd, and fauorable help, to you that are Archbishops, Bishops, and Ecclesiastical men, inquisitours of al hereticall prauitie, and other Iudges and Ecclesiasticall persons by you hereunto, as aforesayd, appoynted (holdyng the fayth and communiō of our holy mother the church) for the searching out, taking, & safe custody, of all the foresayde heretickes, their beleuers, their fauorers, their receiuers, and their defenders, when so euer they shalbe therunto of them required.

And that they bring and cause to be brought (al delay set aparte) the foresayde pestiferous persons so seeking to destroy others with them, into suche safe keeping and prysons, as by you the Archbyshops, Byshops, Clergie, and Inquisitors aforesaid, are to be appointed, or els vnto such other place or places, as eyther you or they shal commaūd within any of their dominions, gouernements, and rectories, where they by catholicke men, that is, by you the Archbishops, byshops, the Clergy, and inquisitours, or any other that shalbe by you appointed, or are already appointed by any of you, may be holden and kept in safe keping, putting them in fetters,Satan ratteleth his chaines. shackles, boltes, and manacles of yrō vnder most straight custody for escaping away, tyll suche tyme as all that busines which belongeth vnto them, be by the iudgement of the church finished and determined, and that of suche heresie, by a competent ecclesiasticall iudge (which firmely holdeth the faith and communiō of the said holy church of Rome) they be cōdemned.

The residue, let the foresayde temporall Lordes, Rectours, Iudges, or other their officers and Pursinauntes, [Page] take amongest them, with condigne deathes without anye delay to punish. But fearing least to the preiudice & sclander of the foresayd catholicke fayth and religion, thorough the pretext of ignoraunce, any man herein shoulde be circumuented, or that any subtile and craftie men should vnder the vayle of friuolous excuse, cloke and dissēble in thys matter, and that as touching the cōuincing or apprehending of the foresaid hereticks, their receiuours & defēdors, fauourers, beleeuers and adherentes, and also of suche as are suspect of heresie, and with suche like peruerse doctrine many wise spotted, we might geue more perfect instruction: Therfore as well to the kingdom of Bohemia & parts neare adioining to the same as all other where this superstitious doctrine first began to spread, we haue thought it good to send the articles here vnder written concerning y• secte of those Archheretickes, for the better direction of the foresayd Catholicke fayth.

Touching which articles, by vertue of holy obedience we charge and commaund you and all other Archbishops and Bishops, all maner of commissaries and inquisitours that euery of them within the Dioces and limites of theyr iurisdiction, & also in ye foresaid kingdom & dukedome and places neare adioyning, although the same places be beyond the same their iurisdiction: in the fauour of the catholicke faith, do geue most dilligent and vigilant care about the extirpation and correction of those erroures, archheresies, and most pestiferous sect aforesayd: and also that they compell all diffamed persons and suspecte of so pestiferous a contagion, whether it be vnder the penaltie of the crime confessed, [...] of excommunication, suspension or interdicte, or any other formidable payne canonicall or legall, when and wheresoeuer it shall seeme good to them, and as the quallitie of the facte requireth, by an othe corporally taken either vpon ye holy Euangelistes, or vpon the reliques of Saintes,The olde maner of the popishe othe. or vpon the image of the crucifixe, according to the obseruauntes of certayne places, and accordyng to the interrogatories, to make conuenient answere to euery article within written. For we intend agaynst all and singular archbishops, Byshops, Ecclesiasticall persons, or inquisitours, which shall shew themselues negligent and remisse in the extirpation of the leauen of this hereticall prauitie, and purging their territories, dioces, and places to them appoynted, of such euill and wicked men: to proceed and to cause to be proceeded, vnto the deprauation and deposition of their pontificall dignities, and shall substitute such other in their places, which can and may be able to cō found the sayd hereticall prauitie, and proceede to further paynes agaynst such by the lawe limitted, and vnto other yet more grieuous (if neede require) we our selues will proceede and cause to be proceeded, according as the party his fact, and filthines of his crime committed, shall deserue The tenour of those articles wherof we haue made mention in this our owne writing are in wordes as follow.

The articles of Iohn Hus to be inquired vpon.

1, THere is one onely vniuersall Church, whiche is the vniuersitie of the predestinate, as shall after be declared.

3. The vniuersall Church is onely one: as there is one vniuersitie of those that are predestinate.

3. Paule was neuer a member of the Deuill, although he did certayne actes like vnto the actes of the Church malignant.

4. The reprobate are not partes of the Churche, for that no part of the same finally falleth from her,Speaking of the inuisible church the article is true. because that the charitie of predestination, which bindeth the same Church together, neuer fayleth.

5. The two natures (that is) the Diuinitie, and the humanitie, bee one Christ.

6. The reprobate, although he be sometime in grace, according to present iustice, yet is he neuer a part of the holy Churche:This article seemeth to be wrasted out of the wordes of Hierome of Prage. and the predestination is euer a member of the Churche, although sometime he fall from grace aduentitia, but not from grace of predestinatiō: euer taking the church for the conuocation of the predestinate whether they be in grace or not according to present iustice. And after this sort the church is an article of our beliefe.

7. Peter is not, nor neuer was the head of the holy catholicke Church.

8. Priestes, liuing viciously, doe defile the authoritie of priesthood, and so, as vnfaythfull Children do vnfaythfully beleue of the seuen sacraments, of the keyes of ye Church of offices, of Censures, of ceremonies, of the worshippyng of reliques: indulgences, orders, and other holy things of the Church.

9. The papill dignitie came and grew from the Emperor and hys gouernement and institution,The papa [...] dignit [...] touc [...]d. sprang from the emperours gouernment.

10. No man can reasonably affirme eyther of himselfe or other that he is the head of any particular Churche, or that the bishop of Rome, is the head of the Church of Rome.

11. A man ought not to beleue, that he which is byshop of Rome is the head of euery particuler Churche, vnles god haue predestinate hym.

12. None is the vicare of Christ, or els of Peter, vnlesse he follow him in maners and conditions, seing that there is no other following more pertinent, nor otherwise apte to receiue of God this power procuratory. For vnto ye office of a vicegerent of Christ is required, the conformitie of maners and the authoritie of the institutor.

13. The pope is not the manifest and true successor of Peter the Prince of the Apostles, if he liue in maners contrary to Peter: and if he hunt after auarice, then is he the vicar of Iudas Iscarioth. And likewise the Cardinalles be not the true and manifest successors of the Colledge of the other Apostles of Christ, vnles they lyue according to the maner of the Apostles, keeping the commaundementes & counsels of our Lord Iesus Christ.

14. The Doctors alledging, that if a man, which will not be amended by the Ecclesiasticall censures, is to be deliuered to the secular powers: do follow in this poynt, the byshops, Scribes and Phariseis, that deliuered Christ to the secular power (saying it is not lawfull for vs to kill anye man) because he would not obey them in all thinges, and that such be greater homicides then Pilate.

15. The ecclesiasticall obedience is such an obedience as ye Priestes of the church haue found out, besides the expresse authoritie of the scripture. The immediate deuision of humaine works, is yt they be either vertuous or vicious, & if a man be vicious, and doth any thyng, then doth he it vitiously, & if he be vertuous, and doth any thinge, thē doth he it vertuously. For like as vice which is called a great offere or mortall sin, doth stayne all ye doyngs of a vicious man: so vertue doth quicken all the doinges of a vertuous man.

16. A priest of God liuing after hys lawe, and hauing the knowledge of the scripture, and a desire to edify the people ought to preach, notwithstanding any excommunication, pretended of the pope, And further, if the pope, or anye other magistrate doeth forbid a priest so disposed to preache, he ought not to be obedient vnto hi [...]. For euery one that taketh vpō him the order of priesthood, receiueth in charge the office of a preacher: and of that burden ought he well to discharge himselfe, any excommunication against him pretended in any wise notwithstanding.

17. By the Censures ecclesiasticall, as of excommunication, suspending, and interdicte, the clergy to their owne aduauncement cause the lay people to ayd them: they multiply their auarice, they defend their malice, and prepare the way to Antichrist. And it is an euident signe that such censures proceede from Antichrist, which in their process they call Fulminationes, that is, their thunderboltes where with the clergy principally proceedeth agaynst those that declare the wickednes of Antichrist, who so greatly for hys owne commoditie hath abused them.

18. If the pope be euill, especially if he be a reprob [...], thē is he with Iudas a very deuill, a theefe and the sonne of perdition, and is not the head of the holy Church militant nor any member of the same.

19. The grace of predestination is the band, wherwith the body of the church and euery member of the same is indissolubly ioyned to their head Christ.

20. The pope or Prelate that is euill and a reprobate, is a Pastor in name, and not in deede, yea he is a theefe and a robber in very deede.

21. The P. ought not to be called the most holy one for his office sake,Iohn Hus expoundeth this article with this distinct. non ratione meriti, sed ratione officii. for then ought a king to be called by hys office ye most holy one: and hangmen with other such officers also were to be called holye, yea the deuill hymselfe ought to be called holy, for asmuch as he is Gods officer.

22. If the pope liue contrary vnto Christ, although he clime vp by the right and lawfull election according to the common custome of men:Iohn Hus declareth his mind touching this article sufficiently before. yet notwithstanding shoulde be otherwise clime then by Christ, yea though wee admitte that he shoulde enter by the election principally made by God. For Iudas Iscarioth was lawfully elect of GOD Christ Iesus to hys byshopricke, and yet came not he the same way he ought to do vnto the shepefold.

23 The condemnation of 45. articles of Iohn Wickleffe by the doctors made, is vnreasonable, wicked and naught, & the cause by them alledged is sayned that is, that none of them are Catholicke, but euery on of them hereticall, erroneous, or slaunderous.

14. Not for that the electours, or the most part of thē haue [Page] consented together with liuely voyce according to the custome of men vpon the person of any, therfore, that person is lawfully elect,Election maketh not the successor of Pet. but immitation. or therfore is the true and manifest successors & vicar of Peter the Apostle, or of any other ye Apostles in y• ecclesiastical office. Wherfore, whether ye electors haue either wel or euil made their election, it behoueth vs to beleue the same, by the workes of him that is elected. For in that that euery one that worketh more meritoriously to the profite of the Church, he hath so much the more greater authoritie from God.

25.One head of the vniuersall church beside Christ hath no foundation in all scripture.There is not so muche as one sparke of appearaunce that there ought to be one head, ruling and gouerning the church in spirituall causes, which should alwayes be conuersaunt in the church millita [...] For Christ without anye such monstrous heds, by his [...]ue disciples sparsed through the whole world could better a great deale rule his church.

26. The Apostles and faythfull priests of God, haue right worthily in al thinges necessary to saluation gouerned the church before the popes office tooke place, and so might they doe agayne, by like possibilitie vntill Christ came to iudgement, if the popes office should fayle.

Let euery one that is suspected in the foresayd articles, or els otherwise found with assertion of them, Be examined in maner and forme as followeth.

The forme and maner of the popes inquisition. IN primis, whether he knew Iohn Wicleffe of Englande, Iohn Hus of Bohemia, and Hierome of Prage, or anye of them, and how he came by the knowledge of them, whither that during the liues of them or any of them, they had eyther bene conuersant with them, or found any frendship at their handes.

2. Item, whether he knowing them or any of them to be excommunicate, did willingly participate with them: esteming & affirming the same their participaciō to be no sin.

3.Heresie to p [...]ay for l. Wickliffe or [...]lus. &c.Item, whither that after their deathes, he euer prayed for them or any of them, openly or priuily, doing any work of mercy for them, affirming them to be either saintes, or els to be saued.

4. Item, whether he thought them or anye of them to be Saintes, or whether that euer he spake such wordes, and whether euer he did exhibite any worshippe vnto them as vnto saintes.

5. Item, whether he beleue, hold, and affirme, that euery generall councell, as also the Councell of Constance, doth represent the vniuersall Church.

6. Item,Heresie not to beleeue the councell of Constāce whether he doth beleue that that which the holy Councell of Constance: representing the vniuersall church hath and doth alow in the fauour of the fayth, and saluatiō of soules, is to be approued and allowed of all the faythfull Christians: and that whatsoeuer the same Councell hath condemned, and doth condemne to be contrary both to the fayth and to all good men, is to beleued, holden, and affirmed for condemned or not.

7. Item, whether he beleueth that the condemnations of Iohn Hus, Iohn Wickleffe, and Hierome of Prage, made as well vpon their persons, as their bookes and doctrine by the holy generall Councelll of Constance, be rightly & iustly made, and of euery good Catholicke man, are so to be holden and affirmed, or not.

8. Item, whether he beleue, hold, and affirme, that Iohn Wickleffe of England, Iohn Hus of Bohemia, and Hierome of Prage, were heretickes or not, and for heretickes to be nominated & preached, yea or not, and whether theyr bookes and doctrines were and be peruerse or not, for the which together with their pertinacie, they wre condemned by the holye sacred Councell of Constaunce for heretiques.

9. Itē, whether he haue in his custody any treatises, smal workes, Epistles, or other writinges in what language or tongue soeuer, set forth and translated by any of these heretickes Iohn Wickleffe, Iohn Hus, and Hierome or any other of their false Disciples and followers, that he may deliuer them to the ordinaries of that place, or his commissary, or to the inquisitours, vpon hys othe. And if he say that he hath no such writing about him, but yt they are in some other place: that then you sweare him to bring the same before his Ordinary or other aforenamed, within a certayne time to him prefixed.

10. Item, whether he knoweth any that hath ye treatises, works, Epistles, or anye other writinges of the aforesayd Iohn Wickleffe, Iohn Hus, and Hierome, in whatsouer tong they are made or translated, and that he detect & manifest the same, for the purgation of their fayth and execution of iustice.

11. Item, especially let the learned be examined, whether he beleueth that the sentence of the holy Councell of Constance vpon the 45. articles of Iohn Wickleffe, and the 30. Articles of Iohn Hus be not Catholicke: which sayth that some of them are notorious hereticall, some erroneous, other some blasphemous, some slaunderous, some rash and seditious, some offensiue to godly eares.

12. Item, whether he beleeueth and affirmeth, that in no case it is lawfull for a man to sweare.

13. Item, whether he beleueth, that at the commaundement of a iudge or any other, it is lawfull to take an oth to tell the truth in anye conuenient cause, although it be but purging of an infamy or not.

14. Item, whether he beleueth that periury wittingly cō mitted, vppon what cause soeuer, whether it be for y• safegard of hys owne life, or of any other mans lyfe, (yea, although it be in the cause and defence of the fayth) be a sinne or not.

14. Item, whether a man contemning purposedly the rites of the Churche, and the ceremonies of exorcisme of Cathechisme, and the consecration of the water of Baptisme, be deadly sinne or not.

16, Item, whether he beleue, that after the consecration of the priest in the sacrament of the aultar vnder the figure of bread and wyne, be no materiall bread and wyne: but in al poyntes, the same very Christ which was crucified vppon the Crosse, and sitteth vpon the right hand of the father.

17. Item, whether he beleeue, that after the consecration made by the priest vnder the onely forme of bread and besides the forme of wyne, be the very flesh of Christ and hys bloud, hys soule and hys deitie, and so whole Christ as he is, and in likewise, vnder the forme of wine without the forme of bread, bee the very fleshe of Christ and hys very bloud, his soule, and deitie, and so whole Christ, & the same body absolutely vnder euery one of those kinds singularly.

18. Item, whether he doth beleue, that the custome of houseling of the lay people vnder the forme of bread only,Heresie to [...] ster in both kindes. obserued of the vniuersall Church, and allowed by the onely Councell of Constance, be to be vsed, and not without the authoritie of the Churche, at mens pleasures to be altered, and that they that obstinately affirme the contrary to this, are to be punished as heretickes, or not.

19. Item, whether he beleue that those whiche contemne the receiuing of the sacramentes of confirmation, or extreme vnction, or els the solemnisation of matrimony, cō mit deadly sinne or not.

20. Item, whether he beleeue, that a Christian man, ouer and besides the contrition of hart, being licensed of a conuenient priest, is bound to confesse himselfe only to a priest and not to any lay man, be he neuer so deuout or good, vpon the necessitie of saluation.

21. Item, whether he beleue, that in the cases before put, a priest may absolue a sinner confessing himself, and being contrite, from all sinnes and enioyne him penaunce for the same.

22. Item, whether he beleueth, that an euill Priest, with due maner and forme, and with the intentiō of doing, doth verily consecrate, doth verily absolue, doth verily baptise and doth verily dispose all other sacramentes euen as the Church doth.

23. Item, whether he beleeue that Saint Peter was the Uicar of Christ, hauing power to bynde and to lose vppon the earth.

24. Item, whether he beleue that the Pope being canonically elect, whiche for the tyme shall be, by that name expresly be the successor of Peter or not, hauing supreme authoritie in the Church of God.

25. Item, whether he beleue that the authoritie of iurisdiction of the Pope, an archbishop or a Bishop in binding & loosing, be more then the authorititie of a simple priest or not although he haue charge of soules.

26. Item, whether he beleue, that the pope may vpon a iust and good cause, geue indulgēces and remission of sins to all Christian men, being verily contrite and confessed, especially to those that go on pilgrimage to holy places and good deedes.

27, Item,Heresie to deny the Popes indulgences. whether he beleue, that by such graunt the pilgrimes that visite those Churches, and geue thē any thing may obtayne remission of sinnes or not.

28. Item, whether he beleue that all Bishops may graūt vnto their subiectes according as the holy Canons doe limit, such indulgences or not.

29. Item, whether he beleue and affirme, that it is lawfull for faythfull Christians to worship Images and the reliques of sayntes or not.

30. Item,Heresie not to worship images whether, he beleue that those religions, whiche the Churche hath allowed, were lawfully and reasonably brought in of the holy fathers or not.

[Page]31. Item, whether he beleueth that the pope or any other Prelate for the time being, or their vicars may excommunicate their subiect Ecclesiasticall or secular for disobediēce or contumacie, so that such a one is to be holden and taken for excommunicate or not.

32. Item, whether ye beleue that for the disobediēce and contumacie of persons excommunicate, increasing: the prelates or their vicares in spirituall thinges haue power to agrauate and to reagrauate, to put vpon men the interdict and to call for the secular arme: and that the same secular arme or power ought to be obedient to the censures, by their inferiors called for.

33. Item, whether he beleue that the pope and other prelates or els their vicares, haue power in spirituall things to excommunicate priestes and lay men that are stubberne and disobedient, from theyr office, benefice or entrance into the church, and from the administration of the sacraments of the Church, also to suspend them.

34. Item, whether he beleue, that it is lawfull for ecclesiasticall persons without committing sinne, to haue anye possessions & temporall goodes: and whether he beleeue, yt it is not lawfull for lay men to take away the same from thē by their authoritie:These Popes wil be sure to lose nothing. but rather that such takers away & incrochers vpō ecclesiasticall goods, are to be punished as committers of sacriledge, yea although such Ecclesiasticall persons liue naughtely that haue such goodes.

35.Wealthy wickednes maintained.Item, whether any such taking away or incrochyng vpō any priest rashly or violently made, although ye priest be an euill liuer, be sacriledge or not.

36. Item, whether he beleue that it is lawfull for lay mē of whether sexe soeuer: that is men and women, to preache the word of God or not.

37.The pope neyther preacheth himselfe, nor yet will suffer other good priests to preachItem, whether he beleue that it is lawfull to al priestes freely to preach the word of God whersoeuer, whensoeuer, and to whom soeuer it shal please them, althogh they be not sent at all.

38. Item, whether he beleue that all mortall sinnes, and especiall such as be manifest and publike, are to be corrected and to be extirpate or not.

Furthermore, wee will commaunde, and decree, that if any by secrete information by you or any other to be receiued, shall be founde either enfamed or suspected of anye kind of ye pestiferous sect, heresie & doctrine of the most pestilence men I. Wickleffe, I. Hus and Hierome of Prage the archheretickes aforesaid, or of fauoring, receiuing or defending the foresayd damned men whilest they liued on the earth, their false followers and disciples, or any that beleeueth their errours, or any that after their death pray for thē or any of them, or that nominateth them to be amongst the number of catholick men, or yt defendeth them to be placed amongst the number of y• saintes, either by their preaching worshipping, or otherwaies wherin they deserue to be suspected: y• then they by you or some of you, may be cited personally to appeare before you or some of you, wtout either Proctor or Doctor to answere for them, an oth being opē ly taken by them as is aforesayd, to speak the plain & mere veritie of the articles aboue written and euery of them, or other oportune, as case and circumstance shall require, according to your discretion, as you or anye of you shall see expediēt to proceed against them, or any of them according to these presentes or otherwise canonically, as you shall thinke good.

Also that you do publish solemnly & cause to be published, these present letters, omitting the articles & interrogatories herein contayned, in the citties & other places of your dioces, where conueniently you may, vnder our authoritie, & there to denounce and cause to be denounced all & singular such hereticks, with their abbetters & fauorers of their heresies & erroures, of what sexe or kinde soeuer, that do hold, & defend the sayd erroures, or doe participate any maner of way with heretickes, priuely or apertly, of what state, dignitie, or condition soeuer he or they be, Patriarche, Archbishop, king, Queene, Duke or of what other dignitie either Ecclesiasticall or seculare he be: also with their aduocates and procurators whosoeuer, whiche are beleuers, followers, fauourers defenders, or receiuers of such heretickes,Papa spirat minas & caedes. or suspected to be beleuers, followers, fautors, defenders or receiuers of them, to be excommunicate, euery sonday and festiuall day, in the presence of the people.

Furthermore, that you dilligently do to be inquired by the sayd our authoritie, vpon all and singular such persons both men and women, that mayntayne, approue, defend, & teach such erroures, or that be fauourers, receauers and defenders of them, whether exempt or not exempt, of what dignitie, state, preeminence, degree, order, or condition soeuer. And such as you shal finde in the sayd your inquisition, either by their own confession, or by any other meane to be diffamed, or otherwise infected with the spot of suche heresie or errour, you, through the sentence of excommunication, suspension, interdict, and priuation of their dignities, personages, offices, or other benefices of the Church, and fees, which they hold of any church, monastery and other Ecclesiastical places, also of honours and secular dignities and degrees of sciences or other faculties, as also by other paynes and censures of the Church, or by wayes and meanes whatsoeuer els shall seeme to you expedient, by taking and imprisoning of their bodies, and other corporall punishmentes wherwith heretickes are punished, or are wont, and are commaunded by canonical sanctions to be vsed: and if they be clerkes, by degradation, doe correcte and punishe, and cause them to be corrected and punyshed with all dilligence.

Furthermore, that you do rise vp stoutly and couragiously agaynst such heretickes,See here the Dragon casting out whole floudes to swalow vp the Sainte [...]. and the goodes as well of them, as of the lay men, according to the canonicall sanctiō made agaynst heretickes, and their followers, vnder the which we will and commaunde them and their partakers to be subiect. And also such persons, as shall be infamed of the heresies or errors aforesayd, or any of ye premisses, shall be bounde to purge themselues, at your arbitrement: but the other which either be witnesses, or by their owne confessions, or other allegations or probations, shalbe conuicted of the foresaid heresies, or articles, or of any the premisses, they shalbe compelled to reuoke and abiure publikely and solemnly the sayd articles and erroures, and to suffer condigne penaunce and punishment, yea euen to perpetuall imprisonment, (if need be) for the same.

And to the intent yt they shall not nourish any kinde of heresies hereafter, either in word, deede, or gesture, or shall induce other, either in worde or deede, priuely or apertly, directly or indirectly to beleeue ye same, they shalbe forced to put in sufficient suretie. Who, if it so chaunce that they wil not publikely and solemnly renounce and abiure their articles and errors, and take at your handes condigne penaunce, though it be to perpetual, or tēporal punishment, according to your discretion, neither wil be cōtented to put in sufficient suretie that they will not hereafter holde nor nourish those erroures and heresies, neither wil induce other by word or deed, priuily or apertly, directly or indirecly, or by any other maner of colour, to beleue the same: that then you shall proceede agaynst them, according to ye qualty of their erroures and demerites, yea and if you see it so expedient, as against heretickes, & as infected with heresie by our authoritie, according to the canonical sanctions su [...] marily and simply and plainly, sine strepitu & figura iudicij, & of office, all appellatiō or appellations whatsoeuer ceasing and that you punish the same, according to the sanctions & traditions canonicall, yea if neede be, in leauing and committing them to the secular power: and agayinst such as be superiors or learned doctors, laying the censures of ecclesiasticall excōmunication, al appellation set aside, also innocating, if neede shall require, ayd of the secular arme: The constitution as wel of our predecessor P. Boniface 8. of blessed memory, wherein is decreed that no man without hys City or dioces (except in certayne cases) or in places being one daies iornye distant from thence where he inhabiteth,Pope Martin 5. contrary to Pope Boniface 8. shalbe called into iudgement, & that no man do presume to depute iudges frō ye sea Apostolicke, wtout the city & dioces where they are deputed, to proceede agaynst any: or do presume to cōmit their authority to any other person or persōs or to fetch & remoue any man beyond one dayes iorny frō out his Dioces where he dwelleth, or at most two dayes iourny, if it be in a generall councell:Pope Martyn vndoeth the a [...]is and edictes of al other popes. as also all other constitutions of any byshop of Rome, touching as well, Iudges delegate, as persons not to be called to iudgement beyond a certaine number: or els any other edict indulce, priuelege, or exemption generall or special graunted from the Apostolike sea, for anye person or persons not to be interdicted, suspended, or excommunicated, or cited vp to iudgement without the compasse of certaine limites: or els what soeuer thing otherwise may hinder, stop, or impeache your iurisdiction, power, and free proceeding herein by anye meanes to the contrary notwithstanding. Dat Constant. the first yeare of our popedome.

¶This bloudy and abhominable commission of pope Martine, which I haue copied out of a certaine olde monument remaining in the handes of Maister Hackluyt, student in the Temple, seemeth to be directed and geuen out to the publike destruction of all faithful Christen men, about the latter end & breaking vp of the councel of Constance, an. 1418. By the which the prudent reader hath this [Page] to note and consider, what labour, what pollicie, what coū saile, & what lawes haue bene set,Note howe Antichrist rageth and ryleth against christ what wayes haue bene takē, what seueritie hath bene shewed, how mens power, wit, and authoritie of the whole world haue conspired together from time to time, cōtinually by all maner meanes to subuert and supplant the worde, and way of the Lorde: And yet notwithstanding man hath not preuayled, but all his force & deuised pollicies haue bene ouerthrown, dispatched and wt the councell of Achitophell and Ammon, haue bene brought to nought, and contrary to the furye of the world, the gospell of Christ hathe still increased. Neither yet for all this, will the Pope cease to spurne and rebell still against the kingdome of Christe,Mans power and counsaile too weake against christ and of hys Gospell agaynst which, neyther he, nor yet ye gates of hell shall euer preuayle. The Lord of hostes be mercifull to hys poore persecuted flocke. Amen.

Agaynst this pestilent Bull and Inquisition of Pope Martine the great antechrist, I thought good here to adioyne and annexe an other contrarye writing of the Bohemians, bearing the name and subscription of Procopius, Conradus, and other Captaynes of ye Bohemians, which seemeth not long after the death of Zisca, to be written agaynst the pestiferous sea of Rome, the tenour whereof here followrth.

A fruitfull and Christian exhortation of the Bohemianes to kinges and princes, to stir them vp to the zeale of the Gospell.

An exhortation of the Bohemians.THe almighty God the father, by hys welbeloued sonne Iesus Christ, may in hys holy spirite open the vnderstanding both of you and of all Christians, & lighten your hartes with the light of hys doctrin of righteousnes, and may make you to continue therin, surely established to the end. This we desire of you for your saluation, all ye honourable, wise, & honest noble men, & al the Comminaltie, ye rich and poore, heare and consider with dilligent heede, the wordes of this present letter, which is sent vnto you from the Country of the Bohemianes. It is manifest and well knowne to you and many other citties,The Pope and prelates by their letters stirred them to flight. Kynges, princes, and Lordes, that now a certayne number of yeares, there hath ben great discord betwixt vs and you, and there haue bene some which haue moued you by letters, and prouoked you to make warre against vs, and to destroy vs. And as well on your part as on ours: many men, as wel noble as vnnoble, haue foolishly lost their lyues. Yet neuer hetherto haue ye in any parte vnderstoode our fayth by our owne confession, neither whether we be able to proue the same out of the scriptures, yea or no: and yet in the meane time, kinges, Princes, Lordes, and Citties, haue sustayned great dammage. And hereof we greatly meruaile, that ye do so much trust and beleue the pope and hys priestes, which geue you drinke full of poyson, and such comfort as no man can vnderstand,Faire words doe make fooles faine. in that they say that they wil geue you forgeuenes of all your sinnes, and great grace & pardon, to this end, that you should warre vpon vs & destroy vs: wheras their graces and pardons are none other then great lies, and a great seducing of the body and soule of all them that beleue them: and put their trust in them. Thys we would proue vnto them,The Pope seduceth the world with vaine promises of thinges, which he cannot geue & ouercome them by the holy scripture, and we wold suffer: that whosoeuer is desirous to heare the same, shoulde heare it. For the Pope and all hys priestes, herein deale with you as the deuill woulde haue done wyth our Lorde Iesus Christ. Of whome Luke writeth in hys 4. chap. that be brought him vpon an high hill, & shewed vnto hym in the twinckling of an eye, al the kyngdomes that are in the compasse of the earth, & said vnto him: I wil geue thee &c. So the deuill deceiueth the pope, and all the priestes with the riches of the worlde, and worldly power: And they thinke they can geue grace and pardon when they wyll, and they themselues shall neuer finde fauour before almighty God, except they repent and make amendes, because of theyr great deceauing of Christēdom. And how can they geue that to others, which they themselues haue not? So dyd the Deuill, who was rich in promising, and poore in geuing. And like as the Deuill is not ashamed to tell a lye,The deuil & the Pope [...]iche in pro [...]ising and poore in ge [...]ng. so all they are not ashamed to speake that which shall neuer be found true, nor be proued by the holy scriptures, because for no cause, they stirre vp kinges, Princes, Lordes, and Citties, to make warre agaynst vs, not to the end that the Christian fayth shoulde therby be defended, but because they feare yt theyr secret vices and heresies shalbe disclosed and made manifest. For if they had a true cause, & a godly loue to the Christiā faith they would then take the books of the holy scripture, and would come vnto vs, and ouercome vs with the weapōs of Gods word, and that is our chiefe desire. For so dyd the apostles of our Lord Iesus Christ, who came to ye Paganes and Iewes, and brought them from their infidelitie to the true fayth of our Lorde Iesus Christ, and this they dyd in the spirite of meckenes, as the Apostle Paule writeth in the 6. chap. to the Galat.Galat. 6. Brethren if anye man be agreeued. &c. So ought they also to doe, if they perceiued that they were iust, and we vniust. And if we woulde not abide instruction: then they might take to them kinges, Princes,False pretenses, of the papistes. Lordes, and imperiall citties, and resist vs according to the commaundementes of the holy scripture. But this is the subtile defence of all the Byshops and Priestes that they say that mayster Hus and Hierome which were burnt at Constance, were ouercome of the holy father the Pope,M. Hus & Hierom by wrongful violence put to death. and of the whole Councell: For ye must vnderstand that they were not ouercome by the holy Ghost, but vniustly, with wrongfull violence, which God may yet hereafter greeuously punishe in all them that gaue their counsel and ayd thereto: and they saye it ought not to be suffered, tha we should be heard in confessing our fayth. How may that be proued by the holy scripture, since christ heard the deuilt as it is written in the fourth chap. of Mathewe? And theyl are not better then Christ,Christ heard the deuill: b [...] the pope wil not heare men confesse their fayth. 2. Esdras 3. Iohn 14. Iohn 8. nor we worsse then the Deuill. If they be iust and haue the truth with them (as they saye they haue) and we be vnrighteous, why do they feare, sinc the truth ought not to be afeard of falshod, as Esdras writeth in hys second booke, the third chapiter. Zorobabell declared that truth is of all thinges the most mightye, and ouercommeth all thinges. For Christ is the trueth. Iohn 14. I am the way, the trueth. &c. And the deuill is the father of lies. Iohn. 8. He is a lyerfrom the beginning, and neuer abode in the truth, & there is no truth in him. Therfore if the pope and hys priestes haue the truth, let them ouercome vs with the word of God. But if they haue lyes, then they cannot long abide in al their presumptiō. Wherfore, we exhort and beseech al the imperiall Cities, al kings Princes, noble men, rich and poore, for Gods sake, and for hys righteousnes, that one of them write hereof to an other, and that there may be some meanes made howe we may cōmune wt you safely and friendly, at some such place as shal be fit both for you and vs, and bring with you your Byshops and teachers,A iust and ly reques [...] Bohemi [...] and let them & our teachers fight together with the word of God, and let vs heare them, and and let not one ouercome the other by violence or false subtiltie, but onely by the word of God. And if your Bishops and teachers haue better proofes of theyr fayth out of the holy scripture, then we, and our fayth be found vntrue, we will receiue penaunce and satisfaction: according to Gospell. But if your Byshops and teachers be ouercome of ours by the holy Scripture, then doe ye repent and harken to vs, and hold with vs. And if your Byshops & teachers will cease from their spirituall pride, and repent and make satisfaction: then wil we helpe you according to our power, and will compell them, eyther to ioyne with vs, or els we will expell them out of Christendome. And if your Byshops and teachers will say, that it is not lawfull for lay men to heare such reasoning, or to be presēt at it: that may you vnderstand to tend to no other end, but that they feare they should be ouercome and put to shame in the sight of you:Wherefore the popes clergie wil abide no cō ference with the laytie. For if they knew that they should ouercome therein, out of doubt, they would desire that euery mā should heare it, & thereby, their glory should become the greater, & their fame and prayses should be encreased vpon the earth. And if your Bishops and teachers coūsell you to come to no hearing with vs, thē do it whether they will or no, & suffer not your selues at any time to be so folishly seduced with their folish pardons, but tary at home in your houses wt your wiues and children. And let ye pope of Rome come to vs with all his Cardinals and byshops, and with all hys priestes, with his owne person & power to warre with vs, & let themselues deserue the absolution of sinnes, grace, and pardon, which they preach to you (for they haue great nede of forgeuenes of sinnes, grace, & pardō) & by the grace of god we will geue them pardō enough as they shall neede. But their subtile excuse is this: they say that it belōgeth not to priestes to fight wt bodily weapons & true it is that belongeth not to them:The Popes pretensed excuse detected. but it belongeth as little to them to stirre vp, to counsaile, & to fortifie others thereto: For Paule saith in the ye 1. to the Rom. & in ye fift to ye Galath. that all that do such thinges are worthy of euerlasting death.Rom. 1.

And if yewill not determine to do any other thing then to fight against vs, then will we take the Lord to our helpe and his trueth, & we will defend it to the death, & we will not be afraid for the excommunicatiō or curse of the Pope, or his cardinals, or of ye bishops, because we know that y• Pope is not god as he maketh himselfe, that he can curse and excommunicate when he will, or blesse when he will: [Page] who hath now these many yeares cursed and excōmunited vs,Experience of Gods blessing where the pope hath cursed. Obiection. & yet notwithstanding, God and his gratious blessing hath bene our helpe. But peraduēture ye wil say, that though we see that bishops and priests be euill & wicked, yet we cānot lacke them: for who should baptise our children, who should heare confessions, & minister the holy sacraments? and then also we should be wtin the excommunication of the pope & of his bishops.Aunswere. Welbeloued, ye nede to take no care for these matters. The excōmunicating of the Pope hurteth you nothing. Feare ye the excommunicating of God, and the Lorde wil prouide for those things wel enough. If ye would banish euil bishops and priests, ye shuld haue good priestes which shuld baptise your children, heare cōfessions, and minister the holy mysteries, bicause when ye deuill is banished, then place is made for the holy ghost: So when yll bishops and priestes shall be banished, then place shal be made for good priestes & bishops Also, your bishops and priests say, that we are miscreants and hereticks, & that we beleue not on purgatory, vpō the virgine Mary, nor vpon the sayntes: wherein they say ill for we will proue by the holy scripture, that we know better by Gods grace how we ought to beleue vpon Purgatory, & vpon Mary the mother of our Lord, & vppon hys welbeloued saints, thē they can tell vs. Also they say, yt we wil not be obediēt vnto the P. Truly when he shalbe come holy and iust, then we know well that we ought to be obedient to him in al things and not before. They say also that we destroy Gods holy seruice, in that we destroy monasteries, banishing thence the wicked Monkes and Nunnes.The popes false accusation answered. Truely we dyd it, thinking once that they were holy, that they did the reuerend seruice of god, but after that we well perceiued and considered their lyfe & works, then we perceiued that they were false lowly hipocrites, and wicked builders on high, and sellers of pardōs and masses for the dead, and such as deuoured in themselues the sinnes of the people. And where as they sayd that they rise at midnight when other men sl [...]epe, and pray for the sins of the people: forasmuch as their selling of their praiers and masses for ye dead for gifts, is no better then hipocrisie and heresie: therfore if we do speake agaynst them and destroy their monasteries, we do not therin destroy the seruice of God, but rather the seruice of the deuill, and the schooles of heretickes. And if ye knew them as we know them, ye would as diligently destroy them as we do. For Christ our Lord did not ordayn anysuch order, & therfore it must needs come to pas that shortly it shal be destroyd as our lord saith in the Gospel of S. Mathew the 15. chapter.Math. 15. Euery plant whiche my father hath not planted, shalbe rooted vp. We desire you also that ye woulde dilligently consider the article [...] here written, wherein your bishops and priestes are guilty.

The 1. article is, that when your bishops will ordaine priests,The abuse of popishe religion in making priests Cardia [...] ls &c. they do it not, except he y• is to be made priest haue sufficient liuing, eyther inheritance left him of hys parents or of benefices: wheras notwithstanding, Christ wold that priestes should be poore, forasmuch as it is enough for the scholar to be as his maister is, and for the seruaunt to be as his Lord is: and the bishops wil that they should be rich v vpon earth, which is vniust before the Lord.

The 2. article is, that bishops take mony of such as are to be ordained,Actes. 8. but S. Peter did therfore sharply rebuke Simon Magus, when he would haue geuen him mony, as it is written in the 8. of the actes.

The 3. article is, that they that come to be priestes enter into priesthoode, not for gods seruice sake, because they mean to preach and encrease it among the Christiā people, so as the people may be edified and made better:The abuse of popishe religion, in taking orders. but rather for an idle life, and that they may eate well and drinke wel and that they may be honoured and reuerēced vpon earth For euery one wayteth vpon hys priest as a theefe and a robber, as Iohn writeth in his x. thap.

The 4. article is of excommunication, which the Pope and all his priestes take to themselues, and therwith fetter & bind all Christian people as they will, and they thinke yt whosoeuer they excommunicate or curse,Popishe excommunication abused. hee is accursed and excommunicate before God: And we wil proue by the holy Scripture, that they themselues are excommunicate & accursed before God, because they kepe not the commaundement of the loue of God,1. Cor. 16. wherof the Apostle writeth in yt 1. to the Cor. the 16. chap. If any man loueth not our Lorde Iesus Christ, he is excommunicate in the day of the comming of the Lord. For they cannot excommunicate you, who are already bound and excommunicate before God & hys saintes: and therefore why feare ye their excommunication?

The 5, Article is, that they take gifts for to pray for the dead, and to say masse for theyr soules. This is a wickednes and heresie before the Lord, & all they that contribute to them to this end,The pope [...] church poysoned with buying and selling their praying and singing, and all their doing for money. do wickedly, for that hereby priests become merchantes of prayers and of masses: and herewyth is all the church of Rome poysoned and defiled. For if they would pray for the dead and say masse for their soules, yet no man ought to hire thē thereto, forasmuch as they ought to take no giftes, neither little nor great. And euery one that taketh rewardes to this end, to redeeme soules out of purgatory, do therwithal cast their own soules down into hel. And they yt geue any thing to that end, doe altogether lose y• which they geue. And with such deuilishe sub [...]lety, y• Pope with all his priestes hath deceiued, spoyled and disherited kinges, princes, Lordes and knights, & good housholders and many other, of their lawful inheritaunces, because their ancestors & progenitours gaue it to Colledges, monasteries & churches, yt they might make memorials of thē & to sing or say prayers or masses for their soules,Feare of purgatory hath robbed almost all the whole world. that they might be redeemed out of Purgatorye. And wyth such goodes, Byshops, Canons, and Monasteries haue made themselues so riche, that now they fall at variaunce with cities, & princes: & wheras they should procure peace betwixt cities and rulers, there they are the first that begin warre: and as long as they haue such goodes, they wil neuer cease to be at strife with Lordes and cities,So long as priestes be rich, they will neuer be true teachers. neither wil they begin to teach you the true foundation of ye truth: For they do as a dogge, which as long as he holdeth a bone in his mouth and knaweth it: so long he holdeth his peace & cannot barcke. Euen so, as long as they haue this bone of pleasaunt riches, it wyl neuer be well in the world. Wherfore all kinges, princes and imperiall Citties should doe a great worke of godlines and mercy, if by them they were compelled to do this, as the dog is when the boane is takē from hym.

And therfore ye noble men, Kinges, princes, Lordes, imperiall Citties,The subtiltie of the deuill in making the church rich. Eccle. 19. and all the communaltie, both riche and poore, if ye haue bene a sleep yet now awake and opē your eyes and behold the subtiltie of the deuill, how he hath blinded the Church of Rome, and take agayne that is youres, and not theirs. And if you wil make a good memoriall for your soules, then do as the wyse man saith, Eccle. 19: Lay vp almes. &c.

The 6. article is, that they are full of pride and of high mynde,Popishe priests with their long & sumtuous gownes more like to the Pharises then Christ. 1. Tim. 3. which is manifestly knowne by their long, costlye and superfluous garmentes, wherein they walke very vnlike to Christ our Lord, who had a garmēt without a seam and to the welbeloued Iohn Baptist, who had a garment of Camels heare, and they wyl be honoured and worshyped, and they preach and say that Priesthood ought to be honoured, and so it ought in deede to be, but there is none yt do so much sclander and abase it, as they themselues, with their euill works, gay apparell, and with their euil words wherein they passe all other men.Honor in well gouerning. Paul sayth the i. to Tim. the 3. chapter. Let the Elders that gouerne wel, be honoured with double honour, chiefly they that labour in ye word and doctrine of the Lord. Consider, that he sayth they that gouerne well.

The 7. article is, that they are couetous from ye highest to the lowest,The popes church poysoned with couetousnes. Tim. 1. and for couetousnes they preach many folish deedes & manifest lies, & sell the holy sacramentes, whiche is a great heresie: for God commaunded that they shoulde geue freely. Paule writeth in the first to Timothy: Couetousnesse is the roote of all mischief, wherunto many haue ben geuen, and therefore they are separated from the fayth and haue denyed the truth.The popes church poysoned much with who [...]e dome.

The viii. article is, that they commonly are called notorious whoremongers. This is manifestly seene in theyr concubines and children, which walke openly in all mens sight, and make many mens wiues whoores, or corrupte their daughters being virgins, and make thē priests harlots and rybauldes.The Popes church and monasteries commonly poysoned with deuelishe enuie.

The ix. Article is, that they are ful of deuilish enuy, and especially in al Monasteries they haue great enuy and hatred amongest themselues, because when any thing is geuen or disposed to one Monastery or Colledge, then there are others, that hate it, and enuy at it, and woulde more gladly haue it themselues: Like as among dogs when any thing is geuen to the one and not to the other, which the other seing, enuyeth hys fellow, & the other likewise wil rather deuour all himselfe then geue any part to his fellowe. Wherefore it were well that they were brought from that great sin of enuy in geuing nothing vnto thē: And it were better that their possessions were takē from them, and that they should do that which the Lord spake to hys disciples saying: Go ye and preach the Gospell to all men.

The x. article is, that they are idle, and chiefly the Byshops, Chanons, and other Prelates, which wil not labor dilligently in the holy Scripture, wherewith they might cure the miseries of Christendome, wherto they haue boūd [Page] thēselues,The popes church poysoned with idlenes and belly cheare. and they eate the bread therof in idlenes, because when other men watch and labour to mayntaine themselues and their little ones, thē are they with their lemmons or els they walke in some Cittie, carying hawkes on their fistes, or els they sit at the good wyne wt their Concubines. and there they sing and play the Lucians, & eat of the best and therfore al that willingly bring and geue to them, shal be made partners of that curse whiche is geuen them of God, because they eate their bread vniustly, whereof Paul writeth in the 2. to the Thess. the 3. chapter: He that laboureth not, let him not eate.

The Popes church infamous with notorious lies.The 11. article is, that they are notorious liers, beca [...]e to the end that they may please men, they tel many tales & lies, which in the holy Scripture haue no foundation nor proofe. Of such wryteth Iohn in the Apoca. 21.

The 12. article is, that they doe not rightly giue or minister to the people the body of our Lord Iesus Christ,The Popes church erreth in diminishing one part of the Sacrament. and they geue it not as God hath instituted it and commanded. This is a great & a deuilish sinne and to great malapertnesse. Heerein we woulde ouercome them, wyth the testimonies of the Euangelistes: I say we woulde ouercome the Pope, and all his Priestes, with the authorityes of Marke, Luke and Paule. Rom. 13. and we woulde suffer, that Kinges, Princes, Lordes and all that are willing to heare, should heare it.

The 13. Article is, that they sit in spiritual iudgement, and then many times they iudge according to fauour,The Popes church charged with partialitie. and not according to the righteousnesse of God, and they take bribes giuing sentence for hym, which in Gods sight hath the wrongfull cause. Wo be to such sentēces, as it is wrytten in Isay 5. Wo be to ye that. &c.

The 14. Article is, that they sit hearing cōfessions, and when there come to them vsurers, raueners, and theeues, they take bribes of them of their ill gotten goodes, to spare them: and they willingly suffer them in cities and towns. And likewise of adulterers, and other notorious whoremongers and whores, and they neuer let or stay them in their great sinnes, to the end that the scripture may be fulfilled in them, which sayeth: Giftes and the loue of money do draw to hell, and do blinde the eyes of iudges.

He meaneth of claiming tithes by mere necessitie of the olde lawe: and not by the positiue law of princes.The 15. Article is, that they receiue tithes of men, and will of right haue them, and preache and say that men are bound to giue them tithes, and therin they say falsly: For they can not proue by the new Testament, that our Lorde Iesus Christ commanded it, and his disciples warned no man to do so, neither did themselues receiue them. But although in the old Testament, it were commanded to geue tithes, yet it can not thereby be prooued, that christian men are bound thereto: For this precept of the olde Testament had an end in the first yeare of our Lord Iesus Christ, like as the precept of Circūcision. Wherfore welbeloued, consider and see, how your bishops seduce you and shut youre eyes with things that haue no proofe. Christ sayeth in the 11. of Luke. Geue almes of those thinges that remaine, but he said not, geue the tenth of the goodes, which yee possesse, but geue almes. But when they heare the word, they may say as the lawyer said to Christ: Maister when thou sayest so, thou geuest offence. Luke 11.

The Popes church charged with vsury.The 16. Article is, that they in many places lende money or goodes to haue treasure or vsurie, and they haue in cities and townes, yearely paiments and perpetual reuenues, as great Princes and Lordes. Wherein they doe against the Gospel, which sayth, do not ye possesse gold nor siluer. And wheras they lend for gaine and vsury, againste that speaketh the Lord, Deu. 24. Lend not to vsury to thy brother. &c. Ye honest discrete and well beloued Lords, all the foresaide Articles we wil prooue against the Pope, and all his priests, with many testimonies of the holy Scripture, which for breuities sake, we haue not here mētioned. But note ye chiefly these 4. Articles, for which wee striue, and desire to defend them to the death.

The first Article is, that all publicke, and customably mortall sinnes ought to be forbidden and prohibited to all Priests and lay men, according to the commaundement of the holy Scripture.

He meaneth the immoderate riches & tēpo all possessions.The seconde Article is, that richesse ought to be taken from the Pope and all hys Priestes, from the hyghest to the lowest, and they ought to bee made poore, as the Disciples of our Lord Iesus Christ were: who had nothyng of their own, neither possessiōs in this world, neither worldly power.

Mē appointed to preach may preach t [...]oagh the Pope forbid them.The third Article is, that the word of God ought to be free for euery mā appointed and ordained therto, to preach and read in al places, whether they shal come, without resistance of any man or without any inhibitiō of either spirituall or earthly power openly or manifestly.

The fourth article is, that the body of our Lord Iesus Christ ought to be deliuered to euery christian as our lord hath ordained it,When the Pope holdeth his councell, let mē looke to their wiues & daughters where the councell is kept. and as the holy Euangelists haue wrytten. We haue also vnderstood that there shalbe a Councell in Basile: Wherfore let no mā be exalted, but let them diligētly kepe their wiues, their daughters and their virgins from Byshops, Priests, and Monkes. And do not thinke yt there is made any holy assembly of Bishops and Priests for the common commodity and profit of Christendom, but onely to thys end that they may hide their secret vices and heresies, with the cloke of hypocrisye, and let and hinder ye righteousnesse of God, which is muche contrary to them: and for this cause consider ye diligently, that they will not make an holy assembly, but the congregation of Sathan. And take ye heede that it be not done as some did at Constance, who tooke money of Bishops and Prelates, & suffered them to sleepe with their wiues. Ye welbeloued and honest Lordes, if ye finde any thing in these aforesaide Articles or wordes wrytten somewhat sharply, we did it not to offend or contemne you, but to the ende that ye shoulde diligently consider and deuise howe Christendome is so ill kept and led by the Priests of this present age. Our Lorde Iesu Christ keepe you both in body and soule. Amen. In the yeare of our Lord.Ex vetustissimo codice manuscripto. 1430.

Preropus, Smahors, Conradus, Samssmolich, Capitaines of Bohemia.

Nowe to prosecute the warres of the Bohemians againe, after Zisca was dead,Great lamētatiō for Zisca. wherof we did intreat before, there was great feare, sorrow, and lamentation in the army, the soldiers accusing fortune which gaue ouer such an inuincible captaine to be ouercome with death. Immediatly there was a diuision in the host, the one parte chusing Procopius Magnus to be their captaine, the other parte saying, that there was none could be found worthy to succede Zisca: whereuppon they chusing out certaine to serue the warres,The army of Zisca deuided. named themselues Orphanes.

Thus the Thaborites being deuided into two armies, the one part retained their olde and accustomed name, and the other by meanes of the death of their captayne, named themselues Orphanes. And all be it, that oftentimes there was dissension betwene them, yet when soeuer any forein power came towards them, they ioyned their powers together in one campe, and defended themselues. They seldome went vnto any fensed townes except it were to buy necessaries, but liued with their wiues and childrē in theyr campe & tents. They had amongst them many cartes, the which they vsed as a Bulwarke: For when so euer they went vnto battell, they made two wings of them, whyche closed in the footemen. The winges of the horse men were on the out side, and when as they sawe their time for to ioyne battell, the wagon men which led the wings, going forth vnto the Emperors standerd, and compassing in such part of their enemies as they woulde, did close themselues in together, whereby the ennemies being inclosed, so that they could not be rescued, they were partly by the footemē, & partly by the men that were in the carres wt their dartes slaine.The order and po [...]cie that the armie of Zisca vsed in warre after his decease. The horsemen fought without the fortification: and if it happened that they were oppressed or put to flight, by and by the carres opening themselues, receiued them as it were into a fensed Citie: and by this meanes they got many victories, for so much as their enemies were ignorant of their pollicies.

These 2. armies went foorth, the one into Slesia, and the other into Morauia, and returned againe wyth great pray, before their enemies knewe of their comming. After this they besieged ye towne of Swetley in Austrich, where as the Thaborites and the Orphanes, two nightes continually assaulted the walles wythout ceasing, but Albert Duke of Austrich comming with his hoste to aide the Citizens, they fought by the space almost of foure houres, the valiauntest warriers being slaine on both partes. At the length the battaile was broken of, and the Thaborits lost their carres, and Albert was put out of his camp & tents. Within a while after,Procopius Magnus. Procopius Magnus came agayne and inclosed the citie of Rhetium in Austria wt a notable siege. They of Prage were in his army, and Boslaus Cygneus, of whome we spake before, was slaine there with a dart, & the city of Rhetium was taken by force, sacked and burnt. The Burgraue of Malderburge Lord of the towne, was also taken and caried vnto Prage, where also hee dyed in prison.

These thinges thus done, the Emperour sent for the nobles of Boheme, which went vnto him vnto a town of Hungary, called Posonium in the borders of Austria, vpō the bāks of the riuer of Danubius: but they wold not enter into the towne, but remained wtout the towne in their tents, whether as the Emperoure going out vnto them, [Page] communing muche wt them as touching his right & title,Sigismund the Emperor which burned Hus and Hierom before, now is fayne to entreat for hys kingdome. and the recouering of his fathers kingdome, promising if there were any cause, which did alienate the Bohemians minds from him, that he would take away al the occasion therof. They made answer, that he had made warre vpon them without cause, and that he had suffred their countrey men cōtrary to his promise, to be burnt at Constance not being heard, and the kingdom to be contumeliously interdited, and the Nobles of Boheme to be condemned by the church of Rome as heretickes:The death of I. Hus & Hierome reuenged. and that he should thincke the force and power of the Bohemians not to be so small, but that they would prouide for their owne honor. Wherunto the Emperor answered very gently, & offered them a general councel, wherein they might declare their innocency, if they woulde submit themselues to the iudgement of the vniuersal Church: but the Bohemians which were now become valiant victors in armes, would not now be ouercome with wordes, and so nothing being finally concluded, the Emperor returned home.

The Cardinall of Winchester sent into Germany to rayse warre agaynst the Bohemians.Then pope Martin perceiuing the Gospell to increase daily more and more, sent the Cardinall of Winchester an Englishman, borne of a noble house, into Germanie to mooue them vnto warre against the Bohemians. Wherevnto the Emperor also did assiste him.

There were three armies prouided. In the first armie were the Dukes of Saxonie, and the lower cities.

The 2. armye, which was gathered of ye Franconians, was vnder ye conduct of the Marques of Brandenburge.Three armies set against the Bohemians.

The 3. army was led by Otho the archbishop of Treuers, whom the Rhenenses, the Bauarians, and the Imperiall cities of Sweuia followed. These armies entring into Boheme, in 3. seuerall partes, after they were passed the woode,God rescueth his people newly conuerted. they ioyned together & pitched before Misna. This towne a certaine learned and eloquent protestāt, named Prichicho, the night before, had won frō the Papists: wherfore the army was determined first to recouer yt citie, before they woulde goe any further. But when as newes came vnto the host, how the Protestants had gathered an army,The popes army flyeth. and came wtall spede towards them: they fled before they saw their enemies, and went vnto Thaconia, leauing behind them their warlike engins with a great pray. The Cardinall was not yet come into the campe, but meeting them in their flight at Thacouia,Lyke captayne, lyke souldiour. he maruailed at the cowardly flight of so many Noble and valiaunt men, desiring them that they woulde turne againe vnto their ennemies, which he sayde, were farre weaker then they. Which thing when he had long trauailed about in vaine, hee was faine to be a companion with them in their flight. They were scarsly entred the woode, when as the Bohemians comming vpon thē, set vpon their rereward. Then was theyr flight muche more disordered and fearfull then before, neither did they leaue flying before the Bohemiās left folowing. Then all impediment or let being taken away, they vanquished Thacouia: and hauing obtained great store of warlike engines, they destroyed Misna. And when they would haue returned home by Franconia, they had great summes of mony sent vnto them yt they shuld not wast or destroy the Countreis of Bramberge and Noremberge: wherby the host of the Bohemians was greatly enriched.

Sigismundus the Emperour hauing newes of these things,Anno. 1421. went straighte vnto Noremburge, and gathered there new aide and helpe. Also Pope Martin sent Iulian the cardinall of S. Angel into Germany with his ambassade, to make warre against the Bohemians,The Pope rayseth warre the second time against the Bohemians. and that hee should in the Counsell of Basill, which doth nowe shortly draw on, be president in the popes name. He entring into Germany, went straight to Norenberge to the Emperor, wheras many of the nobles of Germany were assembled.

There was a new expedition decreed against the Bohemians, against the 8. Kalendes of Iuly,A newe warre raysed by the pope against the Bohemians. and Fredericke Marques of Brandenburge appoynted generall of that warre, which should follow the Cardinal. He entred into Boheme by the way that leadeth vnto Thopa, and Albertus prince of Austrich was appoynted to bring hys armie thorough Morauia.

In this expedition was Albert & Christopher of Banaria, and Friderike Dukes of Saxony, Iohn and Albert princes of Brandenburge, wyth their father, which was generall of those warres. Also the bishops of Hyperbolis, Bamberge, and Eisten. Also the company of the Sweuians, which they called the company of S. George, and the Magistrates of the imperial cities, the bishops of Mentz, Treuers and Colen sent their aides, and wyth them the chieftaines of their prouinces.The number of the popes army against the Bohemians. It is sayd that the number of their horsemen were aboue 40000. But their footemen were not full so many, for the Germains for the most part do vse to fight their battels on horsebacke.

Also Rhenatus prince of Loraine promised to come to these warres, but being letted by his ciuill warres, for somuch as hee went about to vanquish the Earle of Uandome, wherby he could not keepe his promise, neyther the County Pallatine of Rheine, which did aide and succour the Earle of Uandome, coulde not goe against the Bohemians. The Cardinal staying for them, deferred his iourney vntill the Kalends of August. In the meane time, Albert leading his armie out of Austria, vnderstanding that the Cardinall was not present at the day appoynted, and seeing himselfe vnable to encounter wyth the Bohemian power, he returned backe againe. After this the Cardinall entred into Boheme with an huge army,Cardinall Iulian with a maine host entreth Boheme. The cruell slaughter done by the Cardinall. & destroyed many of the protestantes townes, killing men, women, and children, sparing neither olde nor yong: notwithstanding, this his tiranny was exercised in the vttermost borders of Boheme, for his captaines feared to enter farre into the land. The Bohemians assone as they that heard tel y• their enemy was come, made ready, & gathered their host with all speede, and laid siege to a towre called Stiltiuerge, and brought it vnder subiection.

In the meane season there fel such a maruelous sodein feare amongs al y• papists throughout the whole campe,God striketh a feare in the popes army. y• they begā most shamefully to run away before any enemy appearing in sight. The cardinal Iulianus maruelling at this most sodein feare, and what should moone so great an army to flie, went about vnto y• captains, exhorting them to put on armor, to order their battels, & coragiously to abide their enemies, saying: they did not fight for the glory of their kingdom, or for the possessiō of lands, but for their liues, and the honor &Rather for the religion of Antichrist This Cardinall belike loued to preach rather in the campe thēin the church. religion of Christ, and for the saluation of soules. How ignominious a thing is it (saith he) for the Germains to flie in battell, whose courage and valiantnes all the world doth extoll? It were much better for to die, then to geue place to any enemies, before they were seene: for they can by no meanes liue in safetie wythin the walles, which geue place vnto their enemy in the field, for it is the weapon that defendeth a man and not the walles, and except they would euen presently defend their libertie with the sworde, they should shortly be in greater bōdage, more miserable then any death. But this exhortation was all in vaine, for feare had put away all boldnes: for the ensignes were snatched vp, and as though there had bene no captaine in the hoste, euery man ran headlong away. No man regarded any commandement, neither once tooke his leaue of his captaine, but casting away their armour with speedy flight they ranne away, as though their enemy had bene at their backes.The Cardinals army ranne away for feare. The Cardinall also, although it were against his will, was forced to doe the like.

Thus the protestants by ye feare of their enemies made the more bolde and couragious, pursued them thorow the woodes, and had a great pray & spoile of them. Notwithstanding, Albertus, when he heard tell that the Cardinall was entered into Boheme, with all speede came agayne out of Austrich with his army, & besieged the strong town of Prezorabia: but when he vnderstoode howe the Cardinall was fled,Great slaughter in Boheme by Duke Albert. he left of his purpose, and returned through Morauia, which was not yet subiecte vnto him, and destroyed aboue 50. townes wyth fire and sword, toke many of their cities by force, and spoiled them, committing great murther and slaughter, and so afflicted them, that they toke vpon them his yoke, and promised to be subiecte and obedient to him vnder this condition, that as touching religion he would be bounde to doe that whych the Councel of Basil should determine.

Then was there an ambassade sent out of Boheme vnto Basil,The councel of Basill. where as Sigismund held the Councel, who during the time of warres,A letter of the Emperour to the Bohemians. had kept himself at Noremberge. When as hee shoulde take his iourney vnto Rome to bee crowned Emperour, hee wrote letters vnto the nobles of Boheme, wherin was contained, how that he was a Bohemian borne, and how he was not more affectioned to any nation, then to his own, and that he went to Rome for none other cause, but to be crowned, the which his honor shoulde also be a renowne to the Bohemians, whome to aduaunce it hath bene alwaies his speciall care.

Also, how that through his endeuor the Councel was begon at Basill, exhorting all suche as were desirous to be heard as touching religion, that they shuld come thether, and that they woulde not maintaine any quarell contrary to the holy mother church, that the Councel wold louingly and gentlely heare their reasons: that they should onely endeuour themselues to agree wyth the Synode as touching religion, and reserue and kepe a quiet and peaceable kingdome for hym, against his returne: Neyther shoulde the Bohemians thinke to refuse his regiment, whose brother, father, and vncle, had raigned ouer them, and that hee [Page] would reigne ouer them after no other meane or sort, then other Christian kings vsed to doe.

The councel of Basil also wrote their letter to the Bohemians, that they should send their Ambassadors which should shew a reason of their faith,The Bohe [...]ians sent for by the Councell. Safeconduct geuen to the Bohemians to come to the councell A doubt among the Bohemians, whether to goe to the councell of Basill or no. This Maynardus was after a great backfriend to the faithful Bohemians. 300. horsemen of the Bohemians sent Ambas. to the councell. This english man was Peter Paine The receiuing of the Bohemians at Basill. Procopius famous among the Germaynes. promising safeconducte to go & come, and free liberty to speake what they woulde. The Bohemians in this point were of 2. opinions, for the Protestants & almost all the common people, sayd, it was not good to go, alledging the examples of Iohn Hus and Hierome of Prage, which going vnto Constance vnder the safeconduct of the Emperour, were there openly burned. But the nobility folowing the minde of Maynardus, prince of the new house, sayde, that they ought to goe vnto the Councell, and that they are not to be suffred which had inuented those new and strange opinions of faith, & newe kinde of religion, except they would render accōpt of theyr doings and sayings before the vniuersall church, & defend those things, which they had openly taught, before learned men. This opinion tooke place, and an ambassade of 300. horse was sent vnto Basil. The chiefe wherof were William Cosca a valiant knight, & Procopius surnamed Magnus, a mā of worthy fame for his manifold victories. Ioh. Rochezana preacher of Prage. Nicolas Galecus, minister of the Thaborites, and one Peter an Englishman, of excellent prōpt and pregnant wit. The people came in great number out of the towne, and many out of the synode and councell, attending before the gates to see the comming of this valiāt and famous people: other some gathered together in great nōber into the streetes where as they should passe through. The matrones, maids and children, filled ye windowes and houses to behold and se [...], and to maruel at their strange kinde of apparel, and stoute couragious coū tenāces, saying that it was not vntrue which was reported of them: notwithstanding all men behelde Procopius, saying, this is he which hath ouerthrowne the papistes in so many battels, which hathe subuerted so many townes, and slaine so many men, whom both his enemies and also his owne souldiours, do feare and reuerence: also, that hee was a bold, valiant and inuincible captaine, which coulde not be ouercome with no terrour, labour or trauaile.

These Bohemian Ambassadors were gently receyued. The next day after,The oration of Cardinall Iulian. Cardinall Iulianus sending for them vnto the councell house, made a gentle, long, and eloquent Oration vnto them, exhorting them to vnitie and peace, saying, that the church was the spouse of our sauior Christ, and the mother of all faithful, that it hath the keyes of binding and losing, and also that it is white and fair, without spot or wrinkle, and cā not erre in those poynts which are necessary to saluation, and that he which doeth contemne the same church, is to be coūted as a prophane, Ethnike, & publicane, neither can this church be represented better by any meanes then in this councel. Hee exhorteth them also to receiue the decrees of the councell, and to geue no lesse credite vnto the councell then vnto the Gospell, by whose authority, the scriptures themselues are receiued & allowed. Also yt the Bohemians which call them selues, the children of the church, ought to heare ye voice of their mother, which is neuer vnmindful of her children, how that nowe of late they haue liued apart from their mother, albeit (said hee) that is no newe or straunge thing, for there haue bene many in times past, which haue forsakē their mother, and yet seeking after saluation haue returned to her againe: That in the time of Noes floud, as many as were wythout the arke perished: That the Lordes passeouer was to be eaten in one house: that there is no saluation to be sought for out of the church, and that this is the garden & famous fountaine of water, wherof whosoeuer shal drinke, shall not thirst euerlastingly: That the Bohemians haue done as they ought, in that they haue sought the foūtains of this water at the councel, and haue determined nowe at length to geue care vnto their mother. Nowe all hatred ought to cease, all armor and weapon is to be laid apart, & all occasion of warre vtterly to be reiected: For the fathers would louingly and gently heare whatsoeuer there they would say in their owne cause or quarell, requiring onely that they woulde willingly receiue and embrace the good counsels and determinations of the sacred synode: whereunto not onely the Bohemians, but also all other faithfull Christians, ought to consent and agree, if they wil be partakers of eternall life.

This Oration of the Cardinal, was heard & very wel allowed of the fathers. Wherunto the Bohemians answered in fewe woordes,The Bohemians aunswere to the Cardinals oration. that they neither had contemned the Church nor the councels: that the sentence geuen at Constance against those which were vnheard, doeth diminishe nothing of the Christian religion: that the authoritie of the fathers hath alwaies remained amongst them inuiolate, and whatsoeuer thing the Bohemians had taught, to bee confirmed by the scriptures and Gospell, and that they are nowe come to manifest their innocencie before the whole Church, and to require open audience, where as the laitie may also be present. The request was graunted them: and being further demanded in what poynts they did disagree from the church of Rome, they propounded 4. Articles.

First, they affirmed, that all suche as woulde be saued, ought of necessitie to receiue the Communion of the laste supper vnder both kindes of bread and wine.

The second Article,The articles wherin the Bohemians dissented from the church of Rome they affirmed a [...]l ciuil rule and dominion to be forbidden vnto y• Clergy by the law of God.

The thirde Article, that the preaching of the worde of God is free for all men, and in all places.

The fourth Article, as touching open crimes and offences which are in no wise to be suffered for the [...]oiding of greater euill.

These were the onely propositions whyche they propounded before the Councell in the name of the whole realme. Then another ambassador affirmed that he had hard of the Bohemians diuers and sundry thinges offensiue to Christian eares, amongst the which this was one poynte, that they should preach that the inuention of the order of begging Friers was diabolicall.

Then Procopius rising vppe, sayde, neither is it vntrue, for if neyther Moises, neyther before hym the Patriarkes, neither after him the Prophets, neyther in the new lawe Christe and hys Apostles did institute the order of begging friers, who doth dout but that it was an inuention of the deuil, and a worke of darkenesse?

This answere of Procopius was derided of them all: And Cardinall Iulianus went about to prooue that not onely the decrees of the Patriarkes and Prophetes,Certaine appointed by the Bohemians and the councell to dispute. and those things which Christ and his Apostles had instituted to be onely of God, but also all such decrees as the church shuld ordaine, being guided through the holy ghost, be the workes of God. All be it as he sayde, the order of begging Friers, might seeme to be taken out of some parte of the gospel. The Bohemians chose out 4. diuines which shuld declare their Articles to be taken out of the Scriptures. Likewise on the contrary part there was 4. appoynted by the councell. This disputation continued 50. dayes, where many thinges were alledged on either parte, whereof, as place shal serue, more hereafter (by the grace of Christ) shal be sayd, when we come to the time of that Councel.

In the meane season, while y• Bohemians were thus in long conflicts wyth Sigismund the Emperour and the Pope, fighting for their religion, vnto whome, notwtstanding all the fulnesse of the Popes power was bent against them,The death of K. Henry 5. called prince of priests for fauouring the pope. God of his goodnesse had geuē such noble victories, as is aboue expressed, and euer did prosper them so lōg as they could agree among thēselues: as these things (I say) were doing in Boheme: King Henry the 5. fighting likewise in Fraunce, albeit for no like matters of religion, fell sicke at Boys, and died after he had raigned 9. yeres 5. moneths 3. wekes and odde daies from his coronation. This king in his life and in all hys doings was so deuout & seruiceable to the Pope and his chapleins, that he was called of many the Prince of priests: who left behind him a sonne being yet an infant 9. monthes and 15. dayes of age, whom he had by Quene Katherine daughter to the French king, married to him about 2. or 3. yeares before. The name of which Prince succeeding after his father, was Henry 6. lefte vnder the gouernement and protection of his vncle named Humfrey Duke of Gloucester.

¶ The names of the Archbishops of Canterbury in this fifte Booke conteined.

54 | Simon Islepe. | 17
56 | Simon Langham. | 2
57 | William Witlesey. | 5
58 | Simon Sudbery. | 6
59 | William Courtney. | 15
60 | Thomas Arundel. | 18
61 | Henry Chichesly. | 29

THE SIXT PART OR SECTION, pertaining to the last 300. yeares.

[Page]

A preface to the reader.

ACcording to the fiue sondry diuersities and alterations of the Churche, so haue I deuided hetherto the order of thys presente Church story into fiue principall partes, euery part containing 300. yeares. So that nowe comming to the laste 300. yeares, that is, to the last times of the Church, counting from the time of Wickleffe: For as muche as in the compasse of the sayd last 300 yeres, are contained great troubles and perturbations of the Church, with the meruailous reformation of the same through the wonderous operation of the almighty, all which things cannot be comprehended in one booke, I haue therefore disposed the sayd latter 30. yeares, into diuers bookes, beginning nowe with the sixt booke, at the raigne of king Henry the vj. In which booke, beside the greeuous and sundry persecutions raised vp by Antichrist, to be noted, here in is also to be obserued, that where as it hath of long time bene receyued and thought of the common people, that this religion now generally vsed, hath sprong vp and risen but of late, euen by the space (as many do thinke) of 20. or 30. yeares, it may now manifestly appeare, not onely by the Acts and Monuments heretofore passed, but also by the hystories here after following, howe this profession of Christes religion hath bene spread abroade in Englande of olde and auncient time, not onely from the space of these 200. late yeares, from the time of Wyckleffe, but hathe continually from time to time sparkled abroade, although the flames thereof haue neuer so perfectly burst out, as they haue done within these hundred yeares and more: As by these hystories here collected & gathered out of Registers, especially of the Diocesse of Norwich, shall manifestly appeare: wherein may be seene what men, and how many both men and women within the sayde Diocesse of Norwich, haue bene, which haue defended the same cause of doctrine, which now is receiued by vs in the Church. Which persones althoughe then they were not so strongly armed in their cause and quarel, as of late yeres they haue bene, yet were they warriours in Christes churche, and fought for their power, in the same cause. And although they gaue backe through tyrannie, yet iudge thou the best good Reader, and referre the cause therof to God, who reuealeth all things according to his determined will and appoynted time.

§

King Henry 6. THis yong prince being vnder the age of one yeare, after the death of his father,Anno. 1422. succeeded in his reigne and kingdom of England, Anno 1422. and in the 8. yeare was crowned at Westminster: and the 2. yeare after was crowned also at Paris, Henry bishop of Winchester, Cardinall being present at them both,Ex Scala mundi. & raigned 38. yeres, and then was deposed by Edwarde the 4. as heere after (Christ willing) shall be declared in his time.Ex Regist. Cant. In the firste yeare of his raigne was burned the constant witnesse bearer and testis of Christes doctrine, William Tailour, a Priest vnder Henry Chichesley Archbishop of Canterbury. Of this William Tailour I read,William Taylour the first tyme apprehended. W. Taylour againe appeareth before the Archbishop. that in the dayes of Thomas Arundell, hee was first apprehended, and abiured. Afterwarde in the daies of Henry Chichesley, aboute the yeare of our Lorde 1421. which was a yeare before hys burning, the said William Tailour appeared again in the conuocation before the Archbishop being brought by the Bishop of Worcester, being complained of to haue taught at Bristow these Articles folowing.

Three articles first obiected to W. Taylour.First, that whosoeuer, hangeth any scripture about his necke, taketh away the honor due onely to God, & geueth it to the Deuill.

Secondly, that no humaine persone is to be worshipped, but onely God is to be adored.

Thirdly, that the Saints are not to be worshipped nor inuocated.

Upon these Articles the sayde William Tailour being examined, denied that he did preache or hold them in way of defending them, but only did commune and talke vpon the same, especially vpon the second and third article, only in way of reasoning, and for argument sake. And to iustify his opiniō to be true in that which he did hold, he brought out of his bosome a paper or libell wrytten, wherein were contained certaine Articles, wyth the testimonies of the Doctours alleaged, and exhibited the same vnto the archbishop. Who then being bidde to stande aside, the Archbyshop consulting together with the byshops and other prelates, what was to be done in the matter, deliuered the wrytinges vnto M. Iohn Castle, and Iohn Rikinghale, the two vicechauncelors of Oxforde and Cambridge, and to Iohn Langdon monke of Canterbury. Who aduising with themselues, and with other deuines, about the Articles and allegations, on the monday following, presented the sayde Articles of William Tailour, to the Archbishop and Prelates, as erroneous and hereticall. Wherevppon William Tailour being called before them, in conclusion was contented to reuoke the same, and for hys penaunce was by them condemned to perpetuall prison.

Notwithstanding, through fauour they were contented, that he should be released from his carceral indurance, in case hee woulde putte in sufficient surety in the kinges Chancerye, and sweare that he shall neuer holde or fauour any such opinions hereafter. And thus the sayde William Tailor apoynted to appeare the next Wednesday at Lambeth before the Archbishoppe, to take his absolution from his long excommunication during ye time from Thomas Arundell, appeared againe before him, where he laying a side his Arunlousa, that is: his cloke, his cap, and stripped vnto hys doublet, kneeled at the feete of the Archbyshop. Who then standing vp, and hauing a rodde in hys hande, began the Psalme Misere. &c. hys chaplaines aunswering the second verse.The forme of canonical absolution in the church vsed against th [...] that were excommunicate. After that was sayde, the Collect, Deus cui proprium. &c. with certaine other prayers. And so taking an oth of him, the Archbishop committed him to the custodie of the Byshop of Worcester, to whome power and authority was permitted to release him, vpon the conditions aforesaide. And thus was William Tailour, for that time absolued, being enioyned notwythstanding to appeare at the next conuocation whēsoeuer it shuld be, before the said Archbishop or his successour that should follow him.

In the meane time, while William Tailour was thus in the custody of the Bishop of Worcester, there passed certaine wrytings betweene hym, and one Thomas Smith priest at Bristowe, in the which wrytings William Tailour replied against ye sayd Thomas, concerning the question of worshipping Saints. Upon the occasion of which reply, being brought to the hands of the byshop of Worcester, William Tailour began a newe to be troubled, & was broughte againe before the publicke conuocation of the cleargy, by the said bishop of Worcester, to aunswere vnto his wrytings. This was an. 1422. the 11. day of Februarie. Unto the which conuocation the sayd William being presented, his wrytings were read to him, which he woulde not, nor could not deny to be of his owne hand wryting.

The tenour and effect of whose wryting onely tended to prooue,The opinion of Wil. Taylour cō cerning worshipping of Saintes. that euery petition and prayer for any supernaturall gift, ought to be directed to God alone, & to no creature. All be it in this his wryting he did not vtterly deny, that it was not lawfull in no respecte to pray to Saintes, (and bringeth for the same Thomas Aquine) but onely in respect of that worship, whych is called Cultus latriae: And further so prosecuteth his minde herein,Cultus latriae, that is, worship which is onely due to God. that he semeth little or nothing to differ from the superstition of the papists: as most plainely appeareth by his owne wordes, saying: Nunquam tamen negaui, aut negare intendo, merita aut sanctorum suffragia tam beatorum, quam viantium, tam viuis, quam mortuis ad hoc dispositis, quantum possunt, suffragari, vel proficere, quia hoc est elicibile ex Scriptura, quae non fallit, & ex consona ratione. &c. And moreouer hee inferreth the example of Moses, who prayed vnto God, alleadging the merites of [Page] Abraham, Isaac, and Iacob, which were deade. &c. And furthermore passing from the testimony of Hierome, and alledging the example of Steuen, sayeth: Quod nunc magis exauditur pro veneratoribus suis, quam tunc exauditus est pro lapidatoribus. Ang. super. Psal. 21. And at length he commeth to this cōclusion, proouing by S. Austen, in this maner: ‘Ne igitur cum impijs & idolatris in veteri testamento, in circuitu ambulemus, nunquam deueniendo ad centrum, sanū est quod faciamus secundum consilium Apostoli sic dicentis: Accedamus cum fiducia ad thronum gratiae eius, vt misericordiam consequamur & gratiam inueniamus in auxilio oportuno. &c.’ That is. And therfore least we runne about in circles with the wicked, and wyth the idolaters of the old Testament, and neuer come to the center, therfore it is wholesome & good counsaile,4. articles by the 4. orders of Friers laid against W. Taylour. that we followe the minde of the Apostle, saying: Let vs resorte wyth boldnes vnto the throne of his grace, that we may obtaine mercy, and finde grace in time or oportune helpe. &c.

Thus much out of the foresayde wryting of W. Tailor I haue excerped, to the intent that the indifferent reader, vsing his iudgement herein, may see how litle matter was in this, wherefore he should be condemned by the Papists. And yet notwythstanding the same wryting being deliuered by the archbishop, to the four orders of Friers of London to be examined, was founde erroneous and hereticall in these poyntes.

1. First, that euery prayer, which is a petition of some supernaturall gift or free gift, is to be directed onely to God.

2. Item, that prayer is to be directed to God alone.

3. Item, to pray to any creature is to commit idolatry.

4. Also, an other opiniō there was much like to the other, to make vp the fourth, so that although all these opinions agreed in one, yet to make vp a number euery order of the foure sortes of Friers, thought to finde out some matter to offer vp to the Archb. against him, least one order shoulde seeme more cunning or pregnant in finding out more, then could an other: or els perchaunce least any of them should seeme to fauor the party, in bringing nothing against him, as the rest had done.

The burning of William Tailour, Priest.

When the Saterday was come, which was the 20. day of February, vppon the which day the 4. orders were appoynted to declare theyr censure vppon the Articles in the chapiter houses of Paules, first appeareth Frier Tylle, for the Blacke Friers, then Frier Winchelsey: then Frier Low: After Frier Ashwel, eche Frier for his order seuerally bringing his heresy, as is aboue specified.

Thus the verdict of these 4. orders being geuen vp to the Archb. and seuerally, eche order comming in with hys heresye, which was the 20. day of February. Hereuppon commeth downe a wryt from the king, directed to the lord Maior and Sheriffes of London. De heretico comburendo, dated the 1. day of March. Anno 1. of his raigne. The copic whereof remaineth in the recordes of the Tower, beginning thus, Rex Maiori & vicecomitibus. Wherupon the sayd William Tailour condemned as a relapse,W. Taylour disgraded. W. Taylour Martir, burned in Smithfield. first was disgraded, and after to be burned, and so was committed to the seculare power, who their being had to Smithfield, the 1. day of Marche, with Christian constancie, after long imprisonment, there did consummate his Martyrdom. 1422.

The maner of his disgrading was all one with the disgrading of Iohn Hus before: for the Papistes vse but one forme for all men. First disgrading them from Priesthode, by taking from them the chalice and patine. From deaconship, by taking from them the gospell booke and tunicle. From Subdeaconship, by taking from them the Epistle booke and Tunicle.The popes maner of degradation. From Accoluteship, by taking from them the Cruet and Candlesticke. From an Exorcisie, by taking away the booke of Exorcismes or Graduall. From the Sextonship, by taking away the churchdoore key and surplis. And likewise from Benet, in taking away the surplis, and first tonsure. &c. Al which they orderly accomplished vpon this godly Martyr, before his burning.

Iohn Florence a Turner.

IDon Florence a Turner,Iohn Florence [...] a Turner. dwelling in Shelton, in the Diocesse of Norwich, was attached for that he helde and taught these heresies heere vnder wrytten (as they called them) cōtrary to ye determination of the Church of Rome.

In primis, that the pope and Cardinals haue no power to make or constitute any lawes.

Item, that there is no day to be kept holy, but onely the Sonday which God hath halowed.

Item, that men ought to fast no other time, but of the Quatuor temporum.

Item, that Images are not to be worshipped, neyther that the people ought to set vp any lightes before them in the Churches, neither to go on pilgrimage, neither to offer for the dead, or with women that are purified.

Item,He meanet [...] they should claime such [...] thes by any exaction. that Curates should not take the tithes of theyr parishioners, but that such tithes shuld be deuided amōgst the poore parishioners.

Item, that al such as sweare by their life or power, shal be damned, except they repent.

The displing of Iohn Florence.

Upon wensday, being the second day of August in the yeare of our Lorde 1424. the sayde Iohn Florence personally appeared before William Bernam,Anno. 1424. Chauncellour to William byshoppe of Norwich, whereas he proceding against him, obiected the first article touching the power of the Pope and Cardinals: to which Article the sayde Iohn Florence answered in thys manner. If the pope liued vprightly as Peter liued, he hath power to make lawes: otherwise, I beleeue hee hathe no power. But being afterward threatned by the iudge, he acknowledged thathe had erred, and submitted himselfe to the correction of ye church, and was abiured, taking an othe that from that time forward he should not hold, teach, preach, or willingly defend [Page] [...] [Page] any errour or heresie contrary to the determination of the church of Rome, neither maintaine, helpe, or aide any that shal teach or hold any such errors or heresies, either priuely or apertly, and for his offence in thys behalfe done, hee was enioyned thys penance following.

Three Sondaies in a solemne procession in the cathedral Church of Norwich,The maner of this displing was withawhite rodde, thrise laid vpon the head of the penitenciary. he should be displed before al the people. The like also shuld be don about his parish church of Shelton, three other seuerall Sondaies, hee being bare headed, bare footed & bare n [...]cked, after the maner of a publicke penitentiarie, his body being couered wyth a canues shirt, and canues breches, carying in his hande a taper of a pounde waight, and that done he was dismissed.

Richard Belward of Erisam in the Dioces of Norwich.

RIchard Belward of Erisam, in the Diocesse of Norwiche, was accused for holding and teaching these errours and opinions heere vnder wrytten, contrary to the determination of the church of Rome.

He meaneth the wicked byshops of that time, whose curses God did blesse. This proueth Sir I. Oldecastle to be no traytour. In primis, that Ecclesiasticall ministers and Ordinaries haue no power to excommunicate, neither can excommunicate: And all be it that a Bishop doe excommunicate any man, God doth absolue him.

Item, that he held the erronious opinions and conclusions, that Syr Iohn Oldcastle helde when he was in prison, & affirmed that Syr Iohn Oldcastle was a true Catholicke man, and falsly condemned and put to death without any reasonable cause.

Item, that such as go on pilgrimage, offering to images made of woode and stone, are excommunicate because they ought to offer to the quicke, and not to the dead: and that the Ecclesiasticall Ministers, that is to say the curates do sell God vppon Easter day, when as they receiue offerings of such as should communicate before they do minister the Sacrament vnto them.

Item, that he counselled diuers women, ye they should not offer in the Churche for the dead, neither wyth women that were purified.

Item, that he blamed diuers of his neighbors that refused his doctrine,The wordes of ha Register. saying vnto thē: truly ye are sooles that deny to learne the doctrine of my sect, for your neighbours which are of my sect, are able to confound and vauquish al other that are of your sect.

Item, that the Saintes whych are in heauen, ought in no case to be prayed vnto, but onely God.

Item, that the sayd Richard keepeth schooles of lolardy in the English tong, in the towne of Dychingham, and a certaine Parchment maker bryngeth hym all the bookes containing that doctrine from London.

The 5. day of July 1424. the sayde Richarde Belward was brought before Iohn, Byshop of Norwich sitting in place of iudgement, wheras the foresaid Articles were obiected against the sayde Richarde, whych he there denyed: whereupō the bishop appoynted him an other day to purge himselfe, the monday next after the feast of S. Marget: vpon which day being the 24. of Iuly, in the yeare aforesayd, he appeared againe before the Bishop, and brought wyth him 9. of his neighbors to purge hym vpon those articles, and there did solemnely purge himselfe. And afterwarde, for somuch as the said Bishop suspected the sayd Richarde Belward greatly of lolardie, hee commaunded him there presently to sweare vpon the Euangelistes, that from that day forwarde he should not wittingly preach, teach, or defend any error or heresy, contrary to the churche of Rome, neither aide, assist, fauour or maintaine, priuely or apertly, any maner of person or persons, that should hold or maintaine the sayde errours or heresies. In the presence of M. William Bernam, Iohn Wadden, Robert Serle & Iohn Berne Esquire, and other of his neighbours which came vnto his purgation.

In like maner Iohn Goddesel of Dichingham parchmentmaker, was detected and accused vpon the same articles, and thereupon brought before the bishop:Iohn Goddesell of Dichingham. whereas he denying them, purged himselfe by his neighbours, as Richard Belward before had done, being sworne also in lyke maner, as he was, and so was dismissed and set at libertie, vntill the yeare of our Lord 1428. When as he was againe apprehended, accused and abiured, as shalbe more at large declared in the hystorie when we come to that yeare. Syr Hugh Pie also, chaplaine of Ludney in the dioces of Norwich, was likewise accused and brought before the byshop of Norwich ye 5. day of Iuly.Sir Hugh Pye Priest. An. 1424. for holding of these opinions following.

That the people ought not to go on pilgrimage.

Item, that ye people ought not to geue almes, but only vnto suche as begge at theyr dores.

Item,Image of the crosse not to be worshipped that the image of the crosse and other images are not to be worshipped. And that the said Hugh, had cast the crosse of Bromeholde into the fire to be burned, which hee tooke from one Iohn welgate of Ludney. Which articles as is aforesayde, being obiected against him, he vtterly denied: Wherupon he had a day appoynted to purge himselfe by the witnes of 3. lay men and 3. priests. That so done, he was sworne as the other before, and so dismissed.

After this, in the yeare of our Lorde 1428. king Henry the 6. sent downe most cruel letters of commission vnto I. Exetor and Iacolet Germaine, keeper of the castle of Colchester, for the apprehending of Sir William White Priest, and others suspected of heresies, the tenor wherof, hereafter ensueth.

¶ The copie of the kings letters directed to Iohn Exeter, and Iacolet Germaine, keeper of the castle of Colchester, for the apprehending of Sir William White priest and other, (as they called them) lollards.

HEnry by the grace of God king of Englande and of Fraunce, A letter of the king. Lord of Ireland, to his well beloued Iohn Exetor, and Iacolet Germaine, keeper of the castle of Colchester health.

Ye shall vnderstand that we fully trusting vnto your fidelitye and circumspections, haue appoynted you ioyntly and seuerally to take and arrest William White priest, and Thomas, late chaplaine of Setling, in the countie of Norfolke, and William Northampton priest, and al other whatsoeuer they be that are suspect of heresy or lollardy, wheresoeuer they may be founde within the liberties or without, and straight way being so taken, to send the vnto our next gaile or prison, vnto such time, as we shall haue taken other order for their deliuery: And therefore wee straightly commaunde you, that ye diligently attende about the premisses, and fulfill the same in forme aforesayde. Also we charge and command all and singuler Iustices of peace, Maiors, Shriues, Bailiffes, Cunstables, and all other our faithfull officers, by the tenoure of these presents, that they do assist, aide, and counsaile you & euery of you, in the execution of the premisses, as it shall be comely for them. In witnes whereof, we haue caused these our letters patentes to be made.

Witnes my selfe at Westminster, the 6. of Iuly, the 6. yeare of our raigne

.

By vertue of which commission we finde in olde Monuments, that wythin shorte space after. Iohn Exeter, which was appointed one of the commissioners, attached 6. persons in the towne of Bungay in the diocesse of Norwich, and committed them to William Day, and William Roe, Constables of the towne of Bungay, to be sent within 10. dayes folowing vnder safe custodie, vnto the castle of Norwich. Whose names, through the antiquity of the monument were so defaced that we coulde not attaine to the perfecte knowledge of them all: onely 3. names partlye remained in the booke to be read, which were these.

¶ Iohn Waddon of Tenterdon, in the countie of kent, Bartlemewe, Monke of Ersham, in the countie of Norfolke, Corneleader, a martyed man. William Skuts.

These 3. were in the custodie of the Duke of Northfolk, at hys castle of Fremingham.

Besides these, we also finde in the said old monuments within the diocesse of Norffolke and Suffolke, specially in the townes of Beckels, Ersham, and Ludney, a great nū ber both of men and women to haue bene vexed and ca [...]e in prison, & after their abiuration, brought to open shame in churches and markets by the bishop of the sayd diocesse called William, and hys Chancellour William Bernham, Iohn Exceter being the Register therein, so that wythin the space of 3. or 4. yeares,William Bishop of Norwich, William Bernhā hys Chaūcelor. that is from the yeare 1428. vnto the yeare 1431. about the number of 120. menne and women are examined and sustained great vexatiō for the profession of the Christian faithe: of whome some were onely taken vppon suspition onely for eating of meates prohibited vpon vigil dayes, who of their purgation made, escaped more easily away and wyth lesse punishment, whose names here follow subscribed.

The names of them that were taken and examined vpon suspition of heresye.

A cataloge of good mé and women troubled for suspition of heresie.

RObert Skiruing of Harlstone.

Wiliam Skiruing.

Iohn Terry of Ersham.

Iohn Abtre of Ersham.

Iohn Middleton of Haluergate.

Iohn Wayde of Ersham.

Rich. Clarke of Sething.

Tho. White of Bedingham.

M. Rob. Beete of Berry.

Rich. Page of Clipsly.

[Page]The other were more cruelly handled, and some of them were put to death and burned, of whō we do specially finde mention made of these three.

Father Abraham of Colchester.

William white Priest.

Iohn Waddon priest.

The residue, for a great number of good men and women, were forced to abiure, sustayning such cruell penaunce as pleased then the sayd Bishop and his Chauncellor to lay vpon them. The names of which both men and wonnē here folow together in this briefe Catalogue to be seene.

IOhn Beuerley.

Iohn Wardon.

Iohn Baker. Iohn Midleton.

Iohn Kynget.

Margery Backster.

Iohn Skilley.

Iohn Godhold.

Thomas Albecke. Iohn Pierce.

Nicholas Canon of Eye.

Thomas Pye.

Iohn Mendham.

Iohn Middleton.

Thomas Chatris.

Thomas Wade.

William Taylor.

Iohn Cupper, vicar of Tunstall.

Sir Hugh Pye Priest.

Bartholomew Tatcher.

Thomas Iames.

Iohn Fouling.

Bertram Cornmonger.

Thomas Swerdin.

Alanus Andrew.

William Wright.

William Euerden.

William Taylor.

Auis the wi [...]e of Thomas Moone and her daughter.

Richard Fletcher of Beckles.

Nicholas Belward.

Thomas Grenemere.

Iohn Clarke. William Bate.

William Scherming.

William Osburne.

Iohn Rene of Beckles.

Baldwine Cooper of Beckles.

Iohn Pert. M Mones seruant.

Rob. Brigs, Iohn Finch.

Iohn Wropham. Thomas Mone.

Isabell Chaplaine of Martham.

William Masse of Ersham.

Iohn Goodwine of Ersham.

Henry Latchcold of Ersham.

Henry Boode of Ersham.

Rich Horne of Ersham.

Iohn Belward senior of Ersham.

Iohn Belward iunior of Ersham.

Iohn Spire of Bungay.

Rob. Colle of Turning.

The heard of Shepemedow

Isabell Dauy of Costes.

Sibill wife of Iohn Godefell of Dicham.

Iohn Pyry of Bartham.

Iohn Baker. Margery Wright.

Thomas Burrell and his wife.

Iohn Pert. Edm. Archer.

The Clarke of Ludney.

Rich Clarke of Sething.

Katherine the wife of William Wright, William Colin of Southcreke.

Rich King of Windeham.

Tho Plowman. Iohn Fellis.

Tho. Loue of Rokeland.

Rich Knobbing of Beckles.

Rich. Grace of Beckles.

Iohn Eldon of Beckles.

William Hardy, Wil. Bate.

Iohn Weston.

Katherine Hobs.

Iohn Daw.

Rob. Grigs of Martham.

Wil. Calis Priest.

Tho. Pert. Priest.

Katherine Dauy.

Iacob Bodhome, & Margaret his wife.

Iohn Manning of Marton.

Iohn Culling of Beemster.

Rich Fletcher of Beckles and Matild his wife.

Iohn Eldon of Beckles.

Rob. Canel Priest.

Nich. Drey.

Wil. Hardy of Mundham.

Iohn Poleyne.

These forenamed persons and souldiors of Christ, being much beatē with the cares and troubles of those dayes although they were constrayned to relent and abiure, that is to protest otherwise with their tonges, then theyr harts did thinke, partly through correction and partly through infirmity (being as yet but new trayned Souldiours in Gods field) yet for theyr good will they bare vnto ye trueth, although with theyr tongues they durst not expresse it, we haue thought good that theyr names should not be suppressed, as well for other sondry causes, as especially for this: either to stop the mouthes of malignant aduersaryes, or to aunswere to theyr ignorance: Who folowing rather blinde affection thē the true knowledge of times and antiquities, for lacke of knowledge, blame that they know not, accusing the true doctrine of the worde of God, for newelty and carping, the teachers therof for new broched brethrē. Who, if they did as well foresee times passed, as they be vnwilling to follow times now present, they should vnderstand as well by these storyes as other before, how this doctrine of the grace of God lacking no antiquity, hath from time to time continually sought to burst out, and in some places hath preuayled, although in most places through tyrā ny and the malice of men, Christes procedinges haue bene suppressed and kept vnder from rising, so muche as mans power and strength ioyned with craft and subtlery, coulde labor to keepe downe the same: as here by these good men of Northfolke and Southfolke, may well appeare. For if the knowledge and the good towardnesse of those good mē, had had the like liberty of time, with the helpe of like authority as we haue nowe,Bonermight see the church here in this age, more then xl. yeres before he was borne. and had not ben restrayned thorough the iniquity of time and tyranny of Prelates: it had well appeared how olde this doctrine woulde haue bene, which now they contemne and reiect for the newnes therof: neither needed Boner to haue asked of Tho. Hawkes, and such other, where their Church was for xl. yeares ago, in as much as for xl. yeares ago, and more, within the coū try of Norfolke and Suffolke, was then soūd such plenty of ye same professiō & like doctrine which we now professe. And thus much for the nūber of the names of thesepersōs.

Now touching theyr Articles whiche they did mayneteine and defend: first this is to be considered, as I finde it in the registers, such society and agrement of doctrine to be amongst them, that almost in theyr assertions and articles there was no difference. The doctrine of the one was the doctrine of all the other, what theyr articles were, partly it is shewed in the lease before: and partly here followeth to be declared more at large.

Although it is to be thought concerning these Articles that many of them either were falsly obiected agaynst thē, or not truely reported of the notaryes, according as the cō mon maner is of these aduersaryes, where the matter is good, there to make heresy, and of a litle occasion, to styre vp great matter of slaunder, as they did before by the articles of Iohn Wickliffe and Iohn Hus, and others mo: So in like maner it semeth they did in the Articles of these mē, either mistaking that which they said, or misunderstanding that which they ment, especially in these two articles concerning baptisme and paying of tithes. For where as they speaking agaynst the ceremonicall and superfluous traditions then vsed in baptisme, as salt, oile, spittle, taper, light crisomes, exorcising of the water, with such other, accoūted them as no materiall thing in the holy institution of Baptisme, the notaryes slaunderously deprauing this theyr assertion, to make it more odious to the eares of the people,These men are falsely slaundered about Baptisme. so gaue out the article as though they should holde that the sacrament of Baptisme vsed in the church by water, is but a light matter and of small effect.

Agayne, in speaking agaynst the Christening the midwiues vse in priuate houses, agaynst the opinion of suche as thinke suche children to be damned, which depart before they come to theyr Baptisme, they are falsely reported as though they shoulde say, that Christen people be sustiently baptised in the bloud of Christ, and nedeth no water, and that infants be sufficiently baptised, if their parents be baptised before them. Whiche thing is so contrary to the manifest worde, that it is not to bee thoughte anye to bee [Page] so ignoraunt of the gospell, that euer would or did affirme the same.

Moreouer, they thought or sayd peraduenture that in certayne cases, tithes might be witholden from wicked priestes sometime, and be conferred to better vses, to the be hoofe of the poore: Therfore they are falsly slaundered, as saying and affirming that no tithes were to be geuē to the ministers and curates of the churches.

The papistes are but quarel pickers.And likewise for matrimony, wherin they are reported to hold and affirme as though it consisted onely in the mutuall consent betwixt the man & woman, neding no other solemnizing in the publicke church and all because (as it is like) they denyed it to be a Sacramēt. Other articles were obiected agaynst them as these which hereafter folow.

Articles.That auricular confessiō is not to be made vnto a priest but vnto God onely, because no priest hath any power to absolue a sinner from his sinne.

Item, that no Priest hath power to make the body of Christ in the sacrament of the aultar, but that after the sacramentall words, there remayneth pure materiall breade as before.

Item that euery true christian man is a priest to God.

Item, that no man is bound vnder paine of damnatiō vnto Lent or any other dayes prohibited by the Church of Rome.

Item, that the Pope is Antichrist, and his Prelats the Disciples of Antichrist, and the Pope hath no power to binde and loose vpon earth.

In case of necessitie, vrgent they meane. Item, that it is lawfull for euery Christian to doe any bodely worke (sinne onely except) vpon holy dayes.

Item that it is lawfull for priestes to haue wiues.

Item, that the excommunications and ecclesiastical cē sures geuen out by the Prelates are not to be regarded.

Item, it is not lawfull to sweare in priuate cases.

Item, that men ought not to go on pilgrimage.

Item that there is no honor to be geuē to the Images of the crucifixe, of our Lady, or any other saynt.

Item, that the holy water halowed in the church by the priest, is not holyer or of more vertue then other running or well water, because the Lord blessed all waters in theyr first creation.

The death of Thomas Becket.Item, that the death of Thomas Becket, was neyther holy neither meritorious.

Item, that reliques as dead mens bones, ought not to be worshipped or digged out of theyr graues, or set vp in Shrynes.

Item, that prayers made in all places are acceptable vnto God.

Item, that men ought not to pray to any saynt but only to God.

Item that the vels and ringing in the church was ordeyned for no other purpose then to fill the pristes purses.

Item, that it is no sinne to withstand the ecclesiasticall preceptes.

Item, that the catholick church is onely the congregation of the elect.

In this article is ment that the wicked be in the church but not of the Church.These were the Articles, which were generally obiected agaynst them all, wherin they did so agree in one vniforme sayth, that whatsoeuer one did hold, all the other did mayntayne & hold the same. By the which theyr consent & doctrine it appeareth that they all receiued it of some one instructor, who was William White: which being a scholer and folower of I. Wickliffe, resorted afterward into thys country of Norfolke and there instructed these men in the light of the gospell. And now as we haue declared the names and Articles of these good men, so it remayneth somewhat to speake of theyr troubles how they were handled, beginning first with William White.

¶ William White Priest.

W. White, Martyre. Anno. 1428. [...] Waldeno.THis William White being a folower of Iohn Wickliff and a priest not after the common sort of priests, but rather to be reputed amongst the number of them, of whom the wise man speaketh:Eccle. 50. [...] He was as the morning starre in the midst of a cloud, &c. This man was well learned, vpright & a well spoken priest. He gaue ouer his priesthood & benefice, & took vnto him a godly yong woman to his wife named Ioane: notwithstanding he did not therefore cease or leaue frō his former office & duty, but continually labored to the glory and prayse of his spouse Christ, by reading, writing & preaching. The principal points of his doctrine were these, which he was forced to recant at Canterbury.

That men should seeke for the forgeuenes of their sins onely at the handes of God.

That the wicked liuing of the Pope and his holynesse, is nothing els but a deuilish estate and heauy yoke of Antichrist, and therfore he is an enemy vnto Christes trueth.

That men ought not to worship Images or other Idolatrous payntings.

That mē ought not to worship the holy men which are dead.

That the Romish church is the fig tree which the Lord Christ hath accussed,The Romi [...] church ap [...] resembled to the cu [...] sed fig [...]uce. because it hath brought forth no fruit of the true beliefe.

That such as weare coules, or be annointed or shorne are the lanceknightes and souldiors of Lucifer: & that they all, because theyr lamps are not burning, shall be shut out, when as the Lord Christ shall come.

Upon which articles he being attached at Cant. vnder the Archb. Henry Chichesley in the yeare of our Lord 1424. there for a certayne space stoutly and manly witnessed the truth whiche he had preached: but like as there he lost hys courage and strength, so afterward he became again much more stouter and stronger in Iesu Christ and confessed his own error & offence. For after this he going into Norfolk with his said wife Ioane, & there occupying himself busily in teaching & conuerting the people vnto the true doctrine of Christ, at the last by meanes of ye kings letters sēt down for that intent and purpose, he was apprehended & taken & brought before Wil. bishop of Norwich, by whom he was conuict & condemned of 30. articles & there was burned in Norwich, in the moneth of September. an. 1424.

¶ The burning of William White.

This William White and his wife had his most abode with one Tho. Moone of Ludney. This mā was of so deuout and holy life, that all ye people had him in great reuerence, and desired him to pray for them: in so much that one Margaret Wright confessed, that if any sayntes were to be prayd to, she would rather pray to him then to any other. When he was come vnto the stake thinking to open hys mouth to speak vnto the people,The bishops man smit [...]th him on the mouth, exhorting the people. to exhort & confirme them in the verity, one of the bishops seruants stroke hym on ye mouth, therby to force him to keepe silence. And thus thys good man receiuing the crowne of martyrdome, ended this mortall life to the great dolor & griefe of all the good men of Norfolke. Whose sayd wife Ioane, folowing her husbāds footsteps according to her power, teaching and sowing abroad the same doctrine, confirmed many men in Gods truth: wherefore the suffered much trouble and punishmēt the same yeare at the handes of the sayd bishop.

About the same time also was burned father Abraham of Colchester,Father Abraham, Iohn Waddon priest, martyrs and burned. and Iob. Waddō priest, for the like articles.

Concerning them, which abiured, how & by whom they were examined, What depositions came in agaynst them, and what was the order & maner of the penance inioyned them, here it might be set out at large: but for auoyding of prolixity, it shall be sufficient briefly to touch certaine of the principals, wherby the better vnderstanding may be geuē [Page] to the Reader, after what maner & order al the other were intreated.

First amongst them which were arested and caused to abiure in this yeare afore specified. 1428. was Thom. Pye, and Iohn Mendham of Aldborough, who being conuict vpon diuers of the Articles before mentioned, were enioined penance to be done in theyr own parish Church, as by the bishops letter directed to the Deane of Rhodenhall, & yt parish priest of Aldborough, doth more at large appeare, the tenour wherof here ensueth.

The copy of the Bishop of Norwich his letter.

A letter of the bishop of Norwich.WIlliam by the sufferance of God Bishop of Norwich to our welbeloued sonnes in Christ the Deane of Rodéhal of our Dioces, and to the parishe priest of the parish Churche of Aldborough of the same our dioces, health, grace and benediction.

For so much as we, according to our office lawefully proceeding to the correction and amendment of the soules of Thomas Pye and Iohn Mendham of Aldborough of the dioces aforesayd, because they haue holden, beleued and affirmed, diuers and many errours and heresyes, contrary to the determination of the holy Churche of Rome, and the vniuersall church and catholicke fayth, haue enioyned the sayd Thomas and Iohn appearing before vs personally and confessing before vs iudicially that they haue holden, beleued and affirmed, diuers and many errors and heresyes, this penaunce hereunder written for theyr offences to be done and fulfilled in maner, forme and time hereunder written, according as iustice doth require, that is to say, sixe fustigations or displinges about the parish church of Alborough aforesayd, before a solemn procession, sixe seuerall sondayes and three displinges about the market place of Herelston of our sayde Dioces, three principall market dayes, bare necked, head legs and feet, theyr bodyes being couered onely with theyr shyrtes and breeches either of them carying a taper in his hand of a pound waight, as well rounde about the Church, as about the market place, in euery of the foresayd appoynted dayes,The maner at the popes penaunce. which tapers the last sonday after theyr penance finished, we will that the sayde Iohn & Thomas do humbly and deuoutly offer vnto the high aultar of the parish church of Alborough at the tyme of the offertory of the high Masse the

The description of the penance of Tho. Pye, and Iohn Mendham.

same day, and that either of them going about the market place aforesayd: shall make foure seueral pauses or stayes, and at euery of those same pauses, humbly and deuoutly receiue at your handes three displinges: Therefore we straightly charge and commaunde you and either of you, ioyntly and seuerally by vertue of your obedience, that euery sonday and market day, after the recept of our present commaundement, you do effectually admonishe and bring foorth the sayde Thomas Pye and Iohn Mendam to begin and accomplishe theyr sayde penance, and so successiuely to finish the same in maner and forme afore appoynted But if they wil not obey your monitions or rather our commaundementes in this behalfe, and begin and finish their sayd penance effectuallye, you or one of you shall cite them peremptoryly that they or eyther of them appeare before vs or our Commissary, in the chappell of our palace at Norwich, the 12. day after the citatiō so made if it be a court day, or els the next court day folowing, to declare if they or any of them haue any cause why they should not be excommunicate for theyr manifest offence in this behalfe committed, according to the forme and order of lawe, and further to receiue such punishmēt, as iustice shall prouide in that behalfe. And what you haue done in the premisses, whether the sayde Thomas and Iohn haue obeyed your admonitions, and performed the said penance or no: we will that you or one of you which haue receiued our sayd commaundement, for the execution thereof, do distinctly certify vs betwene this & the last day of Nouember next comming.

Dated at our palace of Norwich vnder our Commissaryes seale, the 8. day of October. an. 1428.

This (gentle Reader) was for the most part, the order of theyr whole penaunce: howbeit, some were oftentimes more cruelly handled, & after theyr penance they were banished out of the dioces, and other some more straightly vsed by longer imprisomēt, wherof we will briefly rehearse one or two for example.

Iohn Beuerley alias Battild,

IOhn Beuerley alias Battild a labourer was attached by the Vicar of Sowthereke,Iohn Beuerley. the parish priest of Waterden and a lawyer, and so deliuered vnto Mayster Wil. Bernā the Byshops Commissary, who sent him to the Castle of Norwich there to be kept in irons: wheras afterward he being brought before the commissary, and hauing nothing proued agaynst him, he took an othe, that euery yeare afterward he should confesse his sinnes once a yere to his curat and receiue the Sacrament at Easter, as other Christians did: and for his offence was enioyned that the Friday and Saterday next after he should fast bread and water, and vpon the Saterday to be alias sustigated. whipped from the pallace of Norwich, going round about by Tomelands, & by S. Michaels Church by Cottle rew, and about the market, hauyng in his hand a waxe candle of two pēce, to offer to ye image of the Trinity after he had done his penaunce. And for so much as he confessed that he had eatē flesh vpō Easter day and was not shriuen in all lent, nor receiued vpon Easter day, the iudge enioyned him that he shoulde fast Tuesday, Wednesday and Friday in Whitsonweke, hauing but one mealt a day of fish and other whitte meates, and after hys penāce so done, he should depart out of the dioces, & neuer come there any more.

Iohn Skilley of Flixton Miller.

IOhn Skilley of Flixton Miller being apprehended and brought before the bishop of Norwich ye 14 day of March 1428.Iohn Skilley. The penance of Iohn Skilley. for holding & mayntayning the Articles aboue written, was therupon conuict and forced to abiure: and after his abiuration solemnly made (which here to anoyd tediousnes we omit) he had a most sharpe sentence of penance pronouced agaynst him, the effect wherof being briefly collected, was this: That forsomuch as the said Skilley was conuict by his owne confession, for holding and mayntayning the Articles before written, and for receiuing certain good and godly mē into his house, as sir Wil. White priest, and Iohn Wadden, whom they called famous, notorious, and damnable heretickes, and had now abiured the same, being first absolued from the sentence of excommunication which he had incurred by meanes of his opinions, he was enioyned for penaunce 7. yeares imprisonment in the monastery of Langley, in the dioces of Norwiche. And forsomuch as in times past, he vsed vpon the Fridayes to eate flesh, he was enioyned to fast bread & water euery Friday, by the space of that 7. yeares to come, and that by the space of 2. yeares next immediately after the 7. yeares expired, euery wednesday in the beginning of Lēt, & euery Maundy thursday, he should appeare before the bishop or his successor, or cōmissary for the time being, in the cathedrall church of Norwich together with the other penitentiaryes, to do open penance for his offences.

Besides these there were diuers other of ye same cōpany which ye same yeare were forced to like abiuratiō & penāce, And so to proceed to the next yeare following, which was 1429. there ensueth a great nūber in ye same register, which were examined and did penaunce in like sorte to the number of 16. or 17. In the number of whom was Iohn Baker [Page] otherwise called Usher Tunstall, who for hauing a booke with the Pater noster, the [...]ue and Creed in English, and for certayn other articles of fasting, confession and inuocation contrary to the determination of the Romish Church after much vexation for the same, was caused to abiure and sustayne such penaunce, as the other before him had done.

The story of Margery Backster.

Margery Backster.ANother was Margery Backster, wife of Wil. Backster Wright in Marthā, the same yere accused: against whom one Ioane wife of Cliffelande was brought in by the bishop, and cōpelled to depose, and was made to bring in, in forme following.

A woman brought in for witnes in the popes court. The Bee will stinge.First, that the sayde Margerye Backster did informe this deponent, that she should in no case sweare, saying to her in english, dame beware of the Bee, for euery Bee will sting, and therefore take heede you sweare not, neyther by God, neither by our Lady, neither by none other saynt: & if ye do contrary, the Bee will sting your tongue and venome your soule.

Itē, this deponēt being demaūded by ye said Margery, what she did euery day at church, she answered yt the kneled down & said 5. Pater nosters, in worship of the crucifixe, & as many Aue Maries in worship of our Lady, whō Margery rebuked saying: you do euill to kneele or pray to such Images in ye churches, for God dwelleth not in such churches, neither shall come downe out of heauen, & will geue you no more reward for such prayer, then a candle lighted & let vnder the couer of the font,Against Images wil geue light by night to those which are in the church: saying moreouer in english, lewd wrightes, of stockes hew and forme such crosses and Images, and after that, lewd paynters glere thē with colours. And if you desire so muche to see the true crosse of Christ, I will shew it you at home in your owne house. Which this deponent being desirous to see, the sayd Margery stretching out her armes abroad, sayd to this deponēt this is the true crosse of Christ, & this crosse thou oughtest and mayst euery day beholde and worship in thine owne house, and therfore it is but vayne to run to the Church to worship dead crosses and Images.

Itē this deponent being demaunded by the said Margery how she beleued touching the sacramēt of the aulter, sayd that the beleued the Sacrament of the aulter after the consecratiō, to be the very body of Christ in forme of bread. To whom Margery sayd: your beliefe is nought. For if euery such Sacrament were God, & the very body of christ there should be an infinite number of Gods, because that a thousand priests and more doe euery day make a thousand such Gods, and afterward eat them, and voyd them out again by theyr hinder partes filthily stincking vnder ye hedges, whereas you may find a great many such Gods, if you will seek for them.The sacrament is not God. And therfore know for a certaynty, that by the grace of God it shall neuer be my God, because it is falsly and deceitfully ordeyned by the priests in the church, to induce the simple people to idolatry, for it is onely materiall bread.

Moreouer the sayd Margery said to this deponēt, that Thomas of Canterbury,Tho. Becket a traytour. whom the people called S. Thomas, was a false traytor and damned in hell, because he iniuriously endowed the churches with possessions, and raised vp many heresyes in the church,Thomas Becket slain, not before the aulter, but in his flying. which seduce the simple people, and therefore if God be blessed, the sayd Thomas is accursed, and those false priests that say that he suffered his death patiently before the aulter, do lye: For as a false cowardly traytor he was slayne in the church dore as he was flying away.

Moreouer, this deponent sayth, that the sayd Margery told her that the cursed Pope, Cardinals, Archbishops, and bishops, & specially the bishop of Norwich & others that support and mayntayne heresies and Idolatry, raigning & ruling ouer the people, shall shortly haue the very same or worse mischiefe fall vpon them, thē that cursed mā Thomas of Canterbury had. For they falsly and cursedly deceiue the people with theyr false mammetries & lawes, to extort mony of the simple folke to sustayn theyr pride, riot and idlenes: And know assuredly that the vengeance of God will speedely come vpō them, which haue most cruelly slayne the children of God,Father Abraham, W. White, I. Wadden. Father Abraham, & William White, a true preacher of the law of God, and Iohn Wadden, with many other godly men: which vengeaunce had come vpon the sayd Cayphas, the Bishop of Norwich & his ministers, which are members of the deuill, before this time, if the Pope had not sent ouer those false pardons vnto these parties, which the sayd Cayphas had falsly obteyned to induce the people to make procession for the state of them and of the church. Which pardōs brought the simple people to cursed idolatry.

Item the sayd Margery sayd to this deponent, that euery faythful man or woman is not bound to fast in Lent, or other dayes appoynted for fasting by the church, & that euery man may lawfully eat flesh and all other meates vpon the sayd dayes and times:Against the popes fasting dayes. and that it were better to eat the fragments left vpō Thursday at night on ye fasting dayes, thē to go to the market to bring themselues in debt to buy fish: and that Pope Siluester made the Lent.

Item, the sayd Margery sayd to this deponēt, that W. White was falsly condēned for an hereticke, & that he was a good and holy mā, and that he willed her to folow him to the place of execution,W. Whyte willing to speake at the stake, was stroken on the mouth. Whereas she saw that whē he would haue opened his mouth to speak vnto ye people to instruct them, a deuill one of bishop Cayphas seruants strake him on the lips, and stopped his mouth, that he could in no case declare the will of God.

Item, this deponent sayth yt the sayd Margery taught her that she should not goe on pilgrimage, neither to our Lady of Walsingame, nor to any other saynt or place.

Also this deponent sayth, that the sayd Margery desired her that she & Ioane her mayde would come secretly in the night to her chamber, & there she should heare her husband read the law of Christ vnto them, which law is written in a booke that her husbande was wont to reade to her by night, and that her husband is well learned in the Christian verity.

Also that the same Margery had talked with a woman named Ione West, and that the sayde woman is in a good way of saluation.

Also that the said Margery said to this deponēt: Ione, it appeareth by your countenaunce, that you intend to disclose this that I haue sayde vnto you: and this deponent sware that she woulde neuer disclose it, without the sayde Margery gaue her occasion. Then sayde Margery vnto this deponent if thou do accuse me vnto the Bishop, I wil do vnto thee, as I did once vnto a certayne Frier a Carmelite of Varmouth which was the best learned Frier in all the country. Then this deponēt desired to know what she had done to the frier. Unto whom Margery answered that she had talked with the sayd Frier, rebuking him because he did beg, saying that it was no almes to geue hym any good thing, except he would leaue his habite, and go to the plough, and so he should please God more, then folowing the life of some of those Friers. Then the Frier requyred of the sayd Margery whether she could teach him or tel him any thing els. Thē the sayd Margery (as she affirmed to this deponent) declared to this Frier the gospels in enlish, and then the Frier departed from her. After this the same Frier accused the sayd Margery of heresy, and she vnderstanding that the Frier had accused her: accused the Frier agayne, that he would haue knowne her carrally, and because she would not consent vnto him, the Frier had accused her of heresy. And moreouer she sayd that her husbād would haue killed the Frier therefore: and so the Frier for feare held his peace, and went his way for shame.

This Margery also sayd that she had oftentimes bene faynedly confessed to the Deane of the fieldes,Agaynst auricular confession. because he should thinke her to be a woman of good life, and therfore he gaue the sayd Margery oftentimes money. Then thys deponent asked her whether she had confessed her sinnes to a priest or not. And she answered that she had neuer offended any priest, & therfore she would neuer confesse her selfe to any priest, neyther obey him because they haue no power to absolue any man from theyr sinnes, for that they offēd dayly more greeuously then other men, and therefore that men ought to confesse themselues onely vnto God and to no priest.

Item, the said Margery said to this deponent, that the people did worship deuils which fell frō heauen with Lucifer, which deuils in theyr fall to the earth, entred into the Images which stand in the Churches,Against Image worship. and haue long lurked & dwelled in thē, so that the people worshipping those Images, commit Idolatry.

Item, she sayd more to this deponent that holy bread & holy water were but tri [...]es of no effect or force, & that the belles are to be cast out of the Church, and that they are excommunicate which first ordeined them.

Moreouer that she should not be burned, although she were conuict of Lollardy, for that she had a charter of saluation in her body.

Also the sayd deponent sayth, yt Agnes Bethem her seruant being sent to the house of the sayd Margery the Saterday after Ashwēsday, the said Margery not being wtin, [Page] found a brasse pot standing ouer the fire with a piece of baken and Otemeate sething in it, as it is said Agnes reported to this deponent.

There were also besides this deponent, diuers other (worne and examined vpon the sayde Margery, as Iohn Brunley and Agnes Berthē, seruauntes to William Clistand, which altogether confirmed the former depositions.

Thus much we haue thought good to note as concerning Margery Backster, which we haue gathered out of the old monumentes and registers. But what became of her after this her accusation, because we finde no mention made in the sayd registers, we are not able to declare.

The same yeare also, were the like depositions made by one William Wright agaynst diuers good men, as here foloweth.

Iohn Piry. Iohn Būgay Iohn Vsher.First, this deponent sayth that William Taylor, tolde Iohn Piry of Ludney, in the house of Iohn Bungay of Beghton, in the presence of I. Bungay, Robert Brigges wright of Martham, and Iohn Usher, that all the good men of Martham which were fauorers & helpers to that good man William White are euill troubled now a dayes, and that the sayd William White, was a good & holy doctor: and that the best doctor after him was William Euerden, whiche wrought with the sayde William Taylour,William Euerden. of Ludney by the space of one moneth, and that the first Sonday of the same moneth, the sayd William Euerden did sit all day vpon the table at worke, saying to the sayd William Taylor, that he would not go to Church to shew hymselfe a Scribe or Pharisy: and the second sonday he put on Gentle mans apparell, and went to Norwiche to harken how the Byshop and his ministers vsed the poore Christians there in prison.

W. Tailour of Ludney.Also the sayd William Wright, deposed that Willyam Taylour of Ludney was one of the secte, & went to London with Syr Hue Pye, and had conuersation oftētimes with Syr William White, hauing often conference vpon the Lollardes doctrine.

Item, that Auise, wife of Thomas Moone, is of the same sect and fauored them,The wife & daughter of Tho. Moone and receiueth them often, and also the daughter of Thomas Moone is partly of the same sect, and can read English.

Rich. Fletcher.Item, that Richard Fletcher of Beckils, is a most perfect doctor in that sect, and can very well and perfectly expound the holy Scriptures, & hath a booke of the new law in English, which was Syr Hughe Pyes first.

Nicho. Belware.Itē, that Nicolas Belward, sonne of Iohn Belward dwelling in the parishe of Southelham, is one of the same sect, and hath a new Testament which he bought at London for 4.A new testament then cost 4. markes and [...] pence Tho. Grem [...]r. markes and 40. pence, and taught the sayd William Wright and Margery his wife, and wrought wyth them continually by the space of one yere, and studied diligently vpon the sayd new Testament.

Itē, that Thomas Bremner Turner of Dychingame is perfect in that sect and law.

I. Clarke.Iohn Clarke the younger of Bergh, had the beddinge and apparell of William Euerden in his custody, after the returne of William White from Bergh, and is of the same secte.

W. Bate.Item, William Bate, Taylour of Sething, and hys wife and his sonne, whiche can reade Englishe very well, are of the same sect.

W. SkiruingItem, William Skiruing of Sething, receiued Ioane the wife of W. White into his house, being brought thither by William Euerden, after theyr departure from Martham.

W Osberne Iohn Rene. Bawdwin Cooper. Iohn Pert.Item, William Osborne of Sething, I. Reue glouer, and Bawdwin Cooper of Beckels are of the same sect.

Item, Iohn Pert late seruaunt of Thomas Moone, is of the same secte, and can read well, & did read in the presence of William White, and was the first that brought Sir Hugh Pye into the company of the Lollardes, which assembled oftentimes together, at the house of the sayd Tho. Moone, and there conferred vpon theyr doctrine.

Sir Hugh Pie Priest.Item, Syr Hugh Pye bequeathed to Alice, seruaunt to William White, a new Testament, which they then called the booke of the new law, & was in the custody of Oswald Godfrey of Colchester.

I. Perker.Iohn Perker Mercer of a village by Ipswitch, is a famous Doctour of that secte. Also he sayd that father Abraham of Colchester is a good man.

Item, the sayd William Wright deposeth that it is read in the Prophesies amonges the Lollardes, that the sect of Lollardes shalbe in a maner destroyed:A prophesi. Notwithstanding at the length the Lollards shall preuayle and haue the victory agaynst all theyr enemyes.

Also, he sayd that Tucke knoweth all of that Sect in Suffolke, Norfolke and Essex.

Besides these, there were many other [...]he same yeare troubled,Ex Regist. Norw whose names being before expressed in the table of Norfolke men, here for breuityes sake we omit further to untreat of, passing ouer to the next yere folowing, which was 1430. Ex Regist. Norw.

IOhn Burrell seruaunt to Thomas Moone of Ludney, in the Dioces of Norwiche,Iohn Burrell. was apprehended and arrested for heresy, the 9. day of December, in this yeare of our Lord 1430. and examined by Mayster William Bernam the Bishops commissary, vpon the articles before mentioned, and diuers others hereafter following, obiected agaynst him.

In primis, that the Catholicke Churche is the soule of euery good Christen man.

Item,Lent fast, fishe dayes. that no man is bounde to fast the Lent or other fasting dayes appoynted by the Church, for they were not appoynted by God, but ordeyned by the priestes: and that euery man may eat flesh or fish vpon the same dayes indifferently, according to his own will, & euery friday is a free day to eat both flesh and fish indifferently.

Item,Pilgrimage to the poore. that pilgrimage ought not to be made but onely vnto the poore.

Item, that it is not lawefull to sweare, but in case of life and death.

Item,Masses for the dead vnprofitable. that Masses and prayers for the deade, are but vayne, for the soules of the dead are eyther in heauē or hell: and there is none other place of purgatory but this world. Upō the which Articles he being cōuict, was forced to obiure and suffred like penance as the other before had done.

THomas Moone of Ludney,Tho. Moone of Ludney. was apprehended and attached for suspition of heresy, agaynst whom were obiected by the Bishop, the articles before written, but specially this article, that he had familiarity & communication with diuers heretickes, and had receiued, comforted, supported, and mayntayned diuers of them,William White. Hugh Pye. Thomas Pert. W. Callis, priests persecuted. as sir William White, syr Hugh Pye, Thomas Pert, and William Callis Priestes, with many other more: vpon the which articles, he being cōuict before the bishop, was forced to abiure, and receiued the like penance, in like maner as before.

In like maner Robert Brigges of Martham was brought before the Bishop the 17.Robert Grigges of Martham. day of February, in the yeare aforesayd, for holding and affirming the foresayd articles, but especially these hereafter folowing.

That the sacrament of confirmation ministred by the Byshop,Articles. did auayle nothing to saluation.

That it was no sinne to withstand the ordinaunces of the Church of Rome.

That holy bread and holy water were but trifles, and that the bread and the water were the worse for the conturacions & characters which the priestes made ouer them.

Upon which Articles he being conuict, was forced to abiure, and receiued penance in maner and forme as the other had done before him.

The like also (albeit somewhat more sharp) happened vnto Iohn Finch of Colchester,Iohn Finch of Colchester. the 20. day of September, who albeit he was of the dioces of London, being suspecte of heresye, was attached in Ipswich in the dioces of Norwich, & brought before the bishop there, before whom he being conuict of the like articles: as all the other before him, was enioyned penance, three displings in solemne procession about the Cathedrall Church of Norwich, three seuerall Sondayes, & three displinges about the market place of Norwich three principall market dayes, his head, necke and feet being bare, & his body couered onely with a short shirt or vesture, hauing in his handes a taper of waxe of a pound waight,Popishe penāce. which the next Sonday after his penance, he shoulde offer to the Trinity: and that for the space of 3. yeres after, euery Ashwednesday & Maundy Thursday he should appeare in the Cathedrall Church of Norwich, before the Bishop or his Vicegerent, to do open penaunce amongest the other penitentiaries, for his offences.

There were besides these men which we haue here rehearsed, diuers and many other, who, both for the concordaunce of the matter, and also for that theyr Articles & punishmēts were all one, we haue thought good at this time to passe ouer, especially forsomuch as their names be before recited in the Catalogue.

ABout the same time, euen the same yeare. 1430. shortlye after the solemne Coronation of Kyng Henrye the sixt a certayne manne named Richard Houeden a woll winder,Anno. 1430. Rich Houeden. Martin. and Citizen of Londō, receiued also the crown of [Page]

The burning of Rich, Houeden.

Martyrdome. Which man when as he coulde by no perswasions be withdrawne or plucked backe from the opinions of wickliffe, he was by the Rulers of the church condemned for heresy, and as Fabian writeth, burued hard by the tower of London.

Nicholas Canon of Eye.

Nicholas Canō of Eye. Anno. 1431.NOw to proceed in our story of Norfolke and Suffolk in folowing the order of yeres, we finde that in ye yere of our Lord. 1431. One Nich. Canon of Eye was brought before the Bishop of Norwich for suspicion of heresy, with certayne witnesses sworne to depose against him touching his maners and conuersatiō, which witnesses appointing one William Christopher to speak in the name of them all, he deposed in maner and forme folowing.

First that on Easter day when all the parishners wēt about the church of Eye solemnely in processiō as ye maner was, the sayd Nicholas Canon as it were mocking & deciding the other parishioners, went about the Church the contrary way, and met the procession.

Depositions.This article he confessed and affirmed that he thought he did well in so doing.

Item, the sayd Nicholas asked of maister Iohn Colman of Eye, this question. Maister Colman, what think you of the Sacrament of the aulter? To whome the sayde Colman aunswered: Nicholas, I thinke that the Sacramēt of the aultar is very God and very man, the very flesh and very bloud of our Lord Iesus Christ vnder forme of bread and wine. Vnto whom Nicholas in decision sayde: Truly if the Sacrament of the aultar be very God & very man, and the very body & bloud of our Lord Iesu Christ: then may very God and very man be put in a small roome: as when it is in the priests mouth, that receiueth it at mas. And why may not we simple men, as well eate flesh vpon Fridayes and al other prohibited dayes,If the Sacramēt be very fleshe, then the priests eat fleshe on Friday. as the priest to eat the flesh and the bloud of our Lord euery day indifferētly: The which article, the sayd Nicholas denied that he spake vnto Maister Colman, but vnto a Monke of Hockesney, And furthermore, he thought he had spoken well in that behalfe.

Item that on Corpus Christi day at the eleuation of high masse, when all the parishioners & other straungers kneeled downe holding vp their handes, and doing reuerence vnto the sacrament, the sayd Nicholas went behinde a piller of the church, and turning his face from the high aulter, mocked them that did reuerence vnto the sacrament.

This article he also acknowledging, affirmed that he beleued himselfe to do well in so doing.

Item, when his mother would haue the said Nicholas to lift vp his right hand, and to crosse himselfe frō ye craftes and assaults of the deuill, forsomuch as he deferred the doing therof, his mother tooke vp his right hād & crossed him saying: In nomine patris filij, & spiritus sacti. Amen. Which so ended, the sayde Nicholas immediately deciding hys mothers blessing, tooke vp his right hand of his owne accord, and blessed him otherwise, as his aduersaryes reporte of him. This Article the sayde Nicholas acknowledged to be true.

Item, that vpon Alhallowen day in the time of eleuation of high masse, when as many of the parishioners of E [...]e lighted many torches and caried thē vp to the high aultar kneling down there in reuerence and honor of the Sacrament, the sayd Nicholas carying a torche, went vp hard to the high aultar, and standing behind the priestes backe saying masse,Nicholas Canon turned his backe to the sacrament. at the time of the eleuation he stood vpright vpō his feet, turning his back to the priest, and his face toward the people, and would do no reuerence vnto ye sacrament. This article he acknowledged, affirming that he thought he had done well in yt behalfe. All which Articles the Byshops cōmissary caused to be copied out word for worde, & to be sēt vnto M. William Worsted, Prior of the cathedrall church of Norwich, and to other doctors of diuinity of the order of begging Friers, that they might deliberate vpon them, and shew their mindes betwene that and Thursday next folowing. Vpon whiche Thursdaye being the last of Nouember, the yeare aforesayd, the sayd Nicholas was agayne examined before M. Barnam and diuers other vpō two other articles which he had confessed vnto I. Exetor notary,An other examination of Nicholas Canon. & Tho. Bernsten bacheler of diuinity and others. Whereof the first Article was this: that the sayd Nicholas Canon being of perfect minde and remembrance, confessed that he doubled whether in the Sacrament of the aulter, were the very body of Christ or no. This article he confessed before the Commissary to be true.

Item,Articles obiected. that he beyng of perfecte minde and remembraunce, beleued that a man ought not to cōfesse his sinnes to a Priest. This Article he also confessed that he doubted vpon.

Now remayneth to declare what these doctors aforesayd concluded vpon the articles: whose aunswere vnto the same was this.

First of all as touching the first article,The iudgement of the Prior and doctors vpon his articles. they sayde that the article in the same termes as it was propoūded, is not simply an heresy but an error.

Item, as touching the second article, the doctors agree as in the first.

Item, as touching the third Article, they affirme that it is an heresy.

Vnto the fourth Article they aunswered as vnto the first and second.

Item,An heresie to doubt whether the sacrament be the perfect body of Christ or no. Nicholas Canon declared an hereticke. the doctors affirme the 5. article to be an heresy.

Item, as touching the 6. Article, the doctors conclude that if the sayd Nicholas being of perfect mind and remē brance, did doubt whether the sacrament of the aulter were the very perfect body of Christ or no, then that Article is simply an heresy.

Wherupon the sayd Commissary declared & pronounced the sayd Nicholas Canon vpō the determinatiō of the foresaid doctors, to be an heretick: and therupon forced the sayd Nicholas to abiure all the sayd Articles. That done, he enioined the sayd Nicholas penance for his offēces, thre displinges about the cloyster of the Cathedrall Churche of Norwich, before a solemne procession, bare headed & barefoote, carying a Taper of halfe a pound in his hand, going after the maner aforesayd,Penance enioyned to Nicholas Canon. like a mere penitētiary: ye which his penance, the iudge commaunded should be respited vntill the comming of the Bishop into his dioces, and that in the meane time he should be kept in prison, to the end that he should not infect the flock with his venune and poyson of errors and heresyes.

Thus haue we briefly discoursed vnto you, the greate troubles and afflictions, which happened in Norfolke and Suffolke by the space of those 4. yeares before mentioned, hauing drawen out briefly for euery yere, certayne notable examples, sufficient for the declaration of all the rest, for so much as their opinions being nothing different, theyr penaunce and punishment did also nothing differ, otherwise then by those particuler examples may be playnely seene.

Thomas Bagley Priest.

ANd now to proceede as we haue begon,Tho. Bageley priest, Martir. wt our former storyes generally, we find in Fabians Chronicles that in the same yere of our Lord. 1431. Thomas Bagley a priest Vicar of Monenden beside Malden, being a valiant disciple and adherent of wickliffe, was condemned by the Byshops of heresy at London about the midst of Lent, was disgraded and burned in Smithfield.

¶ Paule Craw a Bohemian.

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Paule Craw marti [...]. Ex Hector. Boer [...]o.THe same yeare also was Paule Crawe a Bohemian taken at S. Andrewes by the Bishop Henry, and deliuered ouer to the secular power to be burnt, for holding contrary opinions vnto ye Church of Rome touching the sacramēt of ye Lords supper, the worshipping of Sainets. auricular confession, with other of Wicklesses opinions.

The story of Thomas Rhedon, a French man, and a Carmelite Frier, burnt in Italy for the profession of Christ.

Tho. Rhedonensis, Martir. Ex Antonin. 3. parte host. fol. 165.WE haue declared before, how this cruell storme of persecution which first began with vs in England, after it had long raged heere against many good and godly men, it brake out & passed into Boheme, and after within a short time, the fire of this persecution increasing by little and little, inuaded Scotland, and from thence now wyth greater force and violence, this furious deuouring flame hath entred Italy, and suffereth not any part of the world to be free from the murther and slaughter of most good & godly men. It hapned about this time, that one Thomas Rhedon,Tho. Rhedoneasis cō meth into Italy. a Frier of that sect, which taketh his name of the mount Carmelus, by chance came with the Venetiā Ausbassadours into Italy. This mā, although he was of that fort and secte, which in stead of Christians, are called Carmelites, yet was he of a farre other religion, & vnderstood the word of God, iudging that God ought not to be worshipped, neither in that mount, nor at Ierusalem onely, but in spirit & truth. This man being a true Carmelite, [...] fauoring with his whole hart that new sweet must of Iesu Christ, with earnest study & desire seeking after a Christiā integritie of life, prepared himselfe first to go into [...] ly, trusting yt he should find there, or else in no place, sonne by whole good life and liuing he might be editied and instructed. For where ought more aboundance of verme & good liuing to be, then in that place, which is counted to be the forte and fountaine of all religion? And how could it otherwise be, but that wheras so great holines is professed wherupon all mens cies are bent, as vpon a stage, vnderas S. Peters seate is, and is thought to be the ruler & gouernour of all the Church, all things should florish and abesid worthy of so great expectatiō in that place? This holy man hauing these things before his eies, and considering the same with himselfe, forsooke his owne countrey & Citie, & went vnto Rome, conceiuing a firme & sure hope that by the example of so many notable and worthy me, he should greatly profile in godlines & learning: but the successe of the matter did vtterly frustrate his hope, for all things were cleane cōtrary. Whatsoeuer he saw, was nothing else but meere dissimulatiō and hypocrisie.The golden citie of Rome. In stead of gold, he found nothing but coales: and for to say ye truth, he found nothing else there but gold and siluer. In stead of heauenly gifts, there raigned amongst them the pompe and pride of the world. In place of godlines, riot. In stead of learning and study,All thinges corrupt at Rome. douthfulnes and superstition. Tyrannie and hautinesse of mind had possessed the place of Apostolicke simplicitie: that now there remained no more any place or libertie for a man to learne that whiche hee knew not, or to teach that which he perfectly vnderstoode.

Finally, all things were turned artic versie, all things hapned vnto him contrary to his expectation wheresoeuer he went. But nothing so much offended this good mas mind,The wickednes & pride that raigneth at Rome as the intolerable ambition, and pompous pride in them, whome example of humilitie should especially commend and praise to the whole worlde. And albeit that hee saw here nothing, which did accord & agree with the rule of the Apostles: yet these things did so much passe all measure and pacience, that he could by no meanes resraine his long in so great abuse and corruption of the Church, seing such ambitions pride in their buildings, apparell, in their places, in their daintie fare, in their great traynes of seruants, in their horsse and armour, & finally in all things pertaining vnto them. Which things, how much they did vary from the prescript rule of the Gospel, so much ye more was this good mā forced to speake. Albeit he did well vnderstand how litle he shoulde preuaile by speaking: for if admonition would profite any thing at all, the bookes of Wicklesse and diuers other were not wanting. The famous testimonies of Iohn Hus, & of Dierome of Prage, and their bloud shed for the same, was yet present before their eies:The corruptiō of Rome will admitte no reformation. at whose most effectual exhortations, they were so little correct and amended, that they seemed twise more cruell than they were before. Yet all this could not feare this good man, but that in so necessary and wholesome an office, he would spend his life if need should be. So by this meanes, he which came to be a scholer vnto others, was now forced to be their teacher. And he which determined to follow other mens liues and maners, had now contratrywise set before them his life to be marked and followed. For he liued so amongst them, that his life might be a rule vnto them all, and so taught, as he might also be theyr schoolemaister. For euen as Paule had foreshewed vnto such as desired to liue godly in Christ, that they shoulde suffer persecution: such like reward hapned vnto this mā. He gaue vnto them the fruite of godlinesse,Pictie rewarded with persecutiō. whiche they should follow: they againe set vpon his head the diademe of Martirdome. He sheweth them the way to saluation, and they for the benefite of life rewarded him death: and whereas no rewards had bene worthy for his greate labours and trauailes, they with most extreame ignomin [...]e persecuted him euen vnto the fire. For when as by continuall preaching he had gotten great enuic and hatred, the rulers began to consist together, by what meanes they might circumvent this mans life. Heere they had reconcle to their accustomed remedies: for it is a peculiar and continuall custome amongst the prelates of the Church, that if any man did displease them, or that his talke be not according to their minde, or by any meanes hurtfull, or a hinderance to their lucre and gaine, by and by they frame out Articles of some heresie, which they charge him withall. And like as euery liuing thing hath his peculiar and proper weapon to defend himselfe from harme,Heresie made, where none [...]s. as nature hath armed the Bore with his tuskes, the Hedgebogge with his prickles, the Lyon is feared for his clawes, the Dogge for his biting, the Bull fighteth with his hornes, neither doth the A [...]e lacke his houes to strike withall: euen so this is the only armour of the Bishops,Popery armed with policie and def [...]nded with tirannie. to strangle a man with heresie, if he once go about to mutter against their will and ambition: which thing may be easily perceiued and seene in this most holy man, beside a greate number of other. Who, when as now he began to waxe greuous vnto them, and could no longer be suffred: what did they? straightwayes flee vnto their old policies, and as they had done with Hus, and Hicrome of Prage, euen so went they about to practise against this man. They ouerwhelme him with suspition, they seeke to intangle him with questions, they examine him in iudgement, they compile Articles against him, and lay heresie vnto hys charge, they condemne him as an hereticke, and beeing so condemned, they destroy and kill him. This was theyr godlines: this was the peaceable order of those Carmelites. Whose religion was to weare no sword nor shield, notwithstanding they did beare in their hearts, malice, rancour, vengeace, poison, craft and deceipt, sharper then any sword. With how great care and policie is it prouided by law, that none of these Cleargy men should fight wyth sword in the streates? When as in iudgement and accusations (where as it is not lawfull for a man to oppresse his brother) there is no murtherer which hath more readie vengeaunce, or that both more vily esteeme his brothers soule then they. They shead no bloud themselues, they strike not, nor kill, but they deliuer them ouer vnto others to be slaine. What difference is there I pray you, but that they are the authours, and the other are but the ministers of the cruell fact? they kill no man as murtherers do. How then? Although not after the same sort, yet they do it by another meane.

The Articles which they falsly gathered against thys man,His articles. are affirmed by some to be these.

That the Church lacketh reformation, and that it shall be punished and reformed.

That Infidels, Iewes, Turkes, and Moores shall bee conue [...]ted vnto Christ in the later dayes.

That abhominations are vsed at Rome.

That the uniust excommunication of the Pope, is not to be feared: and those which do not obserue the same, do not sinne or offend.

But yet there lacked a minister for these articles:Ex Antonin. 3. part. hist fol 165 W. Cardinalis Rhotomagensis. his pe [...]ecat [...]ur. Tho. Rhe [...]onensis brought before Pope Eugenius. albeit he could not long be wanting at Rome, where all things are to be sold, euen mens soules. For this office and ministery, there was no man thought more meete, then William of Rowne, Cardinall of Saicet Martines in the Mount, Uicechancelour of the Court of Rome. Eugenius at that time was Pope, who had a little before succeded Pope Martin aboue mentioned. Before the whyche Eugenius, this godly Rhedonensis the Frenchman, was brought, and from thence sent vnto prison. And againe after his imprisonment, and diuers and sondry greeueus torments, he was brought before the Iudges. The Wolfe S [...]ate in iudgement: the Lambe was accused. Why? because he had troubled the spring. But heere neede not manie [Page] malice of these mighty potentates, had offended inough, and was easely conuict and condemned to be burned: but in such sort, as first of all he should be depriued of all such degrees as he had taken to Priesthode: For it is counted an vnlawfull thing, that a Priest should be punished with prophane punishment, when as notwithstanding it is lawfull inough for Priests to put any lay man to death, be he neuer so giltles.

Thomas degraded.How religiously and earnestly do they foresee, that the maiesty of Priestly dignitie should not in any case be hurt? But how little care haue they, that their consciences bee not hurt with false iudgements, and oppressing the giltles? Wherefore, before that he should come vnto punishment, this good man must be disgraded. The order and maner of this Popish degrading is partly before touched in the story of William Taylor, fol. 517.

Tho. Rhedonē sis a French man burned at Rome.After that it had pleased the Byshops to disgrade thys man frō the degrees wherewith before they had consecrated him, and thought not that sufficiēt, by and by after they depriued him of his life also, & burned him four yeres after that he came to Rome. In the yeare of our Lord. 1436.

The burning of Tho. Rhedonensis.

And thus through the crueltie of these most tyrannous Prelates, this blessed Martyr dyed. Albeit it is not to be thought that he died, but made a losse of this bodie, for a greater gaine of saluation, before the iust iudgement of God: Neither is it to be doubted, but that he liueth eternally vnder the aultar, with them whose bloud the Lorde will reuenge, peraduenture too soone sor some of them, whome the earth hath heere so long holden vnpunished.

As this Thomas abouesayd suffered at Rome: so were diuers other in other places about Germany executed neare about the same time,Henry Grunfelder priest, Henry Radtgeber priest, Ioh. Draendorfe priest, Pet. Thoraw, Mat. Hager, Martyrs. after the burning of Iohn Hus: as Hēry Grunfelder, Priest of Ratispone, an. 1420. also Henry Radtgeber Priest, in the same Citie, an. 1423. Iohn Draendorfe of noble birth, and a Priest, was burned at Wormes. an. 1424. Peter Thoraw, at Spyre, an. 1426. Math. Hager, also suffered at Berline in Germany, not long after. Ex Balei Centur. sept.

After the death of Pope Martine, who reigned foureteene yeares,Pope Eugenius. 4. succeeded Eugenius, the fourth of that name, about the yeare of our Lord 1431. Of whome Antoninus thus writeth, that he was much geuen to wars, as may well declare his conflictes and fighting with the Romaines: also the battailes betweene the Venetians and the Florentians.

This Pope began first to celebrate the Councell of Basill, which Councell Martin his predecessour had before intended, according to the institution of the Councell of Constance. Notwithstanding the said Eugenius perceauing afterward this Councell of Basill not to fauour him and his doings, and fearing some detriment to come to him by the same, afterward laboured by all subtill practise to dissolue and interrupt the saide Councell, and from Basill to translate it first to Ferraria, then to Florentia, more neere to his owne sea of Rome. Concerning the which Councell of Basill, forsomuch as we haue begon heere to make mention, it shall be no great digression out of the way, to discourse something thereof (the Lorde so permitting) more at large, so much as for the most principall matters thereof shall seeme sufficient or necessary to be knowne.

¶ Heere foloweth the order and maner of the Councell of Basill, touching the principall matters concluded therein, briefly collected and abridged heere in this present booke: The rest whereof we haue referred vnto our former edition, wherein the full discourse of the whole disputation is to be seene more at large, for suche as haue list and leisure to see more thereof.

IN the 39. session of the Councell of Constance (as is before mentioned,The Councell of Basil. page. 594.) it was decreed and prouided concerning the order and tunes of such generall Councels as should heereafter followe: The first that shoulde next ensue,Ex Aenea Syluio. Ex Cocleo in Hist. Husut Et ex paralipom. Abbat. Vrsperg. to be kept the fift yeare after the said Councell of Constance: the second to be holden the seauenth yeare after that, and so orderly all other to follow successiuely from ten yeare to ten yeare. Wherefore, according to this decree, followed a generall Councell, fiue yeares after the Councell of Constance, celebrate and holden at Sene, vnder Pope Martine, an. 1424. but it soone broke vp. After the which Councell, the tearme of seauen yeares being expired, another Councell was holden at Basill, in the yere of our Lord 1431. The which Councell is noted to haue bene the most troublesome, and to haue endured longer then any other Councell beforetime celebrate and holden in the Church. This Councell continued almost the space of seauenteene yeares: wherein it was concluded, as before in the Councel of Constance, that the generall Councels were aboue the Pope, and both of these two Councels did attribute the chiefe authoritie in decreeing and determining vnto the generall Councell: which is the cause that the contrary part doth derogate so much from the authoritie of this present Councell.

When as Pope Martine the first had appointed Iulian, Cardinall and Deacon of S. Angell, his Legate, to celebrate and holde a generall Councell at Basill for the reformation of the Churche, and rooting out of heresies, within short space after Pope Martin died, in whose seate Eugenius the fourth succeeded,The death of P. Martin who confirmed vnto the said Cardinall Iulian, the same authoritie which his predecessor before had giuen him.Pope Eugenius. 4. Vnto this Councell of Basill beeing begon, came the Emperour Sigismund, who during his life time, with his presence and authoritie, did protect and defend the said Synode. After the Emperours death, Pope Eugenius altering his former minde & purpose, would transport the Councell vnto Bononie, and thereby hindred the successe of the Councell of Basill. And first he helde a contrary Councell at Ferraria, and afterward at Florence: For after the death of the Emperour Sigismund, there was no Princes or noble men, that had any care or regard of the Councell. Eugenius the Pope pretended causes, as touching the Greekes, which should come vnto the Councell,Pope Eugenius, seeketh to dissolue the councell of Basill. and the vniting of their Church vnto the West Church, the which Greekes woulde in no wise passe the Alpes: Also as touching his owne incommoditie, that he could not come vnto Basill being so long a iourney, and that all his men might haue easie accesse vnto Bononia, and that amongst the Germaines (which in their owne countrey are so intractable) nothing can be attempted for their reformation: whereupon he cited Cardinall Iulian and the fathers of the Councel vnto Bononia, vnder great penaltie.Dissention betweene the councell of Basill, and Pope Eugenius. vnder great penaltie. They againe cited the Pope, that either he should come himselfe vnto the Councell, or send Ambassadors vnder the like penaltie. For this cause the Ambassadours of Albert King of the Romaines, and of the other Princes of Germany, assembled together first at Norenberge, and when as they coulde determine nothing there, they assembled againe at Frankford, to appease the dissention betweene the Councell and the Pope: for it was thought, that the Electors of the Empire might best assemble and meete in that place. In the meane time, the Emperours Ambassadours, and the Ambassadours of the Electors, went vnto Basill, and hauing conference with the Ambassadours of the other Princes which were there, they did earnestly exhort the fathers of the Councell, that they would embrace and receiue the vnitie, which [Page] they would offer.The prelats of the councell refused the Popes request. The request of the Princes was, that the fathers would transport the Councell, and go vnto another place: the which onely thing Pope Eugenius seemed alwaies to seeke and desire, that therby he might either diuide the fathers of ye Councell, or take away their libertie.

Notwithstanding this sacred Synode thought good neither to deny the princes request, nor to graunt that, which Pope Eugenius required. During this doubt, the Emperours Ambassadours, the Bishops of Patauia and Augusta (being much required and stirred thereunto) appointed a noble and valiant Baron called Conrad Weinsperge, by the Kings commandement, to be Protector and defender of the Councell, and the fathers. Whereby as the enemies perceiued the Emperours minde to be alienate from the Pope, so the Fathers of the Councell vnderstood his good will towards them: forsomuch as he would not haue sent them a protector, if he had not iudged it a lawfull Councell: neither againe would he haue iudged it a Coū cell in Basill, if he had geuen credit to Pope Eugenius. But by meanes of a great pestilēce which began to grow, the assembly that should haue bene holden at Frankford, was transported vnto Mentz. The Ambassadours of the princes also thought good to go thether, if they might find any meanes of vnity, whereby they might vnite and knit the Pope againe vnto the Councell.

The assembly was very famous, for there were present the Archbishops of Mentz,The princes assembled at Mentz, to make vnitie betweene the councell & the pope. Colen & Treuers, Electours of the sacred Empire, and all the Ambassadours of the other Electours. Notwithstanding, the Archbishop of Colen was the chiefe fauourer of ye Coūcell in this assembly, who with all his labour and diligēce went about to bring the matter vnto a good ende. Rabanus the Archbishop of Treuers shewed himself somewhat more rough. The sacred Synode also thought good to send thether their Ambassadours, and appointed out the Patriarke of Aquileia, the Bishop of Uicene, and the Bishop of Argen diuines, Iohn Segouius, and Thomas de Corcellis, with diuers others. Ther was no mā ther present which would name himselfe the Ambassadour of Eugenius: Albeit there were many of his fauourers and frends come thether, both frō the Coūcell, and also out of Florēce, the which, albeit they had sworne to the contrary, yet fauoured they more Eugenius then the Councell. But the chiefe Hercules of all the Eugenians, was Nicholas Cusanus, a man singularly well learned, and of great experience. After diuers cōsultations had, the Electours of the Empire, and the Ambassadours of the other Princes of Germany, thought good to geue out commandement throughout their whole nation and countrey, that the Decrees of the Councell of Basill should be receiued and obserued.

Whilest these things were thus debated at Mentz, there sprang a certaine very doubtfull question amongst the Diuines, which remained at Basill, whether Eugenius might be called an heretike, which had so rebelliously contemned the commaundements of the Church. Hereupon they gathered thēselues together, disputing long amongst themselues, some affirming, and othersome holding the negatiue part.Three opinion. touching the Pope. Vpon this their disputation, there arose three seuerall opinions, some affirming that he was an hereticke, othersome, not onely an Hereticke, but also a relapse. The third sort would neither grant him to be an hereticke nor a relapse. Amongst these diuines, the chiefe and principal both in learning and authority, was the Bishop of Ebriun, Ambassadour of the king of Castell, and a certaine Scottish Abbot: which, as two most valiant Champions, subdued all their enemies, so that all the rest did either consent vnto their argumēts, or gaue place vnto thē, and so their determinatiō tooke place, and Eugenius was pronounced both an heretike and relapse. Eight conclusions were there determined and allowed amongst the Diuines, which they called verities: the copie whereof they did diuulgate throughout all Christendome.

When the Ambassadours of the Councell were returned from Mentz,The Ambassadours returne frō Mentz. and that certain report was made of the allowing of their decrees, the fathers of ye Coūcel thought good to discusse the cōclusiōs of the diuines more at large. Whereupon, by the commandement of the deputies, al the Maisters and Doctours & Cleargy,The Popes heresie discussed. were called together, with all the residue of the Prelates, into the Chapterhouse of the greate Churche, there openly to dispute and discusse Eugenius heresie. The which thing sore greeued the Byshop of Millaine, fearing least this disputation would worke the depriuation of Eugenius,The bishop of Millaine taketh Eugenius part for feare of a schisme. the which, as he said, he had alwaies letted for feare of schisme: Wherfore he ceased not by all manner of waies to labour, to stop & trouble the matter, exhorting thē that were absent by his letters, and encouraging those that were present by his words, to the defēce of Eugenius. But at the last, there was a great assembly in the Chapter house, some commyng thether to dispute, and other some to heare. This disputation continued sixe dayes, both forenoone and afternoone, amongest whō Cardinall Lodouicus Archbishop Arelatensis, was appointed as Iudge and Arbiter of the whole disputatiō: who beside many other notable vertues, was both valiaunt & constaunt. Nicolas Amici, which was also a Proctor of the faith, a famous mā amongst the Diuines of Paris demaunded of euery man what their opinion was. Iohn Deinlefist, publicke Notary, wrote euery mās sentence and iudgement.Conclusions of the disputation. The conclusions of the Diuines, whiche were the ground and foundation of their disputation, were these here following.

1. It is a veritie of the Catholicke fayth, that the sacred generall Councell, hath power ouer the Pope, or any other Prelate.

2. The Pope cannot by his owne authoritie, either dissolue transport or proroge, the generall Coūcell being law fully congregate, without the whole consent of the Councell: and this is of like veritie.

3. He which doth obstinately resist these verities, is to be counted an hereticke.

4. Pope Eugenius the fourth hath resisted these verities, when as at the first, by the fulnesse of his Apostolicke power, he attempted to dissolue or to transport the Councell of Basill.

5. Eugenius being admonished by the sacred Councell, did recant the errours repugnaunt to these verities.

6. The dissolution or translation of the Councell attempted the second tyme by Eugenius, is agaynst the foresayd verities, and containeth an inexcusable errour touchyng the fayth.

7. Eugenius in going about to dissolue and transport the Coūcell agayne, is fallen into his before reuoked errours.

8. Eugenius beyng warned by the Synode, that hee should reuoke the dissolution or trāslation the second time attempted: after that his contumacie was declared, perseuering in his rebellion and erecting a Councell at Ferraria, shewed himselfe thereby obstinate.

These were the cōclusiōs which were read in ye Chapter house before the fathers of ye Coūcell. Upon the which, when they were desired to speake their mindes, they all, in a maner, cōfirmed & allowed them. Notwithstāding Panormitane Archbishop, disputed much against them. Like wise did the Bishop of Burgen the king of Arrogons Almoner. Yet did they not gaynsay the 3. first cōclusions, but onely those wherein pope Eugenius was touched.Panormitane speaketh againe for the Pope. This Panormitane as he was subtill, so did he subtelly dispute agaynst the last cōclusiōs, endeuouring himselfe to declare that Eugenius was not relapsed, & had great contention with the Bishop of Argens, Iohn Segouius, & Fraūces de Fuxe,Articles of faith deuided into 3. sortes. Deuines. He diuided the Articles of the faith into three sortes: straightly: as in the Creede: largely, as in the declarations made by ye Church, most largely of all, as in those things which rise of the premisses, affirming that Eugenius did by no meanes violate his fayth in his first dissolution that he made, because it is not contayned in the Creede, neither yet in the determinations of the Church, that the Pope cannot dissolue the Councels: & that it seemeth not vnto him to rise of ye determination before made, but rather of the decrees of the Councell of Constāce: And further, that this, as a case omitted, is reserued for ye Pope to be discussed, for somuch as in the chapter beginning Frequēs, it appeareth that the place where the Coūcell should be kept, ought to be chosen by the Pope, the Councell allowing the same, and nothing is therof at all spoken. And if peraduēture Eugenius had offended in the first dissolution, notwithstāding he ought to be holdē excused, because he did it by the Coūcell of the Cardinals,Panormitane preferreth the iudgement of the Cardinals of Rome, before all the world. representing the Church of Rome: whose authoritie he sayd to be such, that the iudgemēt therof should be preferred before all ye world. Neither had there bene any sacred Coūcell found to haue proceeded agaynst Eugenius as an hereticke, & that is an euident signe, that the Councell hath not thought him to haue swarued from the faith, neither to haue any occasion, that he should be called hereticke for his errours reuoked, & that he himselfe hath read the whole text, that the Pope did not reuoke the dissolutiō as cōtrary vnto the faith, but as breding offence: Also that ye last dissolutiō hath no such cause in it: for somuch as likewise he had done it by ye coū sell of the Cardinals,The pope pretendeth the vniting of the Greekes, when he meaneth an other thing. and for the vniting of the Greekes, that he might not be compelled in a criminall cause, to aū swere by his procuratour, whē as he being letted by sicknes, could not come personally. So, for as much as in the first dissolutiō Eugenius hath fallē into no errour of faith, he cannot be perswaded that he cā be called a relapse, for so [Page] much as he neither in the first, neither yet in the seconde dissolution did violate his faith.

The pope no relaps, but prolaps.This Oration of Panormitane was more praised then allowed of all men. Notwitstanding this effect it wrought, that afterward this word relapse was taken out of the cō clusions, & in stead therof this word prolapse put in. Neither durst Panormitane himselfe, altogether excuse Eugenius of heresie, but defended more the first dissolution, then the second: yet departed he not without answere: for Iohn Segouius an expert Diuine,Iohn Segouius answereth to Panormitane. rising vp, answered him reueretly as was comely for such a Prelate. He said he granted that which Panormitane had spoken touching the diuision of the Articles of the faith into three points, for because it made for his purpose. For if those things are to be holden for Articles of faith, sayd he, which may be gathered of the determinations of the Church, it were manifest that the conclusions whereupon we now cōtend, redound and come of the determinations of the Church: that is to say, of the Councell of Constance: for, if therein the Pope be made subiect vnto the generall Councell, who is it that will say that the Pope hath power ouer ye Councell which is aboue him? or that Eugenius ought to remaine Pope, because he could not dissolue the Councell which is aboue him, without the consent thereof? The which Article vndoubtedly, he hath violate and broken. And if any mā will say that in the first dissolution this Article was not violate, because there was no declaration made therof, let him which so thinketh, thus vnderstand: that the Byshop of Rome ought not only to knowe the plaine and manifest, but also the secret and hidden things of the fayth, for he being the vicare of Christ, and the head of all other, ought to instruct and teach all men. But if so be he wil not, then hee shall be conuicted for being head, because he cōtinued long in ye dissolutiō after the declaratiō of ye councell, neither did cōsent vnto ye determination of ye church, & therfore, if peraduēture he did not erre in ye faith,The pope neglecting to doe good, is a member, not of christ, but of the deuil. as it manifestly appeareth by ye saieng of Clemēt oftētimes alledged by Panormitan, wherin it is said, ye he which liueth rebelliously & neglecteth to do good, is rather a mēber of the deuill thē of Christ, and rather an infidell then a true beleuer: so that Eugenius by disobeieng ye Church, may worthely be called an infidell. Neither is it true that ye Pope hath not offended in the fayth: For somuch, as well in that aunswere which beginneth Cogitanti, as also in the aunswere which beginneth Sperant, made vnto the Popes Ambassadours, these words are manifest: this Article cōcerneth faith, and we had rather die then through cowardlines to giue place. By the which saieng it is euident, the Synode to haue sufficiently admonished ye Pope that he did against the faith, and therfore it seemed that afterward when as Eugenius reuoked the dissolution, he also reuoked the errour of faith cōteined in the same. There are also diuers offences sprōg and risen through the errour of faith: for some say that the Pope is vnder the Councell, othersome denie it, and this diuersitie of doctrine bringeth offence. Also it is expressely against the authority of the Councell, that the Pope did reuoke the assertions made in their name.

And albeit in such reuocations, ye stile & order of iudgements is not obserued, notwithstanding it doth suffice in such case, when as the Councell doth proceed against the Pope:Councels boūd to no positiue lawe. in which case onely the truth is to be obserued, neither is the Councell subiect vnto any positiue law, that it ought to obserue any tearmes or iudiciall orders. Also he said that he vtterly cōtemned that singular glose which did prefer ye Pope before all the world, so that it might well be called singular, which decreed so foolish and fonde things and vnworthy to be followed of any man: and that he did much maruaile of Panormitane, and other Doctours of those daies, which whilest they went about to extoll ye authoritie of the gloses, do abase ye same by adding a singularitie therto: for that glose is singular whiche is alone. But who would not more esteme a glose constantly writtē and agreeable in all places, then that which in any one place teacheth any thing which may seeme to be an errour: and that as touching the veritie & truth. S. Hierome a graue and auncient Doctour is cōtrary to this glose, who doubteth nothing at all, but that the world, as touching authoritie, is aboue the Citie it selfe, that is to say, Rome.

Segonius, could fearsely finish this his Oration without interruption: for Panormitane oftentimes enterrupting him, went about to confute now this, and now that reason. Wherupon the Bishop of Argen rising vp, a man not onely eloquent, but also of a stoute courage, troubled Panormitane in his reasons and argumēts, and put him from his purpose: yet they proceeded so farre, that they passed the maner of disputation, and did not absteine from opprobrious tauntes.

When the Bishop of Argen chaunced to say that the Bishop of Rome ought to be the minister of the Church,Panormita [...] appointeth the Pope Lord of the Church. Panormitane could not suffer that: in so much that he so forgot himselfe that day, and his knowledge (which otherwise was great) did so faile him, that he was not ashamed to say and affirme, that the Pope was Lorde ouer the Church. Whom Segouius answered: Marke (sayth he) O Panormitane, what thou sayest: for this is the most honourable title of the Bishop of Rome, wherin he calleth himselfe the seruaunt of the seruaunts of God. Which is gathered vpon this point, when as Christ sayd vnto hys disciples, when they demanded of him which of them was the greatest, you know he aunswered them: The Princes of the people haue rule and dominion ouer them,The Pope & the clergy desire dominion contrary to the scriptures. but amongst you it is not so, &c. Wherein he doth vtterly prohibit Lordship and dominion. And Peter which was the first vicar of Christ, saith, feede the flocke of Christ which is committed vnto you, prouiding for them not by compulsion, but willingly. And immediatly alter he sayd, not as Lords ouer the Cleargie. For it Christ ye sonne of God, came not to be ministred vnto, but to minister & to serue, how then can his vicar haue any dominion, or be called Lord, as you Panormitane will affirme: forsomuch as the disciple is not aboue his maister, nor the seruaunt aboue his Lord. And the Lord himselfe saith: be yee not called maisters, for so much as your only maister is Christ, and he which is the greatest among you, shal be your seruant. Panormitane being somewhat disquieted with this aunswere, the councell brake vp and departed.

The next day,The French kinges Ambassadour. there was a generall congregation, and they returned all againe vnto the chapter house after dinner, whereas the Archbishop of Lyons, the Kings Orator being required to speake his minde, after he had by diuers and sundry reasons proued Eugenius to be an hereticke, he bitterly complained, detesting the negligence and ignauie, of those that had proferred such a man vnto the papacie, and so moued all their harts which were present, that they altogether with him did bewaile the calamities of the vniuersall Church.

Then the Byshop of Burgen,The Byshop of Burgen. the Ambassadour of Spaine, diuided the conclusions into two parts, some he called generall, & othersome personall, disputing very excellently as touching the three first cōclusions, affirming ye he did in no point doubt of them, but only that the additiō which made mention of ye faith, seemed to be doubtfull vnto him. But vpon this point, he staied much, to proue that the Councell was aboue ye Pope. The which, after he had sufficiently proued both by Gods law and mans lawe, he taught it also by Phisicall reason, alledging Aristotle for witnesse.The councel aboue the Pope. He said that in euery well ordered kingdome, it ought specially to be desired, that the whole realme should be of more authoritie then the King, which if it happened contrary, it were not to be called a kingdome, but a tirannie: so likewise doth he thinke of the Church, that it ought to be of more authoritie, then the Prince thereof, that is to say, the Pope. The which his Oration he vttered so eloquently, learnedly, and truly, that all men depended vpon him, and desired rather to haue him continue his Oration, then to haue an end thereof.

But whē as he entred into ye other cōclusions,The force of truth which appeared also in Eneas himselfe the writer hereof, although afterwarde when he was pope, he denied the same. Note what it is, a man to labour against hys knowledge. he semed to haue forgottē himself, & to be no more the same mā that he was: for neither was there ye same eloquēce in his wordes, neither grauitie in Oration, or cherefulnes of countenance, so that if he could haue sene himselfe, he would peraduēture greatly haue marueiled at himselfe. Euery man might wel see & perceiue thē the power & force of the truth, which ministred copy of matter vnto him, so long as hee spake in ye defēce therof. But whē as he begā once to speak against hir, she tooke away euē his naturall eloquence frō him. Notwithstanding Panormitane, and the Bishop of Burgen, shewed this example of modesty, that albeit they would not confesse or grant the last cōclusions to be verities of faith: yet they would not that any mā should folow or leane vnto their opiniō, which wer but meane diuines, but rather vnto ye opinions of the Diuines. But the king of Aragons Amner, being a subtill & crafty man, did not directly dispute vpō the conclusions: but picking out here and there certaine argumēts, sought to let and hinder the Councell. Against whome an Abbot of Scotland, a man of an excellent wit disputed very much: and Thomas de Corcellis a famous Diuine, alledged much against him out of ye Decrees of ye sacred Councell, and with a certaine modest shamefastnes, alwaies beholding the ground, did very largely dispute in the defence of the conclusions.

But now to auoide tediousnes, I will only proceed to declare arguments, wherby the conclusions were ratified [Page] and confirmed:The conclusions of the disputation. The first cō clusion. not minding to intreate of th v. last cōclusions, which cōcerne ye person of Eugenius, but only vpō ye three first, whereunto I wil adioine certaine probable argumēts gathered out of ye disputation of the fathers. In ye first cōclusion is the greatest force, and first to be discussed: touching the which, two things are to be required, & examined. The one whether the generall Councel haue authoritie ouer the Pope. The other, whether the Catholike faith commaundeth it to be beleued. As touching that the Pope is subiect to the generall Councell, it is excellently well proued by ye reason before alledged, by the Bishop of Burgen. For the Pope is in the Church, as a king in his kingdome: and for a king to be of more authority then his kingdome, it were too absurd: Ergo, neither ought the pope to be aboue the Church.A king is not of more authoritie then is his kingdome. For like as oftentimes, Kings which do wickedly gouerne the cōmon wealth, & exercise cruelty, are depriued of their kingdome, euē so it is not to be doubted, but that the Bishops of Rome may be deposed by the Church, that is to say, by the generall Councels.

Neither do I heere in allow them, which attribute so ample and large authoritie vnto kings, that they will not haue them bound vnder any lawes: For such as so do say, be but flatterers,These kinde of flatterers came now in our daies. which do talke otherwise thē they think. For albeit that they do say that the moderation of the law is alway in the Princes power: that do I thus vnderstād, that when as reason shall perswade, he ought to digresse from the rigour of the law: for hee is called a King, which careth and prouideth for the common wealth: taketh pleasure in the commoditie and profite of the subiectes, and in all his doings hath respect to the cōmoditie of those, ouer whom he ruleth: which, if he do not, he is not to be counted a King,What a king is. but a tyraunt, whose propertie it is onely to seeke his owne profit: for in this point a King differeth from a tyraunt, that the one seeketh the commoditie and profit of those whom he ruleth, and the other only his owne. The which to make more manifest, the cause is also to be alledged, wherefore Kings were ordeined.

At the beginning (as Cicero in his Offices sayth) it is certaine, that there was a certaine time when as the people liued without kings. But afterward when lands and possessiōs began to be deuided according to the custome of euery natiō, then were kings ordeined for no other cause, but only to exercise iustice.The institu [...] of kings. For when as at the beginning, the common people were oppressed by rich & mighty men, they ran by and by to some good and vertuous man, which should defend ye poore frō iniurie, & ordeine lawes, whereby the rich and poore might dwell together. But when as yet vnder the rule of Kings, the poore were oftentimes oppressed, lawes were ordeined and instituted, the which should iudge neither for hatred nor fauour, and geue lyke eare vnto the poore as vnto the riche: whereby we do vnderstand and know, not only the people, but also the King to be subiect to the lawes. For if we do see a King to contemne and despise the lawes, violently rob and spoile his subiects, defloure virgins, dishonest matrones, and do all things licentiously and temerariously: do not the nobles of the kingdome assemble together, deposing him from his kingdome, set vp another in his place, which shall sweare to rule and gouerne vprightly, and be obedient vnto the lawes? Verely as reason doth perswade, euen so doth the vse thereof also teach vs. It seemeth also agreeable vnto reason, that the same should be done in the Church, that is to say, in the Councell, which is done in any kingdome. And so is this sufficiently apparant which we haue before sayd, that the Pope is subiect vnto the Councell.

The pope ought to be subiect vnto the councellBut now to passe vnto the argumentes of Diuinitie, the foundation of the matter which we do intreate vpon, are the wordes of our Sauiour Iesu Christ in diuers places, but specially where as he speaketh vnto Peter: Tu es Petrus, & super hanc petram aedificabo Ecclesiam meam, & portae inferi non praeualebunt aduersus eam. i. This place Tu es Petrus &c. expounded. Thou art Peter, and vpon this rocke will I build my Church, and the gates of hell shall not preuaile against it. Vpon whyche words it seemeth good to begin this disputatiō, forsomuch as some were wont to alledge these words, to extoll ye authority of the Bishop of Rome. But (as it shall by and by appeare) the words of Christ had another sense and meaning then diuers of them do thinke, for he saith: & the gates of hell shall not preuaile against it. Verely this is a great promise,Sinnes are the gates of hell. and these wordes of the Lord are of great importance. For what greater word could there haue bene spoken, then that the gates of hell should not preuaile against the church? These gates of hel, as S. Hierome saith, do signifie sins. Wherfore if sinnes can not preuaile against the Church, neither can any maligne spirites preuaile against the same, which haue no power at all ouer mankinde, but only through sinne. And for that cause, where as it is sayd in Iob, that there is no power vpon the earth that may be cōpared vnto the power of the maligne spirite, whereby it followeth that the power of the Church is aboue all other power.

We may also vpon the same saying,Against the papittes opinion that the pope can not erre. reason after an other sort: for somuch as ye gates of hel: that is to say, sinnes can not preuaile agaynst the Church, the Church thereby is declared to be without sinne: the which cā not be spoke of ye pope which is a mortall mā, for somuch as it is written, seuen tymes in the day the iust mā doth offend: If the Church be without spot because it can not be defiled with sinne, who is it that will preferre a sinnefull mā: before an vndefiled Churche? Neither let vs geue eare vnto those whiche will not referre these woordes of Christ vnto the Church,The interpretatiō of this place, Oraui pro te Petre. is ment of the Church. where as he sayth: Oraui pro te Petre, vt non deficiat fides tua. That is to say, Peter I haue prayed for thee, that thy fayth should not fayle thee. For as S. Augustine sayth in the exposition of the Psalmes, certaine thyngs are spoken as though they seemed properly to pertaine vnto the Apostle Peter, notwithstanding, they haue no euident sense but when they are referred vnto the Churche, the person wherof he is vnderstāded figuratiuely to represent. Wherupō in an other place in the questiōs of ye new & old Testament, vpon the wordes: Rogaui pro te Petre, I haue prayed for thee Peter: What is doubted? Did he pray for Peter, & did he not pray for Iames and Iohn, beside the rest? It is manifest that vnder the name of Peter, all other are conteyned. For in an other place of S. Iohn he sayth: I pray for them, whom thou hast geuen me, & I will that wheresoeuer I am, they shall be also with me. Wherupon we do oftentymes by the name of Peter vnderstand the Church, which we do nothing at all doubt to be done in this place: otherwise the truth could not consist, for somuch as within a while after, the fayth of Peter, fayled for a tyme by the deniall of Christ, but the fayth of the Church, whose person Peter did represent, did alwayes perseuere inuiolate.

As touching the Bishops of Rome,Bishops of Rome are heretiques. if time would suffer vs, we could rehearse many crāples, how that they either haue ben heretickes, or replenished with other vices. Neither are we ignoraunt how that Marcellinus at the Emperours commaundement,He meaneth Siluester the secōd. did sacrifice vnto Idols, & that an other (whiche is more horrible) did attaine vnto the Papacy by a deuilish fraude & deceite. Notwithstandyng the testimony of Paule vnto the Hebrues shall suffice vs at this tyme, who sayth euery Bishop to be compassed in with infirmitie: that is to say, with wickednesse and sinne. Also the testimonies of Christ him selfe do approue, that ye Church remaineth alwayes without sinne: for in Mathew he saith,The church is without sinne & the pope is a sinner. I am with you euen vnto the end of the world. The which wordes were not onely spoken vnto the Apostles (for they continued not vnto the end of the world) but also vnto their successours: neither would Christ then signifie that he was God, dispersed throughout all the world, as he is also perceiued to be amongest sinners, but would declare a certain gift of grace, through his assistaūce, whereby he would preserue ye holy Churche consisting amongest his Apostles and their successours, alwayes immaculate and vndefiled.

And agayne in an other place I (sayth he) will pray, & he shal geue you an other cōforter, that he may remaine we you for euer, euē the spirite of truth whō the world cānot receaue, because the world seeth him not, neither knoweth him, but you shall know him, because he shall remayne wt you. The which wordes being spoken vnto the Disciples of Iesus, are also vnderstāded to be spokē vnto their successours, & so cōsequently vnto the Church. And if the spirite of truth be cōtinually in the Church, no man cā deny, but that the Church ought to continue vndefiled. By the same authoritie also that Christ is called the spouse of the Church, who seeth not, but that the Church is vndefiled? For the husband & the wise (as the Apostle sayth) are two in one flesh,The church one flesh with christ & (as he doth also adde) no mā hateth his own flesh: thereby it commeth to passe, that Christ can not hate the Church, for somuch as she is his spouse, and one flesh with him, & no mā cā hate himselfe: Ergo, the Church doth not sinne: for if it did sinne, it should be hated, for sinners the Lord doth hate.The Church is without spot or sinne, is to be vnderstand not by nature, but onely by imputation. The which authorities being gathered together we ought with the Apostle to confesse that the Church of God hath neither spot nor wrincle. Also he writyng vnto Timothe affirmeth the Churche to be the piller & foundation of the truth: whereupō in this song of the spouse it is sayd: My frend thou art altogether fayre & beawtifull neither is there any spot in thee.

These wordes peraduenture may abash some, that I do go about to proue the Church to be without sinne. For when as the Church doth containe all men which are called Christiās, which also do agree & come together in one [Page] beliefe of faith, and participation of the Sacraments, I do feare least some men will thinke, that I do affirme all mē to be without sinne: which is so far frō my meaning, that I do verely thinke the cōtrary to be most true. For I suppose, that there is no man in the Church being clothed in this mortall flesh,The church with out sinne how to be vnderstand. without sinne. Neither do these things vary or dissent among themselues: For the Church hath this gift, that albeit euery part and mēber therof may sin, yet the whole body can not sinne. For there bee alwayes good men in the Church, the which, albeit that they be subiect vnto humaine fragilitie, notwithstāding they haue so perfect a gift of sincere and pure vertue, that subduing all carnall desires and affectiōs, they keep themselues a pleasant and acceptable sacrifice vnto God. Neither do I consent or agree vnto the opiniō of diuers, which affirme that the Virgin Mary onely perseuered in faith at the Lordes passion.The errour of those which say that onely the virgin Mary did perseuer constāt at the time of [...]hristes passion. Whereupon diuers haue not bene ashamed to say that the faith might be so debilitate and weakened, that it should returne to one only old woman. Whose opinion or rather madnes, Saint Paule seemeth opēly to reiect, writing thus vnto the Romaines: do ye not know (saith he) what the Scripture writeth of Helias, how incessantly he called vpon God against the childrē of Israell (saieng) O Lord, they haue slayne thy Prophets, and digged downe thine aultars, and I alone am left, and they seeke after my soule? But what answere receiued he of God? I haue left vnto my self yet vij. M. men, which haue not bowed their knees vnto Baal. What other thing doth this answere of God declare, then that it is a foolish opiniō of them which thinke the Church of God to be brought vnto so small & number? We ought to beleeue the words of Christ, which are altogether repugnāt vnto those mē who affirme ye the Virgine onely did perseuere in faith. For Iesus sayd vnto his Father, O holy father saue thē in thy name, whome thou hast geuen me, that they may be one as we are one. Whē I was with them, I kept them in thy name: I haue kept them that thou gauest vnto me, and none of them perished, but onely the sonne of perdition. And I do not desire that thou shouldest take them out of the world, but that thou shouldest preserue them from euill.

Beholde, Christ praieth that his disciples shoulde not fall, but should be preserued from euill, and he so praieng, without doubt is heard: for he saith in another place, I know ye thou hearest me. But how is he heard, if all those for whome he praieth, swarned at the time of his passion? As for example: By what meanes did Christ hanging vpō the Crosse, commende his dearely beloued mother vnto Iohn, if so be he were either then swarued, or should by and by after haue swarued from the faith: Moreouer, did not the Centurion by and by cry out and say: truly this is the sonne of God? The Iewes also which at that time were farre distant from Ierusalem, might both be called faithfull, and also saued by their faith: seeing that (as the Apostle sayth) men are bound vnto the Gospell, after it is once knowne and reuealed vnto them. But let vs leaue these men, and speake of that which is more likely, and let vs iudge that there hath bin and is a great number of good mē in the Church, and by thē as by the more worthy part, let vs name the Church holy and immaculate,The Church comprehendeth both the euill and good. the whyche doth comprehend as well the euill as the good. For the Church is compared vnto a net, which is cast into the sea, and gathereth together all kinde of fishes.

And agayne it is compared vnto a King, which made a marriage for his sonne,Math. 20. and sent forth his seruantes to call those which were bidden, vnto the wedding, and they gathered together good & euill, as many as they could finde. Wherfore, their opinion is erroneus, which affirme, that only good men be comprehēded in the Church: the which, if it were true, it would confound all things, neither could we vnderstand or know where the Church were.This saying of Ecclesiastes is not translated & also serueth to other sense then is here ment. But for so much as the Scripture saith: no man knoweth whether he be worthy of loue or hatred, their opiniō is more to be alowed & truer, which include all ye faithfull in ye Church: of whom, although a great part be geuen to voluptuousnes and auarice, yet some notwithstāding are cleane frō deadly sinne. The which part, as it is the most worthy, it geueth the name vnto ye church, to be called most holy: which is so often done, that we are commaunded to sing in our Creede, vnam sanctam Catholicam & Apostolicam Ecclesiam, that is to say, one holy Catholicke & Apostolicke Church: the which Article the Synode of Constantinople, added vnto the rest: Wherefore if the Church be holy, it is also without sinne. But to returne to our former purpose, this word Sanctum, which signifieth holy (as Macrobius alledging Trebatius, affirmeth) is sometimes taken for religious, and sometimes for cleane and vncorrupt. And after the same maner, we call the Church holy, as the Apostle Peter calleth it immaculate, as we read in the famous Epistle of Clement.

To this end also tendeth that whiche is spoken by S. Paule, that Christ is the head of the Churche: For if the Churche should wholy sinne, she should not agree with her head Christ, who is in no pointe defiled. This also Christ himselfe would signifie vnto vs in Mathew, when he cōmendeth the house which wās builded vpō the strōg rocke,Christ is the rocke wherupon the Church is builded. against the whiche, neither the windes, neither the stormes could preuaile. In the house of God (sayth the Apostle) which is the Church builded vpō the strong rocke, which rocke (as the sayd Apostle declareth) is Christ. Who then is so vnshamefast that hee will affirme the Churche, which is founded vpō Christ, to be subiect to sinne? & will not rather cry out with the Prophet and say: Domine, dilexi decorem domus tuae. That is to say. O Lord, I haue loued the beawtie of thy house. Hereupon wrote Iohn Chrisostome this golden sentence: The Church neuer ceaseth to be assaulted, neuer ceaseth to be layne in wayte for: but in the name of Christ it hath alwayes the vpper hād & ouercame. And albeit that other do lye in wait for it, or that the floudes do beate agaynst it: yet the foūdatiō which is layd vpon the rocke, is not shaken. S. Hillary also sayth, that it is the propertie of the Churche to vanquish, when it is hurt, to vnderstād when it is reproued, to be in safetie whē it is forsaken, & to obtaine victory, when as it seemeth almost ouercome. Thus by many reasons & testimonies, it is proued that the Church doth not erre: which is not spoken or affirmed of the Bishops of Rome, so that this reason doth make the Pope subiect vnto the Church, for it is conuenient, that the lesse perfect be subiect vnto the more perfect. There be also many other testimonies & reasons, wherof we will now somewhat more entreate.

If authoritie be sought for,He proueth by authoritie the pope to be vnder the coūcell. sayth S. Hierome (for I willingly occupie my selfe in his sentēces, as in a most fertile field) the world is greater then a Citie. What then I pray you Hierome? Is ye Pope mighty because he is head of the Church of Rome? His authoritie is great, notwithstanding the vniuersall Church is greater, which doth not onely cōprehēd one Citie, but also the whole world. Hereupon it followeth, that if the Churche be the mother of all faithfull, then she hath the Bishop of Rome for her sonne. Otherwise as S. Augustine saith,If the Church be the mother, the Pope must be her sonne. he can neuer haue God for his father, which will not acknowledge the Church for his mother. The which thing Anacletus vnderstandyng, called the vniuersal Church his mother, as the writers of the Canons do know. And Calixtus sayth: as a sonne he came to doe the will of his father, so we do the will of our mother, which is the Church. Whereby it appeareth, that how much the sonne is inferiour to the mother: so much ye Church is superiour or aboue the Bishop of Rome.

Also we haue sayd before,The church being the spouse, the pope cā not be the head therof, but he must also be the head of Christ, forsomuch as Christ & his spouse be both one that the Churche was the spouse of Christ, & the Pope we know to be a Vicare: but no mā doth so ordaine a Vicar, that he maketh his spouse subiect vnto him, but that the spouse is alwayes thought to be of more authoritie, then the Vicar, for somuch as she is one body with her husbād, but the Vicar is not so. Neither will I here passe ouer the wordes of S. Paule vnto the Romaines: Let euery soule (sayth he) be subiect vnto the higher powers: Neither doth he herein except ye pope: For albeit that he be aboue all other mē, yet it seemeth necessary ye he should be subiect to ye Church. Neither let him thinke himselfe hereby exēpt, because it was said vnto Peter by Christ, whatsoeuer thou bindest. &c. In this place, as we wil hereafter declare, he represēted the person of the Church,The exposition of this place, quodcunque ligaueris. The church may depose the pope, if he abuse the keyes. for we finde it spoken afterward vnto thē: Quaecunque ligaueritis super terrā, ligata erūt in coelis. i. Whatsoeuer ye shal binde vpō earth, shall be also bounde in heauē. And furthermore, if all power be geuē of Christ, as the Apostle writeth vnto the Corinthiās, it is geuen for the edifiyng of the Church, & not for the destruction therof: why then may not the Church correct the Pope, if he abuse the keyes, and bring all thinges vnto ruine?

Adde hereunto also an other argument. A man in this life is lesser then the aungels, for we read in Mathew of Iohn Baptist, that he whiche is least in the kingdome of heauen, is greater then he. Notwithstanding Christ sayth in an other place, that amongest the children of women there was not a greater then Iohn Baptist. But to proceede: mē are forced by the exāp [...]e of Zacharias to geue credite vnto aūgels, least through their misbelief they be striken blind as he was. What more? The Bishop of Rome is a mā: Ergo, he is lesse then the aungels, and is bound to geue credite to the aungels. But the aungels learne of the Church, and do reuerētly accorde vnto her doctrine, as the Apostle writeth vnto the Ephesiās: Ergo, the pope is boūd to do the same, who is lesse then the aungels, and lesse then [Page] the Churche,The church and not the pope compared to the Sunne. whose authoritye is suche, that worthely it is compared by S. Augustine vnto the Sunne: that lyke as the Sunne by his light doth surmount all other lightes, so the church is aboue all other authority and power. Wherupon S. Augustine writeth thus: I would not beleue the Gospel saith he, if the authority of the church did not more me thereunto: the which is not in any place soūd to be spoken of the bishop of Rome, who representing the Church, and being minister thereof, is not to be thought greater or equall to hys Lorde and maister. Notwythstanding, the wordes of our Sauiour Christ do specially proue the Byshop of Rome to be subiect to the church, as we will hereafter declare: For he sending Peter to preach vnto ye church sayd, go, and say vnto the Church. To the confirmation of whole authoritye, these wordes do also pertaine: hee that heareth you heareth me. The which wordes are not onely spoken vnto the Apostles, but also vnto their succesaurs and vnto the whole Church.

Wherupon it foloweth,The pope if he do not harken to the church is an Ethnicke and Publicane. It is to be feared least the church hath had many such Popes. that if the Pope do not harken & geue eare vnto the Church, he doeth not geue eare vnto Christ, & consequently he is to be counted as an Ethnicke & Publicane. For as S. Augustine affirmeth, when as the Church doth excommunicate, he which is so excommunicate is bounde in heauen, and when the Church looseth, he is loosed. Likewise if he be an heretike, which taketh away the supremacie of the Churche of Rome, as the Decrees of the councel of Coustance doth determine, how much more is he to be counted an hereticke, which taketh away ye authoritye from the uniuersall Church, wherein the Church of Rome and all other are conteined? Wherefore it is now euident, that it is the opinion of al men before our daies (if it may be called an opinion, which is confirmed by graue authors) ye the Pope is subiecte vnto the vniuersall church. But this is called into question,Whether the pope is to be iudged by the generall councell, &c whether he ought also to be iudged of ye general Councel. For there are some, which (whether it be for desire of vaine glory, or that thorough their flattery they looke for some great reward) haue begon to teach new and strange doctrines, and to exempt the byshop of Rome from the iurisdiction of the generall Councel. Ambitiō hath blinded them, wherof not only this present Schisme, but also all other Schismes euen vnto thys day haue had their originall. For as in times past the gredy desire & ambition of the papacy,These are the Canons and the schoole diuines, and begging friers. brought in that pesriferous beast, which through Arrius then first crept into the church: euen so they do specially norish and mainteine this present heresie, whych are not ashamed to begge. Of the which number, some cry out & say, the workes of the subiects ought to be iudged by the Pope, but the Pope to be reserued only vnto the iudgemēt of God. Others said that no man ought to iudge the high and principall Seate,Diuersitie of iudgementes touching the B. of Rome. and that it can not be iudged either by the Emperour, either by the Clergy, either by any king or people. Other affirme, that the Lord hath reserued vnto himselfe the depositions of the chiefe Bishop. Others are not ashamed to affirme, that the Byshop of Rome although hee cary soules in neuer so great number vnto hell, yet hee is not subiect vnto any correction or rebuke.

And because these their words are easily resolued, they runne straight waies vnto the Gospell, and interprete the wordes of Christ, not according to the sense and meaning of the holy Ghost, but according to their owne wil and disposition. They doe greatly esteeme and regard this which was spoken vnto Peter: Tu vocaberis Cephas i. Thou shalt be called Cephas: by the which worde, they make hym the head of the Church. Also I will geue thee the keyes of the kingdome of heauen, and whatsoeuer thou shalt bind vpon earth, &c. I haue prayed for thee Peter, that thy Faith would not faile.How folishly the church of Rome doth wrast the the scriptures neglecting the expositions of the fathers. And againe, feede my sheepe: Last thy net into the depe: Be not afrayd, for from thēceforth thou shalt be a fisher of men: Also that Christ commaunded Peter as the Prince of the Apostles, to pay tolle for them bothe: and that Peter drew the net vnto the land, full of great fishes: & that onely Peter drew his sword for the defence of Christ. Al which places these mē do greatly extol, altogether neglecting the expositions of the fathers: the which if (as reason were) they would consider, they shuld manifestly perceine by the authorities aforesayde, that the Pope is not aboue them when they are gathered together in Councell, but when they are separate and deuided.

But these things being passed ouer, for somuch as answere shall appeare by that which heereafter shall followe we will now declare what was reasoned of by the learned men vppon thys question. But first wee woulde haue it known, ye all men which are of any name or estimation, do agree, that the Pope is subiect to the Councell, and for the proofe therof they repeat (in a maner) al those things which were before spoken of the church: for they suppose all that, which is spoken of the Churche, to serue for the generall Councell: And first of all, they alledge this saying of the Gospel, Dic Ecclesiae, tell it vnto the Church. In the whych place it is conuenient to vnderstand, that Christ spake vnto Peter,Those thinges which were spokē of the church serue also for the generall councell. instructing him what he should doe as touching the correction of his brother. He saith, if thy brother offend or sinne against thee, rebuke him betwene thee and him alone. If hee geue care vnto thee, thou hast wonne thy brother: but if he doe not geue eare vnto thee, take in thee one or two, that in the mouth of two or thee witnesses all truth may stand: if thē he wil not geue eare vnto thee, Dic Ecclesiae, tell it vnto the Church.

What shal we vnderstand by the church in that place? shall we say that it is the multitude of the faithfull dispersed throughout the whole worlde? My yoke is pleasaunt sayth the Lord, & my burden is light. But howe is it light, if Christ commaunde vs to doe that which is impossible to be done? For howe coulde Peter speake vnto the Churche which was dispersed, or to seeke out euery Christian scattered in euery Towne or Citie? But the meaning of these words, is farre otherwise, and they must be otherwise interpreted: for which cause it is necessary that we remember the double person,Peter representeth the double person. which Peter represented, as the person of the high byshop, and a priuate man. The sense and meaning of his words are euident and plaine inough of themselues, yt they neede no supplement or alteration. We must first marke and see,Christ nameth the Church b [...] twise in the Gospell. what thys worde Ecclesia signifieth, the which we do find but only to be twise spoken of by Christ: once in this place, and againe when as he said vnto Peter: Tu es Petrus, & super hanc Petram edificabo Ecclesiam meam, That is: Thou art Peter, and vpon this rock wil I build my Church.What the Church is. Wherfore the Church signifieth the connocation or congregation of the multitude. Dic Ecclesiae, tell it vnto the church. That is to say, tel it vnto the Congregation of the faithful: the which forsomuch as they are not accustomed to come together,The interpretatiō of this place, dic ecclesiae. but in a generall Councel, this interpretation shall seeme very good, Dic Ecclesiae, tel it vnto the Church, that is to say, Dic generali Concilio, tel it vnto the generall Councell.

In this case I would gladly heare if there be any man, which doth thinke th [...]se words to be more properly expressed in any Prelate, then in the councell, when as they must put one man for the multitude: whych if it be admitted in the scriptures, we shall from hencefoorth finde no firme or stable thing therein. But if any man doe maruaile at thys interpretation, let him search the old wryters, and he shall finde that thys is no newe or straunge interpretation, but the interpretation of the holy fathers and olde Doctours, whyche haue first geuen lyght vnto the Churche, as Pope Gregorie witnesseth (a man worthy of remembrance, both for the holines of his life, and his singular learning) whose wordes are these, wrytten in his Register vnto the bishop of Constantinople: And wee (sayde hee) against whome so great an offence is committed through temeratious boldnesse, do obserue and keepe that which the truth doth commaunde vs, saying, Si peccauerit in te frater, that is: If thy brother do offend against thee, &c. And afterward he addeth more, if my rebukes and corrections be despysed, it remaineth that I do seeke helpe of the church.The church taken for the generall councell. The which words doe manifestly declare the Church heere to be taken for the generall Councell. Neither did Gregory say, that he wold seeke helpe of the Church that is dispearsed abroad in euery place, but of that which is gathered together, that is to say, the generall Councell, for that whych is dispearsed abroad, cannot be had, except it be gathered together. Also Pope Nicholas reproouing Lotharius the king for adultery, sayd: if thou doest not amend the same, take heede that we tell it not vnto the holy Church.

In the which saying, Pope Nicholas did not say, that he wold go throughout ye world to certifie euery one, man by man: but that hee would call the Church together, that is to say the general councell, and there would publish and declare the offence of Lotharius, ye he which, had contemned the Popes commaundements, shoulde feare the reuerence of the general councell. I could recite an infinite nū ber of witnesses for that purpose, the which all tende vnto one ende: but this one testimony of the Councell of Constance shall suffice for them all, wherein it is sayde that not onely the Pope in the correction of his brother is remitted vnto the Councell,The councell of Constance decreeth the Pope to be vnder the Councell. The actes of the Apostles, The cauncell of Nice. when as he can not correct him of hymselfe: but also when as any thing is done as touchyng the correction of the Pope himselfe, the matter ought to be referred to the councel. Wherby it appeareth our interpretation to be most true, which doth expound the Church to be in the generall Councell. Hereupon the Actes of the Apostles, the Congregations whych were then holden, were called the Church. Also in the councell of Nice and in other [Page] Councels, whē as any man shuld be excommunicated, alwayes, in a maner, thys sentence was adioyned: Hunc excommunicat Catholica & Apostolica Ecclesia. The Catholicke and Apostolicke Church doth excommunicate thys man. And heereuppon that title is geuen vnto the Councelles,The title of the Councels. whereby we do say, that the generall Councell doth represent the vniuersall Church. Wherefore the lawes and decrees of the Councell are called the lawes of the Churche, for that the Church doth not set foorth any lawes in any other place,The constitutions of the B. of Rome are not the lawes of the church. then in the general councell: except we will call the Popes cōstitutions the lawes of the church, which can not be properly said but of the Councel: whereas, albeit all those which are of the church do not assemble and come together, yet the most part of them are accustomed to be there present, and in those whiche come, the whole power of the Church doth consist: Wherupon we read in the Acts of the Apostles: It pleased the Apostles and Elders with all the Church. For albeit that al the faithfull were not there present (because a great nūber of them remained at Antioche) yet notwithstanding it was called the whole Church, because the whole power of the Church consisted in the coū cell. Thus for this present it is sufficient that we vnderstand by the Church the generall Councell.

And nowe to returne vnto our purpose,By the church the councell is vnderstand. lette vs heare what our Sauiour sayeth vnto Peter: If thy brother doe offend against thee, vnto this text folowing, tell it vnto the church: and let vs vnderstand the Councel by the Church. Who is greater in thys place, hee whych is sent vnto the Councel, or the Councel whereunto Peter was sent? The uevity doth remit the Byshop of Rome vnto the generall Coūcell. And why so? verely because the bishops of Rome should not disdaine to acknowledge some power in earth, to be aboue them, the which they should consult withall in matters of importaunce, and agree vnto the determinations thereof.Simons obedience necessary in the Byshops of Rome. Whereupon Peter is also called by an other name Symon, the which, as Rabanus in hys Homilies wryteth, is interpreted in the Hebrew tounge, obedience, that all men might vnderstande obedience to be necessary, euen in the Bishop of Rome.

The authority of the Councel of Constance might suffice vs in this poynte,The fauourers and mainteiners of the pope goe about to mainteine & preferre the pleasure & profit of one before a common commoditie. but we thinke it good to stay a little vpon thys matter, & to leaue no place open for our aduersaries: which, whilest they goe about to maintaine the vnsatiable wilfulnes of oue man, preferring a priuate wealth before a commō commodity, is it incredible how great errors they doe stirre vp. Against the which, besides many other, Zacharias bishop of Chalcedon, a man both famous and eloquent, did earnestly strine: who in the great and sacred Synode of Chaleedon, when as the sentence of the B. of Rome was obiected vnto him, that the Canon of Pope Nicholas and other Patriarkes was aboue the Councell, he replied against it. And Zosimus the Pope sayth thus as touching the decrees of the general Councel: the authority of this seat cannot make or alter any thing contrary to the decrees of the fathers. Neither doth he heare speake of the decrees of the fathers, which are dispersed abroad in cities or wildernesse, for they do not binde the Pope: but of them which are made and published by the fathers in the generall Councell. For the more manifest declaration whereof, the words of pope Leo the most eloquent of all the bishops of Rome, are here to be annexed, who wrote vnto Anatholius, that the decrees of the Councel of Nice are in no part to be violate and broken: thereby (as it were) excluding himselfe and the high Patriarke.

The authoritie also of Damasus vppon thys sentence, is more manifest, wryting vnto Aurelius the Archbish. as Isidorus declareth in the booke of Councels, whose worthy saying as touching the authority of the synode is thys: That they which are not cōpelled of necessity, but of theyr owne wil either frowardly do any thing, either presume to do any thing, or willingly consent vnto those which wold do any thing contrary and against the sacred Canons, they are worthely thought and iudged to blaspheme the holy ghost.The pope can abide no generall Councels. Of the which blasphemy, whether Gabriel whyche calleth himselfe Eugenius, be presently partaker, let them iudge which haue heard him say, that it is so farre from his office and duety to obey the general Councels, that he saith he doeth then best merite and deserue, when as he contemneth the decrees of the Coūcel. Damasus addeth yet moreouer. For this purpose, sayeth he, the rules of the sacred canons, which are consecrated by the spirite of God and the reuerence of the whole world, are faithfully to be knowne and vnderstand of vs, and diligently looked vpon, that by no meanes, wythout a necessitye which cannot be eschued (which God forbid) we do transgresse of the decrees of the holy fathers.Non obstante In the Popes Bulles. Notwithstanding, we daily see in al the Popes Bulles and letters, these woordes Non obstante, that is to say: notwithstandin: which no other necessitie hath brought in, then onely vnsatiable desire of gathering of mony. But let them take heede to these things whych be the authours thereof.

But now to returne againe vnto Damasus,The councel to be aboue the pope. mention is made in the Epistles of Ambrose bishop of Millaine of a certaine Epistle which is laid to be writtē by Damasus, vnto the iudges deputed by the Councel of Capua, where he declareth that it is not his office, to meddle wt any matter which hath ben before the Councell. By the which saying he doth manifestly reproue all those which affirme and say the Byshop of Rome to be aboue the Councell. The which if it were true, Damasus might haue taken into his handes the cause of Bonosius the Byshop to determine, which was before begon by the Councell: but for somuche as the Councell is aboue the Pope, Damasus knewe hymself to be prohibited. Wherupon Hilarius also acknowledging the Sinode to be aboue him, would haue his decrees confirmed by the Councell. Also the famous Doctour S. Augustine in his Epistle whych hee did wryte vnto Glorius & Eleusius, and Felix the Gramarian, declareth the case. Cecilianus the Byshoppe, was accused by Donatus, wyth others. Melchiades the pope with certaine other bishops absolued Cecilian and confirmed him in hys bishopricke. They being mooued wyth those doinges, made a schisme in the partes of Africa. S. Augustine reprooueth them, which hauing an other remedy against the sentence of ye Pope, did raise a schisme, and doth mucy against them in this maner. Behold, let vs thinke those Bishops which gaue iudgemēt at Rome, not to haue ben good iudges: ther remained yet the iudgemēt of the uniuersall church, where as the cause might haue ben pleaded euen with the iudges themselues, so that if they were conuict not to haue geuen iust iudgement, their sentence might be broken.

Wherby it appeareth, that not only the sentence of the Pope alone, but also the Pope wyth hys Byshops ioyned with him,The full iudgemét of the church is not to be found, but in the generall Councel. might be made frustrate by the Councell: for the full iudgement of the uniuersall Church is not founde elswhere, then in the generall Councell. Let not any manne doubt, in that S. Augustine seemeth here onely to speake of Byshops: for if the text of hys Epistle be read ouer, hee shall finde the Byshoppe of Rome to be comprehended amongst the other Bishops. It was also prohibited by the councels of Africa,No appeal [...] to be made frō the coū cel to the P. that the Bishops of Rome shoulde not receiue or heare the appeales of any which did appeale frō the Councell: whych altogether declare the superioritie of the Coūcell. And this appeareth more plainly in the Actes of the Apostles, where as Peter is rebuked by the congregation of the Apostles,Acts 13. because he went in to Cornelius a Heathen man, as if it had not bene lawfull for him to attempt any great matter weout the knowledge of the congregation: and yet it was said vnto him as wel as others. Ite & Baptizate &c. Go & baptise.Gal. 2. But this seemeth to make more vnto the purpose, which S. Paule wryteth vnto the Galathians, whereas he sayth, he reststed Peter euen vnto his face, because he did not walke according to the verity of the Gospell. Which words if they be wel vnderstand, signifie none other thing by the veritie of the Gospel,Peter constrayned to obey the generall councell. then the Canon of the Councel decreed amongest the Apostles: for the Disciples being gathered together, had so determined it. Whereupon S. Paule doth shew, that Peter ought to haue obeyed the generall Councell.

But nowe to finish thys disputation,The decree of the councel of Constance. we will here adioyne the determination of the Councell of Constance, the which Councell aforesayd, willing to cut off al ambiguitie and doubts, and to prouide a certain order of liuing, declared by a solemne decree that all men, of what estate or condition so euer they were,The pope bound vnder the obedience of the generall Councel. yea although yt they were Popes themselues, be bound vnder the obedience and ordinances of the sacred generall Councels. And although there be a certaine restraint, where as it is sayde, in suche thinges as pertaine vnto the faith, the extirpation of schisme, and the reformation of the Churche, as well in the heade as in the members: notwithstanding thys amplificatiue clause whych is adioyned, is to be noted, Et in pertinentibus ad ea, that is to say, withall the appertenauntes. The which addition is so large, that it containeth all thinges in it, whych may be imagined or thought.Diuers places rehearsed out of the Gospels and Apostles, for authoritie of the Church and generall councels aboue the Pope. For the Lord said thus vnto hys Apostles, goe ye forth and teach all people. He did not say in three poynts onely, but teach them to obserue and keepe al thinges what soeuer I haue commaunded you. And in an other place he sayeth, not thys or that, but whatsoeuer yee shal binde, &c. which altogether are alledged for the authority of the Church and generall Councels. For the preserment wherof, these things also come in place. He that heareth you, heareth me. And againe: It is geuen vnto you to knowe the mysteries of God. Also where 2. or 3. bee gathered [Page] in my name. &c. Againe, whatsoeuer yee shall aske. &c. O holy father, saue them whom thou hast geuen me. &c. And I wil be with them euen vnto the ende of the worlde. Also out of S. Paul these places are gathered. We are helpers of God. &c. Which hath made vs apt ministers of the new Testament. &c. And he appoynted some Apostles and some Prophetes. &c. Iu all which places both Christ and the Apostles spake of the authority of many, which altogether are alledged for the authority of yt vniuersall Church.

But for somuche as that Churche being dispersed and scattered abroad, can not decree or ordaine any thing: therfore of necessity it is to be said, that the chiefe and principall authority of the church, doth consist in the generall Councels, where as they assemble together. And therfore it was obserued in the primatiue Church, that hard and waightie matters were not intreated vpon,Weight is matters intreated but onely in generall councels. but onely in the general councels & congregations. The same is also founde to be obserued afterward. For when as the churches were deuided, general councels were holden. And in the Councel of Nice, we do finde the heresie of Arrius condemned. In the Councel of Constantinople the heresy of Macedonius. In the Councell of Ephesus, the heresye of Hestorius. In the Councell of Chalcedon,The Pope not sufficient of him selfe to connince or iudge heretickes. The pope may erre. the heresies of Eutichius were also condemned: for somuch as they thought the iudgement of the bishop of Rome, not to suffice to so great, & waighty matter, and also they thought, the sentence of the Councell to be of greater force, then the sentence of the Pope, for somuch as he might erre as a man, but the Councell, wherein so many mē were gathered together, being guided with the holy ghost, could not erre. Also it is a very excellēt saying of Martianus the Emperour, which serueth for that purpose, whose words are these: Truely he is to be coūted a wicked and sacrilegious person, which after the sentence of so many good and holy men, wil sticke to withdraw any part of his opinion. For it is a poynt of meere madnesse, at the noone time & faire day light, to seeke for a fained lighte: for he which hauing found the truth, seketh to discusse anything further, seeketh but after vanities and lies.

Whether the pope may be deposed by the councell or not.Now I thinke it is euident inough vnto all men, that the bishop of Rome is vnder the Councell. Notwithstanding some do yet still doubt, whether he may also be deposed by the Councel or not: For albeit it be proued that he is vnder the Councell, yet for all that, will they not graunt, that hee may be also deposed by the Councell. Wherefore, it shall be no digressing at all from our purpose, somewhat to say vpō that matter: and first of all, to speake of these railers, which are yet so earnest for the defence of the Byshop of Rome: which being vanquished in one battaile, still renew an other, and cōtend rather of obstinacie then of ignoraunce. They would haue here recited againe, that whych we haue before spoken, as touching the preeminence of the Bishop of Rome, or the Patriarcke. And as there are many of thē more ful of words then eloquent, they stay much of this poynt, where as Christ sayd vnto Peter: Tibi d [...]bo claues regni coelorum. The places, Tibi dabo claues regni [...]exlorum. Pasce oues meas, make nothing for the popes supremacye. I wil geue thee the keies of the kingdom of heauen, & what soeuer thou shalt binde vpon earth shalbe bounde in heauen: as though by those wordes, hee should be made head ouer ye other. And againe they do amplify it by this: Pasce oues meas: Feede my sheepe, whyche they do not finde to be spoken to any other of the apostles. And because it is sayde that Peter was the chiefe and the mouth of the Apostles, therefore they iudge it well spoken, that no man shall iudge the chiefe and principall sea: being all of thys opinion with Boniface, which sayde ye the Pope ought to be iudged for no cause except he bee perceyued or knowen to swarne from the farth, although he do cary innumerable people with him,The Popes supremacie consuted. headlong into hel, there to be perpetually tormented: as though hee coulde not open the kingdome of heauen to others, if any other could shut it against him, neither that he could feede other, if hee himselfe lacked pasture.

But we count these as things of no force or difficulty, For S. Augustine in the Sermon of the natiuity of Peter and Paule, sayeth in this wise: Our Lorde Iesus Christe before hys Passion, chose hys disciples (as yet doe knowe) whom he called brethren. Amongest those, Peter alone almost in euery place represented the person of the Church,Peter representeth the person of the church, and not of the Pope. The keyes geuē to the church and not to one man. & therefore it was sayde vnto him, Tibi dabo claues regni coelorum That is to say. Unto thee will I geue the keyes of the kingdome of heauen. These keies did he not receiue as one man, but as one he receiued them for the Church. And in an other place, Where hee wryteth of the Christian agony, he sayth: the keyes of the kingdome of heauen were geuen vnto the churche: when as they were geuen vnto Peter: And when as it was spoken vnto him: Amas me? Pasce oues meas. That is to say. Louest thou me? feede my sheepe: it was spoken vnto them all. And S. Ambrose in ye beginning of his pastorall, sayth which sheepe and which flocke, the blessed Apostle S. Peter tooke not charge of alone, but together with vs, and we alltogether with him. By which wordes the foundation and principall arguments of those flatterers, are vtterly subuerted and ouerthrowen. For if Peter represented the person of the Church, we ought not to ascribe the force of these words vnto Peter, but vnto the Church.Pope Boniface erreth. Neither do I see how that can stand, whych Boniface doth affirme, for it is farre distant from the truth, except it be vnderstand otherwise then it is spoken.

But it may peraduenture seeme a great thynge vnto some, that it is sayd, the Byshop of Rome to be the head of the Militant Churche. For, as in the body of man, Philitions do neuer geue councell to cut of the head for any maner of sicknes & disease, although it be neuer co [...]ul of vicers or infected: so in this mysticall body of the church, the head ought alwayes to be kept: and albeit it be neuer so wicked yet is it to be suffered and horne withall. But now conuert this argument.The B. of Rome vnproperly called the head of the Church. If it were possible in ye body of man, when one hed is taken away, to find an other to put in his place, as we see it may be done in the Church, should not heade then be oftentimes chaunged for diuers diseases? Moreouer, if we wil thus reason, that the head of the church shuld be in respecte of his body, as the head of man in respecte of the body of man: then doeth it necessarily followe that the head being dead the body must also die, as is manifest in ye body of man: So should it grow into an absurditie to confesse that the Pope being dead, the Church also shoulde bee dead: the which how farre it dissenteth from the truth, it is most manifest. Therfore what soeuer other men say, I am not of opinion wyth them, whych affirme the Bishoppe of Rome to be head of the Church, except peraduenture they doe make hym the ministeriall head: for we doe reade that Christ is the heade of the Churche and not the Pope: and that he is the true head immutable, perpetuall, and euerlasting, and the Church is his body, wherof the Pope hymselfe is also a member and the vicare of Christe, not to the destruction but to the maintenaunce & edifying of the same body of Christ.The dote which say that the pope cannot be deposed for any other cause then for heresie. Wherefore, if he be founde a damnable destroyer of the Churche, he may be deposed and cast out, because he doth not yt he was ordeined to doe: and we ought, as Pope Leo sayeth, to be mindeful of the commandement geuen vs in the Gospell: that if our eye, our foote, or oure right hand, do offend vs, it should be cut of from the body. For the Lorde sayeth in an other place: Euery tree whych bringeth not foorth fruite, shall be cut downe and caste into the fire. And in an other place also it is sayde vnto vs: take away all euill and wickednesse from among you. It is very iust and true, whiche is wrytten in the Epistle of Clement vnto Iames the brother of our Lorde, that he whych will be saued, ought to be separate from them whych will not be saued.

But for the more manifest declaration hereof, we must haue recourse to that which is spoken by the Lorde, in the Gospell of Iohn: I am the true vine sayth the Lorde, and my father is the husbandman, and ye are the braunches: euery braunch therfore that bryngeth not forth fruite in me, my father wil cut off.Fruiteles braunches are to be cutt of. These wordes were spoken vnto the Apostles, amongst whom also Peter was present, whome ye Lord wold haue cut off, if he brought not foorth his fruit. Also S. Hierome vpon these wordes of Mathewe: Vnsauery salte is profitable for nothing,If the pope be vnsauery salt, he is to be cast away. but to be cast foorth and troden of swine. Whereuppon in the persone of Peter and Paule, he sayth thus: It is no easie matter to stande in the place of Peter and Paule, and to keepe the chaire of them which raigne with Christ. This vnsauery salte, that is to say a foolish Prelate, vnsauery in preaching, and foolish in offending, is good for nothing, but to be cast foorthe, that is to say deposed, and to be troden of swine, that is of wicked spirits, which haue dominion ouer the wicked and naughty Prelates, as their owne flocke and herde. Beholde, thys testimonie of Hierome is plaine and euident. Let hym be cast out sayth he.

Hee expoundeth and speaketh it of the Prelate, whych vsurpeth the place of Peter,A note for all naughty prelats. and so consequently of the byshop of Rome, who being vnsauery in preaching, and foolysh in offending, oughte to be deposed (as Hierome affirmeth) from hys degree and dignitie. Neyther as some doe dreame, is he to be deposed for heresie only. Isidorus in the booke of Councels,The wordes of [...] Peter to Clement. rehearseth a certain epistle of Clement the successour of Peter wrytten vnto Iames the Apostle, wheras the said Clement referring ye words of Peter vnto himselfe, sayeth thus: If thou be occupied wyth worldly cares, thou shalt both deceiue thyselfe, & those which shall geue eare vnto thee: for thou canst not fully distribute vnto euery man, those thinges which pertaine vnto saluation: [Page] whereby it shall come to passe, that thou as a man for not teaching those things which pertaine vnto saluation, shalt be deposed, & thy disciples shall perish through ignorance. Notwtstanding in an other place, in stead of this word deposed, it is found thou shalt be punished: which 2. wordes, if they be wel vnderstoode, do not much differ, for deposition is oftētimes vsed in the place of punishment. But peraduenture some wil here obiect, that this Epistle is not to be iudged Clements, because it is sayd to be wrytten vnto Iames, who as the Ecclesiasticall hystory affirmeth, was deade before that Peter was put to death.The epistle of Clement to Iames doubted. But Clement might thinke that Iames was aliue when as hee wrote: whych were farre distant a sunder, and messengers of the christians, came not often vnto Rome. Moreouer, there is mētion made of thys Epistle in diuers places of the decrerals, as most true, and therfore it shalbe nothing from the purpose, to rehearse other sayings out of the same Epistle, where he sayth, that he which liueth rebelliously, and refuseth both to learne and to doe good, is rather a member of the deuill, then of Christ, and doth shew himselfe rather to be an infidel, then a faithful Christian. Vpō which words, the glose which Panormitane calleth singular,The pope may and ought to be both accused & punished for ill doing. & is muche allowed, sayeth, that if the crime or offence of the bishop of Rome be notorious, wherby the Church is offended, if he be incorrigible, he may be accused therof. If then he may be accused, Ergo also he may be punished, and according to the exigent of the fault deposed: Otherwise he should be accused in vaine.

Whether the pope may be deposed by the counsell or no.Now is there no more any place of defence left for our aduersaries, but that the Pope may be deposed: Notwithstanding it is not yet euident whether hee may be deposed by yt councel or no, which we now take in hād to discours. And first of all, the aduersaries will graunt thys vnto vs, that the Bishop of Rome may be deposed by the Church, for somuch as the Pope being the vicare of the Church, no man doubteth,The pope is rather to be called the vicar of the Church, then of Christ. but that a Lorde may put out his vicare at his wil & pleasure, neither is to be douted but that ye Pope is more truly called the vicare of the church, then of christ. But if the church may depose the pope: Ergo the coūcel also may do the same. Also the glose which Panormitane in his wryting doth so greatly commend, hath this sentence: that the general coūcel is iudge ouer the pope in al cases. Likewise the most sacred Synode of Constantinople, whych is allowed of all men, doth appoynt the bishops of Rome to be vnder the iudgement of the councel: and the councell to iudge and determine of euery doutfull matter or question that doeth arise, concerning the bishop of Rome. Neither let any mā doubt hereof, because this worde deposition is not mentioned: for it is sayde, of euery doutfull matter or question: For if the Synode do iudge of euery doubt: Ergo it shall also iudge, whether the pope shalbe deposed or no: for that may also come in doute. And because we will not seeke examples farre of, Iohn 23. Whom all the world dyd reuerence, was deposed of his Papacie by the Councell of Constance. Neither yet was he cōdemned for any heresy: but because he did offend the Church by his manifolde crimes, the sacred Synode thought good to depose him:Pope Iohn 23. deposed and yet for no heresie. and euer since continually, the church hath proceded by like example, that their opinion might cease, which affirme that the Pope cannot be deposed but onely for heresy.

But heere is yet one thing not to be omitted, that certaine men do affirme the general Councels to be of no effect, except the Pope do cal and appoynt them, and his authoritie remaine with them. Wherupon they said that Dioscorus did rebuke Paschasius the bishop of Cicili, and legate of Pope Leo, because that hee did enterprise wythout the authoritie of the Apostolicke Sea, to call a Councell at Ephesus. They also alledge an other testimony of the Sinode of Chalcedone: wheras, when mention was made of the Councel of Ephesus, al the Bishops cried out, saying: we ought not to call it a Councell,Whether councells may be cō gregated without the authority of the Pope. because it was neyther gathered by the apostolike authority, neither rightly kept. By the which authorities, they which say that the Councels cannot be holden without the consent of the Pope, do thinke themselues marueilously armed. Whose sentence & opinion, if it take place and preuaile as they desire, it shall bring with it the great ruine and decay of the Church. For what remedy shall we finde,They erre that say the Pope ought onely to appoint the councells. Marke wherefore the popes will haue no generall coūcell. if that a wicked Pope doe disturbe the whole Church, destroy soules, seduce the people by his euil examples, if finally he preach contrary vnto the faith and fill the people full of heresies, shal we prouide no stay or stoppe for him? Shall we suffer all things to runne to ruine and decay with him? Who woulde thinke that the bishop of Rome would cōgregate a councell for hys owne correction or deposition? for as men are prone vnto sinne, so would they also sinne wythout punishment. But when as I do peruse ancient hystories, and the Acts of the Apostles, I do not finde this order, that councels should be gathered only at the will of the Pope:The first councell of the apostles. for the first Councel of all, after that Mathias was substitute in the place of Iudas, was not congregate at the commandement of Peter, but at the commandement of Christ, who commanded the Apostles that they should not depart from Ierusalem, but looke for the promise of the father.

The seconde Councell as touching the election of the deacons,The 2. coū cell of the Apostles. Peter alone did not congregate, but the 12. Apostles: for it is wrytten. The 12. Apostles calling together the multitude. &c.

The thirde Councell,The 3. coū cell of the Apostles. whych was holden as touching the taking away of circumcision & other ceremonies of the lawe, was gathered together by a generall inspiration: for it is written: The Apostles and Elders came together. &c.

The fourth Councell,The 4. coū cell of the Apostles. whereas certaine thyngs contained in the law are permitted, seemeth to be gathered by Iames, & so discoursing throughout all, there can nothing be founde in the primatiue Church, whereby it should appeare yt the authority of congregating of Councels should pertaine onely vnto Bishoppes of Rome. Neither alterwards in the time of Constantinus Magnus, and other Emperours, was the consent of the bishops of Rome greatly required to the congregating of Councels, and therefore it is wrytten thus of the Synode of Chalcedon: The sacred and vniuersall Synode gathered together at Chalcedone the chiefe Citie of the prouince of Berthunia,Generall councells in tymes past cōgregated by Emperours & not by popes. If the greater part of the Church do consent, a councell may be holdē whether the Pope will or no. according vnto the grace of God, & the sanctions of the most godly and Christian Emperours Valentinian and Martian, doeth not make any mention of the Byshop of Rome, although hys consent were there.

Wherfore, if the pope would resist, and would haue no Councell congregate, yet if the greater part of the Church do iudge it necessary to haue a Councel, the Councell may be congregate whether the Pope wil or no. The Councel holden at Pisa, was not congregate by the authoritie and consent of any Pope, when as Gregorie did condemne it, and Benedict cursed it. The same also may be sayde of the Coūcel of Constance, whych was assembled by the authority of Pope Iohn, who in respect of the Spaniardes was no true Pope. And if the Councell of Pisa were no true Councell, Pope Iohn was no true Pope: wherupon his consent to the congregating of the Councel of Constance, was of no effect. Moreouer it is more then folly to affirme, that when the pope hath once geuen his consent, if it shuld be called backe, that the Councel should then cease, for then it is no more in his power to reuoke his cōsent: And of necessity he must be obedient vnto the Councel, wherof he is a member,How the Pope is a schismaticke and geue place vnto the greater part: and if hee separate himselfe from the consent of the greater part, and depart from the vnity of the Church, he maketh himselfe a Schismaticke.

Now, to come vnto the second conclusion, if it be true, as it is in deede, that the Pope is vnder the Councell, how can the Pope then dissolue, alter and transporte the Councell, against the will of the same? For wyth what countenance can we say, that the inferior hath power ouer the superior? How can the Synode correct the Pope,The Pope can not dissolue a generall councell against the will of the same. if the Pope may dissolue the Synode contrary to the will thereof? Admit that the Pope be libidinous, couetous, a sower of war and discorde, and a most mortall enemie vnto the Church, and the name of Christ, how can the Councel reproue, him, if he haue authority to dissolue the Councel? For assoone as euer that the bishop of Rome shall vnderstande that in the Councell they doe intreat or talke of his correction or punishment, straightwaies he wil seke remedy by dissoluing the Councel. For as Macrobius sayth: he that hath liberty to do more then is fit or necessary,The saying of Macrobius. wil oftentimes do more then is lawfull. If so be that the Bishop of Rome may exempt himself from correction by dissoluing or transporting the Councell, it followeth that the Councell is not aboue him. Therfore we must either deny that which is aforsaid, that the Pope is vnder the Councell, or els deny that the Pope hath power to dissolue the Councell, contrary to the will and determination of the Councell.

And as this first conclusion is most true, so are al other conclusiōs false, which seeme to impugne the same. Wherfore the seconde conclusion of the diuines is also manifest: albeit that some doe admit it in certaine cases, and in other some exclude it againe.Whether the pope in certaine cases may dissolue the councell. For if we do admit, that for certain causes the Pope may dissolue the Councel contrary to the will and determination thereof, that is to say, to make the Pope iudge of the Councell, it were cleane contrary vnto the first conclusion.

Now it is proued that ye Councell is aboue the Pope, & can not be dissolued by the Pope wythout consent thereof. Nowe we must further see, whether it be an Article of [Page] our faith to beleeue it: Which matter hath respect vnto the third conclusion. For there haue bene many, which all beit they did confesse these two conclusions to be true, yet they doubted whether it were a veritie of the Catholicke fayth or no. Therefore this second part must be confirmed. And we must see whether it be an article of faith that the Pope be vnder the councel. Which being proued, it shall also appeare to be an article of faith, that the pope can not dissolue the councell without the consent therof. Which consequent none of the contrary part hath refused. First of al therefore we must inquire what faith is, that wee may thereby the better vnderstand, what pertaineth thereunto.

The definition of faithFaith, as the Diuines do define it, is a firme and stedfast cleauing vnto things, beleued by the authority of hym that speaketh. If then we beleeue as is aforesayde, that the Pope of Rome is vnder the councell, some authority doth moue vs therunto: so is it the faith of him which beleeueth it: but the question is not whether it be an Article of faith onely, but whether it be an Article of the Catholike faith. Wherefore we must againe enquire what the Catholicke faith is. This word catholike is a Greke word, and signifieth vniuersal.The definition of the catholicke faith. The catholike faith, that is to say ye vniuersal faith, is not so called because that euery man holdeth it, but because euery man ought to beleeue it. For all men doe not beleue that God is incarnate, but euery man ought so to beleue. And albeit ye many be against this faith, yet doth it not cease to be vniuersall. For what wryteth the Apostle vnto the Romains?Rom. 3. If some of them hath not beleued, doth their misbeliefe make the faith of God vaine? God forbid. Verely God is true, but euery man is a lyer. Therefore to beleue that the pope is vnder the councell,Catholicke what it is. is a poynt of the Catholike faith, although some thincke the contrary: for we are bound to beleeue it, for somuch as it is taken out of the Gospell. For we are not bounde onely to beleeue those things which are noted to vs in ye Crede, but also all those things which are cōtained in the holy Scriptures, wherof we may not deny one iote. And those things whych we alledge for the superiority of the general Councel, are gathered out of the sayings of our Sauiour Iesu Christ, and the Epistles of S. Paule: Ergo, we are all bound to beleeue it. And to proue that these things are taken out of the gospel, the councell of Constance doth witnesse, the which groundeth his authority vpon these wordes: Dic Ecclesiae, that is to say, tel it vnto the Church. And, where 2. or 3. are gathered together in my name. &c. And, whatsoeuer ye shal bind &c. with other such like texts.

The councel of Cōstance Vid. supra. pag. 650.Whereuppon Pope Martine the 4. being yet at Constance, vnder the licence of ye Councell, sent out his bulles, which do recken vp the Articles, wherupon they ought to be examined, which had fallē into any heresy, amongst the which articles he putteth this article: Whether hee doe beleue the sacred generall Councel to haue power immediatly from God, and that the ordinances therof are to be receiued of all faithfull Christians, which if any man would deny, he should be counted an hereticke. Wherefore, when as the sacred Synode of Constance, doth set forth this verity, as touching the superiority of the general Councell, what should let but that we also shoulde confesse the same to be a verity of the Catholike faith? For the catholike church being congregate at Constance, receiued that faith, that is to say, beleued it by the authority of hym whych spake it, that is Christ and his Saintes.

The wordes of the councel of Chalcedō, where by he is declared an hereticke that holdeth any opinion contrary to the councell.To this purpose also serueth very well the wordes of the synode of Chalcedon written in this maner: It is not lawfull for hym that is condemned by the whole Synode to nominate any Byshop. The determination pleaseth all men. Thys is the faith of the fathers. He that holdeth any opinion contrary vnto this, is an hereticke. And againe it is a rule, that it is not lawfull to appeale from the elect and chosen Synode.

Marke the manifest witnesse of this moste sacred Synode, which said that he is an hereticke, which holdeth any opinion contrary vnto the Councell: But hee is no hereticke, except hee refuse the Catholike faith: Ergo, it was the Catholicke faith to beleeue that it was not lawfull to appeale from the sacred Councel. But howe was the same any poynt of the Catholike faith? Verely for somuch as the sacred Synode perusing ouer the holy Scriptures, hathe receiued thys conclusion out of the woordes of Christ and other holy fathers. And like as the Synode of Chalcedon tooke their conclusion out of the holy scriptures, so did the Councell of Constance, this which we now reason vpon. And like as the one is an Article of the Catholicke faithe, so is the other also. And he which holdeth any opinion cō trary to either of both, is an hereticke.

Furthermore, they seeme vnto me to dreame and dote, which confessing them to be vexities, wil not confesse them to be verities of faith. For if they be verities, I pray you wherof are they verities?Panormitan is noted and veri [...] well nipped by his owne supposition. Truely not of Grammer, much lesse of Logike, and from Astronomy and Phisicke they are farre distant. Neither is there any other man but a diuine, that will graunt this veritie, whome Scripture doth force vnto it of necessity, if he do beleeue Christ or his Apostles. Therefore this is a verity of the Catholicke faith which all men ought to embrace, and he which obstinatly resisteth against the same, is to be iudged an hereticke, as the thirde conclusion doth affirm. Neither let any man thinke it hard or cruell, that he should be called an hereticke which goeth about to derogate any thing frō the power of the geuerall Councel, which is confirmed by so many testimonies and authorities. Also Panormitan alledgeth S. Hierome, saying: He which vnderstandeth the scripture otherwise then the consent of the holy Ghost doth require, albeit he do not depart from the Church, may be called an hereticke.

Wherupon it foloweth that he which vpon the wordes of Christ saying vnto Peter,Tell the church that is to say, the generall councell. Dic Ecclesiae. i. Tel it vnto the Church, doeth not vnderstand by the Church the generall Councell, vnderstandeth it otherwise then the sense of the holy Ghost doth require, and there by may be noted as an hereticke. And to proue that the sense of the holy Ghost is otherwise then he doth iudge it, the councell of Constance, doth declare: The which interpreting those words, Dic Ecclesiae. i. Tel it vnto the churche, spoken by the holy Ghoste, vnderstandeth them to be spoken of the generall councell. By these and many other waightier reasons, the 3. aforesaid conclusions, seemed true vnto the Diuines, & thorough them they also allowed the residue.

Now haue we suffiētly sayd, as touching that which was before promised: neither do I think any man now to be in doubt of these 3. first conclusions. Now to returne againe vnto our storie, it is our purpose to declare those thinges which happened after the conclusions of the Diuines: for there are many things worthy of remēbraunce, which also may happely be profitable vnto the posteritie.

When the disputation was ended and a final conclusion of these matters euen at hand, the Archbish. of Millaine and Panormitane with the residue of their fellow ambassadors of the king of Arragon, and duke of Willam, armed themselues with all their power to lette the matter, exhorting all men of their faction to withstand it with stout and valiant stomackes.

And first of all,The Byshop of Burgen. assoone as the congregation was assembled together, the byshop of Burgen exhorted them to deferre the conclusion, & to tary for the Ambassadors of other Princes, which would returne from Mentz.

After him Panormitane with a graue and Rhetoricall Oration,Panormitanes oration. spake (in a maner) as followeth.

I haue (saide he) had a cōmaundement by the prophet, to cry without ceasing: Which prophet sayd: Cry out, cease not, lift vp thy voice as a trumpet. If that in any matter at any time before, hee ought to haue cried, this matter specially which is now in hand lacketh crying and roaring out, when as the state of the vniuersal churche is intreated vpon, either to be preserued, or vtterly ouerthrown: and that he hath cried so much in thys matter, that he doubted not, but the saying of Dauid was fulfilled in hym, where hee sayeth: Laboraui clamans, raucae sunt factae fauces meae. I haue laboured, crying out, that my iawes are become horce.

Notwythstanding that he would both now,Foure thinges to be considered in euery request. and as often as neede should require, wythout ceasing still crie out, and specially now in this most difficult and waighty matter: where in hee required the sacred Councell gentlely to heare both hym, and the Ambassadours of other Princes: adding moreouer foure thinges to be considered in all requestes made of any man. The which he also required the fathers now presently, to marke & consider. Who it is that maketh the request. What is required. Why it shuld be required, and what effect woulde come by the request eyther graunted, or denyed. As touching the first poynt he sayde: The most noble kynges and excellent Princes wyth their prelates to be of great power: and then reconed vp yt kyng of Castill, the king of Arrogon, the Duke of Millaine, and the Byshops of the same Princes, rehearsing also the merites & good deedes of the sayde kings, & also of the duke of Millaine. But when as hee came to make mention of the prelates, he coulde not restraine himself, but began to wax somewhat hoate, saying that the greatest number of Prelates were on his parte. For if the Byshops and Abbotes were counted, it were not to be doubted, but the greatest part of them would haue this present matter deferred: and forsomuch as the whole power of the councell doth consist in the Bishops, it is not to be suffered, that they being neglected and contēned, that should be concluded whych pleased [Page] the greater part of the inferiours: For the keyes (sayde he) were geuen to the Apostles, & to their successors which are the Byshops: also, that there are three kindes of Synodes, Episcopall, Prouinciall, and Generall, and none of all these without Bishops.

Wherfore the maner and order of the present Councell seemed vndecent, wheras thinges were not weyed according as men excell in dignitie,Panormitane would haue dignitie to be cōsidered in coūcell & not voices. but by moste voyces: Notwithstanding according to ye most famous Epistle of Clement, the Byshops were the pillers and keyes of heauen, and the inferiours had no determining voyce, but onely a consultatiue voyce with them: wherefore there would be a great offence in thys behalfe, if a matter of faith shoulde be determined without the bishops: in which matter not only the bishoppes, but also the secular Princes ought to bee admitted. And for so much as they, in ye name of their princes, desired to be admitted to the examination of thys present matter, and would examine the matter more fully, hee cōplained greatly how vnworthy a thing it was that they should be contemned or despised.

After many things spoken to this ende & effect, he passed ouer to the second part of his Oration, declaring what it was yt he required: not gold, nor siluer, neither precious stones,Panormitane seemeth to delay the proces against the pope. neither prouinces nor kingdomes, neither a thing hard to be done: but that only the delay of the sacred councell was required, & that the fathers would stay in the processe against the Pope, and in the conclusion and determination of matters which are now in hand. Neither shuld the delay be long, but only vntil the returne of the Ambassadors from Mentz, whome he knew well would returne very shortly. That this was but a small matter, and to be small intreatie, because there was no danger in it. And also it shuld seme iniurious, not to tary for the Ambassadors of the Princes which were then at Mentz, when as they were not absent for their owne priuate commoditie, but about the affaires of the common wealth, and the commodity of peace: neither had he forgotten, yt at their departure they had desired, that during their absence, there should be nothing renued concerning the matters of Eugenius.

Then immediatly adioyning the third part of his Oration, wherfore this delay was required,The 3. part of Panormitans oration. he concluded, that it was not required for the priuate commoditie of any one man, but for a common wealth: not to cause any trouble or vnquietnesse, but for the better examination of the matter, yt all things might passe with peace and quietnes, that the matter might be somuch the more firme and stable, by how much it is ratified & allowed by the consent of many. And so he proceded to ye last part of his argument, requiring the fathers that they would consider and wey in their mindes the effect that would follow, if they should graunt or deny thys request. For (sayth he) if ye shall deny this small petition of the Princes, they al wil be agreeued therewith, and take this repulse in ill parte. They will say, they are contemned of you, neither will they be obedient vnto you, or receiue your decrees. In vaine shall ye make lawes except the Princes do execute them, and all your decrees shall be but vaine:Persuations of Panormitane. yet woulde I thinke this to be borne wtall, if I did not feare greater matters to ensue. What if they shuld ioyne themselues with Eugenius, who not onely desireth to spoyle you of your liuings, but also of your liues. Alas, what slaughter and murther doe the eyes of my minde behold and see? Would God my opinion were but vain. But if you do graunt and consent vnto their petitions, they wil thincke themselues bounde vnto you: they wil receiue and embrace your decrees, and whatsoeuer you shal require of them shall be obtained. They will forsake your aduersary, they will speake euil of him and abhorre him: but you they wil commend and praise, you they will reuerēce: vnto you they wil wholy submit themselues, and then shall followe that most excellent fruit of reformation and tranquillity of the church. And thus he required the matter to be respited on all partes. At the last he sayde, that except the Ambassadors of ye Princes were heard, he had a protestation, wrytten, which he would commaund to be read before them all.

When Panormitan had made an ende of his Oration, Lodouicus the Prothonotary of Rome rose vp,The praise of Lodouicus the prothonotarie. a man of such singular wit and memory, that he was thought not to be inferior vnto any of the famous men afore time. In so much that he had alwaies in memory whatsoeuer hee had heard or red, and neuer forgate any thyng that he had sene. This man first commending Panormitane, sayde that he came but the day before from the haths, & that it semed vnto him a strange thing which was now brought in question: wherin he desired to heare other mens minds, and also to be heard of others, and that those prelates which were at Mentz shuld be taried for, to be present at the discussing of this matter, in the name and behalfe of their Princes, which prelates were men of great estimation, and the Orators of most mighty Princes.

He allowed also the saying of Panormitane touching the voices of the inferiors,Bishops onely to haue determining voyce in councells. that it seemeth not to be against the truth, that only Bishops should haue a deciding or determing voice in Councels. And all be it that some in thys disputation doe thinke that, which is writtē in the 15. chapter of the Actes, to be their force or defence: notwythstanding he was nothing moued therewith, nor tooke it to be of any effect, albeit it was sayd: It seemed good vnto the holy Ghost and to vs, where as both the Apostles and the elders were gathered together: whereby it appeared: that ye others had a deciding voice wt the Apostles. For he sayde, that there was no argument to be gathered of the Acts of the Apostles, whose examples were more to be meruailed at, then to be folowed: and that it doth not appeare there, yt the Apostles called the Elders of duety, but that it is onely declared that they were there present: whereupon nothing could be inferred. And that it semed vnto him, that the inferiours in the Councell of Basill, were admitted to determine with the Bishops but of grace and fauour onely, because the Bishops may communicate their authority vnto others. He alledged for testimony, the bishop of Cancen, a man of great authority, who woulde not suffer any incorporation or felowship of the meaner sort, and therfore, neither any inferiour, neither himselfe, which as yet was not made Byshop, to haue any deciding voyce in the councel. Wherefore, for somuch as the matter was waighty, which was nowe in hand, and that the Byshops spake against it, he required the Councell that they would of necessitie stay and tary for the Ambassadours of the Princes comming from Mentz.

His Oration was so much the more greeuous,It is no maruell why he alleadged no more or better matter for of noughty Lether no man can make a good shoe. And note here how God with draweth his giftes when men dissemble & cloke the truthe. in that many were touched with his wordes, and specially in that poynt, that he said, the apostles were not to be folowed: for that al men did impugne as a blasphemy. But here a man may meruel, that a mā of such excellency, alledged no more or better matter. But in this poynt the memory of the man is to be pardoned, which did not willingly speake in thys matter, and desired nothing somuch, as not to obtaine that which he intreated for. After him many other spake theyr minds, but al to this end that they might protract the time and deferre the conclusion of these matters.

THen Lodouicus the Cardinall Arelatensis, a man of marueilous constancy, & borne for the gouernaunce of general councels, gathering together the wordes of all the orators, spake in this wise: Most reuerend fathers, this is no new or strange busines, nor begon to day or yesterday. For it is now many wekes ago, since the conclusiōs were disputed vppon amongst the diuines, & sent vnto Mentz, and to all other partes of the world. After thys, they were disputed vpon 6. daies continually, and fully discussed, and after that not without great delay approued by the deputies, and as the truth seketh no corners,Truth seeketh no corners. so all things were done publikely and openly. Neyther can any man pretend ignoraunce, neither are the Prelates or Princes contemned: For wee called all that were present at Basill, and exhorted al y• rest for to be present. And for somuch as mention is made of the most noble King of Castell: who is it that is ignoraunt, that the kings Orators were there present? The bishop of Burgen and Ebrun, men of singulare learning and eloquence, and you also Panormitane youre selfe, which heere represent the person of the moste famous king of Arragon, were twise present your self in the chapter house, and disputed twise most subtilly, and twise declared your minde, what you thought in that matter. What do you desire any more? Also out of the territory of yt Duke of Millaine, there was present the Archbish. of Millaine, who albeit, he be no Ambassador, yet howe famous a Prelate he is, you are not ignorant. When he had spoken these words, the Archbishop being somewhat mooued, sayd vnto him.The patiēce and answere of Arelatensis. My Lord Cardinal, you supply the roume of a president no better, then I doe the place of a Dukes Oratour, and began to taunt him wyth many words. But the Cardinall, (as he was a man moste pacient: and woulde not be prouoked to anger by no meanes) sayd: this is it yt I euen now desired. For if the Archb. be an Ambassador, then hath the Duke no cause to complaine, which had his Oratour present at the discussing of those matters.

I passe ouer other Princes, because they doe not complaine. Notwythstanding the most Christian Kynge of Fraunce, had there the Byshop of Lyons, a graue and sober man, his Ambassadour at the disputation. As for other princes, I see no cause why they shuld be taried for, which knowing the councel to be congregate for such matters as pertaine vnto faith, do not thinke it absurd, that the doutfull [Page] matters of fayth shoulde be declared in the Councell: Whereunto, if they had bene willing to come, they would haue bene present or this.

Why this matter should neede so much discussing, as some will haue, I doe not vnderstand. For if I be wel remembred, Panormitane and also Ludouicus, haue oftentimes affirmed in this place, euē ye very same thing which the conclusions signifie. And if any of them now will go about to gaynsay it, it will happen vnto them, as it did vnto Didimus. To whom, when as on a time, hee repugned agaynst a certayne historye,Didimus reprehended that which was in his owne booke founde. as vayne and friuolous, hys own book was deliuered vnto him, wherin the same was written: So likewise these two men (meaning Panormitane & Ludouicus the Prothonotary) Although they be excellently learned, & eloquent: yet may they be confuted by their owne writinges. Besides this: there are Synodall Epistles and decrees of this Councell,He meaneth Panormitane, and Lodouicus the Prothonotary. whiche are full of such cōclusions. What is it then whereupon any difficultie can be raysed? What is it that may be impugned? Shal we now bring that againe in doubt, whiche hath so often bene declared, affirmed, and decreed? But (say they) the princes & Ambassadours are absent whiche are byshops by whose presence the decrees should be of more authority. Wel, they are not onely absent which are gone to Mentz: but almost an infinite number of others, dispersed throughout ye whol world: whō if we should tary to looke for, nothing at any tyme should be decreed. They are al called vnto the councel: they might haue come if they would. To those that are present power is geuen, and they ought to debate these matters. If any man will say, yt they which are absent, are about the affayres of the common wealth: truely we sent them not thither, but they went rather agaynst the will of the Councell, then with the consent therof.

And admit that they had bene sent by the Councel: yet were not our power so much restrayned, but yt we might reforme the Church, for otherwise there should neuer any thing be done in ye Councell: for somuch as alwayes some are sent out by the Councell, and some are alwayes to be looked and taryed for, and therfore we must eyther do nothing at all, or sende out no Prelates from the Councell. Where as he sayd that Prelates and specially Bishops are cōtemned, that is most far from the truth, for they haue the chiefe and first places. They speake first, and geue their voices first of all vnto all thinges: and if so be they do speake learnedly and truely, all the inferiors without any gaynesaying, did soone follow their mynde.

Neither peraduenture shall it be founde vntrue, that there was neuer any Synode: which dyd more amplifie ye power & authoritie of Byshops then this. For what haue the Byshoppes bene in our dayes, but onely shadowes? Might they not well haue bene called shepheardes wtout ye sheep? What had they more thē their miter and their staffe, when as they could determine nothing ouer their subiects Uerely in the primitiue Church, the Byshops had ye greatest power & authoritie: but now was it come to yt poynt that they exceeded the cōmon sort of priestes onely in theyr habite and reuenewes? But we haue restored them agayn to their old state,Marke, O ye Bishops, the coūcell of Basill contendeth for you and ye will not vnderstād it. we haue reduced the colation of benefices agayn vnto thē: we haue restored vnto thē ye confirmation of elections: we haue brought agayn the causes of the subiectes to be heard, into their handes: & haue made them bishops which were none before. What cause is there then, yt the Byshops should say, they are contemned of the Councel? Or what iniurious thing haue we at anye time done vnto them? But Parnormitan sayth, yt forsomuch as most bishops are on hys parte, and few agaynst hym, the conclusion is not to be determined by the multitude of the inferiours, but let Panormitan remember himself, that this is no new kinde of proceeding.

This order of proceeding, the Councell ordeined from the beginning, neither hath it bene chaunged at any tyme since. And this order Panormitan, in times past hath pleased you well enough, when as the multitude did followe your minde. But now, because they do not followe your mynd,This was a [...] true Cardinall: out of whose mouth the veritie did speake, which feared not the threatnings of princes, neither sought any worldly glory or dignitie. they do displease you. But the decrees of the Councels are not so mutable, as the wils of mē. Know ye moreouer, yt the very same bishops which doe consent with you in word and do not consent wt you in minde, neither spake the same secretly, which they now do openly. They do fear that which you told them at home in their country, that except they would follow your minde, they shoulde displease the king. They feare the power of the Prince, & to be spoyled of theyr temporalties: neither haue they free libertye to speak as is requisite in Councels. Albeit if they were true Bishops, & true pastors of soules, they woulde not doubt to put their liues in venture for their sheepe, neither be afeard to shed their bloud for their mother the Church.

But at this present (the more is the pittie) it is to rare to finde a Prelate in this world,Marke what worldly pompe, dignitie and wealth had brought the prelates to in those dayes. whiche doth not preferre hys temporalities before hys spiritualties: wt the loue wherof, they are so withdrawne, that they study rather to please Princes then God, and confesse God in corners, but Princes they will opēly confesse. Of whome the Lord speaketh in hys Gospell. Euery one sayth he, that confesseth me before men. I will confesse him before my father which is in heauen.Note here the great godlynes & most christian saying of this good Bishop. Truth many times dwelleth vnder the ragged cloke. Steuen the first martir. And contrariwise the Lord will not confesse him before his father which is afeard to confesse the Lord before men. Neither is it true which Panormitan sayth, most bishops to be on hys part, for here are many byshops proctors whō he doth not recken, because they are not of his opinion. Neither is the dignities of the fathers, to be respected in the Councell, as he sayth, but onely reason, nor anyethyng more to be looked for then the truth: neyther will I for my part, preferre a lye of any byshop, be he neuer so rich before a veritie or truth of a poore priest. Neither ought a byshop to disdayne, if he be rude or vnlearned, yt the multitude doth not follow hym, or that ye voyce of a poore learned and eloquent priest should be preferred before his. For wisedome dwelleth oftner vnder a bare and ragged cloke, then in rich ornamentes and apparell.

Wherfore I pray you my Lord byshops, do not so much contēne your inferiours, for the first which dyed for Christ the which also opened vnto all other the way of Martyrdome, was no byshop but onely a Leuite. As for yt whiche Ludouicus and Panormitane do allege touchyng ye voyces of Bishops, I know not where they haue it. Wherfore I desire them yt they would tell me,Note the fin [...]etitie ritie of this good Bishop, which stayed himselfe vpon the examples of the primitiue church, & not vpon customes & popes. where they haue foūd it. But if we repeat the examples of old councels, we shall finde that the inferiours were alwayes present with ye Bishops. And albeit that Ludouicus do forbid vs the examples of the apostles, I stay my self most vpon their doings For what is more comely for vs to followe, then the doctrine & customes of the primitiue Church? It is sayd therfore in the 15. chapter of the Acts of the Apostles, it seemed good vnto the holy ghost and to vs. The whiche word (to vs) is referred vnto them which are before named, the Apostles and the Elders. Neither this word, (it semed good) signifieth in this place consultation, but decision and determination, whereby it appeareth, yt other beside yt byshops had determining voyces. In an other place also of the sayd Actes, when as the apostles shoulde intreate vppon anye wayghty matter, they durst not determine by themselues, but the xii. called together the multitude.

Here Ludouicus sayth, yt it doeth not appeare y• the Apostles called other of necessitie: but I say vnto hym, how knowest thou yt they did not call thē of necessitie? But for so much as both partes are vncertayne: nothing doth prohibite vs to follow the Apostles. For seeing that all thinges were written for our learning, it appeareth that the Apostles wold geue vs exāple, yt in wayghty matters we shold admit our inferiours. And therfore in all Councels which were celebrate & holden afterwards,Athanasius beeing but a priest, and no Bishop, vanquished an Archb. we find that Priestes were also present: as in the Councell of Nice, whiche of all other was most famous, Athanasius being then but onely a priest, withstood the Arrians, and infringed their argumentes: Albeit there were also other priestes. And albeit mention be made of 322. byshops, yet is not denyed, but yt the inferiours were there, whome I thinke to be omitted for this cause, for that they were almost innumerable: for as you know well enough, the denomination for the most part, is taken of the most worthy.

In the Synode of Calcedon (which was counted one of the foure principall Synodes) it is sayd that there were present 600. priestes:The name of priests or elders commō both to Bishops and priests. the which name is common both vnto byshops and Priestes. In other Councels the name both of Bishops and Priestes is omitted, & mention made onely of Fathers, which hath the same signification ye thys worde Elders had in the actes of the Apostles. Wee haue also a testimony of the ecclesiasticall history,Paule Bishop of Antioch. how that ther was a Councell gathered of Rome of lx. Byshops, and as many Priestes & Deacons agaynst the Nouations which called themselues Cathari. Also, when Paule the Byshop of Antioche, in the tyme of Galiene the Emperoure, preached yt Christ was a man of common nature, the Councell assembled agaynst hym in Antioche: wherunto there came Byshops out of Cesaria, Capadotia, out of Pontus, Asia, and from Ierusalem, and many other Byshops, Priestes and Deacons: and it is said that for that cause the Councel was often holden.

And at the last, in the same place, vnder Aurelius the Emperour Paule was condemned of al Christian Churches which were vnder heauē: neyther was there any mā, which did more confound the sayd Paul, then Malchiona Priest of Antioche, which taught Rhetorike in Antioche. [Page] But to make no long digression from the matter, we haue most euident testimonies,Paule the hereticke with his godly eloquēce. S. Augustines minde vpon this sentence, Tibi dabo claues regni caelorum. for the defence of the inferiours. For the chiefe and principall amongst all the Diuines S. Austen vpō the wordes of Mathew, where as Christ saith vnto Peter: I wil geue thee the keyes of the kingdome of heauē, sayth that by those words, the iudiciall power was geuen, not only vnto Peter, but also to the other Apostles and to the whole Churche the byshops and Priestes. If then Priestes haue a iudiciall power in the churche, what shold iet yt they haue not also a determining voyce in ye coū cels? The famous Doctour S. Hierome doth also agree with S. Austen, whose wordes are these vpon the Epistle of Paule vnto Titus. Before that difference was made in Religion by the instigation of the deuill, or that it was spoken amongest the people, I holde of Paule, I of Apollo, & I of Cephas, the Churches were gouerned by ye common consent and Councell of the Priestes: for a priest is the very same that a byshop is. Wherefore all Byshops ought to vnderstand,Byshops are of greater power then priests rather by custome, then dispensation of truth. that they are of greater power then Priestes, rather by custome then by ye dispensation of ye truth of God and yt they ought to rule the church together. And this we do also gather out of Paule vnto Titus, which maketh so much concordaunce betweene bishops and priests, that oftentimes he calleth priestes Byshops, whereby it doth euidently appeare, that priestes are not to be excluded from the conuentions of byshops, and determinations of matters. And albeit as S. Hierom writeth, that byshops onely by custome are preferred before Priestes, it may be, that a contrary custome may take away that custome.Byshops and priestes ought to rule the church together For if priestes ought to rule the church together with the byshops, it is euident that it also pertayneth vnto them to decide and determine the doubtfull matters of the Church.

Wherfore the testimony of S. Paule is euident: for (as he writing vnto the Ephesians sayth:) If Christe instituted hys Apostles, Prophetes, Pastours, and Teachers to the worke of the ministery, for the edifying of hys Church vntill such tyme as we should meete hym, for this purpose that there should be no doubt in the diuersitie of doctrine, who doubteth then, but that ye gouernaunce of the Church is committed vnto others together with the Apostles? Let these our champions now hold their peace, and seeme to be no wiser then they ought to be. The memoriall of the coū cell of Constance, is yet fresh in memory, wheras diuers of vs were present, and I my selfe also whiche was neither Cardinall nor byshop, but onely a Doctour, where I dyd see,Aeneas Siluius. without any maner of doubt of difficultie, the inferiors to be admitted with the bishops, to the deciding of hard & doubtfull matters. Neither ought we to be ashamed to follow the example of that most sacred and great Councell which also followeth the examples of the Councell of Pisa and the great Councell at Lateran, wherein it is not to be doubted, but that the Priestes did ioyntly iudge together with the byshops.

Note that Abbots were not instituted by Christ. Italy surmounteth all other nations in number of Byshops.Moreouer, if Abbotes, as we do see it obserued in all Councels, haue a determining voice, which notwithstanding were not instituted by Christ: why should not priests haue the same, whose order Christ ordayned by hys Apostles? Hereupon also, if one byshops shoulde haue a determining voice, nothing should be done, but what pleased yt Italian nation, the whith alone doth exceed all other nations, or at the least is equall wt them, in number of byshops And howsoeuer it be, I iudge it in this behalf to be a work of God, that the inferiours shold be admitted to the determinations: for God hath nowe reuealed that vnto little ones which he hath hidden from the wise.

Behold you do see the zeale, constancy, vprightnes, and magnanimitie of these inferiours. Where should the councell now be, if onely bishops and Cardinals shoulde haue their voice? Where should the authoritie of the Councels be? Where should the Catholicke fayth be? Where shoulde the decrees and reformation be? For all things haue now a long time bene vnder the will of Eugenius, and he had now obtained hys wicked & naughty purpose, except these inferiours, whome you now contemne, had withstād him. These are they which haue contemned the priuation made by Eugenius.Note the terrible persecution of those dayes and the great constancie of the godly, for the truthes sake. These I say, are they which haue not regarded hys threatninges, spoyle and persecution. These are they which being takē, imprisoned, & tormented: haue not fered to defend the trueth of the Councell, yea euen these are they, who albeit they were by Eugenius deliuered ouer for a pray, yet would they still continue in ye sacred coū cell, and feared not to to suffer warre, famine, & most cruel pestilence: and finally what thing is it, that these men haue not willingly suffered for the right and equity of the councel? you might haue heard this inferior sort euen in ye midst of their tribulations, with a loud voycr cry out and say, albeit that all men become obedient vnto that subuerter of ye Church Eugenius, and that euery man do depart from ye veritie of the fayth and constitutions of the fathers, consē ting vnto the commaundementes of Eugeneus, yet we & our brethren will be constant,O zeale of fayth, worthie the crowne of: martyrdom. and doubt not to dye for the truth and traditions of the holy fathers, the which in deed they haue done. Neither could they be feared with threatnings or discouraged with any spoyles, neither could any feare or hope, turne them from their most blessed purpose: and (to speake somewhat of mine own order) whether any Cardinals haue done the like or no, that iudge you.

As for Byshops, whō Panormitane alone wold haue to determine, you see how few of them are on our part, & euen they which are here present, are not able, by vertue to ouercome iniquitie, they feare the terrene power, and commit offence with their hast.Eccle. 7. Haue ye not heard how they al sayd: they would consent vnto the kinges will and pleasure? But ye inferiors are they which haue had truth,The bishops [...]eare the earthly power, but not God. righteousnes, & god himselfe, before their eyes, & they are greatly to be commended for shewing themselues such men vnto ye Church of God. But why do I defend yt cause of these inferiours? When as some will also exclude those byshops which are but byshops by name and title, and haue no possession of the Church, from our company, not vnderstanding that whilest they go about to put backe those mē, they do condemne Peter, and the other Apostles, who (as it is euident) were long without any great flocke, neither was Rome vnto Peter, nor Ierusalem vnto Iames, at anye tyme wholy obedient: for at that tyme no great number of people, but a small flocke beleued in Christ.

For I pray you, what is that we shold require of these byshops? They haue no flocke, but that is not their fault. They haue no reuenues, but money maketh not a byshop, and as the Lord sayth Beati pauperes spiritu. i. The bishops of the primitiue church what they were. Poore men more meete to geue iudgement then riche, for riches, wealth, and dignitie bringeth feare: but pouertie causeth libertie. Blessed are y• poore in spirite. Neither was there anye rich Byshops in the primitiue Church, neither did the auncient Church reiect Dionysius Byshop of Millayne, Eusebius Bishop of Uercelles, or Hillary Byshop of Pictauia, although they were neuer so poore, and banished without a flocke. But if we will graunt the truth, the poore are more apte to geue iudgement then the rich, because that riches bringeth feare and their pouertie causeth libertie. For the poore men doe not feare tyranny as our rich men do, whiche being geuen ouer vnto all kinde of vanities, idlenes and sloth, will rather deny Christ, then lacke theyr accustomed pleasures:The Byshoppes in this age of the church, what they are. whom not theyr flock, but theyr reuenues make bishops deliting so muche in riches, that they iudge all poore men vnhappy. But, as Cicero sayth: nothing can happen better vnto a wise man, then mediocritie of substaunce. Wherupon it is written in the Gospel: It is easiar for a Cammel to passe through a needle eye, then for a riche man to enter into the kingdome of heauen.

But now to returne to a more full declaration of Panormitans words, I determine to passe ouer two poynts which he pronounced in the beginning of hys Oratiō, that is: Qui petant, & cur petant, i. who maketh the petition, and for what cause they make their petition. We graunt ye they are great men, & men of power, and (as he doth affirme) ye they haue deserued good of ye church, neither do I doubt but that they are moued thereunto, with a sincere affectiō. But whether it be a small matter that is required, or that the same effectes would ryse thereupon, which he spake of: it is now to be enquired. A delay (sayth he) is required: a delay for a few dayes. A small matter: a matter of no importaunce: a matter easy to be graunted.In matters of faith and religion, there ought to be no delayes. Notwithstanding let Panormitane here marke well, that he requireth a delay in a matter of faith. The verities are already declared: they be already discussed and determined. If now there shoulde be but a little delay, it would grow to a long delay: for oftē times ye delay of one momēt, is ye losse of a whole yere, here of we haue many examples. Hanniball whē he had obteined his victory at Cannas, if he had gone strayght vnto Rome, by all mens iudgementes, he had takē the city. But for so much as he did deferre it vntill the next day, the Romaines hauing recouered theyr force agayne: he was shutt out, and deserued to heare this opprobry.

Vincere scis Hannibal, vti victoria nescis.

Hannibal thou knowest victory to get,

But how to vse it thou knowest not yet.

Likewise the French men, after they had taken Rome and besieged the Capitoll, whiles that they gredely sought to haue great summes of mony, & delayed the time in making of their truce, Camillus cōming vpon them, did most shamefully driue them out againe. But what need I to rehearse old histories, when as our own examples are sufficient [Page] for vs? Ye know your selues how often these delayes haue bene hurtfull vnto you, & how oftē the delay of a few dayes hath growne to a long tracte of tyme. For now this is the 8. yeare that you haue spent in delayes: & you haue seene, that alwayes of one delay an other hath sprong and risen. Wherfore I do require that Panormitan shuld consider, that ye conclusion being this day disturbed,The eight yeare of the councell of Basill. How subtelly they sought delayes. we know not whether it will be brought to passe hereafter againe or no. Many impedimentes or lets may rise. Neither doth Panormitan say, that this delay being obtayned, he wold afterward consent with his fellowes vnto the conclusiōs: for he denyeth that he hath any commaundement therunto & (which is more to be considered) he sayth that the Ambassadours at their returne from Mentz, may bring such newes, wherby these conclusions may be omitted: as though any thyng were more excellent then the truth.

The which thing doth manifestly declare, that they do not seeke delayes for the better examination of the matter but for to impugne the conclusions the more strongly. Neither do I agree with Panormitan, as touching the effects which he sayd should ryse eyther of the denyall, or graunting of ye requests: For I see no cause why ye Princes should so greatly require any delay. There are no letters of anye Prince come vnto vs as touching such request, neyther is there any man lately come from them, neyther is it greatly materiall vnto them, but that the matters of faith shoulde be determined. But this is a most pernicious conclusion which Panormitane hath made, and not to be looked for at the handes of those most godly princes, wheras he saith if we do please them, they will take our part. If contrariwise, they will decline vnto Eugenius, and wholy resist & rebell agaynst vs. This is a meruailous word, & a wonderfull conclusion, altogether vnworthye to be spoken of such a man.The decrees of the councell of Constance. The decrees of the Councell of Constance are, yt all maner of men, of what state or condition soeuer they be, are bound to the ordinaunces and decrees of the generall Councels. But Panormitanes wordes do not tend to that effect, for he would not haue the Princes obedient vnto ye Councel, but yt councell to be obedient vnto yt princes.

Alas most reuerend Fathers alas, what times & daies what maners and conditiōs are these?If these thinges seeme so vntollerable what shall we say, whē as they make the Pope a God? Into what misery are we now brought? How shall we at anye time bring to passe, that the Pope being Christes Uicare (and as they say) an other Christ in earth, should be subiect vnto ye coū cell of Christians, if the Councell it selfe ought to obey wordly Princes? But I pray you look for no such things at the Princes handes. Do not beleeue that they will forsake theyr mother the Church. Do not thinke them so farr alienate frō the truth, yt they would haue iustice suppressed.

The conclusions whereupon the controuersie is, are most true, most holy, most allowable. If the princes do refuse them, they do not resist agaynst vs, but against the holy Scriptures, yea and agaynst Christ himselfe: which you ought neither to beleue, neither was it comely for Panormitane so to say. Panormitan (by your licēce be it spoken) you haue vttered most cruell words, neyther do you seeme to go about any other matter, then to inculcate terrour and feare into the mindes of the Fathers: for you haue rehearsed great perils and daungers, except we submitt our selues vnto the princes.

But you most reuerend fathers, shall not be afearde of them which kill the body, the soule they cannot kill: neyshal ye forsake the truth,They which teach this doctrine, are heretickes & schismaticks but blessed are those heretickes, for theirs is the kingdome of heauen. A christian exhortation to constancy and martirdome. This came so to passe 23. yeares after, when Christendome lost Constantinople and all the east partes vnto the Turkes. although you should shedde your bloud for the same. Neither ought we to be any whit more slacke in the quarrell of our mother the church and the Catholicke fayth, then those most holy Martyrs, whiche haue established the Church with theyr bloud. For why should it be anye greeuous matter vnto vs to suffer for Christ, which for our sakes hath suffered so cruel & greuous death? Who when he was an immortall God, voyd of all passiōs toke vpō him ye shape of a mortal man, & feared not for our redemption to suffer tormentes vpon the crosse. Set before your eyes the Prince of the Apostles, Peter, Paule, Andrew, Iames, and Barthelmew, and not to speake onely of Bishops) Marke what Stephen, Laurence, Sebastian & Fabian did. Some were hanged, some headed, some stoned to death, other some burned, and others tormented wt most cruell and grieuous tormentes suffered for Christes sake. I pray you for Gods sake let vs follow the example of these men. If we will be byshops and succeed in honour let vs not feare Martyrdome. Alas what effeminate harts haue we? Alas what faynt harted people are we? They in tymes past by the contempt of death, conuerted the whole world, which was full of gentilitie and idolatrye: and we through our sluggishnes & desire of life, do bring the Christian Religion out of the whole world into one corner, & I feare greatly, least yt little also which is left, we shall lose through our cowardlines: if that by following Panormitanes minde, we do commit the whole gouernaunce & defence of the Church vnto the princes. But nowe play the stout and valiaunt men in this time of tribulation, & feare not to suffer death for the Churche, whiche Curtius feared not to doe for the cittie of Rome: which Menchotheus for Thebes, & Codrus for Athens, willingly took vpon them.

Not onely the martyrs,Examples of good men dying for their coūtrey but also the Gentiles might moue and stirre vs to cast of all the feare of death. What is to be sayd of Theremens the Athemen? With how ioyfull hart and minde, and pleasaunt countenaunce, did he drink the poyson? What say you vnto the Socrates that most excellent Philosopher? did he eyther weepe or sigh, when he supped vp the poyson? They hoped for that whiche we are most certayne of. Not by dying to dye, but to chaunge this present life for a better.

Truly we ought to be ashamed, being admonished by so many examples, instructed with so great learning, yea and redeemed with the precious bloud of Christ, so greatly to feare death.

Cato writeth not of one or two men, but of whole legions, which haue chearfully & couragiously gone vnto those places, frō whence they knew they shuld not return. Wyth like courage did ye Lacedemoniās geue thēselues to death at Thermopilis, of whom Simonides writeth thus.

Dic hospes Spartanos te hic vidisse iacentes,

Dum sanctis patriae legibus obsequimur.

Report thou straunger, the Spartaines here to lye,

Whiles that their coūtry lawes they obeyed willingly.

Neither iudge the contrary, but that the Lacedemonians went euen of purpose vnto death: vnto whome theyr Captayne Leonidas sayd: O ye Lacedemonians, goe forward couragiously, for this day we shal sup together with ye infernall Gods,The noble La [...]cedemonians. but I most reuerend fathers, do not inuite you vnto the infernals as he did his Lacedemonians, but vnto the celestiall and euerlasting ioyes of Paradise, if that you can suffer death for the truthes sake, and paciently abide the threatnings of these princes, if there be any threatninges at all. I call you vnto that eternal glory: where as there is no alteration of state, nothing decayeth or fadeth: where all good and perpetuall things do abound: wheras no man wanteth, no man enuyeth an other, no man stealeth frō an other, no man violently taketh frō an other, no man banisheth,The blessed state of the life to come. no man murdereth, and finally no man dyeth. Where as all men are blessed and happy, all are of one minde & one accord, all are immortall, all are of lyke estate, & that all men haue, euery man hath, & that euery mā hath all men haue. Which thinges if we will consider, we shall truely answere Panormitan, as Theodorus Cyrensis is said to haue answered Lismachus the king, whē he threatned to hang hym: who sayd, I pray you threaten these horrible thinges vnto your Courtiers, as for Theodorus, it maketh no matter whether he rotte aboue the grounde or vnder the ground.The worthy aunswere of Theodorus Cyrenensis. So likewise let vs aunswere vnto the princes, if there be anye that do threaten vs, and let vs not feare their tormentes.

What doth a longer life preuayle to help vs? No man hath liued to short a tyme, which hath obtained the perfect gift of vertue. And if the death which a man suffereth in the quarrell of his country, seemeth not onely to be glorious amongst the Rhetoricians, but also happy & blessed, what shall we say for these deathes whiche are sustayned for the country of all countryes, the Church? Truely most reuerend fathers, it is to muche that our aduersaries doe perswade themselues of you, for they iudge you feareful, sluggish and faynt harted:No death to be feared for christs Church. and therefore they do obiect Princes vnto you, because they thinke that you wil not suffer hunger, thyrst, exile in the quarrell & detence of the church. But I thinke you will esteeme it no hard matter, for the obteyning of euerlasting lyfe, to do the same which shipmen do for the obteyning of transitory riches, to put themselues in danger of the sea & wind, and suffer most cruell stormes.

The hunters lye abroad in the nightes in the snowe in the hilles and woodes, & are tormented with cold: yet haue they none other reward, but some wilde beast of no value or prise.Example of Mariners & Hūters. I pray you what ought you then to doe, whose reward shalbe Paradise? I am ashamed of our ignauie, whē as I read that women, yea euen yong maydens haue violently obtayned heauen through their Martyrdome, and we are made afrayd onely with the name of death. Thys riuer of Rhein which runneth along by the cittie in tymes past hath caryed 11. thousand virgines vnto Martyrdome. In India (as Cicero writeth) whē any mā was dead, hys wiues (for there they had many wiues) came not into contention who shuld be burned with him:Example of the 11. thousand virgins. and she whom he loued best, hauing vanquished the other, all ye rest ioyfully [Page] folowing her, was cast into the fire with the dead Carcase of her husband and burnt. The other whiche were ouercome, departed full of heauines and sorow, wishing rather to haue dyed then liue.

The which courage we now taking vpon vs for Christes sake, will aunswere Panormitan euen as the Lacedemonians aunswered Phillip, who when as by his letters he threatned them, that he would stop all that whiche they went about, they asked him whether he would also let thē to dye. Therfore as you are excellent men, so vse your vertue, which is alway free, and remayneth alwayes inuincible. For you do know that power is geuē you of ye Lord and strength from ye most highest: who will take accompt of your workes and examine your thoughtes: vnto whom ye should be carefull to render a good accompt, iudgyng rightly and keeping the lawe of righteousnesse, and in all thinges walking according to the will of God. And not according to the will of men.

And whereas the Embassadours of Eugenius, doe openly preach and declare a new doctrine, extolling the byshop of Rome aboue the vniuersall church: to the end that ignorant soules be not snared, ye shall not cease or leaue to publish the three first conclusions, following the example of ye Apostle Paul, which would in no point geue place vnto Peter when he walked not according to the Gospel. As for the other matters, which doe respect the only person of Eugenius (because Panormitan and the other Ambassadours of the princes, shall not say that we doe passe oure bonds) ye shall deferre them for this present.

When as Cardinall Arelatensis had made an ende of his Oration, there was a great noyse crying, out & brawling euery where. The Presidents cōmaundements were not regarded, neither was the accustmed order obserued: for sometimes they spake vnto Panormitan, sometime vnto Lodouicus: no man was suffered to speake but in haste the bishops brawled with byshops, and the inferiours wt theyr fellowes.Iewes Patriarke of Aquileia Duke of Decke in [...]weuia. All was full of contention & debate: which when as Lodouicus the Patriarck of Aquileia perceiued a man of no lesse courage and stomacke, then of nobillitie and byrth, being also a Duke, for the zeale whiche he bare vnto the vniuersall church, turning himselfe vnto Panormita [...] & Lodouicus the Prothonotary, sayd: Do not think the matter shall so passe, you know not yet the maners of ye Germaynes, for if you go forward on this fashion, it wil not be lawfull for you to depart out of this country wyth whole heades: With which wordes Panormitan, Lodouicus, and the Archbishop of Millaine, being striken (as it were with lightning from heauen, rose vp, & sayd: Is our libertie thus taken from vs? What meaneth it that the patriarcke doth threaten vs,The Earle of Diersten. that our heades shoulde be broken? And turning themselues vnto Iohn Earle of Dierstene, which then supplied the protectors place, they demā ded of him whether he would defend the Councel and preserue al men in their libertie,The prayse of the citizens of Basill. or no.

The Citizens also and Senators were present to prouide and foresee that no offence shoulde rise, for the Cittizens obserued alwayes this order, that they would be present in all affayres, which they supposed would breede dissension, foreseeing specially that no tumultes shold ryse, otherwise then with wordes. They vsed alwayes suche a marueilous foresight & prouidence, that no man vnto this day, could haue any cause agaynst them, to complayne for violating their promise. Wherefore if at any time, any citizens haue deserued wel at the hands of the churche, surely this prayse is to be geuen vnto ye Basilians. These men together with Iohn Earle of Dierstene, being present in the assembly of ye fathers, gaue a signe of preseruatiō of their libertie. The Earle (albeit he was moued at the strangenes of ye matter, for he would not haue thought so great contē tions could haue risen amongst wise mē) answered by his interpreter, ye they all should be of good cheare. For ye Emperours safe conduict should be obserued and kept euē to the vttermost, neither should the Patriarck, nor any other once violate the libertie, or take away the assurance granted by the Emperour. Notwithstanding he desired the patriarche yt he would call backe hys wordes agayne, & not to speake any more in such sort. But that famous father, being nothing at all moued, or troubled, cōmitted his whole minde vnto Iohn de Bacheistein, auditor of the chamber, a man both graue and eloquent, to be declared. Who affirmed that the patriarches minde was not to threaten anye man, or disturbe the libertie of the councell, but to moue ye fathers vnto Constancie, that they should be mindefull of the reformation, which they had promised vnto the whole world, and not so say one thing to day, & an other to morrow: for if they would so do, it were to be feared, least ye lay tie seeing themselues deluded, and dispayring of reformacion should rise agaynst the Clergy.

Therfore he monisheth the fathers to foresee and prouide for the perill, that they shoulde not depart from the Councell, nothing being determined or done: and finally he desired pardon, if in his wordes he had offended eyther agaynst the Councel, Panormitā, or any other mā. Wherby he declared it to be true which is commonly sayd,Humilitie sister to nobilitie. that Humilitie is the sister of nobilitie: both which did very excellently appeare in this man. Yet for al this, could not the humilitie of the patriark stop or staye their noyse or cryes: For as often as mention was made of reading the Concor datum, great noyse and rumours were stil made, for to stop the same.Amodeus Archbishop of Lions. Anno. 1438. Then Amodeus archbishop of Lyons, and primate of al Fraunce, a man of great reuerence and authoritie, being touched with the zeale of fayth, whiche he sawe there to be stopped and suppressed, sayd: Most reuerend fathers, I haue nowe a great occasion for to speake: for it is now 7. yeares or more, that I haue bene amongst you, yet haue I neuer seene the matter at that poynt whiche it is now at, most like vnto a miracle, for euen presently I doe behold most wōderfull signes of miracles, for it is no smal matter that the lame do walke, the dumme do speake, and that poore men preach the Gospel. Wherupon I pray you commeth this sodayne chaunge?Bishops that he at home, haue tōgue here to speake for the Pope. Howe happeneth it that those which lie lurking at home, are now sodenly start vp, Who hath geuen hearing to the deafe, and speache to the dumme? Who hath taught the poore men to preach ye gospell? I do see here a new sorte of prelates come in, whiche vnto this presēt haue kept silence, and now begin to speak. Is not this like to a miracle? I would to God they came to defend the truth, and not to impugne iustice.

But this is more to be marueiled at then any miracle, that I doe see the best learned men of all,Marke how they are turned back which somtime fauoured the truth & are now become liers & flatterers. Constancie lacked in diuers of this councell. impugne our cō clusions which are most certayn and true: And they which now reproue them, in times past allowed them. You are not ignoraunt howe that Lodouicus the Prothonotarye preached these verities at Louain and at Collē, & brought them from thence, confirmed with the authoritie of the Uniuersities. Wherfore, albeit that he be now changed, yet is the truth in no poynt altered. And therefore I desire you & beseech you all, that ye will not geue eare vnto these men, which albeit they are most excellētly learned, yet haue they no constancy in them: which doth adorn all other vertues.

When he had ended his Oration, Lodouicus the Prothonotary rising vp, sayde: It is most true that I brought those verities, but you do cal them verities of fayth, which addition semeth very doubtful vnto me. When he had spoken these wordes, Cardinall Arelatensis requred that the Concordatum of the twelue men should be read, and many whispered him in the care, that he should go forward, and not aulter his purpose.

Then Panormitan,Panormitane speaketh like himselfe. as soone as the Concordatum began to be read, rising vp with his companions and other Arragons, cryed out wt a loud voyce, saying: You fathers do contemne our requestes, you contemne kinges & Princes, and despise Prelates, but take heede least whilest that ye despise all men, you be not despised of all men. You would conclude, but it is not your part for to conclude. We are the greater part of Prelates, we make the Councell, & it is our part to conclude, and I in ye name of all other prelates do conclude, that it is to be deferred & delayed. With this worde, there sprang suche a noyse and rumour in the Councell as is accustomed to be in battaile with the sound of Trumpets and noyse of horsemē, when as two armies ioyne. Some cursing that which Panormitan went about other some alowing the same: So that diuersitie of minds made diuers contentions.

Then Nicholas Amici,Nicholas Amici, a diuine of Paris. a Diuine of Paris, according vnto his office, sayd. Panormitan I appeale frō this your conclusion, to the iudgement of the councell here present, neither do I affirme any thinge to be ratified whiche you haue done, as I am ready to proue, if it shall seeme good. The contrary part seemed nowe to bee in the better place, for they had already concluded. The other part had neither cōcluded, neither was it seene how they could conclude amongest so great cryes and vprores. Notwithstanding amongest al this troublous noyse, Iohn Segouius, a singular Diuine of ye vniuersitie of Salamantine lacked not audiēce: for ye whol coūcel was desirous for to hear him: wherfore al mē as soon as he rose vp kept silence, & he perceiuing yt they were desirous to heare him speak, begā in this sort.

Most reuerend fathers,The oration of Segouius the zeale and loue of the house of God forceth me nowe to speake: and I woulde to God that I had ben either blind this day, not to haue sene those thinges whiche haue happened, or that I had bene deafe, yt I should not haue heard those words, which haue bene spoken. Who is it that is so stony or hard harted, which cā [Page] abstayne from teares, when as the authoritie of the church is so spoyled, libertie taken away both from vs and ye councell, & that there is no place geue vnto the veritie. O sweet Iesu, why hast thou forsaken thy spouse? Behold and look vpon thy people, and helpe vs if our requestes are iust. We come hether to prouide for the necessitie of the Church we require nothing for our selues, [...]our desire is only that truth might appeare. We trusted now to haue concluded vpon ye verities which were sometimes alowed in ye sacred deputations. The Oratours of the Princes are present, & require the conclusions to be deferred.Ambros. ad Valentinianum. But we be not vnmindful of those thinges which Ambrose wrote vnto Ualentinian the Emperour in this maner: if we shall intreate vpon the order of the holy. Scripture and auncient times past: who is it that will deny but that in case of faith (I say in case of faith) the bishops ought to iudge vpon Christian Emperours,How farre & wherein Bishops ought to iudge vpon Emperours. and not Emperours vpon Bishops. Neyther doe we admit their petition but vpō most vrgent causes: Notwithstanding we heard them paciently and willingly, whiles that they did speake euen so long as they would.

But now if any of our part would speake, by and by he is interrupted, troubled and letted. What honesty is this? What modesty or grauitie? is it lawful so to do in the councell [...] Where is the decree of ye Councel of Tholose now become (where are our decrees, which do not only prohibitie tumultes,He excuseth the Patriarke. but also all small bablinges & talk) They say, it is because we contemne them: but they are they, which not onely conteme the Councell: but also resist the same. The patriarke spake but one small worde agaynst them, & that of no euill intent or purpose, and by and by they complayned ye their liberty was broken, but they, when as they do inforce the councell, when as they forbid the President to speake, and will not suffer the ordinances to be read, doe not iudge that they doe any thing contrary to the liberty of the Councell. They say, they are the Councell themselues and yet they intreat the Councell. These thinges doe not I vnderstande: for if they be the Councell, why doe they intreat thēselues? If they be not the Councell, why do they not suffer the Councel for to speake? Why do they not look for an answere of him to whom they make their petitiōs?

Truely this is to much violence, and certes our paence is also to much, to suffer such excesse euen in the face of the Church. But this doth most of all greeue me, and thys do I most maruell at,Hemeaneth Panormitan which did conclude without the examination of the 12. mē. But this doth most of all greeue me, and thys do I most maruell at, that Panormitan a man of singular wit and doctrine did cōclude without any discussing or deciding of the deputies, and without the examination of the 12. men, or any rite or order. The which, except mine eies had behold & seene, I would scarsly beleue, if any other mā should report it vnto me, of him: Neither do I yet know, whether I may sufficiently credite my selfe, the matter seemeth so horrible: for I do not see by what authoritie his cō clusion doth stande, except it be by the authoritie of hys king whom he sayth will haue it to. But you most reuerēd fathers take heed that ye bring in no such custome: for so it shall come to passe, that in all matters, a few froward prelates shall haue me to conclude for them.

And albeit Parnormitan hath proued (as he thinketh) by strong reasons that the veritie ought to be deferred, yet notwithstanding I do require you most reuerend fathers to follow the example of the Apostle,Paul would geue to Peter no respite when he swarned awry. who (as Arelatensis hath very wel declared) would not geue one houres respite vnto Peter, when he swarued frō the truth of the Gospel. The sayth is speedely to be relieued & holpen, neither doth any thing sustaine more danger by delayes, thē faith doth. For heresies, except they be rooted out at the first, whē they are once growne, are hardly taken away. Wherfore I desire you speedily to helpe and ayd. Hoyse vp your sayles, & launch out your ores. What should we tary looking for either the Prelats or the princes? You are now in conflict: I ouely desire that you would hasten vnto the victory. Regard not the threatnings of those Princes, neyther the opprobries of those contumelious persons, for you are blessed sayth the Lord, whē as men curse you & persecute you, speaking all euill agaynst you, making lyes and slaunders vpon you for my sake: reioice and be glad, for great is your reward in heauen. What is it I pray you that the princes do so much obiect agaynst vs? Is not our Lord God able to take vs out of the furnace of hote burning fire, and deliuer vs out of ye hands of those princes? I beseech you most reuerend fathers and louing brethren, haue no lesse hope in Iesus Christ, thē Sidrach, Misach, and Abednago had, which feared not that old king Nabuchodouosor:Marke the great Constancie and Christian zeale of this man. and let ye princes know, yt the most high ruleth ouer ye kingdomes of men, and geueth them vnto whom he pleaseth. God beholdeth all thinges from aboue (he is I say) in the midst amongst vs, wherefore are ye then afrayd? Be of good courage, and shew yourselues as a strong wall for the church of God: suffer not the sayth to perish vnder your handes. The almighty God is present with you. He is present that will defend you.An exortation to constancie. Feare not them which seeke onely to kill the body. Do iustice and equitie, and be assured that he wil not deliuer you ouer into the handes of the bachiter and slaunderer. Againe I say vnto you, show yourselues valiant and stout: Defend your mother the Church. And vnto thee, O thou president I say, that thou oughtest rather to please God then man, for if thou depart thence without a finall conclusion, know assuredly that thou shalt render accompt in the straight iudgment of God,The Bishop of Burgen seeketh concorde. and thus without any more wordes, he sate downe in his place.

In the meane tyme, many graue and ancient men had exhorted Panormitan that he shuld geue ouer his conclusion. The bishop of Burgen was very instant and earnest with him, that he should make vanitie and concord amōgst the fathers, and went about to make an vuitie with al mē. But neither the fathers of the Councell were determined to depart without a conclusion, neither Panormitan was minded to aulter his intent and purpose. All thinges were disturbed, neither did the prelates sit in their seats, as they were accustomed, but as euerye mans affection led hym. Some went to the Cardinall Arelateusis, some vnto Panormitan and exhorted them, as if they had bene princes or rulers of armies. Then Arelatensis knowing ye matter to be in danger, and that there was no ready way to make a cōclusiō, thought to vse some policie, to appease ye tumult.

Most reuerend fathers said he,How men be readie to hea [...] newes. we haue receiued nowe letters out of Fraūce, which declare vnto me marueilous thinges: that there are incredible newes syrong vp there which if you will geue me willing audience, I wil declare vnto you.Note the godly policye of the Cardinall. By this meanes there was a sodayne silence throughout the whole Councel, & by this marueilous policie he made al men attentiue to heare. When as he saw he had free liberty to speake, without either fable or history of any letters sent, he opened the whole order of the matter, & as it is requisite in an Orator, came by little and little to ye principal poynt, saying, yt Eugenius his messengers filled all France, preaching a new doctrine, and extolling ye, authoritie of the bishop of Rome, aboue the generall Councels: agaynst whom, except speedy remedy were founde, it would come to passe, ye man woulde geue credite vnto thē, and therfore the sacred Councell ought of necessitie, to prouide remedy,The conclusion of the councell. and of necessitie to conclude vpō the vereties which were examined, that therby the temeritie of the Eugeniās might be repressed, which verities, albeit they were 8. in number, yet was it not the Fathers intēt to conclude vpon them al, but onely the three first: euen as I also (saith he) here do conclude, in the name of the Father, the sonne, and the holy Ghost.

When he had finished his Oration, with a cheerful and mery countenaunce rising vp, he departed. Some of them kissed him, and some of them kissed the skirtes of his garmentes. A great number followed him, and greatly commended his wisedome, that being a Frenche man borne, had that day vanquished the Italians, which were men of great pollicy. Howbeit this was all mens opinion, that it was done rather by the operation of the holy Ghost, then by ye Cardinals owne power.The holy Ghost working against the Pope. The other of ye contrary faction, as men bereft of their mindes, hanging downe theyr heades, departed euery man to his lodging. They wēr not together, neither saluted one an other: so that their countenaunces declared vnto euery man yt they were ouercome. Something more also is reported of Panormitane,The sorow of Panormitane for impugning the trueth. that when he came to his lodging, & was gone vnto his chamber, he complained with himself vpon his king, which had compelled him to striue agaynst the truth, and put both his soule and good name in daunger of loosing, and that in the middest of his teares and complayntes he fell a sleepe, and did eate not meate, vntill late in ye euening for very sorow for that he had neither ignorauntly, neither vnwillingly impugned the truth.

After this, there was great consultation amongest the Eugenians,The Bishop of Lyons & Bargé. what were best to be done in this matter, Some thought good to depart and leaue ye Councel, other some thought it meeter to tary, and wt at endeuour to resist yt nothing should further be done agaynst the Eugenians: & this opinion remained amongest them. The next day after, being ye 15. day of Aprill, the Archbishop of Lyons and the bishop of Burgen, calling together the prelates into ye Chapter house of the great church began many thinges as touching peace.The iust aunswer of the Councell. The Bishop of Burgen perswaded that there shuld be deputations appoynted that day, vnto whō the Archbishop of Lyons shoulde geue power to make an agrement. Unto whome aunswere was made, as they thought, very roughly, but as other iudged, gētly, but not [Page] withstanding iustly and truely: For, they sayd there could be no vnitie or concorde made, before the aduersaries confessed their fault and asked pardon therefore.

The day following, the sayd Byshop of Burgen, with the other Lombards and Cathelans, went vnto the Germaines, and from thence vnto the Senate of the citie, speaking much as touching the prohibiting of Schismes. The Germaynes referred themselues to those thinges which ye deputation should determine.The aunswere of them both. The Senate of the Citie (as they were great mē of wisedom, which would do nothing without dilligent aduise and deliberation) answered, that the marter pertayned not vnto them, but vnto y• Coun [...]or, The fathers whereof were most wise men, and were not ignoraunt what pertayned vnto the Christen fayth, and if there were any daunger toward, it shuld be declared vnto the Councell and not to the Senate: For they beleue that the Elders of the Councell, if they were premonished, would foresee yt there should no hurt happen: as for ye Senate of the Cittie, it was there duety onely to defend the fathers and to preserue the promise of the citie, with this answere the byshop of Burgen departed.

The forme of the decree is written and approued.In the meane time the fathers of the councell had drawen out a forme of a decree vpon the former conclusions, and had approned the same in the sacred deputations. By this time the Princes Orators were returned from the assembly at Mentz, & holding a Councel among themselues they had determined to let the decree: The 9. day of May there was a generall conuocation holdē, wherunto all mē resorted, either part putting forth himselfe vnto the cōflict.

The Princes Ambassadours were called by the bishop of Lubecke and Conrade de Winsperg the protectour into the quier, and there kept: whereas they intreated of a vnity and by what meanes it might be had, and there they taryed longer then some thought to doe: the whiche matter gaue occasion to bring thinges well to passe, beyond al expectation.The policie of the Cardinall Arelatensis. The onely forme of the decree was appoynted to be concluded that day, whereupon, as soon as Cardinall Arelatensis perceiued the congregation to be full, and that the twelue men had agreed, and that there was a great expectation, with sileuce, he thought good not to delay it for feare of tumult, but commanded, by and by the publick cō cordaunces to be read, wherein this was also contayned, that the Cardinall Arelatensis might appoynt a Session when soeuer he would. Which being read, he being desired by the promotors, concluded according as the maner of custome is. The Ambassadours of princes being yet it in the Duier, as soone as they vnderstoode how the matter passed, being very much troubled & vexed, they brake of theyr talke, imputing all thinges to ye bishop of Lubecke, which of purpose had kept them in the Duier and protracted the time. Wherupon they entring into the congregation, filled the church full of complayntes.

First of all, the Oratour of Lubecke complayned both in his owne name and the name of the protectour, as touching the conclusion,The Bishop of Tournon. & required yt the councell woulde reuoke the same. If that might be graunted, he promised to intreate a peace, and to be a protector betweene the Councell and the Ambassadours of the Princes. But the Archbyshop of Turnon said, that it seemed vnto him euery mā to haue free libertie to speake against that law whith shold be promulgate, vntill the Session, whē the Canons shuld be consecrated and receiue their force: whē as the bishops in their pōtificalibus, after the reading of the decree in the Session, should aunswere that it pleased them: otherwise the demaund which was made by the promoters in the Session, to be but vayne, and for that the cōclusious were not yet allowed in the Session, and therefore he sayd that he might without rebuke, speake somewhat as touching the same, and that it was a great and hard matter, and not to be knit vp in such a short time, and that he had the knowledge thereof but euen now: notwithstāding that he being an Archbishop ought to haue knowne the matter, that at hys return home, he might informe the king & also instruct those which were vnder him. And that he and his fellowes before any Session should be: would both heare & be heard of others. Neither doth it seeme good vnto him that the Session should be holdē, before report were made of those things, which the Ambassadours of the Princes had done at Mentz which would, peraduenture be such as might altter and chaunge the mindes of the fathers.The Bishop of Cócen speaketh. Then the Byshop of Concen Ambassadour of the king of Castell, which was also lately returned from Mentz, a man of great vnderstanding, but lacking vtteraunce, greeuously complayned that the prelates were contemned. Neither had it bene (sayd he) any great matter if they had ben taried for, which notwithout great daunger and expences, went to Mentz, not for theyr pleasure, but of necessitie. And afterward as it were smiling, he sayd; how mad am I ye would haue the Prelates, to be taryed for, vntil they returne from Mentz when as they are not taryed for whilest they came out or the Duier of the Churche: doe therfore as ye list. If there rise any offence or mischiefe her [...]upon, neyther are we the Ambassadoues of Castell to or blamed, neither can anye man of right inpute any thing to one most noble king.Marke what the truth must suffer. O maruelous despight and contumely in a Bishop: for it Arelatensis had kept whoores or concubines, he would haue praysed him: but to maintaine learned mē was a great offence. The fathers of the councells slaunde tred by Panormitane. 4. signes to know the good from the badde.

Here were it long is reprate, with what rebukes and taimtes they inuyed agaynst the Cardinall Arelatensis: but especially the byshop of Milane rayled most: teuellye vpon him, saying y• he fostred & mayntained a table of Sopistes and Scholemaisters, & that he had concluded in matters of faith with them: calling him also another Cataline vnto whom al desperate and noughty persons had refuge that he was thew Prince, & ruled the Church with them: and that he woulde not geue care vnto the Ambassadours of the most noble princes, or to the most famous Prelates in this most wayghty matter. Albagensis & a man of great nobilitie, descended of the Emperours bloud, albeit he had neuer alienate hys minde before from the Councell: yet least he should seeme to dissent from other Ambassadours of ye princes, made the like complaynt as touching the attēpt of the prelates. After this it came vnto Panormitā to speake, who as he had a greater vehemency in speaking: so also he did declare a more angry stomacke and mind: for in the beginning of hys Oration, he seemeth not to go about accordyng to the precept at Oratours, to get the good will of the hearers, but rather theyr hatred: for he sayd that our sauiour sheweth foure signes in the Gospell, whereby we should know the good from the reprobate: for he whiche is of God (sayth he) heareth ye wordes of God, but you heare not the wordes of God, because yee are not of God. And agayne, he that doth euill hateth the light. And in an other place also, by their fruites you shal know them. And a good tree cannot bring forth euill fruit.

All which sayinges he wrested agaynst the fathers of y• Councel, because they would not heare the words of God that is to say, the wordes of peace which the Ambassadors had spoken, because they fled from the light in the absence of the Ambassadours, priuilye concluding, and because in their deputation they had not holden and kept the holye day but had cōcluded thereupon,Looke if it benot spoké of them in the Gospel, where mention is made of the beast which is fallen into the ditche. also because they had the vpper hand in the foresayd cōclusion, not by reason, but by deceit. As touching the fruits, he sayd that the fathers them selues shuld meditate and consider how that, if their fruits were not good, they also themselues were not good: & that he did see an other Councell at hand, where as he feared least these conclusions should be reuoked, as the fruit of an euill tree: and therefore, they ought not so sodaynly to proceede in so wayghty matters: and yt he woulde be yet more fully heard before the Session, as well in hys owne name because he was an archbishop, as in the name of his prince which raygned not ouer one kingdome alone but ouer many: Also he said that he heretofore by his words,What is it that ambition will not doe. deeds and writinges, hath extolled the authoritie of the Councel: and that he feared, least by these meanes, the authoritie thereof shuld be subuerted. At the last he required pardon if he had offended the fathers of the Councell, for so muche as very sorrow and griefe forced hym to speake so.

The Abbot Uergiliacensis would haue made answere to those thinges whiche Panormitan had touched concerning hyis deputation:Abbot Virgiliacensis. but Arelatensis thought good that all the contrary part should speake first, amongst whome, last of all,Lodouicus the prothonotarie in labouring to seeme learned, forgot to be good. The Apostles principally gathered the Cr [...]de. Ludouicus the Prothonotary, the Homere of Lawyers, rose vp. And albeit that he spake vnwillingly, yet when he had begon, he could not refrayne his wordes. And whiles he went about to seeme learned and eloquent he vtterly forgat to be good. He sayd yt the Councell ought to take heed, that they intreated no matter of fayth, against the Prelates, least any offence should follow, for that some would say it were a matter of no force or effect. For albeit that Christ chose 12. Apostles and 70. Disciples, notwithstanding in the setting forth of the Creede, onely the Apostles were present, thereby (as it were) geuing example, yt the matters of fayth did pertayne onely vnto the Apostles & so consequently vnto bishops. Neither that they ought hastely to proceede in matters of fayth, whiche ought to be clearely distinct, for somuche as Peter affirmeth the triall of fayth to be much more precious then golde, which is tryed by the fire. And if the Bishops be contemned, which are called the pillers and keyes of heauen, the fayth cannot seeme to be well proued or examined. But at length he confessed, yt the inferiours might determine with the Bishops but denied that the least part of the Bishops with the most part of the inferiours might determine any thing. From thence he passing to the matter of fayth, sayd, that those verities whereupon question was nowe had, are Articles of [Page] fayth, if they were verities of fayth. And forsomuch as euery man should be bounde for to beleue those, therefore he would be better instructed & taught in that matter whiche he shoulde beleue as an Article or fayth. Neither should it be comely for the Councell to deny him his request, which according to the rule of the Apostle, ought to be ready, to geue account vnto euery man whiche shall require it, touching the fayth, which it holdeth.

After euery man had made an end of speaking, the Cardinall Arelatēsis calling his spirites together,The oration of Cardinal Arelatensis. To the imperiall Ambassadon [...]s. made an Oration wherein he answered now the one, & now the other. And first of all he commended the desires of the Imperiall Ambassadours, which offered to intreat a peace and vnity, but neither necessity, nor honesty (he sayde) woulde suffer those thinges whiche are concluded to be reuoked. He aunswered also that the petition of the Ambassadors of Fraūce is most iust,To the Ambassadours of Fraunce. in that they required to be instructed touching the fayth: and that the coūcell would graunt their request, and send vnto them certayn diuines, which should instruct them at home at theyr lodgings: but the matter was already concluded & could no more be brought in question: that the Session was onely holden, rather to beautify the matter,To the Bishop of Co [...]cen. then to confirme the same. And as touching that which the bishop of Concen so greatly cōplayneth of, he doth not much maruell: for he could not know the processe of ye matter, when he was absent, who being better instructed, he supposed would speak nomore any such words, forsomuch as a iust man would require no vniust thing. Also that his protestatiō had no euill sense or meaning, in that he would not haue it imputed, neither vnto him, neither vnto hys king, if any offence should rise vpon the conclusions. Notwithstanding it is not to be feared, that any euill shoulde spring of good workes. But vnto the Bishop of Millayne he would aunswere nothing, because he saw him so moued and troubled, for feare of multiplying of more greuous and hainous words. As for Panormitane he reserued vnto the last.To Lodouicus the prothonotary. But vnto Ludouicus the Prothonotary, whiche desired to be instructed, he sayd: he willed him to be satisfied wt ye wordes which were spokē vnto the Bishop of Turnon.

Notwithstanding, he left not this vntouched which ludouicus had spoken concerning the Apostles Creede. For albeit that in the setting forth of the Creede, the Apostles be onely named, yet it doth not follow (sayth he) that they onely were present at the setting forth therof. For it happeneth of tentimes that Princes are commended and praysed as chiefe authors and doers of thinges, when as notwithstanding they haue other helpers, as it appeareth in battayles, which although they are foughte with the force of all the souldiors, yet the victory thereof is imputed but vnto a fewe. As in these our dayes, they do ascribe all thinges which the army doth either fortunately or wisely, vnto Nicolas Picenius,Nicolas Picenius an Italian. that most valiaunt Captayne which hath obteined so many famous victories: albeit that oftentimes other haue bene the inuentors of the pollicy, and workers of the feate.Articles of the Creede not all put in by the Apostles, but some by the coūcels. The Article of the holy Ghost put in by the councell of Lyons. And therefore Ludouicus ought to knowe and vnderstand, that they are not onely articles of fayth which are conteyned in the Creede, but all other determinations made by the Councels, as touching the fayth. Neyther is he ignorant, that there be some articles of the Creed which we now vse in the Church, that were not put too by the Apostles, but afterward by generall Councels: as that part wherein mention is made of the holy Ghoste, whiche the Councell of Lyous did adde, in whiche Councell also it is not bee doubted, but that the inferiours dyd iudge together with the Byshoppes. But for so much as he had sufficiently declared that matter in the congregation before passed, he would stay no longer thereupon. But comming vnto Panormitan, he rehearsed his wordes: Qui ex Deo est, verba Dei audit, He that is of God, heareth Gods word, which is very well takē out of the Gospell, but not well applyed vnto the councell (sayd he:)Panormitan wounded with his owne darts. for he firmely beleued, that his predecessors haue iudged holy Ghost to be in the middest of the Councels, and therfore the wordes of the Councels to be the wordes of the holy Ghost: which if any man do reiect, he denieth himselfe to be of God. Neither doth the councell hate the light, which doth all things publickly and openly, whose congregatiōs are cuidēt vnto all men, neither doth it as the conuenticles of the aduersaries, admit some, and exclude other some. Moreouer, the thing which is now in hand, was begon to be intreated of for two monethes agoe, & first the conclusions were largely disputed vpon in the diuinity scholes, and afterward sēt vnto Mentz and other places of the world.

After all this, the fathers were called into the Chapter house of the great Church, to the number of 120. amongest whom Panormitan which now cōplaineth, was also present, and according to his maner, did learnedly and subtilly dispute, and had liberty to speak what he would. Likewise in the deputations, euery man spake his mind freely, & in that deputation where Panormitan was, the matter was 3. dayes discussed. After this the 12. men did agree vpon it, and the general congregation did conclude it. Neither hath there bene at any time any thing more ripelye or exactlye handled both openly, & also without any fraud or deceite. And whereas the deputatiō did sit vpō a holy [...] [...]here is no hurt in yt, neither is it any new or straunge thing, forasmuch as they haue oftē holden their Session vpon testinall dayes, when as the matter hath had haste, and specially for that the matter of fayth hath no holy dayes.Arelatensis concluded not, but at the request of the proctours. And further he said that he did not conclude craftely and deceitfully in the congregatiō; as Panormitane hath reported, but publickly & opēly at the request of the Promoto [...]s. Neither hath any mā any iust cause to cōplayne vpō him, forsomuch as, whē he was made President, he was sworne that alwaies whē 4. or 3.These 4. deputations were 4. sortes of chosen [...], which did dis [...]e and determine those thinges which the fathers did conclude vpon. Verely this is no Babilonical Cardinal, but of the immaculate spouse Iesus Christ. He speaketh to the whole coū cell. of the deputations did agree, he should conclude therupō. And forsomuch as he had already concluded, in diuers causes touchinge the Pope, he sawe no cause why hee should not conclude in the matter of fayth, for that he was a Cardinall; & did weare his red hat for this purpose, that he should shed his bloud in the defēce of the fayth. Neither hath he done any thing now agaynst the Pope, for that omitting the fine conclusions touching Eugenius, he had concluded but onely the generall conclusions: which except he had done, the fathers should haue had iust cause to complayne agaynst him (in that they trusting in his fidelitye & faythfulnes, had chose him Presidēt) if by him they shoulde now be forsaken in this most necessary cause of fayth. And turning himselfe vnto the people; he desired the fathers to be of good comfort, forsomuche as he woulde neuer forsake them, yea although he should suffer death: for he had geuen his fayth and fidelity vnto the Councell, which he would be obserue and keepe: neither should any manues flattery in threatninges put him from his purpose: that he would be alwayes ready to do whatsoeuer the Councel should commaund him, and neuer leaue the commaundements of the deputies by any meanes vnperformed.

As touching that Panormitan had extolled the authority of the Councell, he sayd that he was greatly to be thā ked. But yet he ought to vnderstand and know the authority of the Councell to be such, as cannot be augmented or increased by any mans prayse or cōmendation, or be diminished by any opprobry or slaūder. These things thus premised he cōmaunded the forme of ye decree to be read. Thē Panormitane & those which tooke his part, would needes haue a certayn protestatiō to be first read. There was great contention on euery side. Notwithstanding at the last. Arelatensis preuayled, and the forme of the decree was read vnto this word, Decernimus, that is to say, we decree. Thē Panormitan rising vp, would not sucter it to be heard any further: And the Bishop of Catauia cryed out saying, that it was vncomely that Arelatensis,Euery man may determine in matters of faith, hauing the scripture on his part. with a few other Byshops by name, should conclude the matter. The like did also all those which fauoured Panormitane. The Cardinall of Terraconia also (which vntill that time had holden hys peace) did greuously rebuke his partakers, that as men being a sleep or in a dreame, they did not read the protestatiō, and commaūded by and by one of his familiars to read it. But like as the aduersaries before did perturbe the reading of the concordaunces,Contention in the councell ab [...]ut reading of the protes [...]ation. so would not the Fathers of the Councell now geue place to the reading of the protestatiō. Which when Albiganensis did consider he cōmaunded the writing to be brought vnto him, and as he began to speak, sodenly Arelatensis rose vp, with a great number of the fathers to depart: which thing pleased ye cardinall of Terraconia and Panormitan very well, for that they hoped that they alone with theyr adherentes, shoulde remayne in the Church. They exhorted Arelatēsis to reuoke the conclusiō, and to make another.

There was in that congregation in his place George the Prothonotarye of Bardaxina, sitting somewhat beneath his vncle, the Cardinall of Terraconia, a man but yong of age, but graue in wisedome, and noble in humanity: who as soone as he sawe the Cardinall Arelatensis rise, he determined also to depart, and when as his Uncle called him, commaunding him to tary, he sayd: God forbid father that I should tary in your congregatiō,How God worketh by occasiō. or do any thing cōtrary to the othe which I haue takē. By which words he declared his excellent vertue and nobility, & admonished our men which remained, of those things which they had to do. His voyce was the voyce of the holy ghost, and words more necessary, then could be thought. For if he had not spoken that word, the fathers of the Councell had peraduenture departed, and gone theyr way, and the other remaining in the church, had made another cōclusiō which [Page] they would haue affirmed to haue ben of force, because they would say the last conclusion was to be receiued. But many being warned by the wordes of the Prothonatary, and calling to remembraunce the like chaunce of other Councels before, called backe agayne the multitude which were departing, and cried vpon the Cardinall and the Patriark to sit downe agayne, & that they should not leaue ye church voyd and quiet for theyr aduersaryes. Whereupon, sodenly all the whole multitude sate downe, and the gates were shut agayne.Albiganensis readeth the protestation, but none could hear him. In the meane time Matheus Albiganensis a bishop, read the protestation to none els but to himselfe alone, for it could not be heard for noyse: which being ended the Lombardes and the Cathelanes confirmed the protestation. When the Cardinal of Terraconia sayd that he did agree to that dissension, they maruelled at that saying. And whē some smiled & laughed at him: what sayd he, ye tooles, do ye mocke me? do not the Ambassadors of my king dissent from you? What do you maruell then if I do say I cō sent vnto theyr dissention? And with these wordes, he and almost all the Arrgones,The affaires of the councell are read. Lombardes and Cathelanes departed, all the other taryed still. And albeit it was somewhat late (for it was past ij. at after noone) Arelatensis seeing the congregation quiet, commaunded the affayres of priuate persons to be read, as the maner is: which beynge ended, he commaūded also the publicke affayres to be read, & willed the conclusions & the forme of the decree to be red agayne. There remayned in the congregation, the Ambassadors of the Empyre and of Fraunce, talking together of theyr affayres. Notwtstanding the bishop of Turuō heard mention made of the cōclusions, & turning himselfe to the Bishop of Lubecke, sayd: lo, the matters of fayth are now in hand again, let vs go hēce I pray you that we be not an offence vnto others,Eneas Syluius being present collected this. Arelatensis cō cludeth here, as he did also before, not without the consent of the deputies according to the order of the Councel. or that we be not sayd to dissent from the other Ambassadors. To whom the Bishop of Lubecke aunswered: tary father, tary here, are not the conclusions most true? Why are you afrayd to be here for ye truth? these wordes were not heard of many, for they spake them sottely betwene themselues. Notwithstanding I heard it, for I sitting at theyr feet, did diligētly obserue what they said. Arelatensis, after all thinges were read, which he thought necessary, at the request of the deputyes concluded, and so making an end dismissed the congregation. Twise it is declared, with how great difficulty Arelatēsis concluded forso much as neither the matter nor the forme could be cōcluded without dissension:Eneas, you dyd not so praise this councell after you were byshop your selfe. and the conclusions were miraculous, and past all mens hope, but were obteined by the industry of Arelatensis, or rather by the speciall gift of the holy Ghost.

After this, it was determined betwene the Lōbardes and Aragons to absteine frō the deputations for a certaine time, whiche they did not long obserue, notwithstanding ye deputations were holdē very quietly for a certein space, neither was there any thing done worthy of remembraūce vntill the 15. day of May, during whiche time, all meanes possible were sought to set a concorde betwene the fathers, but it would not be. Then Nicolas Amici promoter of the faith, was called into the congregation, & briefly rehearsed those things which were done the dayes before, and declared how that Arelatensis might poynt a Session. Wherefore, forsomuch as delay in matters of fayth was daungerous, he required that a sessiō should be appoynted against the morow after, requiring the Cardinall for his dignities sake, in that he was called the principall of the church, and the other bishops, that (as they had promised in theyr consecration) they would not now shrinke from the church in these wayghty affayres, and suffer the faith to be oppressed: but the other inferiors he required vpon theyr othe which they had taken, to shew themselues faythfull and constant herein. Then againe there fell a great contention vpō these wordes: for Arelatensis, as he was required, did appoynt a Session, and exhorted all men to be there present in theyr Robes.The Byshop of Lubecke. The Bishop of Lubecke rising vp, made a protestation in his owne name, and also in the name of his protector, that he would not consent, that there shoulde be any Session, if it shoulde in any part derogate from the agreement had at Mentz. Georgius Miles also, his felow Ambassadour consented to this protestation. When as the protector of the Councel appoynted by the Emperour, vnderstood himselfe for to be named by the bishop of Lubecke,Conrade Winsperge a Baron. he maruelled a while what the matter shoulde be. But being certified by an enterpreter, he aunswered that he would in no case consent vnto the protestation of the Bishop of Lubecke, and that he did not know any thing of their doings at Mentz: also that he was sent by the Emperour to the sacred Councell, and hath his charge whiche he doth well remember, and would be obedient therunto. After whom the Bishop of Concense, according to his accustomed maner, made his protestatiō & after him also folowed Panormitane. Whose wordes before I will repeat, I desire that no man woulde maruell that I make mention so often of Panormitane: for it is necessary to declare the matter in order as it was done.

It happened in these matters euen as it doth in warlike affayres: For as there, suche as are most valiaunt and strong,Panormita [...] the Achilles of the Eugenians, and Arelatensis the Hector of the councell. and doe most worthy feates, obteine most fame, as in the battell of Troy, Achiles and Hector: so in these spirituall warres and contentions, those which most excell in learning and eloquence, and do more then other, should be most renowned & named: for on yt one part Panormitane was prince and Captayne, on the other, Arelatensis: but his owne will made not the one Captain, but onely necescity, for it behoued him to obey his prince. Notwithstanding he was not ignoraunt of the truth and verity, neither did he resist willingly against it: for I haue sene him oftentimes in his library complayne of his prince, that he followed other mens Coūcell. When as his time came to speak he sayd that he did not a little maruell why the protector of the fayth, shoulde require the Prelates to haue a Session, whiche was nothing perteining to his office, and that he ought not to vsurpe the Presidentes place. And agayne he complayned touching the contempt of the Prelates, for the matter did presently touch the state of the Apostolicke sea, & for that cause the sea ought to be heard before any Session beholdē. Neither it is to be regarded (said he) that the coū cell of constance semeth to haue decreed, that it should now be spoken of, for so much as Pope Iohn was not heard at Constaunce, neither any man els, to speake for the sea, by which words he seemed both to contēnc and bring in dout all the decrees of that most great and sacred synode of Cō stance: therefore there was a great tumult,The Papists extoll that which maketh for their purpose, but the contrary they contemne, whether it be scripture or prophane. and all men cried out with one voyce, saying: that the Synod of Cōstance is holy and the authority thereof ought to be inuiolate. But he being still instant, with a stoute and hauty courage, affirmed that the matter coulde not be finished without the Ambassadours of the Princes, and that the Princes ought to be heard in a matter of fayth. And agayne that the Ambassadors themselues cannot consent, for so much as in the Colloqui holden at Mentz they had promised during the treaty of peace by them begunne, they woulde receiue & allow nothing that the Pope shoulde either doe agaynst the councell, or the councell agaynst the Pope: & that he doubted not, but that the th [...]ee first conclusions declared Eugenius an hereticke, in so much that it was euident, that Eugenius did vehemently resist the two first. And therefore for so much as the Session was not yet holden, and that it was lawful for euery man before yt Session to speak what he will, he desired and required them most instauntly, that there might be no Session as yet holden. Unto whom Arelatensis answered,Arelatensis answere to Panormitan This deputation of faith, was that cōpany of chose mē which dyd determine matters of faith. that it was not to be doubted but that the promoter of the fayth, by his office might call the prelates to determine a matter of fayth, & specially for so much as the deputation of the fayth and the whole councell, had so geuen him in commaundement.

As touching the prelates, he sayth, that albeit without all doubt bishops haue chiefe authority: yet notwithstanding it is accustomed in Councels, not to make any conclusion in the name of the bishops, but in the name of ye whole councell: and the vniuersall Church hath decreed certayne lawes in this Councell, which shoulde remayne inuiolate. Neither let the bishops thinke the presence of the inferiors greuous vnto them, when as oftētimes vnder a bare and torne coate, wisedome lyeth hid, and vnder rich vestures & ornaments,Saint Hierome vnto Nepotianusi de vita clericals. folly lurketh. Bishops ought also to be mindfull of the saying of Domitius (whiche as S. Hierome reporteth) sayd: why should I esteme thee as a prince, if thou doest not regard me as a Senator? For the byshops ought to esteme Priestes as Priestes, if they will haue reuerence done vnto them as Bishops. Neither ought the Princes to be looked for,Marke how politickly and sincerely he doth confute hys aduersaries. to the deciding of this matter, for so much as the Church is not congregated in the name of the princes: but in the name of Christ, which hath not receiued hys power from princes: but immediatly from God: to the defence wherof, he should perceiue the inferiors to be no lesse lesse encouraged thē the bishops, for that he did wel vnderstand and know, that they would not onely spend theyr tē porall good, but also theyr liues for the defence thereof. As for some bishops, rather thē they will lose any part of their tēporalties, they wil sel the liberty of ye church vnto ye princes & make them iudges and Lords ouer the Councel. As touching the actes at Mentz, he doth not regard them, for so muche as (as it is sayde) they accompted without theyr hoste: for he sayth, he doth not vnderstand how this can be that they had decreed neither to obey the pope, nor the coū cell. The one or the other they must needs be obedient vnto: [Page] for there is no third tribunall, whereunto any obediēce is due in these matters which concern the fayth and the saluation of soules: And finally that the Church woulde not suffer that theyr affayres & matters of fayth shoulde be determined by the iudgement of princes: for the holy ghost is not subiect vnto princes, but princes vnto him: and vpon this conclusion he would not feare, neither the losse of hys goods, neither any death or martirdome. And wheras Panormitane doth nowe shew himselfe so great a defender of Eugenius,No man hath heretofore more then Panormitane published the errours of Eugenius: whom he now so greatly desēdeth. he sayth that he doth not a litle maruell at it, for that in times past no man hath more published Eugenius his errors then he: by whose special labor & councel, both a decree monitory, & also ye suspēsion was admitted & set out against Eugenius: And now, whereupō this sodein chaūge should come, he saith yt he was vtterly ignorant, forsomuch as neither Eugenius had altered his life, neither could the church continue in such a schisme. Wherfore he desired Panormitane diligently to consider, whether he spake according to his conscience or not: for (sayth he) the conclusions which nowe shall be decreed, are most generall: neither is there any mention in them of the Pope, and moreouer the verity of fayth is contayned in them: agaynst the whiche if Eugenius did contend, it were more meete that the Pope should be corrected, then the veritye omitted. And thus he making an end all were warned to come the next day vnto the Session.The Session proclaymed. The protector also desired the sacred Councel, that none should be suffred to bring any weapon to the session. For so much as he was ready to obserue the safe conduct of the Emperour, and together with the Senate of ye city, to prohibite all quarrellers for doing of miury.

When the 16. day of May was come, all they whom the Session contēted and pleased, assembled at the houre. The Ambassadours also of the princes were come together into the quier of the church, to attempt further what they could do, and sending the bishops of Lubeck and Concense, and the Deane of Turnon, an excellent learned man, they offered themselues to be present at the Session, if that the deposition of Eugenius might yet be deferred foure monethes. Who, when they had receiued a gentle answere of Arelatē sis, and the other principals, returning agayn vnto ye Embassadors, they would only haue the first conclusion decreed, and therupon sent agayne vnto Arelatensis: vnto whō answere was made, that the chief force did consist in ye two other conclusions, and that the Coūcel would specially determine vpon them. If the Ambassadors would not be present, they should vnderstand that the concord was broken by them, which would not obserue yt which they had offered. With which auswere they departed, & the Sessiō begā to be celebrate. There was no Prelate of the Aragons present at it,In all Italy there were scarsly two prelates found which sought the commoditie of the vniuersall church, in Spaine there was none. Prayers made with teares. neither out of Spayn: and our of Italy, onely the bishop of Grosserane, and the Abbot of Dona, whiche for theyr constancy & steadfast good will toward the vniuersall church, could not be chaūged from their purpose, but of doctors and other inferiors, there were a great number of Aragons, and almost all the inferiors of Spayne and Italy (for the inferiors feared not the princes, as the Bishoppes did) and then the worthy stoutnes of the Aragones & Cathelanes appeared in the inferiour sort, which woulde not shrinke away in the necessity of the church. Of the two other nations there were only present 20. bishops. The residue lurked in theyr lodginges, professing the fayth in theyr hartes but not in theyr mouthes. Arelatensis considering afore what would come to passe, caused praiers to be made, & after their praiers made vnto almighty god, with teares and lamētation, that he would send them his holy spirit to ayde and assist them, they were greatlye comforted and encouraged. This congregatiō was famous, and albeit that there were not many bishops present, yet al the seats were filled with the Bishoppes, Proctors, Archdeacons, Presidents, Priors,Amongest 400. doctors that were present, ther was not one yll worde. Priestes and Doctors of both lawes, which I iudged to be about the number of 400. or more: amongst whō there was no noyce, no chiding, no opprobrious wordes or contētion, but one exhorted another to the profession of the fayth, and there appeared a full and whole consent of them all to defend the church. The bishop of Massilia a noble mau read the decree, which was attentiuely harkened vnto, and not one word interrupted. When it was ended: Te Deum laudamus was song with great ioy and gladnes,The 33. Session. & so the Session dissolued, whiche was in number the xxxiii. Session, and amongest all the rest the most quiet and peaceable.

The day following, being the xxii. of May, the Princes Embassadors without all mens expectation,The Embassadours consent to the former Session. came vnto the general congregatiō, by that theyr doing at the least, geuing theyr assent vnto the Session before passed. In celebrating wherof, if ye fathers had erred, it had not bene lawfull for the Princes and Embassadours, to haue holden the councell with those fathers. But it was thought that they were touched with remorse of conscience, and euen now to detest and abhorre that which they had done: as it was not hidden to the Embassadours of the Empyre and Fraūce. For the bishop of Lubecke sayde, that the cause of his absence was, for that he was appointed by the Emperors cō maūdement, to intreat a peace: Wherfore it was not comely for him to be present at any businesse, whereby he should be vexed or troubled, with whome the peace should be intreated. Notwithstanding he did much commend the session before holdē, and beleued the decree therein promulgate to be most good and holy, and the verities therin contemed to be vndoubted, & sayd that he would sticke therunto both now, and euen vnto the death. But the bishop of Turnō a man both learned and eloquent, speaking for him and hys felowes, sayd that he heard how that they were euill spokē of amongst some, in that they had not honored theyr king in that most sacred Sessiō, whom it becommed specially to exalt and defend the fayth: which also for that cause aboue all other kings was named most christen: notwithstāding he sayd that they had a lawfull excuse, in that it was cōuenient that they, which were sēt to intreat peace, should doe nothing whereby theyr Ambassade shold be stopped or letted. Also there are two kindes of iniustice (sayd he) wherby either thinges are done that should not be done,Two kindes of iniustice. or thinges yt should be done are not done. The first doth not alwayes bind, because it is conuenient to haue respect of time, place, and persō. But the last doth alwayes bind, wherin he sayd they were not culpable. But as touching the first poynt, they might seme vnto some to haue erred, because they wer not present at the Session: but yet in this poynt they had sufficient to answere, forsomuch as if they had bene present at that Session, they should haue bene vnmeete to haue intreated any peace with Eugenius: And therfore albeit they were wanting at so holy a businesse, in that point they followed the example of Paule, which albeit he desired to be dissolued & to be which Christ, yet for the further profit and aduauncement of the church, it was deferred. So likewise he sayd, that they had now done, for that they were not absent because they doubted of the conclusions (whiche they iudged to be most true and holy, & whereunto they would sticke euen vnto the death) but because they woulde not be vnmeet for the treaty of peace for which they came: and yet that which they had not done in theyr owne persō, they had fulfilled (sayd he) by theyr seruaunts and household, whom altogether they commaunded to reuerence that Session. I would that I had bene then in the place of some great prelate: surely they should not haue gone vnpunished, whiche thought to haue playd bo peepe.O Aeneas, you should haue vsed such sinceritie when you were Pope. Beholde, the princes Ambassadours declare Eugenius an enemy vnto the truth. For what doth the declaration of the trueth hinder the treatye of peace? Or if it doe hurt, why is he not counted as great an offender, which cō senteth to him that declareth the truth, as he which doth declare it? What shal we need any further testimony? for now the Embassadors of the Princes haue declared Eugenius to be an enemy vnto the truth. But to passe ouer these thinges, it is sufficient that Eugenius wrote afterward vnto the king of Fraunce, that he did vnderstand the Bishop of Tournon to be become his enemy.

After that the Bishop of Tournon had made an ende, Cardinall Arelatensis gaue thanks vnto God, which had so defended his Church,Arelatensis commendeth the Ambassadours. & after great stormes and cloudes, had sent fayre & cleare weather: & cōmending ye good wyll of the Emperour and the King of Fraunce towarde the Church, he also praysed the bishop of Lubecke and Tournon, for that oftentimes in the Councell, and also of late at Mentz, they had defended the authority of the coūcell. But specially he commēded this theyr present doings,This Councel was gathered to take away the ambition of the Bishoppes of Rome, that they shuld not think they might do all things according to theyr own pleasure: and further so reuoke them [...]o the care of temporal things vnto spirituall things, which now they regarded not. that they had opēly confessed the trueth, and had not sequestred them selues from the fayth of the Church.

Afterward, he entring into the declaration of the matter, sayd that he was at Pysis and at Constance, and neuer saw a more quiet or deuout Session then this, affirming y• this decree was most necessary, to represse the ambition of the Bishops of Rome, whiche exalting themselues aboue the vniuersall church, thought it lawfull for them to doe all things after their owne pleasure, and that no one man frō henceforth should transport the councell from one place to another, as Eugenius attēpted to doe, now to Bononia, now to Florentia, thē agayne to Bononia, after to Ferraria, and after that agayne to Florentia, and that hereafter the Bishops should withdraw theyr minds from the carefulnes of temporall goodes, whiche (as he himselfe did see) had no mind at all on spiritual matters: & therfore by how much this Sessiō was most holy and necessary, by so much more the assent of the Ambassadours was most laudable & acceptable to all the fathers. These wordes thus spoken, he rose vp, and the congregation was dissolued.

[Page]Now after that Gabriel Condulmarius was deposed from the bishopricke of Rome, the principall fathers of the Councell being called together in the Chapter house of the great Church consulted together, whether it were expedēt that a new bishop should be created out of hād, or de [...]erred for a time.The councell doth deliberate vpon the popes election. Such as thought good that the election shoulde be done wt speed, shewed how daungerous a thing it was for such a cōgregatiō to be without a head: also what a pestiferous sicknes was in al the City, which not onely consumed young men and children: but also men of middle age, and old men in like maner, and that this plague came first by straungers vnto the poore of the Citty, and so infected the rich, & now was come vnto the fathers of the counceel: amplifiyng moreouer, and encreasing the terror therof, and making the thing worse then it was, as the maner is.I.x. dayes must be delayd after the sea is voyde. Neither doth the decree (sayd they) any thing let or hinder, wherein it is prouided that there should be delay of lx. dayes after the sea is voyde: for that is to be vnderstand, when as the sea is voyd at such time as there is no Councell holden, neyther ought we to tary or make any delay, least the Princes being perswaded by Gabriel, should resist: Unto whom the deposition of Gabriell, and the election of some other, is to be certified all vnder one message. The other which thought good that there should be a delay sayde:Note the Christian zeale of t [...]fe mē, which would refuse no daunger for Gods cause. that the Councell did lacke no head, for so muche as Christ was the head thereof: neither did lacke a ruler, for so much as it was gouerned by the Presidents & other officers: and that no mention shoulde be made of any pestilence in such case, seing that, vnto stout & strong men, death is not to be feared, neither can any thing daunt or feare thē which contend for the Christian fayth. As for that pestilēce which doth now encrease and grow in the City, forasmuch as iudgement is now geuen, it is to be hoped that it wyll asswage, which was thought to haue come for the neglecting of iustice. Also that in so doubtful a matter, they ought rather to vse the princes agaynst theyr will, then to neglect them: and that it is not be feared, but that in this case, God will helpe those that are stoute & valiaunt. The matter being thus discussed amongest them, (albeit that there was as many mindes, as there was men) yet it seemed vnto them all, that it was most profitable to choose the Byshop by and by, but most honest to deferre it.

Hereupon Iohn Segouius,Iohn Segouius. a man of excellent learning sayd: Most reuerend fathers, I am diuersly drawne by sundry reasons, to this side and that. But as I way the matter more deeply in my minde, this is my opinion, that to come to a speedy election, it seemeth good, to speake after mans iudgement: but to delay it for two moneths, to speak after Gods iudgement, it seemeth much better. I do iudge that not onely the wordes,Dangerous honestie preferred before secure vtilitie. but also the meaning of our decree, ought to be obserued. Wherefore, if ye will geue any credite vnto me, folow rather daungerous honesty, thē secure vtility: albeit that in deede, vtility cannot be discerned from honesty. This opinion of delay took place among the Fathers, and they determined to staye for the space of two monethes.

In the meane time, messegers were sent vnto the princes to declare the deposition of Eugenius by the Synode, and publish it abroad.

During this time, the corrupt ayre was nothing at all purged, but the mortality dayly encreasing, many died and were sicke. Whereupon a sodayne feare came vpon the fathers. Neyther were they sufficiently aduised what they might do: for they thought it not to be without daunger, either to depart or to tary. Notwithstanding they thought it good to tary, & also they caused other to tary: that since they had ouercome famine, and the assaults of theyr enemies on earth, they would not seeme to shrinke for the persecutiō of any plague or sicknes. But forsomuch as the could not all be kept there, it was politickly prouided, that the councell should not seme to be dissolued for any mās departure. And for the more establishmēt of the matter, there were certaine thinges read before the fathers, which they called De stabilimento, whose authority continued long time after.A great pestilence in Basil. When as the Dogge dayes were come, and that all herbes withe red with heat, the pestilence dayly encreased more & more, that it is incredible how many dyed. It was to horrible to see the corses hourely caryed through the streetes, when on euery side there was weeping, wayling, & sighing. There was no house voyd of mourning: no myrth or laughter in no place, but matrones bewayling their husbandes, & the husbandes theyr wiues. Men & women went through the streetes, and durst not speake one vnto another. Some taryed at home, and other some that went abroad, had perfumes to smell vnto to preserue them agaynst the plague.

The common people dyed without nūber: and like as in the cold Autumne, the leaues of the trees do fall, euen so did the youth of the City consume and fall away. The violence of the disease was such, that ye should haue met a mā mery in the street now, and within x. houres heard that he had bene buryed. The number of the dead corses was such also that they lacked place to bury them in: in so much that all the Churchyards were digged vp, and filled with dead corses, & great holes made in the Parish Churches, wheras a great number of corses being thrust in together, they couered them ouer with earth. For which cause the fathers were so afraid, that there appeared no bloud in their faces: and specially the sodayne death of Lodouicus the Prothonotary did make all men afrayd,Lodouicus the prothonotary dyed of the plague who was a strong man & florishing in age, & singularly learned in both lawes: whō the same enuious and raging sicknes tooke away in a few houres. By and by after dyed Lodouicus the Patriarke of Aquileia, a man of great age, and brought vp alwayes in troubles and aduersity, neither coulde he see the day of the Popes election which he had long wished for: Notwtstanding he tooke partly a consolation in that he had seene Gabriel deposed before his death. This mans death was greuous vnto all the fathers, for now they sayde that two pillers of the Councel were decayed & ouerthrown, meaning the Prothonotary and the Patriarke, whereof the one by the law: and the other with his deedes defended the verity of the Councell.

About the same time also dyed the king of Arragones Amner in Switzerland, a man of excellent learning, being bishop of Ebron. The Abbot of Uergilia dyed at Spyre & Iohn the bishop of Lubecke, betwene Uienna and Buda.

These two last rehearsed, euen at the point of death, did this thing worthy of remembraunce. Whē as they perceiued the houre of theyr death approche,The exhortation of those which dyed. calling vnto them certayne graue and wise mē, sayd: All you that be here present, pray to God, that he will conuert such as knowledge Gabriell for high Bishoppe, for in that state they cannot be saued: and professing themselues that they would die in the fayth of the Councell of Basill, they departed in the Lord. In Boheme also departed the bishop of Constance,The Byshop of Cōstance dyeth. which was Ambassador for the Councell. There was great feare and trembling throughout all the Coūcel. There had bene also in the Councell, by a long time, the Abbot of Dona, of the Dioces of Cumana,The Abbot Dona, a true Abbot. a man poore vnto the worlde, but rich vnto God, whom neither flatterings nor threatnings could turne away from his good purpose & intent, chusing rather to begge in the truth of the fathers, then to abounde in riches with the false flattering aduersaryes.

Wherupō, after the Lords were departed, which gaue him his liuing, he remayning still, was stricken with the plague and died. Likewise a great number of the registers and Doctors dyed: and such as fell into that disease, few or none escaped.Eneas the author hereof escaped death hardlye. One amongest all the rest, Aeneas Syluius, byting strickē with this disease, by Gods helpe escaped. This man lay 3, dayes euen at the poynt of death, all men being in despayre of him: notwithstāding it pleased God to graūt him longer life. When as the pestilence was most feruent & hote, & that daily there dyed about one hundred, there was great intreatye made vnto Cardinall Arelatensis, that he would goe to some other towne or village neare hand: for these were the words of all his frendes & household: What do you most reuerend father? At the least void this wane of the Moone, and saue your selfe: who being safe, all we shall also be safe: if you dye, we all perish. If the plague oppresse you, vnto whom shall we flye? Who shall rule vs? or who shall be the guide of this most faythfull flocke? The infectiō hath already inuaded your chamber. Your Secretarye and chamberlayne are already dead, Consider the great daūger and saue both your selfe and vs. But neither the intreatye of his household,The inuincible constancie and fortitude of the Cardinall Arelatensis. neither yt corses of those which were dead coulde moue him, willing rather to preserue the Councell with perill of his life, then to saue his life with perill of the coūcel: for he did know that if he should depart, few would haue taryed behinde, and that deceite shoulde haue beene wrought in his absence.

Wherfore, like as in wars the souldiors feare no daunger, when as they see theyr Captayne in the midst of theyr enemyes: so the fathers of the Councell were ashamed to flye from this pestilence, seing theyr President to remayne with them in the middest of all daungers. Which theyr doinges did vtterly subuert the opinion of thē, which babled abroad, that the fathers taryed in Basill to seeke their own profite and commodity, and not the verity of the fayth: for there is no commodity vpon the earth, which men would chaunge for theyr liues: for that all suche as doe serue the world, do prefer before all other thinges. But these our fathers shewing themselues an inuincible strōg wall for the house of God, vanquishing all the craftye deceites whiche Gabriell vsed, and ouercōming all difficultyes, which this [Page] most cruell and pestiferous yeare brought vpon thē, at the length all desire of li [...]e also being set a part, they haue ouercome all daungers, and haue not doubted with most constant mindes to de [...]end the verety of the councell, euen vnto this present.

The time of the decree being passed, after ye deposition of Gabriel, it semed good vnto the fathers, to proceed to the election of another Bishop. And first of all they nominated those that together wt the Cardinals, should elect ye Pope. The first & principall of the Electours was the Cardinall Arelatēsis a man of inuincible constancy,The commendation of Arelatē sis. and incomparable wisedome: vnto whose vertue I may iustly ascribe whatsoeuer was done in the coūcell: for without him, the prelats had not perseuered in theyr purpose, neither could the shadow of any Prince haue so defended thē. This man came not to the election by any fauor or denomination, but by his owne proper right. The rest of the Electours were chosen out of ye Italian, French, Germayne and Spanish nations, & their Sels & chambers appoynted to them by lots, without respect of dignity or person, & as the lots fel, so they were placed: Wherby it chaunced a Doctor to haue the highest place, and a Bishop the last. Wherein the distribution of lots was very straunge, or rather a Diuine dispensation, reprouing the deuises of man, wheras the prelates had determined to haue the best Chambers appoynted for themselues, & had earnestly contēded before to haue theyr chambers appoynted according to theyr dignity.

The councel of Marcus.The next day after, there was a Session holdē, where in Marcus a famous Diuine, made an Oration vnto the Electors, wherein he reckoned vp the manifolde crimes of Gabriel, whiche was deposed. He endeuored to perswade the Electours to choose such a man, which shoulde in all pointes, be contrary vnto Gabriel, & eschew all his vices: that as he, through his manifolde reproches, was hurtfull vnto al men: so he which should be chosē, should shew him self [...] acceptable vnto all men, through iustice: and as Gabriell was couetous and full of rapine, so this man should shew himselfe continent.

There was so great a nūber of people gathered together to behold this matter, that neither in the church, neyther in the stretes, any man could passe. Th [...]re was presēt Iohn Earle of Diestein, who supplyed the place of the Emperours Protector: also the Senatours of the Citty, with many other noble men, to beholde the same, whereof you shall heare (Christ willing) more largely hereafter. The Citizens were without in armour to prohibite that there should be no vproare made. The Electours receiued the Communion together, and afterwardes, they receiued theyr oth: & the Cardinall Arelatensis opening the book of Decrees, read the forme of the othe in ye audiēce of all mē, & first of all, he taking the othe himself, began in this maner.

The godly [...]he of Arelatensis.Most reuerend Fathers, I promise, sweare and vowe before my Lord Iesus Christ (whose most blessed body I vnworthy sinner haue receiued: vnto whom in the last iudgement I shall geue accompt of all my deedes) that in this busines of election, wherunto now by the will of the Coū cell we are sent: I wil seeke nothing els, then the onely saluation of the Christen people, and the profit of the vniuersall Church. This shall be my whole care and studye, that the authority of the generall Councels be not contemned: that the Catholick fayth be not impugned, and that the fathers which remayne in the coūcell, be not oppressed. This will I seek for: this shall be my care: vnto this, withall my whole force and power, will I bend my selfe: neyther will I respect any thing in this poynt, eyther for mine owne cause, or for any frend, but onely God and the profite of the Church. With this minde and intent, and with this hart will I take mine othe before the Councell.

His wordes were liuely and fearefull. After him al the other Electours in theyr order, did sweare and take theyr othe. Then they went with great solemnity vnto the Cō claue: where they remayned 7. dayes.The other Electours take their othe. The maner of their election was in this sort. Before the Cardinals seate was set a Deske, wherupon there stood a basen of siluer: into the which basen all the Electors did cast their scheduls: which the Cardinall receiuing, read one by one, and foure other of the Electors wrote as he read them.

The tenour of the Schedules was in this maner. I George Bishop of Uicene doe chuse such a man, or suche a man, for bishop of Rome, and peraduenture named one or two: euery one of the electors subscribed his name vnto the Schedule, that he might thereby know his owne, and say nay, if it were cōtrary to that which was spokē: wherby all deceit was vtterly excluded. The first scrutiny thus ended, it was found that there were many named to ye papacy. Yet none had sufficiēt voices, for that day there were xvii. of diuers natiōs nominate. Notwithstanding Amedeus duke of Sauoy, a man of singuler vertue, surmoūted them all:A scrutinie is a priuie election by voyces. Amedeus Duke of Sauoy. for in the first scrutiny he had the voyce of xvi. Electors which iudged him worthy to gouerne the church.

After this, there was diligent inquisition had in the Councell, touching those whiche were named of the Electors, and as euery mans opinion serued him, he did either prayse or discommēd those which were nominate. Notwt standing there was suche reporte made of Amedeus, that in the next Scrutiny, which was holden in the Nonas of Nouember, the sayd Amedeus had 21. voices, and likewise in the 3. and 4. Scrutinye 21. voyces. And for so muche as there was none found in all the scrutiny to haue 2. partes all ye other schedules were burnt. And forsomuch as there lacked but onely one voyce to the elecion of ye high bishop, they fell vnto prayer, desiring God that he would vouchsafe to direct theyr mindes to an vnity and concorde,Prayer for vnitie and concord. worthely to elect and chuse him which shoulde take the charge ouer the flocke of God. Forsomuch as Amedeus seemed to be nearer vnto the papacy then all other, there was greate cōmunication had amongst them touching his life and disposition. Some said that a lay man ought not so sodenly to be chosen: for it would seeme a straunge thing for a secular prince to be called vnto the Byshopricke of Rome: which would also to much derogate frō the ecclesiasticall state, as though there were none therein meete or worthy for that dignity. Other some sayde that a man which was maryed and had children, was vnmeete for such a charge. Other some agayn affirmed that the bishop of Rome ought to be a Doctor of law, and an excellent learned man.

When these words were spoken, other some rising vp, spake farre otherwise, that albeit Amedeus was no Doctour, yet was he learned and wise, for so muche as all his whole youth, he had bestowed in learning & studye, & had sought not the name, but euen the groūd of learning. Thē sayd another, if ye be desirous to be instructed further of this princes life, I pray you geue eare vnto me, which doe know him throwly. Truely this man from his youth vpward, and euen from his yong and tender yeares, hath lyued more religiously then secularly, being alwaies obediēt to his parentes and maysters,Let lying Pogius be ashamed of his false inuectiue against Amedeus. and being alwayes indued with the feare of God, neuer geuen to any vanity or wantōnes: neither hath there at any time bene any childe of the house of Sauoy, in whom hath appeared greater wytte to towardnes, whereby al those which did behold and know this man, iudged and foresaw some great matter in him: neyther were they deceiued. For if ye desire to know his rule & gouernance, what and how noble it hath bene: First know ye this, that this man hath raigned since his fathers decease, about xl. yeares.

During whose time, iustice, the Lady and Queene of all other vertues, hath alwayes florished: For he hearing his subiectes himselfe, woulde neuer suffer the poore to be oppressed, or the weake to be deceiued. He was the defender of the fatherles, the aduocate of the widowes, and protector of the poore. There was no rapine or robbery in all his territory. The poore and rich liued all vnder one lawe, neither was he burthenous vnto his subiectes, or importune against straungers throughout all his country: there was no greuous exactions of mony, throughout all his dominion. He thought himselfe rich enough, if the inhabitāts of his dominions did aboūd and were rich, knowing that it was the poynt of a good shepheard to sheare his sheepe, and not to deuour them. In this also was his chiefe study and care, that his subiectes might liue in peace, and suche as bordered vpon him, might haue no occasion of grudge.

By which pollicies he did not onely quietly gouern his Fathers dominion, but also augmēted the same by others, which willingly submitted themselues vnto him. He neuer made warre vpon any, but resisting agaynst such as made war vpon him, he studied rather to make peace then to seeke any reuenge, desiring rather to ouercome his enemies with benefites, then with the sword. He maried onely one wife, which was a noble virgin, & of singuler beauty and chastity. He would haue all his family to keep their handes and eyes chaste, and continent, and throughout all his house, honesty and integrity of maners was obserued. When as his wife had chaūged her life, and that he perceiued his Duchy to be established, & that it should come with out any controuersye vnto his posteritye, he declared hys mind which was alwayes religious, & dedicate vnto god, & shewed what will and affectiō he had long borne in hys hart. For he contēning the pompe and state of this world, calling vnto him his deare frends, departed and went into a wildernes: where as building a goodly Abbey he addicted himselfe wholy to the seruice of God,Commendation of Amedeus Pope elect. and taking his crosse vpon him, folowed Christ. In which place he being cōuersant by the space of many yeares, shewed forth great [Page] examples of holynesse, wearing no other garmentes then such as could withstand the cold, neither vsing any kind of daynty fare,To haue a wife is no let for a good man to be elected Pope. but onely to resist hunger, watching and praiing the most part of the night. Wherfore this Prince is not newly come vnto the Church (as some do suppose) but being a Christian borne of progenitours, a thousand yeares and more being Christians, doth now serue God in a monastery.

Popes haue ben maried.But as touching that, also which is spokē concerning a wife, I do not regarde it: when as not onely he whiche hath had a wife, but he also which hath a wife may be elect & chosen pope.Read the 5 Epistle of Ignatius and you shal see that the Apostles had wyues, & Baptista Mantuanus maketh mention how that Hilarius Byshop of Pictauia had a wife. For why do the doctors dispute, whether a maried man chosen pope, ought to performe his duety toward his wife, but onely because a maryed man might bee receiued and chosen? For as you know well enough, there were many Popes that had wiues: and Peter also was not without a wife. But what doe we stande about this? for peraduenture it had bene better that more priestes had bene maried, for many shoulde be saued through maryage, which are now dāned through theyr single life. But hereof we will (sayth he) speak in another place. But this semeth vnto me, rather to be laughed at, then worthy any answer which is obiected touching his children, for what can children (specially being of great age) be impediment or let vnto the father,Eccle. 4. being a Bishop? Doth not the Scripture say wo be vnto him that is a lone, for if he fall, he hath none to helpe him vp agayne? This can not be imputed vnto the prince, for he hath 2. sonnes, both comely and wise. Whereof the one is prince of Piemont, the other Earle of the Gebennians: these men will rule the country of Sauoy in the absence of theyr father, & will helpe him, if he haue need, for they haue already learned to rule ouer that people. I pray you what hurt is it for a Byshop of Rome, to haue valiant childrē, which may helpe theyr father agaynst tyrants? O most reuerent fathers, the more I do beholde the storme of this most peruerse and froward time, the more I do cō sider the vexations and troubles which the church is now tormented withall: I do so much the more thinke it profitable, yea & necessary, that this man should be chosen prince and head: I will thinke that God hath shewed his mercye vpon vs, if I may see him haue the gouernance ouer thys boate, I pray you cōsider into what straights we are now driuen, with what perils we are now vexed & tossed. What prince is it that is obedient vnto this coūcel? For some wil not confesse that the Coūcel is here, neither receiue our decrees: other some confesse it in theyr wordes, but by theyr deedes they declare it to be at Florence. For albeit that by theyr wordes & letters,Schisme in the Church. they do not denye that the churche is here, yet do they procure promotiōs at the hands of Gabriell, which is deposed. This is the state of the Churche: with these stormes and tempestes the shippe is shaken and brused: Wicked children haue risen vppe agaynst theyr mother, which being vnmindefull of theyr mothers labours & kindnesse towards them, despise her, contēn her & beat her. What is to be done here in? Shall we chuse a bare manne, which shall rather be derided of our princes, thē had in reuerēce? The dayes are not now, that mē haue respect onely vnto vertue: for (as the Satyricall Poet writeth) vertue is praysed, but is coldly folowed. A poore man speaketh & they aske what he is? Truely vertue is good: but for our purpose, it must be marked and looked vpon, whether it be in a riche man or a poore man, you must chuse a gouernour which may rule the ship not onely by Councell, but by power also. The winde is great: Wherfore except the Councell be good, and the power strong, the ship shall be broken, & all put in daunger. The memorial is yet fresh before our eyes: that the princes doe neglect the authority which is of no force or power. Is there not great valiantnesse shewed in this poynt, in that you fearing no perill or daunger, eyther of life or goods, haue so long contended for the truth of Christ? But the moste mighty & high God looketh downe from on high, and will resist this theyr pride. I haue often consented vnto theyr opinion,Good it were that temporall dominions were deuided from the Church. which sayde it was expedient, that ye tēporall dominions should be deuided from ye Ecclesiasticall state: for I did think that the priests should therby be made more apt to the diuine ministery, & the secular princes more obedient to the clergy: but for so much as at this presēt, ye churches of the world are possessed, partlye by Eugenius & partly by other tyraunts, we must prouide that we chuse such a one, which may recouer agayn the patrimony of the Church, and in whom the office of Christes vicar may not be contemned: through the shielde of whose power, theyr contumacy may be suppressed, which contēne both verity & reason. Whereunto no man seemeth vnto me more apt or meet, thē Amadeus duke of Sauoy, which holdeth the one part of his possessions in Italy, and the other in Fraunce: Unto whom all christen princes are allied eyther by consanguinity, or ioyned by amity and frēdship, & whose vertue, how famous it is, I haue already declared. Why doe we then stay or doubte to chuse him? then whome Gabriell feareth no mā more. Let him therfore perish with the sword where withall he hath stricken. There is no man which can more pac [...]y the church then he. Do you require deuotion in a bishop? there is no man more deuout thē he. Do you require prudēce? Now ye vnderstād by his former life, what maner of man he is. If ye seek for iustice, his people are a witnes thereof: so yt whether you seeke for vertue or power, all are here present before you. Wherupon do ye stay? Go to I pray you: chuse this man. He will augment the fayth: he will reforme maners, and preserue the authority of the Church. Haue ye not heard these troubles of the church to haue bene afore spoken of, and that the time now present should be an end of al troubles? Haue ye not heard that about this time, there should a Pope be chosen, which should comfort Syō, and set all things in peace? And who I pray you should he be that could fulfill these thinges, except we chuse this man? Beleue me, these sayinges must be fulfilled, & I trust that God will moue your minds thereunto. Notwithstāding, do whatsoeuer ye shall think most good and holy.

When he had spoken these wordes, the greatest nūber of the electors semed to consent vnto him, and his wordes tooke such effect, that in the next Scrutiny, the matter was finished and ended, and when the Scrutiny was opened, it was found that Amedius,Amedeus Duke of Sauoy chosen Pope. the most deuout duke of Sauoy according to the decree of the Councell, was chosen Pope. Wherfore sodenly there was great ioy & gladnes amongst them, and all men highly commended theyr doings. Then the Cardinall Arelatensis, published vnto thē the name of the elect bishop. After this, al the prelats in their robes, pō tificalibus, and miters, and all the clergye of the city cōming vnto the conclaue, the electours being likewise adourned, they brought thē vnto ye great church, where as after great thankes geuen vnto God, and the electiō agayne declared vnto the people, a Hymne being song for ioy, the cōgregation was dissolued.

This Amedeus aforesayd, was a man of reuerent age, of comely stature,Pope Felix. 5. of graue and discreet behauiour: also before maried. Who thus being elect for Pope about Nouember, was called Felix the v. and was crowned in the city of Basill, in the month of Iuly. There were present at his coronation Lewes Duke of Sauoy: Philip Earle Gebenēs. Lewes Marques of Salutze: The Marques of Rotelen: Cōrade of Winsperghey,The numb [...] of people a [...] the coronation of P. Felix. The popes two sonnes seruing at the coronation. The valuation of the popes crown Chāberlain of the Empire: The Earle of Dierstein: The Ambassadours of the Cittyes of Strasbrough, Berne, Friburge, Solatorne, with a great multitude of other beside, to the vew of 50000. persons. At this coronatiou, the Popes two sonnes did serue and minister to theyr father. Lewes Cardinal of Hostia did set on his head, the pontificall Diademe, which was estemed at 30. thousand crownes. It were long here to recite ye whole order and solemnity of the procession, or the Popes ryding about the City. First proceeded the Pope vnder his Canaby of cloth of gold, hauing on his head a triple crown, and blessing the people as he went. By him wēt the Marques of Rotelen, and Conrade of Winsperge, leading his horse by the bridle.The Popes dinner and seruice. The procession finished, they went to dinner, which lasted foure full houres, being excessiuely sumptuous: where the Popes two sonnes were butlers to his cup. The Marques of Salutze was the stuard, &c.

Of this Foelix, Volat. lib. 3. thus writeth Uolaterane in his 3. booke, that he being desired of certayne of the Ambassadours, if he had any dogges or houndes to shew them:A note for our gentlemē, & lords, to learne how to hūt, and what dogges to keepe. he willed them the next day to repayre to him, and he woulde shew vnto them such as he had. When the Ambassadours, according to the appoyntment, were come, he sheweth vnto them, a great number of poore people and beggers sitting at his tables at meat, declaring, that those were hys hoūdes, which he euery day vsed to feede: hunting with them (he trusted) for the glory of heauen to come.

And thus you haue heard the state of this Councell hetherto, which Councell endured a long season, the space of 17. yeares.The death of Sigismūd the Emperour. Albertus 2. Emperour. Anno 1438. The death of Albertus 2.

About the 6. yeare of the Coūcell, Sigismund the Emperour dyed, leauing but one daughter to succeede hym in his kingdomes: whom he had maryed to Albert 2. Duke of Austricke, which first succeeded in the kingdome of Hū gary and Boheme, being a sore aduersary to the Bohemians: and afterward was made Emperour. an. 1438. and raigned Emperour but 2. yeares, leauing his wyfe, which was Sigismūd his daughter, great wt childe. After which Albert, succeeded his brother Frederick the third Duke of Austrich, in the Empire, &c. wherof more (Christ willing) hereafter.

[Page]In the meane time, Eugenius hearing of the death of Sigismund aboue recited, began to worke the dissolutiō of the Councel of Basill, and to transferre it to Ferraria, pretending the comming of the Grecians. Notwithstanding the Councel of Basill, through the disposition of God, and the worthines of Cardinall Arelatensis, constantly endured. Albeit in the said Councell were many stops and practises to empeach the same,The plague at Basill. in time of the councell. beside the sore plague of pestilence, which fell in the Citie, during the sayd Councell. In the which plague time, besides the death of many worthy men, Aeneas Syluius also himselfe, the writer & compiler of the whole history of that Councell sitting at the feete of the Bishops of Tournon,Aeneas Siluius, sick of the plague at Basil. and of Lubecke, lay sicke iij. dayes of the same sore, as is aboue touched, and neuer thought to escape. They that died, departed with this exhortation, desiring mē to pray to God, that he would conuert the harts of them that stooke to Eugenius as Pope, against that Councell, as partly is afore noted, and now repeated againe for the better marking.The cōstant zeale of Arelatensis to the truth. Arelatensis being most instantly exhorted by his frends to flie that danger, could by no meanes be intreated to auoide, fearing more the daunger of the Church, then of his owne life.

Beside these so great difficulties & obstacles to stay and hinder this Councell, strange it was to behold the mutation of mens minds. Of whom, such as first seemed to fauour ye Councell, after did impugne it: and such as before were against it, in the end shewed themselues most frends vnto the same. The chiefe Cardinals & prelates, the more they had to loose, the sooner they slipt away, or els lurked in houses or townes neare, and absented thēselues for feare: so that the stay of the Councell most rested vpō their Proctours, Doctours,Aeneas Sil. epist. 183. The welthy prelats slide away from the councel. Archdeacōs, Deanes, Prouostes, Priours, and such other of ye inferiour sort. Wherof Aeneas Syluius in his 183. Epistle, maketh this relation, where one Caspar Schlicke the Emperours Chauncelour writeth to the Cardinal Iulian in these words: Those Cardinals (saith he) which so long time magnified so highly the authoritie of the Church, and of generall Councels, seeming, as though they were ready to spend their liues for ye same, now at the sight of one letter from their king (wherin yet no death was threatned, but onely losse of their promotions) slipt away frō Basil.Welthie prelates afrayde of truth. [...]ide quam plebe, carere malunt. Promotions choke the clergie. And in ye same Epistle deridingly commendeth thē, as wise men, that had rather lose their faith, then their flocke. Albeit (saith he) they departed not farre away, but remained about Solotorne, waiting for other commandements from their Prince. Wherby it may appeare, how they did shrinke away not willingly, but the Burse (quoth he) bindeth faster, then true honour.

Quid enim saluis infamia nummis? That is to say: what matter maketh the name of a man, so his money be safe? Haec Aeneas.

Moreouer in one of the Sessions of the said Councell, the worthy Cardinall Arelatensis is sayde thus to haue reported, that Christ was sold for xxx. pence: but I (saide he) was solde much more deare. For Gabriell, otherwise called Eugenius, Pope, offered 60. thousand crownes, who so would take me,60. thousand crownes offred by pope [...]ugenius, for the betraying of Arelatensis. & present me vnto him. And they that tooke the said Cardinall, afterward excused their fact by another coulour, pretending the cause, for that the Cardinals brother, what time the Armiakes wasted Alsatia, had wrought great dammage to the inhabitants there, and therfore they thought (said they) that they might lawfully lay handes vpon a Frenchman, wheresoeuer they might take him. At length by the Bishop of Strasbrough, Rupert,Arelatensis taken and rescued. Gods defēce toward hys seruantes. Ex paraelip. Abb. Vrsper. and the said City, the matter was taken vp, and he rescued. Wherein, no doubt, appeared the hand of God, in defending his life from the pestilent danger of the Pope his aduersary. Ex Paralip. Abbat. Vrsper.

And thus farre hauing proceeded in the matters of this foresayd Councell, vntill the election of Amadeus, called Pope Foelix v. before we prosecute the rest, that remaineth thereof to be spoken, the order and course of times requireth to intermixt withall the residue pertaining to the matters concluded betweene this Councell, and the Bohemians, declaring the whole circumstances of the Ambassade, their Articles, disputations, and answeres, which they had first in the said Councel, then in their own countrey with the Councels Ambassadours: also with theyr petitions and answeres vnto the same.

The story of the Bohemians prosecut [...]d.Touching the story of the Bohemians, how they being sent for, came vp to the Councell of Basill, & how they appeared, and what was there concluded and agreed, partly before hath bin expressed, pag. 675. Now, as leisure serueth frō other matters, to returne againe vnto the same, it remaineth to prosecute the rest that lacketh, so farre as both breuitie may be obserued, and yet the reader not defrauded of such things, principally worthy in the same to be noted and knowne.

The Bohemians then (as is before declared) hauing alwaies the vpper hād, albeit they were accused by ye new Bishop Eugenius, yet it was thought good that they should be called vnto Basill, where as the Councell was appointed. Wherupon Cardinall Iulian sent thether before, Iohn Pullumair Doctour of ye law, & Iohn de Ragulio, a Diuine. Who cōming vnto Basill in the moneth of August, anno. 1431. called by their letters vnto ye Councell, Iohn, Abbot of Mulbrun, and Iohn Belhusius, Monke of the same cloister: which men for the dexteritie of their wit, and experience and knowledge of countreis, were very meete and necessary for Ambassades.

Within a few daies after, Iulianus also came thether, as he had promised, and immediatly sent out Iohn Belhusius, and Hammon Offenbourg, a Senatour of Basill, first vnto the Emperour Sigismund being at Felokirch, and afterward vnto Friderike Duke of Austrich, for the appealing of the wars betweene him & Phillip, Duke of Burgony. This done, to the intent that peace being had, not onely the Ecclesiasticall Prelates, but also the Marchants might haue safe accesse vnto Basill, and so bring in all things necessary for sustentation.

They going on this Ambassade,The Bohemians inuited to come to the councell. receiued letters from the Sinode to be deliuered vnto ye Emperour Sigismūd, whereby the Bohemians and Morauians, were called vnto the Councell. These letters he by and by, caused to be carried vnto Boheme. But for so much as he hymselfe went into Italy, to receiue the Imperiall Crowne of the Bishop, he left William Duke of Bauaria, as his Deputy, to be protectour vnto yt Councell. Furthermore, when as ye Synode vnderstood that our men would take a peace with the Bohemians, after their most shamefull flighte, they sent Iohn Niderius a Diuine, & Iohn Belhusius, to comfort the people which ioined vpon Boheme, and earnestly to moue the Morauians & Bohemians, which were before called, to come vnto the Councell.

They departing from Basill about the end of October, tooke their iourney toward Monacum, a towne of Bauaria: Where, after they had saluted Williā Duke of Bauaria and his brother Ernestus, and Albert the sonne of Ernestus, and had declared ye Cōmission of their Ambassade, and had shewed vnto Duke Williā, how that as soone as he should come vnto Basill, the protection of the Councel should be committed vnto him by the Emperour: they exhorted Fridericke, Marques of Brandenberg, and Iohn Duke of Bauaria, the Senate of Noremberg, and other Princes and Lords, partly by letters from ye Councell, and partly by wordes of mouth, that they should by no meanes, take any truce with the Bohemians, for that it might be hurtfull vnto the Church, and said they should haue ayd out of hand. They desired them also in the name of the Councell, that if the Bohemians would sende their Ambassadours vnto Basill, they would guide them, euery man through his countrey in safety: which they promised to do. It is incredible how all men reioiced, that the Bohemians was sent for.

After this, when as they counselled with the Senate of Noremberg, touching the sending of the Councels letters vnto Boheme, it seemed best, first of al to inquire of ye rulers of Egra, whether ye Bohemiās had made any answer to the former letters of ye coūcell which they had sent. The rulers of Egra being aduertised by these letters, sent him, which caried ye Councels letters into Boheme, vnto Noremberg. He reported how reuerētly the Councel of ye greater city of Prage receiued y• letters, and how he was rewarded.

Wherupon they conceiued great hope of the good successe of the Ambassade. Therefore the Ambassadours vsing the Councel of ye Senate of Noremberg,The Bohemians laboure [...] to come to the Councell. and diuers others, sent the messenger backe agayne vnto Egra, wyth theyr owne priuate letters, and with letters of the Councell: for there was no better meane to send the letters vnto Boheme. Much trauaile was taken by them of Egra, Friderike Marques of Brandenberg, and Iohn Duke of Bauaria, in this matter, for that they were very desirous that peace might be had amongst all Christians. The copy of those letters, whereby the Synode did call the Bohemians vnto the Councell, and other letters exhortatorie of the Ambassadours, and the Bohemians answere vnto the same: for breuities cause we haue heere pretermitted. The Bohemians not in all points trusting vnto the Ambassadours, required by their letters, that the Councels Ambassadours with the other Princes, would come vnto Egra, whereas their Ambassadours shoulde also be present, to intreate vpon the safe conduict and other matters.

The day was appointed for the meeting, the Sonday [Page] after Easter, which was ye xxvij. day of Aprill. Then came the Ambassadours of the Councell vnto Egra,The Ambassadours of the Bohemians, and of the councell meete together at Egra. with ye noble Princes, Friderike Marques of Brandenberg, and Iohn Duke of Bauaria, with other nobles, almost to the number of 252. horsse. But none of the Bohemians were present, because the inhabitants of Pilsana, and the Lord Swambergius had not sent their safe conduict. When they vnderstood this by their letters, they brought to passe that the Ambassadours of the Bohemiās, Nicolaus Hunpeltzius, secretary of the greater Citie of Prage, and Mathew Clumpezane, President of Piesta, should be brought forth by them of Egra, and the Elenbogenses, and so they came vnto Egra with xix. horse, the viij. day of May. The next day after, Henry Tocgye, receaued ye Bohemian Ambassadours before ye Marques, with an eloquent Oration, taking this part of the Gospell for his Theame, Pax vobis. i. Peace be with you. Then they propounded what great iniuries they had hetherto receiued at their hands, which was the cause of so many great slaughters on either partie, and that they were glad that yet now at the length there was some hope that they should be heard.

After this, they conferred as touching the safeconduict. The Bohemiās required pledges,The Bohemians require pledges. and that not of ye common sort, but Princes & nobles. Which thing, for so much as it did not content the Ambassadours, and that the matter should so be put of, the common people of Egra began to cry out that it was long of the Ecclesiasticall Princes, that a concord was not made with ye Bohemians. Then Friderike Marques of Brandēberge,Princes bound to the Bohemians. and Iohn Duke of Bauaria, bound themselues of their owne good will. The like also did William Duke of Bauaria, at the request of the Councell. Likewise also did the Councel and the Emperour Sigismūd. Furthermore promise was made, that all the Princes and Cities, shoulde do the like, thorough whose dominion they should come,The Bohemians require the Emperour to be [...]sent at the [...]cell. and the Citie of Basill also. The copie of which safeconduict was afterward sent vnto Prage. This also was required by the Bohemians, that if it were possible, the Emperour should be present at the Councell.

This conuention at Egra continued xxj. daies. But the Bohemiās, albeit they heard the Coūcels Ambassadours make great promises, yet did they not fully giue credit vnto them. Whereupon they chose out two Ambassadours, Nicholas Humgolizius,The Bohemians send two ambassadours to the councel. & Iohn Zaczenses, which should go to Basill, & diligently enquire out all thinges. These men, Conrade Bishop of Ratisbone, and Conrade Seglauer Deane of Esteine, brought vnto Cattelspurg, where as the Marques dwelt, being sente out by the Synode a little before, to enquire whether the Bohemian Ambassadours woulde come or not. When they were come vnto Biberacke, one being ouercurious, enquired of one of the Bohemian Ambassadours, of what Countrey he was. He aunswered that he was a Zaczen. There (said he) are most execrable heretickes and noughty men, &c. Who for that slaunderous word, as a breaker of ye truce, was straightway carried to prison, and there shoulde haue suffered more punishment, if the Bohemian Ambassadours, and the Abbot of Ebera, had not intreated for him. When they came vnto Basill,Good iustice vpon a slaunderous rayler. The gentlenes of the Bohemians Ambassadours. The Bmbassadours of the Bohemians turn home. they were honourably receiued wyth wine and fish. They tarried there fiue daies and a halfe. The tenth day of October, they came vnto the Synode, which was assembled at the Friers Augustines.

These Ambassadours, when as they were returned home with the Chartour of ye Synode, and declared those things which they had seene, and that the matter was earnestly handled without fraud or disceipt: there were Ambassadours chosen to be sent vnto the Councell, both for the kingdome of Boheme, and the Marquesdome of Morauia, which comming vnto Tusca, were brought from thence,The Bohemians [...] vp to the councell other solemne Ambassadours. with xxxij. horse, & diuers noble men, vnto Chambia. From thēce they came to Swenkendorph, and so vnto Noremberg, where as beside their entertainement of wine & fish, xxij. horsemen accompanied thē vnto Ulmes: from thence, they of Ulmes brought thē vnto Biberacke, and Sulgotia: there Iames Tunches a Knight receiuing them, brought them to Stockacum, and from thence the hands of the Duke of Bauaria brought thē vnto Schafhuse. There they taking ship the fourth day of Ianuary, came vnto Basill the ix. day of the same moneth. What were the names of these Ambassadours of the Bohemians, which were brought vp with 300. horse, and how they were receiued at Basill, mention is made before, pag. 675. When as they came vnto the Synode, Cardinall Iulian made an Oration, that whatsoeuer was in any place in doubt, the same ought to be determined by the authority of the Councell, for somuch as all men are bounde to submit themselues to the iudgement of ye holy Church, which the Generall Councell doth represent. Which Oration was not allowed of all the Bohemians.

Then Rochezanus made an Oration, requiring to haue a day appointed whē they should be heard,The oration of the Cardinall Iulian to the Bohemians. Vide supra. pag. 675. The first article of the Bohemians, by the first Ambass. The second article of the Bohe. by the secōd Ambass. The third article of the Bohe. by the third Ambassadour. The fourth article of the Bohe by the 4. Ambass. The oration of the Abbot of Sistertia offē siue to the Bohemians. Iohn Ragusinus replyeth against the first article. which was appointed the xvj. day of the same moneth. Upō which day, Iohn Rochezanus hauing made his preface, begā to propound ye first Article touching the Communion to be ministred vnder both kindes, and disputed vpon the same by the space of three daies alwaies before noone. Then Uenceslaus the Thaborite disputed vpō the second article, touching the correctiō and punishing of sin, by the space of ij. daies. After whome Uldaricus priest of ye Orphanes propounded & disputed vpon the third Article by ye space of ij. dayes, touching the free preaching of the worde of God.

Last of all, Peter Paine, an English man, disputed iij daies vpō ye fourth article touching y• ciuill dominion of ye Clergy, and afterward gaue copies of their disputations in writing vnto ye Councell, with hartie thanks that they were heard. The three last did somewhat inuey against the Councell, Commending Iohn Hus & Iohn Wickliffe for their doctrine. Whereupon Iohn de Ragusio a Diuine, rising vp, desired that he might haue leaue to aunswere in his owne name, to the first article of the Bohemians. The Councell consented thereunto: so that by the space of viij. daies in the fore noone, he disputed therupō. But before he began to answer, Iohn the abbot of Sistertia made an oration vnto ye Bohemians, that they should submit themselues to the determination of the holy church, which this councell doth represent. This matter did not a little offend the Bohemians, Iohn Ragusinus a diuine, after Scholers fashion: in his answere spake often of heresies and of heretickes. Procopius could not suffer it, but rising vp with an angry stomacke complained openly to the councel of this iniury. This our countreymā (saith he) doth vs great iniury, calling vs oftētimes heretickes. Whereunto Ragusinus answered: for somuch as I am your coūtrymā both by toung and nation, I do the more desire to reduce you againe vnto ye Church.The Bohemians displeased with Ragusinus. He was a Dalmatian borne, and it appeareth that ye Dalmatians going into Boheme, tooke their name by their coūtrey which they possessed. It came almost to this point, that through this offence, ye Bohemians woulde depart from Basill, and could scarsly be appeased. Certaine of the Bohemians would not heare Ragusinus finish his disputation.

After him,Egidius Carlerius answereth against the second Article. Henr. Coldyron answereth to the 3. article Iohn Pollomarius answereth to the 4. article. a famous Diuine, one Egidius Carlerius, Deane of ye Church of Cambrey, answered vnto the second article, by the space of iiij. dayes. To the third article answered one Henricus, surnamed Frigidum ferrū iij. daies together. Last of all, one Iohannes Polomarius, maister of the requests of the pallace, aunswered vnto the fourth article likewise by the space of three daies, so that the long time which they vsed in disputations, seemed tedious vnto ye Bohemians. Notwithstanding this answere, the Bohemians still defended their articles, & specially the first, insomuch as I. Rochezanus did strōgly impugne Ragusinus answer by the space of vi. daies. But forsomuch as one disputation bred another, and it was not perceiued how that by this meanes any concord could be made: the prince William Duke of Bauaria, Protector of the Councell, attempted another remedie, that all disputations being set apart, the matter should be friendly debated.

There were certain appointed on either part to intreate vpō the concord:Certayne chosen on both sides to determine the matter. who comming together the eleuenth day of March, those which were appointed for the Councell, were demanded to say their mindes. It seemeth good, said they, if these men would be vnited vnto vs, & be made one body with vs, that this body might then accord, declare and determine all maner of diuersities of opinions and sects, what is to be beleeued or done in them.

The Bohemians, when they had a while paused, sayd: this way seemed not apt inough, except first of all, the four articles were exactly discussed, so that either we should agree with them, or they with vs, for otherwise it woulde be but a friuolous matter, if they now being vnited againe, disagree in the deciding of the articles. Here aunswere was made to the Bohemians, that if they were rightly vnited, and the ayde of the holy Ghost called for, they should not erre in the deciding of the matter, for somuch as euery Christian ought to beleeue that determination: which if they woulde do, it would breede a most firme & strong concord and amity on either part. But this answer satisfied them not, in so much the other three rose vp, and disputed against the answers which were geuen. At that time Cardinall Iulian President of the Councell, made this oration vnto the Bohemian Ambassadours.

This sacred Synode, sayth he, hath now by the space of ten daies, patiently heard ye propositions of your foure [Page] articles,The oration of Cardinal [...]. and afterward he annexed: you haue propounded saith he, four articles, but we vnderstand that beside these foure, you haue many other strange doctrines, wherein ye dissent from vs. Wherefore it is necessary, if that a perfect vnity and fraternity shall follow betweene vs, that al these things be declared in the councell, to the end that by the grace of the holy Ghost, which is the author of peace and truth, due prouision may be made therein. For wee haue not gathered these things of light coniectures, but haue heard them of credible persons, and partly heere are some present, which haue seene them with their owne eies in Boheme, and partly we do gather it by our owne report: for maister Nicholas, which was the second that did propound,Nicolas the 2. propounder, charged by the Cardinall, for the commē cing of Ioh. Wickliffe. amongst other things alledged, that Iohn Wickliffe was an Euangelicall Doctor. If ye beleeue him to be a true Doctor, it followeth that you must repute his works as authentike: If ye do not so thinke, it is reason that it should be opened vnto vs.

Wherefore we desire you, that you will certifie vs vpon these and certaine other pointes, what you do beleue, or what credite you do giue vnto them. But we do not require that you should now declare your reasons, but it shall satisfie vs, if you will answere vnto euery article by this word. Credimus aut non credimus: that is, we beleeue or beleeue not. Which if you will do (as we trust you will) then we shall manifestly perceiue that you desire that wee should conceiue a good estimation of you. If there be any thing, whereof you would be certified by vs, aske it boldly, and we will giue you an answere out of hand: For we are ready according to the doctrine of S. Peter, to render accompt vnto euery man which shall require it,A prudent answere of the Bohemians to the Cardinall Iulian. touching the faith which we hold. Heereunto the Bohemian Ambassadours aunswered in few words, that they came only to propound those four articles, not in their owne name, but in the name of the whole kingdome of Boheme, and speake no more. Wherupon, William the noble protectour of the councell, calling vnto him four men on either part, intreated touching the pacifieng of the matter,The Ambassadours of the Bohemians return without agreement. by whose aduice, the Coūcell decreed to send a famous Ambassade, with ye Bohemian Ambassadors vnto Prage, wheras the people should assemble vpō Sonday. But they would not receiue these conditions of peace, which were offred, but made hast to depart. Whereupon, the foureteene day of Aprill, there was ten chosen out of the councell, to go with the Bohemian Ambassadours vnto Prage.

It were to long here to declare what honour was done vnto these Ambassadours, all the way in theyr iourney, and specially when they came vnto Boheme by the Citizens of Prage, when as a great number of Bohemians were assembled at Prage at the day appointed, both of the Cleargy, Nobility and common people.

After the comming of those Ambassadours, much contention begā to rise betwene the parties.The cōming of the Legates to Prage. Ioh. Rochezanus speaketh. First begā Ioh. Rochezanus: who speaking in the publike person of the commutaltie, laboured to commend and prefer the iiij. verities of the Bohemians before propounded: charging also the Prelates and Priests for their slandrous obtrectatious, and vndeserued contumelies, wherwith they did infame ye noble kingdome of Boheme, complaining also that they would not receiue those christian verities, left & allowed by their king Wenceslaus, now departed. Wherefore he required thē in the behalfe of ye whole nation,Ex Cochleo, hist. lib. 7. that they would leaue off hereafter to oppresse thē in such sort, that they would restore to thē againe their Iosephes vesture, that is, the ornament of their good fame and name, whereof their brethren, their enimies had spoyled them, &c.

To this Polomar maketh aunswere againe, wyth a long and curious oration,Polomas answereth to the Bohemians. exhorting them to peace and vnitie of the Church, which if they woulde embrace, all other obstacles and impediments (said he) shoulde be soone remoued, promising also that this their vesture of honor and fame, should be amply restored again: and afterward, if there were any doubtfull matters, they might & shoulde be the better discussed.

But all this pleased not the Bohemians, vnlesse they might first haue a declaration of their four articles,The Bohemians reply againe to Polomar. which if they might obteine, they promised then to embrace peace and concord, Which peace (said they) began first to be broken by themselues, in that the Councell of Constance by their vniust condemnation, burned Iohn Hus, and Hierome of Prage, and also by their cruel Buls and censures, raised vp first excommunication, then warre against the whole kingdome of Boheme.

Heereunto Polomar reclaiming againe, began to aduance and magnifie the honor and dignity of general coū cels. To conclude, as much as the sayde Polomar did extoll ye authoritie of the Councels, so much did the answere of the Bohemians extenuate the same: saying that the latter Councels whiche are not expressed in the law of God, haue erred,Polomar extolleth the Councelles. & might erre, not onely in faith, but also in maners. For that which hath chaunced to the greene wood, may also chaūce vnto the dry. But of other, the most strōg pillers of the militant Churche,Generall councelles may erre and haue erred. the Apostles I meane: seeme all to haue erred, and the Catholicke faith to haue remained three dayes sound & incorrupt onely in the virgin Mary. No Christian man therefore ought to be compelled to stād to the determination of the Pope or the Coū cell, except it be in that, whiche is plainely expressed in the law of God. For it is euident, that all the generall Councels whiche haue bene of long tyme, haue reformed very few thinges as touching the faith, peace, and maners of the Churche: but haue alwayes both in their life and decrees, notoriously swarued, and haue not established themselues vpon the foundatiō, which is Christ. Wherfore the sayd Bohemians protested that they would not simply & plainly (God being their good Lord) yeld themselues to their doctrine, nor to such rash and hasty decrees: least thorough that their hasty and vncircumspect submission, they should binde their faith and life, cōtrary to the wholesome and sound doctrine of our Lord Christ Iesus. In summe, in no case they would enter into any agreement of peace, except their foure Articles, which they counted for Euangelicall verities, were first accepted and approued. Which being obtained (sayd they) if they would condescend with them in the veritie of the Gospell, so would they ioyne together, & be made one with them in the Lord.Ex Cochleo hist. lib. 7. &c. Ex Cochleo Hist. Lib. 7.

Whē the Ambassadours saw the matter would not otherwise be brought to passe,The Ambassadours of the councel and the Bohemians, could not agree. A declaration of 3. articles promised to the Bohemians by the Councell. they required to haue those Articles deliuered vnto them in a certaine forme, whiche they sent vnto the Councell by three Bohemian Ambassadours.

Afterward the Councell sent a declaration into Boheme, to be published vnto the people, in the commō assemblies of the kingdome, by the Ambassadours, which were commaunded to report vnto the Bohemians, in the name of the Councell, that if they would receiue the declaration of those three Articles, and the vnitie of the Church, there should be a meane founde whereby the matter touching the fourth Article, of the Communiō vnder both kindes, should be passed with peace and quietnesse.

They propounded in Prage, in an open assembly of the Nobles and commons, the declarations of the three Articles in forme folowing.

For somuch as touching the doctrine of the veritie,A declaration of the Councell to the Bohemians, concernyng the first 3. articles. we ought so to proceede soberly & warely, that the truth may be declared, with wordes being so orderly conceiued & vttered, that there be no offence geuē to any mā, whereby he should fall or take occasion of errour, & (to vse the wordes of Isidore) that nothing by obscuritie bee left doubtfull: whereas you haue propounded touching the inhibition & correction of sinnes,The 2. proposition propounded by the Bohemians, with the declaration from the Councell. in these wordes: all mortall sinnes, & specially open offences, ought to be rooted out, punished, & inhibited, by them whose dutie it is so to do, reasonably & according to the law of God: here is to be marked and vnderstand, that this word (whose duty it is) is too generall, and may be an offence: & according to the meaning of the Scripture, we ought not to lay any stombling stocke before the blinde, and the diches are to be closed vp, that our neighbours Oxe do not fall therein: all occasion of offence is to be takē away.Punishing of publicke offences how and by whom. Note here the popes addition. Therfore we say that according to the meaning of the holy Scripture, and the doctrine of the holy Doctours, it is thus vniuersally to be holden: that all mortall sinnes, specially publicke offences, are to be rooted out, corrected and inhibited, as reasonably as may be, according to the law of God, & the institutiōs of the fathers. The power to punish these offenders, doth not pertaine vnto any priuate person, but onely vnto them which haue iurisdiction of the law ouer them, the distinction of law & iustice, being orderly obserued.

As touching the preaching of the word of God, which Article you haue alledged in this forme,The 3. article of the Bohemians with the declaration from the councell. that the word of God should be freely and faithfully preached by the fit and apt ministers of the Lord: least by this word (freely) occasion may be taken of disordred libertie, which (as you haue often said ye do not meane) the circumstaunce therof is to be vnderstand and we say, that (according to the meaning of the holy Scripture, and doctrine of the holy Fathers) it is thus vniuersally to be beleued:Liberty of preaching, how farre and to whom at extendeth. that the word of God ought freely, but not euery where, but faithfully & orderly, to be preached by the Priests and Leuites of the Lord, beyng allowed and sent by their superiours, vnto whom that office apperteineth, the authoritie of the Byshop alwayes reserued, who is the prouider of all thynges accordyng [Page] to the institution of the holy fathers.

The 4. article of the Bohemians with the declaration from the Councell.As concerning the last Article expressed vnder these words: it is not lawfull for the Christian Cleargy, in the time of ye law of grace, to haue dominion ouer temporall goods: we remēber that in the solemne disputation holden in ye sacred Councell, he which was appointed by yt Coū cell to dispute, propounded two conclusions in this sorte.

First, that such of the Cleargy as were not religious, and had not bound thēselues thereunto by a vow,Temporal possessions in the clergie mens handes. might lawfully haue and possesse any temporall goods, as the inheritance of his father or any other, if it be left vnto him, or any other goodes iustly gotten by meanes of any gift or other lawfull contract, or else some lawfull arte.

The papists stād hard for their temporal Lordships.The second conclusion: The church may lawfully haue and possesse temporall goods, moueable and vnmoueable, houses, landes, townes, and villages, castles and Cities, and in thē haue a priuate and ciuill dominion. Your Ambassadour which disputed against him, graunted those cō clusions, saieng that they did not impugne the sence of his Article, being well vnderstand, for somuch as he vnderstandeth his Article, of ciuill dominion formally meant. Whereby, and also by other things, it may be vnderstand, that those wordes, to haue secular dominion expressed in the foresaid Article, seemeth to be referred to some speciall maner or kind of dominiō. But for somuch as the doctrine of the Church is not to be intreated vpon by any ambiguous or doubtfull words, but fully and plainely: therefore we haue thought good more plainly to expresse that, which according to the law of God, and the doctrine of the holy Doctours, is vniuersally to be beleeued: that is to say, the two aforesayde conclusions to be true. And also, that the Cleargy ought faithfully to distribute the goodes of the Church, whose administratours they are, according to the decrees of the holy fathers: and that the vsurpation of the administration of the Church goodes, done by any other then by them, vnto whome the administration is Canonically committed, can not be without gilt of sacrilege.

Thus the sacred Councell (sayd they) hath diligently gone about according to the verity of the Gospell, all ambiguitie set apart, to expounde the true sence of the three foresayd Articles. Wherefore, if there do yet remaine any doubt: according to the information which we haue receiued in the sacred Councell, we are ready by Gods helpe (who is the principall veritie) to declare the truth vnto you: If ye do receiue and embrace the declaration of the sayd three Articles, which is grounded vpon the veritie of the holy Scripture, as you are bound, and will effectually haue a pure, simple, and perfect vnitie, touching the libertie of the communion vnder both kindes, which you desire and require, which also you can not lawfully haue, without the licence of holy Church: we haue authoritie from the generall Councell, by certaine meanes, to intreate and conclude with you, trusting that you will shew your selues as you will continue.

These things thus declared, after the Bohemians had taken deliberation,The Bohemians take a deliberatiō of the fourth article. they said that they would giue no answere vnto the premisses, before they vnderstoode what should be offered them as touching the Communion. Wherefore, it shall be necessary to declare the matter, as it was written in forme following.

In the name of God and our sauiour Iesus Christ, vpon the Sacrament of whose most blessed last supper we shall intreate,A declaration of the councel touching the fourth article of the communion. that he which hath instituted this most blessed Sacrament of vnitie & peace, will vouchsafe to worke this effect in vs, to make vs that we may be one in the saide Lord Iesu our head, and that he will subuert all the subtilties of the deuill, which through his enuious craftines, hath made the Sacrament of peace and vnitie, an occasion of warre and discorde, that whilest Christians do contend touching the maner of communicating, they bee not depriued of the fruite of the communion. Whereupon S. Augustin in his Sermon vpon infants, in the decrees De cons. distinct. 2. Quia passus, saith thus: So the Lord Iesu Christ certified vs and willed,Consecrat. dist. 2 quia pissus. that we shoulde appertaine vnto him, and consecrated the mistery of our peace and vnitie vpon the table. He that receiueth the mistery of vnity, and doth not keepe the bond of peace, doth not receiue a mistery for himselfe, but a testimonie against himselfe. This we thought good aboue all things to be premised, that the generall custome of the Church, which your fathers and you also in times past haue obserued, hath a long time had and still vseth, that they which do not consecrate, communicate only vnder the kind of bread. Which custome beeing lawfully brought in by the Churche and holy fathers,This is to set vp the church aboue the scripture. and now a long time obserued, it is not lawfull to reiect, or to change at your will and pleasure, without the authority of the Church. Therefore to change the custome of the Churche, and to take in hand to communicate vnto the people vnder both kindes, without the authority of holy Church, is altogether vnlawfull. For holy Church vpon reasonable occasions, may graunt libertie to communicate vnto the people vnder both kindes. And euery communion which, beeing attempted without the authority and licence of the Church, should be vnlawfull when it is done with the authority of holy Church, shall be lawfull, if other things let it not: because (as the Apostle saith) he that eateth and drinketh vnworthely, eateth and drinketh his owne damnation.

Whereupon Sainct Isidore in the second distinct. vpon the consecration,The holie communion requireth amendment of lyfe. writeth thus: They which liue wickedly and cease not dayly to communicate in the Church, thinking thereby to be cleansed, let them learne that it doth nothing at all profite them to the cleansing of their sins. And S. Augustine in the same distinctiō saith, holy things may hurt the euil, for vnto the good they are saluation, but vnto the euill damnation. There are besides this, many other authorities.Holy things nothing profit the wicked. The Apostle Iudas was amongst thē which did first communicate, but for somuch as he receiued vnworthely, hauing that sinne of treason in his hart, it did profit him nothing, but the deuill by and by exercised more the power and authority ouer him. This is declared by a great reason:The reuerēt receiuing of the sacraments. which of you is it, that if you shoulde receiue your Lorde into your house, woulde not with all diligence and care, study to make cleane and adorne his house, that he may receiue the Lord honestly? much more he that shall receiue his Lorde and Sauiour into the house of his soule, ought diligently to make cleane and decke his soule, to cleanse it by the Sacrament of penance, with sorrow and contrition of hart, humbly, purely, and truely confessing his sinnes, and receiuing due satisfaction and penance, to adorne and decke the same with the purple or rich aray of deuotion, that the hart being so purged and adorned with feruent desire, he may come to that most holy Sacrament, whereby God reconcileth all the world vnto him.

Wherfore, the most sacred Synode admonisheth, exhorteth, and commandeth, that all Priests shoulde diligently exhort & admonish the people, and that they should vse all their care & indeuor, that no man come to that most blessed sacramēt, except he be duely prepared with great reuerence & deuotion, least that which is receiued for the saluation of the soule, redounde to the condemnation, through the vnworthy receiuing thereof.

Moreouer, Doctours do say, that the custome of communicating vnto the people, only vnder ye kinde of bread, was reasonably introduced by ye Church & holy fathers, for reasonable causes, specially for ye auoiding of ij. perils: of errour and vnreuerēce. Of errour, as to think yt the one part of Christes body were in ye bread,Receiuing vnder one kinde, for auoiding two perils. Error grounded vpon errour. & the other parte in the cup, which were a great errour. Of vnreuerence, for so much as many things may happen, as wel on the part of ye minister, as on the part of the receiuer: As it is said that it happened whē as a certaine Priest, carieng the Sacrament of the cup vnto a sicke man, whē he should haue ministred, he found nothing in the cup, beeing all spilt by the way, with many other such like chaunces. We haue heard moreouer that it hath often hapned, that the Sacrament consecrate in the cup, hath not bin sufficiēt for the number of communicants,Causes why to minister vnder one kinde. whereby a new consecration must bee made, which is not agreeable to the doctrine of the holy fathers, and also yt oftentimes they do minister wine vncōsecrate for consecrate wine, which is a great perill. By this meanes then it shall be brought to passe, that if you will effectually receiue the vnity & peace of the Church, in all other things besides the vse of the Communion vnder both kindes, cōforming your selues to the faith & order of the vniuersall Church, you yt haue that vse and custome, shall cōmunicate stil by the authority of the Church vnder both kindes,Receiuing in both kindes permitted to the Bohemians. and this Article shall be discussed fully in the sacred Councell, where you shall see what, as touchyng this Article, is to be holden as an vniuersall veritie, and is to be done for the profite and saluation of the Christian people, & all things being thus throughly handled, then if you perseuere in your desire, & that your Ambassadors do require it, the sacred Councell will grant licence in the Lorde,The condition annexed. vnto your ministers, to cōmunicate vnto ye people vnder both kindes: that is to say, to such as be of lawfull yeares & discretiō, and shall reuerently & deuoutly require the same, this alwaies obserued, that the ministers shall say vnto those which shall communicate, that they ought firmely to beleeue not the flesh only to be conteined vnder the forme of bread, and the bloud only vnder the wine, but vnder each kinde to be whole and perfect Christ.

Thus hetherto we haue declared the decree of ye Councell. [Page] As touching the other doubts & questiōs which were afterward moued by the maisters & Prelates of Boheme,Doubtes or questions of the Bohemians. Aunswere. Permission of both kindes granted to the Bohemians, not of sufferance, but by full authoritie. the Ambassadours of the Councell answered thus.

First they sayd, that it was not the meaning of the sacred Councell, to suffer ye Communion vnder both kindes by toleration, or as the libell of diuorsemēt was permitted to the Iewes: for so much as the Councell intending euen to open the bowels of motherly charity and pity, vnto the Bohemians and Morauians, doth not meane to suffer it with such kinde of sufferance, which shoulde not exclude sinne, but so to grant it, that by the authoritie of our Lord Iesus Christ, and of his true spouse the Church, it may be lawfull, profitable & healthfull vnto those which worthely receiue the same.Punishing of offences considered. Also, as touching that which was spoken by the said Bohemians of the punishing of offences, that it is in Scriptures, how that God oftētimes stirreth vp the harts of priuate persons, to the correction & punishing of sinnes, and so it should seeme lawfull vnto the inferiours to correct and punish their superiours: they answered, alledging the text of S. Augustin in the xxiij. decree: He that striketh wicked men in that they are wicked, & hath cause of death against them,How and by whom offē ders ought to be punished. is the minister of God: but he which without any publike administratiō or office murdereth or maimeth any wicked theefe, sacrilegious, adulterous or periured person, or any other offender, shall be iudged as an homicide, and so much ye more sharply, in that he feared not to abuse & vsurpe the power not graunted him of God: and truly, this City woulde take it much more greuously, if any priuate man should attempt to punish an offēder, & set vp a gallowes in ye streate, and there hang him, then if one man should kill another in brawle or quarell. They alledged also other textes of S. Ambrose & S. Hierome agreeable to y• same. They said that no mā doubteth yt the law of God is duly & holily appointed,To doe that God commaundeth is obedience, and no sin, though it be extraordinary. The Israelites dyd steale from the Egyptians without sinne. Sampson killed himselfe without sinne. and therein is simply writtē, thou shalt not steale. And notwt standing by the commandement of God the childrē of Israell caried away the goods of the Egyptians, which they had borowed of thē. Also in ye same law it is plainely writtē, thou shalt do no murther. Wherupon S. Austen in his first booke De Ciuitate Dei, proueth that it is not lawful for any mā to kill himselfe: and whē as he maketh example of Sampson, he answereth with these words: when as God commandeth & doth affirme himselfe to command wythout any doubt, who is he that will call obedience sinne? or who will accuse the obedience to God?

Here in this proposition, you haue the words of S. Austen for an answer. But let euery man well foresee, if God do commaund, or that he do intimate the commandemēt without any circumstances, and let him proue the spirites whether they be of God. But in suche cases there are no lawes to be geuen,Of extraordinary commaundementes, no generall lawes to be made. neither are they much to be talked of, for therby there should easely occasiō rise to make seditiō, & for ye inferiours to rise against the superiours. For whē any man had stollen any thing, or killed any mā: he would say that he was moued thereunto by the spirite of God: but without manifest proofe therof, he should be punished.

Obiection. Aunswere. How the laitie hath power ouer the clergie, and wherin. The Pope wil be iudged by his own law. Obiection.Againe they sayd that there were certaine cases wherein the Laity had power ouer the Clergy. It was answered, that there were certaine cases in the law, wherein the Laity hath power ouer the Cleargy, and oftentimes ouer Cardinals. For if the Pope being dead, the Cardinals would not enter yt Cōclaue to elect a new Pope, the king, prince, or other Lord or secular power may compel them: but in these cases he is now no priuate person, but vseth his iurisdiction by the authority of the law. The like is to be vnderstand of all other cases expressed in the law.

They said further, that no common law hath any right or iustice, except Gods law do allow the same.

Aunswere.It was answered that no common law hath right or iustice, if it be against the law of God, for because ye law of God is the rule of all other lawes. But there is great cū ning and knowledge in applieng the rule to that which is made by the rule, for oftentimes, it seemeth that there is diuersitie in the thing made by the rule, when there is none in deede: but the default is in the applieng, because the rule is not duely applied to the thing made by it.

Obiection.As touching the Article of preaching the word of God, it was moued that oftentimes some Prelates, thorough their owne enuie and malice, without any reasonable cause, do inhibite a good and meete Preacher that preacheth Catholickely and well.

Aunswere. Abuse of prelates in inhibiting true preachers. Remedie of appeale.Aunswer was made, how that they vnderstood well inough that the abuse of certaine Prelates, which did inordinately behaue themselues, gaue a great occasion of those troubles. Also that they neuer heard of any such cōplaints in those parties, but that ye Prelates do fauour good preachers, and stirre them vp to preach, by intreaty, fauour, & promotiō. In al such cases, there are remedies already prouided by the law: for when any mā is so prohibited to vse his right, he hath remedy to appeale: and if he do trust his appeale to be iust, he may vse his right, all violēce both of the spirituall and secular power set apart, for the end of the matter shall declare if he had iust cause to appeale. Then shalbe declared that the superiour hath done euill in prohibiting, & the pleantiue iustly in doyng, and the superiour for his vniust prohibition shalbe punished. But if he be iustly prohibited, and that through his temeritie, he do cō temne the iust cōmaundement of his superiour, he is worthy to be punished with condigne punishment.

Where it was moued cōcerning the third Article,Obiection. whether it were lawfull for the Ecclesiasticall Prelates to exercise in their proper person, the actes of secular dominiō, hereunto it was aunswered, that if by this word actes of secular dominion are vnderstand actes whiche a secular Lord may do or exercise,Aunswere. then is it to be sayd, that a Prelate may lawfully exercise some such actes in his proper person, as to sell,Actes of secular dominion to be exercised of the clergie, after a double respecte, [...]el per se, [...]el per alium. to paune or pledge, to infeofe by maner and forme ordeined by law: but there are some actes, which it is not lawfull for them to exercise in their proper person, but ought to haue afterward, a Uicegerent or Proctor, to doe the same: whereupon there is prohition made in the law in the Rubrike, Ne clerus vel Monachus secularibus negotijs se immisceat, & in alijs rebus.

It was also moued,Obiection. whether that coactiue power, whiche ought to be exercised by a Steward. &c. be in the handes of an Ecclesiasticall Prelate.

Whereunto Iohn Polomair aūswered,Aunswere. that this question presupposeth an other: wherof there are diuers opinions amōgest the Doctours,Coactiue power whether in belongeth to the clergie, and how. in whose power the dominion of the Church should be: and furthermore, whether the actiōs be in the person of the tutor or proctor, or if they be not in their person, notwithstandyng by the constitutiō of any actor or proctor (whose exercising of those actions do geue authoritie vnto the actor or proctor) they be: with other difficulties, whereof it is not needefull to speake at this present. But for somuch as he was vrged to say his opinion: he sayd, that to such as had either leysure or pleasure in disputation, & would argue agaynst him, he would be cōtēted to geue the choise to take which part he would, but his opinion was rather that the dominion of Church matters should bee in the power of Christ: and the Prelates, with the other Clergy, are but Canonicall administratours in maner of tutors: but they haue more power & administration then tutors, and by constitutyng a Steward or Uicegerent. &c. Their constitution beyng duely made, the Steward or Uicegerent hath the same coactiue power and exercise of iurisdiction.

Also as touching the fourth Article, for the declaration of the first conclusion, it is agreed that these wordes, Iuste requisita. i. iustly gotten, alledged, therein, determine all thynges conteined in the same.The goods of the church in whose possession they be properly. 12. q. 1 cap. expedit.

Also as touchyng the second conclusion, where as the sacred Canons and holy Doctours speake thus: the goods of the Church, the substaunce of the Church, and the possessions of the Church, and diuers other opinions there be amongest the Doctours, in whose power the rule thereof should be, as it is noted in the Glose. Cap. expedit xij. quaest. i. they do not intend to constraine any man to any of those opinions, neither to exclude any of them, but that euery man should haue libertie, probably to mainteine which of them he thinketh best.

Moreouer,The clergie be administratours, not Lordes of the temporalties of the Church. the Bohemians sayd, that they did beleue that the Clergy are but administrators of the tēporalties of the Church, and not Lordes thereof, accordyng to the maner of speaking of the Scriptures, holy Doctours, and Canons. Also the Bohemians sayd, that in all occasions which shall hereafter rise, they would wholy stand to the determination of the iudge, agreed vpon in Egra, with one consent. In this maner did the Ambassadours make aunswere vnto the Bohemians. At the last, after much communication had to and fro,The agreement betweene the Bohemians and the Councell. Anno. 1438. a concorde and vnitie was concluded and confirmed by setting to their handes. The Bohemians promised to receiue the peace and vnitie of the Church, and the declaratiō of the three Articles. This was done in the yeare of our Lord. 1438. About the feast of S. Martin, it was afterward agreed both by the Ambassadours of that Councel, and of Boheme, that whatsoeuer remayned, should be determined & agreed vpō: first at Ratisbona: afterward at Bruna in the Dioces of Olymutes: then at Alba in Hungary, before the Emperour Sigismūd, but the matter could not be ended in no place.

At the last the concorde was confirmed by writyng with their seales at Inglania, a Citie of Morauia, the fift day of Iuly in the presence of the Emperour.

¶ Certaine petitions, which the Bohemians put vp last of all in the sacred Councell of Basill. An. 1438. in the moneth of Nouemb.

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Certaine petitions of the Bohemians put vp to the Coūcell. Anno. 1438.VNto the most reuerēd fathers in Christ, and our most gracious Lords. We the Ambassadors of the kingdom of Boheme, do most humbly and hartely require you that for the perpetuall preseruation of the peace & concord, and for the firme preseruation of all things conteined in the composition, you will vouchsafe of your clemencie, to giue and graunt vnto vs all and singular our requests, heere vnder written, with effectuall execution of the same.

First and aboue all things, we desire and require you, for the extirpation of diuers dissentions and cōtrouersies, which will vndoubtedly folow amongst our people vpon ye diuersitie of the communion, & for the abolishing of infinite euils, which we are not able to expresse as we haue conceiued them, that you will gently vouchsafe of your goodnes & liberality, to giue, grant & command, vnto our kingdome of Boheme, & Marquesdome of Morauia, one vniforme order of the cōmunion vnto all mē,The communiō in both kindes to be generally graunted. vnder both kindes: that is to say, vnto ye Archb. of Prage, the Byshop of Luthonus, Olimutz, & other prelates of the kingdome and Marquesdome, hauing charge of soules, & to their vicares, & also to their flocks & subiects, & that according to those things which are cōteined in ye Bull of the Ambassadours, & in the cōpositions made in the name of the whole Councel, written in the chap. Pro firmitate, where it is thus said, and all other things shall be done, which shall be meete and necessary for the preseruation of the peace and vnitie. For thys done by your benefite, the whole kingdome shall be comforted aboue measure, and established in brotherly loue: whereby an vniforme subiection and obedience shall be perpetually attributed vnto the holy Church.

Item, we require and desire (as before) that for the auoiding of all false suspition and doubtfulnes of manie, which suppose that the sacred Councell hath graunted the saide Communion vnder both kindes vnto vs but for a time, as neither profitable nor wholesome, but as the libell of diuorcement: that you will vouchsafe, according to this chapter alledged in the compositions: First they sayde, that it was not the entent of the sacred Councell, &c. wholesomely and speedely to prouide for our safety and your graunt in this behalfe, and with the Bulls of your letters, to confirme that chapter together with the other, perteining to the office of your Ambassadours.

Item, we beseech you (as afore) that for the confirmation of obedience, and for the discipline of all the Cleargy, and for the small defence and obseruation of all things determined and agreed vpon, and for ye good order in spiritualties, ye will vouchsafe effectually to prouide for vs a good & lawfull pastor,To haue a good and lawfull pastor, and Bishop, Archbishops and Bishops, which shall seeme vnto vs most meete and acceptable for our kingdome, to execute those offices and dueties.

Item, we require you (as aforesaid) that your fatherly reuerēces will vouchsafe, for ye defence of the worthy fame of the kingdome and Marquesdome, to declare and shew our innocencie,Free communiō vnder both kindes to be permitted to all princes. in that they haue cōmunicated, do, & hereafter shall communicate vnder both kindes: to giue out, ordaine, and direct the letters of the sacred Councell, in maner and forme most apt and meete for such declaration, vnto all Princes, as well secular as spirituall, Cities and communalties, according to the compositions, and as the Lords the Ambassadours are bound vnto vs for to do.

Item, we desire you, that in the discussing of the matter for the Communion vnder both kindes, and of the commandement thereof giuen vnto all faithfull, yee will not proceed otherwise then according to the concordatum agreed vpon in Egra: that is to say, according to the law of God, the order of Christ, and his Apostles, the generall Councels, and the mindes of the holy Doctours, truly grounded vpon the law of God.

Item, we desire that your fatherly reuerences, considering the great affectiō of our people, will giue vs the desired libertie to communicate vnto the yonger sort, the Sacrament of the Supper. For if this vse of communicating should be taken away, which our kingdome being godly moued by the writings of most great and holy Doctours, and brought in by examples, hath receiued as Catholicke, and exercised now a long time: verely it shoulde raise vp an intollerable offence amongst ye people,The Gospells & Epistles to be read in the vulgare tongue. The scriptures read in the Slauons tongue of olde time. and their minds would be greeuously vexed and troubled.

Item we require you (as before) that for like causes your fatherly reuerēces, would vouchsafe to permit, at the least the Gospels, Epistles, and Creede to be song & read in the Church in our vulgare tong, before ye people, to moue thē vnto deuotion: for in our Slauon language it hath bene vsed of old in the Church, and likewise in our kingdome.

Item, we require you in ye name of the saide kingdome, and of ye famous Vniuersitie of Prage, that your fatherly reuerences would vouchsafe to shew such diligence and care towards the desired reformation of that Vniuersitie,Incorporations to be graunted to vniuersities, an vnlawfull request. that according to the maner and forme of other Uniuersities reformed by the Church, Prebends and collations of certaine benefices of Cathedrall and Parish Churches, may be annexed and incorporate vnto the said Uniuersitie, that thereby it may be increased and preferred.

Item, we desire you (as before) as hartily as we may, & also (sauing alwaies your fatherly reuerēce) require you, and by the former cōpositions we most instātly admonish you,A request for necessary reformation & discipline. that with your whole minds and endeuours, & with all care & study, your reuerēces will watch & seeke for that long desired & most necessary reformation of the Church & Christian Religion, and effectually labour for the rooting out of all publike euils, as well in the head, as in the members, as you haue often promised to do in our kingdome, in the cōpositions, & as our fourth Article touching the auoiding of all publicke euils, doth exact and require.

There were certaine answeres prouided by the Councel, to these petitions of ye Bohemiās, which were not deliuered vnto thē, but kept backe, for what purpose or intent we knowe not. Wherefore, because we thought them not greatly necessary for this place, & also to auoid prolixitie, we haue iudged it meet at this present to omit them. Thus haue ye heard compendiously the chief & principal matters intreated & done in this famous Councell of Basill. And here (to cōclude withall) we haue thought good to declare vnto you, for ye aid & helpe of the ignorant people (whych iudge many things to be of lōger time & continuāce, then in deed they be, & thereupon haue established a great parte of their opinions) how that, toward the latter end of thys Coūcell, that is to say, in the xxxvi. Session of ye same, holdē the xvij. day of September, in ye yeare of our Lord 1439. the feast of ye Conception of our Lady,The cōception of our Lady brought into the Church. The visitation of our Lady brought in. was ordeined to be holden and celebrate yearely. In like case also in the xliiij. Session of the same Councell, holden the first day of Iuly, an. 1441. was ordeined the feast of the Uisitation of our Lady, to be celebrate and holden yearely in the moneth of Iuly. We haue also thought it good, before we do end this story, to annexe hereunto certaine decrees, profitably and wholesomely ordeined in ye said Coūcell, against ye inordinate geuing of the Ecclesiasticall benefices and liuings by the Pope, with certaine other constitutions also, fruitfull for the behalfe and edification of the Church.

During the time that the generall Councell at Basill, was so diligent and carefull about the reformation of the Church, this one thing seemed good vnto them to be prosecuted & folowed with an earnest care and diligence, that through euery Church,Vowsons & giftes of benefices before they were voide, debarred by the coūcell: which vowsons here ar called expectatiue graces. Incōueniē ces that rise by vowsons of benefices. apt and meete ministers might be appointed, which might shine in vertue & knowledge, to the glory of Christ, and the healthfull edifieng of ye Christian people: whereunto the multitude of expectatiue graces hath bene a great impedimēt and let, in that they haue bin foūd to haue brought greuous troubles, diuers disorders, and many dangers vpon the ecclesiasticall state. For hereby oftentimes, scarsely apt or meete ministers haue bene appointed for the churches, which are neither known nor examined: and this expectation of void benefices (as ye old lawes do witnesse) doth geue occasion to desire another mans death, which is greatly preiudiciall vnto saluation: besides that, innumerable quarels & contentions are moued amongst the seruants of God: rancour and malice nourished: the ambition and gredy desire of pluralities, of benefices mainteined: and ye riches and substance of kingdomes and prouinces marueilously consumed. Poore men suffer innumerable vexations, by running vnto the court of Rome. They are oftentimes spoiled and robbed by the way: troubled & afflicted with diuers plages, and hauing spent their patrimony and substance left them by their parents, they are cōstrained to liue in extreme pouerty. Many do chalenge benefices, which without any iust title (yea such in deed as ought not to haue thē) obtaine and get the same: such I say as haue most craft and subtiltie to deceiue their neighbour, or haue greatest substance to contend in ye law. It happeneth oftentimes that vnder the intrication of these prerogatiues, antelations, and such other as do associate these expectatiue graces, much craft and disceit is found. Also, oftentimes the ministery is taken away from yong men, by their ordinary geuers, whiles that by the trouble of those contentions, & diuers discourses, running to & fro by meanes of those graces, they are vexed & troubled, the Ecclesiasticall order is cōfounded, whiles that euery mans authority and iurisdiction is not preserued: & the Bishops of Rome also, by chalenging and taking vpō [Page] them too much the office of the inferiours, are wythdrawen from more waighty and fruteful matters, neither doe they diligently attend to the guiding and correction of the inferiors, as the publike vtility doth require. Al which things do bring a great confusion vnto the clergy, and Ecclesiasticall state, to the great preiudice and hinderaunce of Gods true worship, and publicke saluation.

In the same Councell also diuers other constitutions were made, not vnprofitable for reformation, & for remouing of certaine abuses & disorders brought in,No controuersies to be brought to Rome beyond 4. daies iourney from thence. No f [...]uolous appeales to be made to the Pope. Against the superfluous number of errours. Against the popes first fruites. especially by the B. of Rome, as touching causes not to be brought vp and trāslated to the court of Rome: Wherin it was decreed, that no actions nor controuersies shuld be brought from other countries, to be pleaded at Rome, which were beyonde 4. dayes iourney distant from the sayde Courte of Rome, a few principall matters onely excepted. Also, that no friuolous appeales should be made to the pope hereafter. It was moreouer in the same councell decreed, for the number, age, and condition of the Cardinals, ye they shuld not excede the number of 24. besides them that were alredy, and that they should be frely taken out of al countries: and that they should not be of kin to the bishop of Rome, or to the Cardinals, nor yet be blemished wyth any spot or crime. Also for Annates or first fruites, or halfe fruites, it was there prouided, that no such Annates or confirmation of elections, or collation of benefices, should be paide or reserued any more to the pope, for the first yeres voidance. All which thinges there agreed and concluded by them, were afterward cōfirmed and ratified by the French king, Charles 7. with the full consent of all his Prelates, in his high court of Parliament in Bitures, & there called Pragmatica Sanctio. An. 1438.Pragmatica Sancti [...] per Carolum. 7. whereupon great vtility ensued afterward to the kingdome of Fraunce. All beit in processe of time, diuers Friers there were, whych wrote agaynste the same. Ex lib. Pragin. Sanctionis.

Amongst many decrees of the saide Councell of Basil, in the 19. Session there was also a decree made touchyng the conuerting of Iewes and yong nouesses in Religion, vnto the Christian faith.

An Acte made for the conuersion of the Iewes.Also that all Ordinaries should yearely at appoynted times, prouide certaine men wel learned in the holy scriptures, in such places where Iewes and other infidels did dwell, to declare to them the truth of the Catholicke faith, that they acknowledging their errour, might forsake the same: vnto the which preaching, the said ministers should compell them to resort, and to heare, vnder paine of excluding them from occupying any more in yt place: prouided that the said Diocesanes and preachers should behaue thē selues towardes thē, mercifully & with all charitie, wherby they might winne them to Christ, not onely by the declaring of the veritie, but also in exhibiting their offices of humanitie.

And to the intēt their preaching might be yt more fruitfull, & that the preachers might be the better instructed in the tongues,An Acte for studying the Hebrue, Latine, and Chaldey. it was also in the same Councell prouided & commaūded, that the constitutiō made before in the councell of Uienna for learning the Hebrew, Chaldey, Araby, & Greeke tongue, should by all meanes be obserued & kept, and ordinary stipendes prouided for thē that should teache the same tongues.

An other decree morouer in the 20. Session was enacted, yt whosoeuer was knowē or publiquely noted to be a keper of Concubines,Against priestes that kept Concubines. should be sequestred from all fruites of his benefices, for the space of 3. monethes, which fruites should be conuerted by the ordinary, to the reparations, or some other vtilitie of the Church, & if he did not so amend, it was by the Sinode decreed that he should be clearely deposed from all his benefices.

Furthermore, ye said Sinode did greatly inuey against them, which hauing the iurisdiction of the Church, did not shame to suffer such whore maisters for bribes and money, still to continue in their filthines, &c.

By these decrees of the Councell aboue specified, it is to be seene,An Epistle of Martin Meyr to Aeneas Siluius, translated into Englishe the [...]atine wher of inextant in the former edition of this booke. Ex Orth. Grat. what corruptiō had bene thē frequented in the Church of God, through the Byshop and courte of Rome. For the more expresse declaration whereof, we thought it not much impertinent here to inferre the wordes of one Martin Meyre, writing to Aeneas Syluius, touching and noting the saide corruptions: the tenour of whose epistle here ensueth.

Vnto the reuerend father, the Lord Aeneas Cardinal of Sene, Martin Meyr, Chancellor to the bishop of Mentz, wisheth health

I Haue vnderstand by certaine of my frends letters, that you are created Cardinall. I am glad for your part, that you haue receiued so worthy rewardes for your vertues. I reioyce also for my owne part, that my frend hath attained vnto such a dignity, wherin he may in time to come, both helpe me and my frends: But this is a griefe vnto me, that you haue hapned vpon those dayes, which seme to be troublesom vnto the Apostolike sea. For there are many complaintes made vnto my Lorde the Archb vpon the Pope, that he wil neither kepe the decrees of the councel of Constance, neither of Basil, neither yet thinketh himselfe bounde to the couenants of his predecessours, and seemeth vtterly to contemne our nation, and to seeke the vtter ruine thereof. For it is euident that the election of Prelates, is euery where reiected: benefices & dignities, of what sorte soeuer they be, are reserued for the Cardinals and chiefe notaries: and you your self haue obtained the reseruation of 3. Prouinces of Germany, vnder suche a forme as hath not ben accustomed, or heard of. Vowsons or giftes of benefices are graunted without number: yerely stipends and half the reuenues are exacted without delay, and it is euident that there is more extorted then is due. The regiment of churches are not committed vnto such as best deserue them, but vnto such as offer most mony for them, and new pardons are graunted out daily to scrape and gather together monye. Tithes are commaunded to be exacted without the consent of our Prelates, for the Turkish warre, and those matters which were accustomed to be debated and determined at home, are now caried vnto the Apostolike sea of Rome. A thousand waies are inuented and deuised, how the sea of Rome may by subtlety and by craft,The corruption of the Church of Rome detected. extort and gette golde and treasure from vs, euen as it were of the Turkes or Barbarians; whereby our nation, which was sometime famous and valiant, which by their power and bloud, conquered the Romaine Empire, and was once the Lady and Queene of all the world, nowe being brought vnto pouerty, is made a handmaid, & become tributary, & being nowe in extreme misery, hath of long time bewailed her cruell fortune and pouerty. But now our nobles being (as it were) wakened out of their slepe, haue begon to consider and deuise with themselues, by what meanes they might withstand this calamity, and vtterly shake of this yoke and bondage, and haue determined with themselues to chalenge againe their former liberty. This wil be no smal losse vnto the court of Rome, if the Princes of Germany bring to passe that which they haue deuised. Wherfore as much as I do reioyce of your late obtained dignity, so much also am I mooued & greued that these things happen in your daies. But peraduenture Gods determination is otherwise, & his wil shal surely take place. You in the meane time be of good chere, and deuise according to your wisedome, by what meanes the vehemencie of these floudes may be staied. Thus fare ye well.

From Hasthaffenberge, the last day of August.

Concerning the authoritie of this generall councell of Basill, The authoritie of the councell of Basill expended. what is to be esteemed by the Actes & fruites therof may be vnderstand of all good men. Neither was it of any man doubted in the first beginning, so long as the Pope agreed and consented vnto it, But after the Pope began to draw backe, many other followed, especially of the richer sort of Prelates, which had any thing to lose: whereof sufficiently hath bene sayde by Arelatensis the Cardinall before. In the number of those vnconstant Prelates, besides many other, The epistle of the Cardinall Iulian to the Pope, in the commendation of the councell of Basill. was firste Cardinall Iulian, the firste collector of this councell, and Uicegerent of the Pope, as by hys feruent and vehement letter written to pope Eugenius in defence of this councel, may well appeare: Wherin he most earnestly doth expostulate with the foresaide Pope Eugenius, for seeking to dissolue the Councell, and declareth in the same many causes, why he shoulde rather reioyce, and geue God thankes, for the godly proceedings, and ioyfull agrement betwene the councell and the Bohemians, and so exhorteth him wt manifolde persuasions, to resort to the councel him selfe, & not to seeke the dissolution of the same. The copie & tenor of whose Epistle to the Pope, if any be disposed to peruse the same, we thought heere good to sette downe to be seene.

The copie of an Epistle, which Iulian Cardinall of S. Angen, and the Popes ambassadour into Germanie, wrote marueilous boldly and frely vnto Eugenius B. of Rome, for that he went about to dissolue the coūcel of Basil.

Most blessed father, after the deuout kisses of your blessed fete.

NOw shall the whole worlde vnderstande and know, whether that your holines haue in you the bowels of fatherly loue & charity, and the zeale of the house of God, whether you be sent to make peace or discord, to congregate or disperse, or whether you be that good shepheard, which geueth hys life for his sheepe. Beholde the doore beginneth now to be opened, whereby the lost sheepe may returne againe vnto their owne folde, nowe is there good hope euen at hand, of the reconciliation of the Bohemians. If that your holinesse as it is your duety do helpe and further the same, you shall obtaine greate glory, bothe in heauen and earthe. But if peraduenture, you goe about to lette the same (whiche is not to be hoped for at your handes) all menne will reprooue you of impietie. Heauen and earth will conspire againste you, [Page] all men will forsake you. For how is he to be folowed, wich wyth one worde may restore peace and quietnes to the church, and refuseth to do it? But I cōceiue a better hope in you, how that your holines without any excuse, wil with your whole hart & mind, fauor this most sacred coūcel, & giue thankes vnto almighty God, this great goodnesse that this congregatiou hath not departed. Behold the ambassadors of this sacred councell are returned with great ioy and gladnes from Egra,Thambassadors of the Councell are returned from Egra. reporting how that thorow the grace of the holy Ghost, they haue firmly concluded with the ambassadors of the Bohemians, that is to say of the Prages, Orphants and Thaborites, amongs whome was also present the captaines of their ennemies, and specially Procopius. That a solempne ambassade of all the states of the realme should come vnto the councell of Basill. After that a safe conduite is sent vnto them by the sayde councel in fourme conditioned, which shall be done with speede, This sacred congregation is marue [...]lously exhilerate and ioyfull. For those our ambassadours affirme, that all things were handled with such charitie at Egra, & that they did see such things amōgs the Bohemians, that not without cause, they doe conceiue great hope of their reconciliation.

And at the last gentlely imbrasing one another, euē with teares of gladnesse, they departed from Egra. The Bohemians requiring our ambassadors, that the matter might be ended wyth all expedition. They reporte also that manie thinges happened in that Treatie, whyche if any manne hearde, and didde not weepe for ioy, he might well thinke him self to be but smally affectioned vnto Christ. As for 3 of the 4. articles, they seeme not to make any great difficulty vpon. As touching the 4. that is of the communion vnder both kindes, there is good hope that they wil followe the iudgement of the councel. Who is it then that dare councell your holines to perseuere any lōger in the purpose of dissolution, for if the councell had not ben appoynted at all, for so great hope and necessity: it ought to haue ben appoynted in this place How worthy prase and commendation should your holines doe, if that you woulde leaue Italy and all other affaires, and come hether in your owne person. Although you shoulde neede to be caried in a wagon or litter. The keping & defence of the temporal patrimony of the church, may well be disposed and done by legates and vicares. This is the true patrimonie of the church to winne soules.What the church is. For the church is not a heap of stones and walles. Christ hath not made you a keper of castles & fortes, but a pastor of soules. Therfore you shuld do that in your owne person, which is most necessary and acceptable vnto Christ, and al other things be your substitutes. For so did the Apostles, which to the intēt they might the more frely intend to the preaching of the word of God, did institute 7. to serue the tables, and for the ministration of other inferior things. I heare that by the grace of God, your holinesse doth daily recouer and amend, & [...] if [...]o be, as it is said, you do visit some churches on fore, ye may also come hether on horsebacke, for you can not go vnto any thing more profitable or cōcordant to your office, then to go vnto that place, whereas innumerable benefits and goodnes may spring. Let your holines vnderstand and consider wherin Christ whose vicar you are, and S. Peter whose successor you are, and the apostles and holy bishops, did exercise & occupy themselues, and as you do succede them in office, so succede them in maners. But if per aduenture your holines can not come hither, I doe councell you that for so great a benefite, you would send the more part of the reuerend Lords Cardinals of the court of Rome, and command al other prelates to come hether, doe not let or hinder them that are willing to come, as it is reported you do, but rather allure them to come hither.

Your holines may beleue me, that only charity mooueth me to councell you in this sort, be ye not seperate from your members, nourish your children as the henne doeth her chickens vnder her wings. And if so be, that you will doe nothing els, yet speake this only word, Placet. That is to say, that it pleaseth you, that the coū cel of Basil shuld go forward. For a few daies past, there came newes hither, for the which your holines ought alltogether to cease from your dissolution. The reuerend father the Archb. of Lyons, hath wrytten vnto the councell,Eugenius prouoketh the Church. and vnto me also, howe that the Prelates of France, haue assembled togither in the city of Beturia, and there after long and exacte examination haue concluded that the councel is lawfully cōgregate in this place. And that it is necessary, that it shuld be holden and celebrate here at this present, and how the Prelates of France shuld come vnto it, he also directed hither the cause which moued them so to conclude, the copye whereof I suppose is sent vnto your holinesse by some other. Wherupon then doth your holines stay? You haue gone about as much as in you lay, by your messengers, letters & diners meanes to draw backe the Prelates, and haue laboured with al your endeuor to dissolue the councell, yet notwithstanding as you do see, it is increased day by day. And the more it is forbidden, the more is all mens minds inflamed to the contrary, is not this then to resist the wil of God? Why do ye prouoke the church to anger? Why do ye stirre vp the Christian people? vouch safe I pray you so to doe, that ye may g [...]t the loue and fauor of the people & not the hatred for all nations are greatly offended when they heare: these your doings. Suffer not your holines to be seduced by any man, whych peraduenture shall inculcate feare vnto you, whereas there is nothing at all to be doubted, or that doe perswade you this to be no lawful councel I know I shuld offend your holines if I shuld go about to proue the contrary, but it is better that I do offend you a litle in words, and profit you in my deedes, for a Phisition layeth a burning corrisiue vnto the disease, and healeth the sore. For the medicine can not profit, except it be sharpe and bitter in tast. V [...] der this hope and confidence I will not feare to declare the truth. That it being knowen, your holines may the better prouide both for your selfe and the church it dependeth vppon the councell of Constance whether this councell be lawfull or not. If that were a true councel, so is this also. No man semeth to dout whether that councel were lawfull, and likewise whatsoeuer was there decreed to be lawful, for if any man will say, that the decrees of that councel are not of force, he must nedes graunt, that the depriuation of Pope Iohn which was done by the force of those decrees to be of no effect. If that depriuation were not of effecte. Neither was the election of Pope Martine of any force, which was done he being yet aliue. If Martin were no true Pope, neither is your holinesse, which was chosen by the Cardinalles that hee made,A strong argument against Eugenius. wherefore, it standeth no man more vpon to defend the decrees of that coūcel, then your holines, for if any decree of that councel be called into doubt: By like meanes may all the rest of the decrees be reuoked. And by like meanes, shall the decrees of any other councell be of no force and effect, for by like reason, as the faith of one councell is weakened, all the rest shal also be weakned, according to S. Augustins saying in the 9. distinction capitulo. Si ad scripturas, Then sayeth he, both the faithe and all other sacraments shall be put in doubt, if that there be once any doubt made, of the force and power of any councell lawfully cōgregate. There was a decree made in the councel of Constance, intituled frequens. Whereby it was ordained, that the first councel after that, should be holden within 5. yeres, and another within 7. yeres after that again. The councel of Constance being ended, and the 5. yeres passed, the councel of Papia or Sene was holden, after which 7. yeares being also run ouer, this councell is begon to be celebrate. To what ende then is it expressed in the Bull of the dissolution, amongest other causes, that the 7. yeare is already past. When as of necessitye it ought to be passed before the councell can be celebrate. For these wordes, from 7. yere or 5. yere, signify according to the law, that all partes of time should be passed, and the last day looked for. Wherefore it behoued that 7. yeres to be fully complete, before this councel of Basil should begin.

Like as 5. yeares was fully expired, before that the councell of Papia did begin, but peraduēture some man will say, that it ought to haue begun the first day after the 7. yere was expired. For otherwise the terme of the councell is passed. But heereunto we may answer that it is not contained in the chapter Frequens, that except it were holden the first day, it should not be holden at al, neither can it be gathered either by the wordes or meaning. For it is only required that it should be holden after 7. yeares expired, but whether it be the 2. or 3. day, or the 3. or 4. moneth after the 7. yere it doth satisfy the chapter Frequens. For whē the first day is come then beginneth the power and liberty to celebrate the councell, but not afore, but it is not prohibited to celebrate it after, neither doth this word, In quinquennium. That is to say against 5. yeare, next following, which is alleaged in the chapter Frequens, and semeth to be repeated. Also for the 7. yeres, for it is not vnderstād that it is necessary to be holden the first day precisely after the 7. yere, but because it should not be vnderstand of other 7 yeares to come. For in speaking simply of 7. yere, it is vnderstand of 7. yeare next ensuing. Admit also that in the chapter Frequēs, any of these wordes had bene ioyned with immediatly following, as by & by, out of hād, immediatly, or straightwaies after, or such other words yet ought they to be vnderstand with a certaine moderation, and distance of time, that assone as might be cōuenient, as these wordes are expounded by the lawes and the doctors, for they are enlarged and restrained according, to the subiect and diuers circū staunces of the matters and affaires. For it is not by any meanes likely that it was the mindes of those which made the decree, that considering the long iourneis and harde preparation of suche affaires, and also the manifolde impedimentes which may happen, that they woulde restraine so precise a time, euen at the first daye, that if it were not then celebrated, it should not be holden at all, for by such subtill meanes, it shuld also be holden euen in the first moment and very instant after the same yere.

But forsomuch as wordes are ciuilly to be vnderstand, this fence or vnderstanding is to farre disagreable. For if any man will say, then it is commaunded to be proroged, that is also forbidden in the chapter frequēs. He that doth so argue, doth not vnderstād himselfe, nor the force of the woordes. It is not proroged if it be begon, the 2. or 3. month, but rather a continuation or execution of that which is in their power. For if it were a prorogation, then for so muche as a progation doth sauour of the nature of the firste delay, it could not be begon in the first month, but in the 2. and 3. it is not therby concluded that it could not be begon in the first, [Page] but if there had ben any prorogation made til the secōd month, then it coulde not haue bene begon in the first, as for example I promise to geue a hundred after Easter, afore Easter it can not be required, but by and by after Easter it may be required, and all be it that I be not vrged for it notwythstanding I doe not cease to be bounde, and if so be I bedemanded it in the 2. or 3. month after, it is not therby vnderstand that ther is any prorogation made: Neither doth it followe, but that it might haue bene demaunded in the beginning which could not haue ben done, that there had ben any prorogation made. Also it is nature of prorogation to bee made before the first terme or day be passed. For otherwise it is no prorogation, but anew appoyntment. And albeit it may be saide, that then it may be long delaide, it is aunswered that in thys poynt, we must stande vnto the iudgement of the Churche, which considering diuers circumstances wold think the time mete. For the liberty of celebrating of councels was institute for the profit and fauor of the church. What if it shuld happen that whē the time commeth, in the place where a councell should be kept, there be a great plague, or some siege, which shuld continue by the space of 3. or 4. moneths, and the Pope in the mean time doth not chaunge the place according to the forme of the Chapter frequens, & that thorow such impediments, the prelates did not come the first day vnto the place, or if any were comming & were taken by the way which if they had not ben taken, had ben prese [...]t at the first day in the place appoynted. Is it to be said that the power of the coūcel is past? or that the impediment ceasing, & the prelates cōming thither, the councell can not be holden? that truely were greatly absurd & to much preiudiciall to the church of God, but in this our case, the cause is probable why that the prelats did defer to come at the beginning of the time appoynted.The cause of the long delay of the Prelates. For so much as when the time drew neare, Pope Martin died the 20. of February. For which cause, the prelates might wel dout vpon some impediment of the councell. Also they taried loking that some shuld come thether in the name of the Pope, because they wold not tary in that place in vaine without a president.The councel of Sene. As for the legate which was appoynted for the councel, whose presence al men taried for, before he wold prepare him selfe to that iourney, he came not at the time apoynted vnto the councell, but went vnto Norrenberge, to persecute the Bohemians according to the cōmandement of Pope Martin, which had enioyned him to go first thither before he wēt to Basil.

And the same Legate, being oftētimes required at Norenberg, that he shuld go to Basil to hold the councell, he answered, that he wold not go before he had the cōsent of the new bishop. This was the cause of the prelates delay, neither is it greatly to be imputed vnto the prelates, which suspected that Pope Martin woulde not haue holden the councell, & feared to bring thēselues in trouble, and good cause had they so to feare, thorowe those things which hapned in the councel of Sene. For there were many things spoken which caused great suspition. It was reported vnto me that many had said, I came vnto Germany to disturbe the councell.

Also this was Pope Martins minde and intent, that all beit the councel was not begon at the beginning of March, notwithstanding the autority of holding the councel should not be void. For he, when as the time of the councell approched, willed me that I shuld first go vnto Boheme, before I went vnto the coūcel, wherof also mention is made in the Bull of the consistorie dissolution.

But what nede we any other profe, then by your holinesse letters, which by your letters dated the 2 Kalendes of Iune, and were deliuered vnto me lōg after the time, by the space of 3. moneths, you do commaund me that my businesse being done in Boheme, I shuld take my way vnto Basil to hold the councel, & there to forsee vnto all things as it was enioyned me, & ordained in the coū cel of Constance. The same also ye repeat in the Bul of the dissolution brought vnto me by the Lord Parentine, the wordes wherof are these. Vnto you circūspection. Since your going into Germany no Prelates haue assembled in Basill for the celebrating of the councel, we gaue you in cōmandement that in the meantime you shuld be diligent, about the expedition against the Bohemian heretickes which is committed to your charge, & afterward you should come vnto Basil the place appoynted for the councell, and there to rule in our place in the name of the church. What is more euident then this? If any thing were doutful by the tenure of these letters it were euidently takē away, if any man wold say that neither Pope Martine nor Eugenius could confirme the councel by wryting of suche letters, because there was a prorogation which is prohibited by the chapter frequens it is answered, that there is no prorogation, but execution of that which is in power, or a declaration that it is not necessary to hold the councel precisely euē at the beginning. Also it is no prorogation. For a prorogation is made before the terme is expired and not after, for after, it is rather called an new indiction or appoyntment. And if any mā will say that there cā be no new indiction made, then may this be obiected. Howe could the councel of Bononia be newly appoynted? If they wil answer, that the appoyntment of the coūcell of Bononia was of force, because the councell of Basill was dissolued by your holines, then I haue my intent. For if it were dissolued. Ergo, it was a coūcel before, bicause it presupposeth the habit. If it were a councell before, then, as hereafter shalbe proued, it could not be dissolued without the consent of the councell, what can be more answered heereunto? for the greater declaration and euidence of this matter, the Abbot of Virgilia euen vpon the same day of the time appoynted or afore, gathering together the Prelates of the great churche and many other prelates and notable men, made a solemne protestation, howe the time was come to celebrate and hold the councel, & that he was come vnto Basil for the same purpose, requiring them that they wold confer and in treat together, vpon matters touching the councel, and hereupon there is a publike instrument or testimoniall.

Within a month after the ambassadors of the vniuersity of Paris came thither, & began to intreat of maters touching the coū cel, wryting also vnto the Emperour, and to the other Princes of Germany, that they should send vnto the councel, which letters I my self did see, neither doth the smal nomber of men let, for wher as aucthority is, a great nomber is not required, according to the saying of Christ, wheras 2. or 3. are gathered together in my name, I am in the midst of them. Vpon the which auctority, the coūcels are grounded. Now therfore your holines doth manifestly see, the said obiection to be but friuolous. For to what end shuld any dissolution be made if it had not ben a councel: wherfore it is not to be doubted, but that it was a lawful councel, & canonically congregate. And peraduenture it is scarsly [...] found where any councel hath ben confirmed by so many authorities as this, that is to say, by the two councels before passed, of Constance and of Sene, and confirmed by two Bishops of Rome.

Besides this, I haue heard that some doe report at Rome that I could not call the Prelates vnto the councell, because that clause was not added in the Bul of Pope Martine. I greatly meruaile why this shuld be obiected, specially seeing that, not I alone, haue called them, but I to gether with the rest, which are here assembled in the coucel. It is a maruelous matter, Pope Martin gaue me autority by the aduice of the councel to rote out heresies, to pacifie kingdoms, to reforme the maners of euery state of christendome, & yet they wil say that I can not cite them. Power is geuen me to iudge & to condemne, and haue I not also power to cite? The law doth say, vnto whom any power or iurisdiction is committed, all things seme to be committed vnto him, without the which he cā not exercise his iurisdiction, for howe coulde all the premisses be done, if the Prelates or others shuld not come hither? Also why is it said in the chapter, Ego enim de iure iurando? I will come vnto the Sinode if I be called, if he can not be called: By whome then is it presupposed that he shuld be called but only by the councel, or by him which ruleth the councell? Also the whole 18. distinction intreateth of no other matter, but that the bishops being called vnto the councel, if they come not, that they may be excommunicate and suspended. Let these men read the boke of councels of S. Isidore, and they shall finde howe that in many councelles the Prelates haue bene called by the Sinode. Nowe it remaineth, that we shuld declare, whether the dissolutiō be of force or no. Wherin I do againe feare to moue your holines vnto anger. But charity forceth me therunto, for peraduenture, your holines doth thinke the dissolution to be effectual, & therfore do perseuer in it, wherby, for somuche as many offences may rise, my conscience doeth moue me, not to hold my peace. First of all the chapter: Frequens, declareth that it is not of force, for if prorogation be forbidden & prohibited, which is a smal mater, much more is dissolutiō, which is a greater matter, for it is a greater matter to take away then to defer, for by proroging, a thing is but deferred, & by dissoluing it is vtterly taken away. Also these men say, that the said cōstitution in the chapter Frequens, may be made void, for somuch, assone as the councel is begon, it may be dissolued without any thing don, as it is said that it was done at Senes, and nowe they say also that your holines hath ben peruersly informed touching the dissolution. They say also that the sayd dissolution doth manifestly tend to the subuersion of faith, the ruine of the church, and the trouble of the christian people. Therfore it can not be done, neither obeid.

They say moreouer that the said dissolutiō could not be made, by meanes of a certen decree of the councel of Constance in that behalfe prouided. That in such matters as pertaine vnto faith, the extirpation of sinne, and reformation of the church in the head & in the members, that all men of what estate or condition so euer they be, yea the Pope himself shuld be bound to obey the statutes, precepts, and ordināces of euery general councell, & except they did obey to punish them. Marke how that these things to haue power to determine vpon any man, to commaund him and punish him, if he be not obedient, are signes of superioritye, in those matters which he doth decree, command or punish, and to be bound to obedience, to be subiect and obey the same, are signes of inferiority in the said cases. Ergo, in the foresaid cases, seeing that the Pope as they say, is vnder the coūcel, which also hath ben. In that for one of the said 3. cases the councel did depriue Iohn, & for the other Benedict, neither coulde the Pope dissolue the councell, in that he is inferior vnto the councel, cannot bind or cōpel the superior. As in the chapiter Cum inferior, otherwise it shoulde containe in it a contradiction, that hee is bounde to obey, and is not [Page] bound to obey, because he may dissolue, for howe should he be obedient vnto the ordinance and decree of the councell, if he may anihilate and take away the same ordinaunce and decree. Thys councell is cōgregate for the rooting out of heresies, for the making of peace and reformation of maners, and in the first Session it did ordeine, that their whole intent and respect should be thereunto, and that he which should procure to let the coūcell, to proroge or alter it, should be punished and haue processe against him as against a common disturber of the peace. &c. If it may be dissolued it is euident that they doe not obey the saide ordinaunce, whereby this also must of necessity be graunted, that if it may be dissolued, the decree of the councell of Constance is of no force.

This is also proued by an other reason. No man doubteth but if any controuersie of heresie shoulde be mooued against any Bishop of Rome, that he coulde not dissolue the Councell: For if he might dissolue the councell he could not be iudged, whych were cōtrary to the cha. Si Pa. dist. 40. Ergo, like as it is inheresy, so is it in the two other cases. For these three were pacified by the coūcel of Cōstance, for thus speaketh the councel. As it is in the Chapter, Si Papa in illo vno. And as I haue before saide, the Councell of Constance, allowed this decree, thorow the which they depriued Peter de Luna, for making of a Schisme, and Pope Iohn for the deformitie of his life.

And all be it there be certaine lawes that say, the principall seat can not be iudged of any man, and againe, no man iudgeth the chiefe seate. And no man sayth vnto him selfe why doest thou so. There are to be vnderstande in these three cases, first that there was prouiso made for the faith in the chapter Si Papa, and in the other two poynts by the decree of Constance. Otherwise it shuld be vnderstande, without any exception, that the first seate. &c. and then the chapter Si Papa. 40. Distinct. and the sayd decree of Constance shoulde be false. If the chapter Si Papa had added causes of heresies, no man would haue doubted vpon these two cases, touching the sayd sentence, so likewise no man ought to doubt of the decree of the councell, that it was made by the authoritie of the Pope, and representeth the vniuersal church, and if any man wold say, that in all councels the authoritye of the Pope is excepted, I aunswere that it is true, when as the persone of the Pope is not specially included. But if hee be specially included, he can not be excepted, because it should sauour of contradiction. Most blessed father, God is my witnesse, that I haue spoken these thinges wyth great anguish and sorowe of minde, but I am forced so to speake, that your holinesse may cease from the saide dissolution, lest there might happen infinite euels in the church of God. If your holines did see my pure mind, my vpright conscience, and entier affection towardes you, whereby I am mooued to wryte those thinges, euen for very loue you would embrace and kisse me, and wythout doubt loue me as your owne sonne, I haue often sayde and nowe doe say and protest before God and mā, that you wil be the cause of Schisme and infinite mischieues▪ if you doe not alter & change your minde and purpose. Almighty God preserue your holinesse in the prosperity of a vertuous man. Vnto whose feete, I do moste humbly recommend me.

From Basil the 5. day of Iune.

Thus endeth the Epistle of Cardinal Iulian wrytten vnto Pope Eugenius. Wherein for so much as mention is made, howe that the Bohemians had promised to sende their Ambassadours vnto the Councell, and as before is partly touched in the Bohemian storie, their commyng into Basill, and propounding of certaine articles, wherein they dissented frō the Pope, we doe not thinke it any thing differing from our purpose, to annexe a briefe Epitome, declaring the whole circumstance of their Ambassade, their articles, disputations and answeres, which they had at the sayd councell of Basil, with their petitions and answeres vnto the same. Faithfully translated out of Latin by F.W.

In like maner Aeneas Syluius also with his owne hand and wryting, not onely gaue testimony to the authoritie of thys councell, but also bestowed his labour and trauaile in setting foorth the whole storie thereof. Notwythstanding, the same Syluius afterward being made Pope, wyth hys new honour, did alter and change his olde sentence, the Epistle of which Aeneas, touching the commendation of the sayde Councel, because it is but short, and will occupy but litle roume, I thought heere vnder, for the more satisfying of the readers minde, to inserte.

An Epistle of Aeneas Syluius, to the Rector of the Vniuersitie of Colen.

An epistle of Eneas Siluius in defence of the councell of Basill. TO a Christian man, whiche will be a true Christian in deede, nothing ought to be more desired, then that the sinceritie and purenes of faith, geuen to vs of Christ by our forefathers, be kept of all men immaculate: and if at any time, any thing be wrought or attempted against the true doctrine of the Gospell, the people ought with one consent, to prouide lawfull remedy, & euery man to bring with him some water to quench the general fire: Neither must we feare how we be hated or enuied, so we bring the truth. Wee must resist euery mā to his face, whether he be Paul or Peter, if he walke not directly to the truth of the Gospell, which thing I am gladde, and so are we all, to heare that your Vniuersitie hathe done in this Councell of Basill. For a certaine treatise of yours is brought hether vnto vs, wherein you reprehend the rudenesse, or rather the rashnesse of such, which do deny the Bishop of Rome, and the Consistorie of his iudgement, to be subiecte vnto the generall Councell, The t [...] nal seate standeth not in one Bishop. and that the supreame tribunall seate of iudgement, standeth in the Church, and in no one Bishop. Such men as deny this, you so confound with liuely reasons and trueth of the Scriptures, that neither they are able to slide away like the slippery Eeles, neither to cauill or bring any obiection againste you. These be the wordes of Siluius.

Furthermore,The authoritie of the Councell of Basill maintained by the Emperour and the French king so long as they liued The practise of Pope Eugenius, to vndoe the Councell of Basill. as touching the autority and approbation of the foresayd Councel, this is to be noted, that during the life of Sigismund the Emperour, no man resisted this Councell. Also continuing the time of Charles the 7. the French king, the said Councel of Basil was fully & wholly receiued through all France. But after the death of Sigismund, when Eugenius was deposed, and Felix Duke of Sauoy, was elected Pope, greate discordes arose, and much practise was wrought. But especially on Eugenius part, who being nowe excommunicate by the Councell of Basill, to make his part more strong, made 18. new Cardinals. Thē he sent his Orators vnto ye Germains, labouring by all perswasions to dissolue the councell of Basill, the Germaines at that time were so deuided, that some of them did hold with Felix, and the Councell of Basil: other some,The Pope stirreth vp warre. with Eugenius and the Councell of Ferraria: and some were neuters. After this the French king being dead, which was Charles the 7. about the yeare of oure Lorde 1444. the Pope beginneth a newe practise, after the olde guise of Rome,The Dolphin driue [...] away by a few Germaines. to excite (as is supposed) the Dolphine of Fraunce, by force of armes, to dissipate that Councell collected against him. Who leading an army of xb. M. men in to Alsatia, did cruelty waste and spoyle the countrey: after that, laide siege vnto Basil to expel & driue out the prelates of the Councell. But the Heluetians most stoutly meeting their enemies wt a small power, did vanquish the Frenchmen, and put them to sword and flight: like as the Lacedemonians onely with C C C. did suppresse, and scattered all the mighty army of Xerxes, at Thermopylyae.

Although Basil thus by the valiantnes of the Heluetians was defended, yet notwithstanding the Councell thorough these tumultes,The dissolution of tho Councell of Basill. could not continue by reason of the princes Ambassadours, which shronke away, and woulde not tary: So that at lengthe Eugenius brought to passe, partly through the help of Fredericke (being not yet Emperor, but laboring for the Empire, partly by his Orators) in the number of whome was Eneas Syluius, aboue mentioned (amongst the Germans) yt they were content to geue ouer both the councel of Basil and their neutrality.

This Fridericke of Austrich being not yet Emperour,Fredericke of Austrich crowned Emperour, great grand father to this Ferdinando. but towards the Empire, brought also to passe, that Felix, which was chosen of the Councell of Basill, to be Pope, was contented to renoūce and resigne his Papacie to Nicolaus, the fift, successour to Eugenius, of the which Nicolaus, the sayde Fredericke was confirmed at Rome to be Emperour, and there crowned. An. 1451.

As these things were doing at Basil, in the meane season, pope Eugenius brought to passe in his conuocation at Florence,The Lega [...] of the Greekes cō descend first to the popes law. that the Emperour, and the Patriarke of Constantinople, wyth the rest of the Grecians there present, were perswaded to receiue the sentence of the Churche of Rome, concerning the proceeding of the holy Ghost: also to receiue the communion in vnleauened bread, to admitte Purgatorie, and to yeelde them selues to the authoritye of the Romish Bishop. Whereunto notwythstanding, the other Churches of Grecia would in no wise assent,The Greeke Churches refuse the Popes doctrine. at theyr comming home: In so much, that with a publike execreation they did condemn afterward al those Legates, which had consented to these Articles, that none of them shoulde be buryed in Christen buriall: whych was Anno. 1439. Ex [...] Casp. Peucer.

And thus endeth the storie, both of the Councel of Basil, and of the councel of Florence,The inconuenience of discorde. also of the Emperor Sigismund, and of the schisme betwene pope Eugenius, and Pope Felix, and also of ye Bohemians. The which Bohemians notwythstanding all these troubles and tumultes, aboue said, did rightwel, and were strong enough against all their enemies, till at length, through discord, partly betwene the 2. preachers of the old and newe citye of Prage, partly also through y• discord of the messengers & captains, taking sides one against the other, they made their eunemies [Page] strong and enfebled themselues. Albeit afterward, in processe of time, they so defended the cause of their religion, not by sworde, but by argument and disputation, that the Bishop of Rome could neuer yet to this day, remooue the Thaborites, and Citie of Prage, from the communion of both the kindes, nor coulde euer cause them to keepe the conditions, which in the beginning of the Councell, was enioyned their priests to obserue, as testifieth Cochleus. lib. 8. hist. Huss. Ex Cochleo. lib. 8. hist. Hussit. With whom also recordeth Antoninus, who in 3 part. hist. saith, that the doctrine of the Bohemians, which he termeth by the name of Zizania, did take so deepe roote wyth them, and grewe so fast, that afterwarde, neyther by fire nor sword,Ex Antonin 3. part. tit. it could be extinct. An. 3. part. hist. tit. 22. cap. 10

Concerning the which Bohemians, briefly & in a generall summe, to recapitulate their whole actes & doings, here is to be noted, that they in their owne defence, & in the quarel of Iohn Hus, and Hierome of Prage, prouoked by their catholike aduersaries to warre, fighting vnder Zisca their Captaine, had eleuen battailes with the Popes side, and euer went away victours.Ex hist. Cas pari Peucer lib. 5. Ex paral. Abb. Vrsp. in Epitaphio, Ioan. Zisc. Moreouer, in the history of Peucer it is testified that pope Martin 5. sending for the B. of Wint. then Cardinal, had leuied 3. maine armies, intending to ouerrunne al the Bohemians: one army of the Saxons, vnder the prince Elector, the seconde of the Francones, vnder the Marques of Brandeburge, the thirde of Renates, Bauarians and Suechers, vnder Octo archb. of Treuers. With these, Sigismund also the Emperor, and Cardinal Iulian the popes Legate (who at last was slain in war, and being spoiled of all his attire, was left naked in the fielde) ioyned al their force. Who ioyning together 5. times (sayth the story) which 5. sondry battailes,Maruelous feare fallen vpon the popes army. assailed and inuaded the Bohemians: at euery which battail, 5. times the sayd aduersaries stroken and daunted with a sodain feare, ranne away out of the field, leauing their tents we all their implements and furniture behind them, before any stroke was geuen. Ex Casp. Peuc. lib. 5.Gods holy angels pitch their tentes about them which feare him. Psal. Whereby it may appeare, the holy aungels of God to fight for them which embraced the syncere doctrine of Christes gospell.

Thus the Bohemians through the mighty protection of almighty God, cōtinued a long time inuincible, during all yt life of Zisca, & also of Procopius, til at length through discord growing betwene them & theyr captains Procopius & Mainardus, they were subdued vnto their enemies.

The cruell deceite and wicked facte of Mainardus against the souldiours of Boheme. Certaine thousandes of the Bohemiā souldiors brent.And heere by the way is not to be omitted the wicked and cruel facte of Mainardus, who after the death of Procopius, thinking to purge the realme of Boheme of those chiefe and principal soldiours, which had bene long expert and trained vp in warres, found meanes by a proclamation made, as though he woulde warre against other countreis of their eunemies bordering about them, craftily to traine all them which were disposed to take wages, into certaine barnes or houels, prepared for the same purpose, and so shutting the dores vppon them, the wicked dissembler set fire vpon them, & brent of them diuers thousands, and so brought the rest by that meanes, vnder subiection to the Emperor during his lyfe time, which after that continued not long.Ex Aenea Silu. lib. de hist. Boem. cap. 51. Ex Aene. Syl. The which soldiours, if they had fought so much for the catholike liberties of the Pope and his churche, as they had fought against him, it is martyrs. But they that kill with the sword (sayeth Christ) shall perish with the sword. Notwithstanding, the cruell deceit of Mainardus, is worthy of all men to be detested.

England nō ted of crueltie.During this businesse among the bishops beyonde the sea in the meane time our bishops here also in Englande, were not vnoccupied. Whether it be ye nature of the countrey that so geueth: or whether ye great liuings and welthy promotions of the clergy, do draw we them a more insensible vnto wardnesse in Gods religion, hard it is to say: this is manifest to all them which will read and marke our stories from time to time,Burning & slaying in England. that in Englande is more burning and slaying for Religion and for all other matters: more bloudshed among vs then in any other lande or nation in Christendome besides. After the burning of Rich. Houeden, of Nicho. Canon, and of Thom. Bagley priest, aboue recorded, pag. 666. Whom the bishops condemned to death An. 1431. not long after, about the yere of our Lorde 1439. which was the 18. of the raign of king Henr 6. they had another poore man by the backe,Anno 1439. named Riche Wicke Priest, mentioned both in Rob. Fabian and also in another olde english chronicle borowed of one Perminger.R. Wiche Priest, Martir. Ex Fabian part. 7. Ex antiquo alio Chronico. What his opinions were, they do not expresse, This they recorde, that this Rich, wich first was degraded then burned at the tower hil for heresy. Some do a arm that he before his death reuolted, but that seemeth by his burning, not to be !!!.

It is also testified of him, that before his death, he spake (as prophesying) that the posterne of the tower shuld sink,

[figure]

which also afterward came as he said to passe, wherfore of many of the people he was counted for an holy man:Rich. Wiche after his death taken for a saint. In so much that (as it is affirmed) they came to ye place where he was burnt, and there made their oblations and prayers, and areired a great heap of stones, and set vp a crosse there by night: so that by this meanes a great clamor ran vppon the Churchmen, and especially vppon suche as put hym to death. Then to cease the rumor, the king gaue commandement to punish such, as went thether on pilgrimage. The copy wherof is here to be sene as foloweth.

Rex vicecomitibus London. & Midd. salutem. Albeit Richard Wyche late clearke, who heretofore long sithence heretically did hold, teach, & publikely preache certaine heresies and erroneous opinions in many places within our realme of England. And for the same many yeares nowe past being iudicially conuicted, did before a iudge in that behalfe sufficient abiure all heresy generally, and afterward as a dogge returning to his vomit, did presume to maintain, teach, & publikely preach his former errors and heresies, so that hee was worthely adiudged a Relapse. And againe being impeached for the same before the reuerend father in God Robert B of London his lawfull Ordinarie was called foorth to iudgement, and being before him, did iudicially confesse hys errors and heresies. For the which cause the saide reuerende father, vppon mature deliberation by hym the sayde Reuerende father first had with the aduise of the learned in the lawe, his assistantes lawfully proceeding against the saide Richard did by his sentēce defintiue pronounce and adiudge him to bee a Relapse, and did disgrade him from the order and dignitie of Priesthoode, & tooke from him all priestly ornaments, and depriued him of all priestly function and Priuiledge (according to iustice) and last of all turned him ouer to the secular power as the manner is: And afterwards you, by our Princely commandement and warrant did according to the lawe of oure realme for his last punishment consume the body of the sayd Richard to ashes, being a Relapse conuict, and disgraded as a notorious traitour, not only against God, but also against vs and our crowne and dignity. All which notwithstanding certaine our subiects (as we haue ben sundry times enformed) being pricked foreward with a Diabolical spirite, practising of all likelihode not only sedition, but also Idolatry within our Realme are not afraide publikely to affirme that the sayde Richard was altogether innocent of heretical prauity Nay rather they do moste shainefully with their vaine deuises, and wickedly conceiued imaginatiōs blase abroad that he was, & died a good, iust and an holy man, and that he doeth many myracles (whereas in deede no suche myracles be done by him.) Which disordinate persones we may well and vpon probable causes repute & deme culpable, not only of heretical prauitie, but also of high treason, and as rebels to our persone, Maiestie, and violatours of the peace and dignity of our Realme, as with all breakers and trespassours against the sacred Canons of the Churche, who dare so presumptuously aduenture to worship the said Richard as a Sainct, whereas it is not lawfull to worship any manner of person be he neuer so holy before he be canonised by the authority of the B. of Rome. We therefore being very carefull for the good preseruatiō of our peace, and desirous to abolish from out al the coastes of the same al maner Idolatry, do charge & command you that in certain places within your liberties wher you shal think most cōuenient, you cause forthwith proclamatiōs to be made on our behalf, straightly [Page] charging, that no person from hencefoorth presume to resort to the place where the saide Richarde was executed vnder colour of Pilgrime, or for any other cause of deuotion what so euer, nor send any offering thither, nor worship him hereafter openly or secretly, nor adiudge, esteme, repute, name or talke of him as otherwise iustified or innocent, then such as the said reuerend father by his former definitiue sentence hath pronounced him to be vpon paine and penaltye to be taken and reputed for an hereticke or a fauourer of hereticks, and to receiue condigne punishment prouided for hereticks. And that you arrest all & euery person whom you shall finde to do any thing cōtrary to this our Proclamation, and the same so arested, commit to our prisone, there to remaine vntil we shal thinke good to send countermaund for their deliuerance. Witnes the king at his Manor of Estampstede, the 15. day of Iuly in the 18. yere of his reigne.

Per ipsum Regem.

Like writtes, and to the same effect were directed to al the shrines through all the realme bearing all one and the same Date. By the vertue of which letter, the Maior and sheriffes did such diligence, that shortly after, that cōcourse and seking of the people was left of.

Ex Regist. Hen. Chicheslei.After the burning of thys man, which was about the moneth of Iune, in the same yere about Nouember, a connocation was called by Henry Archbish. of Cant. wherein was propounded among the clergie, to consult with them selues, what way were best to be taken, for the remoouing a way the law of Premuniri facias, for so were the harts then of the temporalty set against the ecclesiasticall sort, yt where any vantage might be geuen them by the law, they did nothing spare, by reason whereof, the churchmen at that time were greatly molested by the sayd law of Premuniri, and by the kings writtes, and other inditements, to their no smal anoyance, By long consultation and good aduisement, at last this way was taken, yt a petition or supplicatiō should be drawen and presented to the king,The bishops cō sult to abolish the lawe of Premuniri facias. for the abolishing of the foresaid lawe of Premuniri facias, and also for the restraining of other briefes, wryts, and inditements, which seemed then to lie heauy vppon the Clergy. This bill or supplication being contriued and exhibited by the Archbish. of Canter, and of Yorke, vnto the king standing in neede the same time, of a subsidie to be collected of the cleargie: thys aunswer was geuen to their supplication on the kings behalfe: that for somuche as the time of Christenmaste then drewe neare, whereby he had as yet no sufficient leisure to aduise vppon the matter,The king aunswere to the bill of the Clergy touching the law of Premuniri. he woulde take therein a farther pause. In the meane time, as one tendering theyr quiet, he would send to al his officers and ministers wtin his realm, that no such briefe of Premuniri, shoulde passe against them or any of them, from the saide time of Christenmas, till the next Parliament. An. 1439. Ex Regist. Cant.

In my former edition of Acts & monuments, so hastely rashed vp at that present, in such shortnesse of time, as in the sayde booke thou mayst see (gentle reader) declared and signified:A briefe aunswere to Cope, concerning Lady Eleanor Cobham. among many other matters therein contained, there is a shorte note made of one Eleanor Cobham Duchesse of Gloucester, & of Syr Roger Onley knight (priest it should haue ben printed,) which two persons, about the yeare of our Lord. 1440. or the next yeare following, were condemned, the one to death, the other to perpetual prison. Of this litle short matter, maister Cope the Popes Scout, lying in priuie wait to spie faults in al mēs works, wherso euer any may appeare, taketh pepper in the nose, & falleth againe vnto his olde barking against mee, for placing these foresayd persons in my booke of Martyrs, but especially he thinketh to haue great vantage against me, for that in the same story, I do ioyne withal, one Margaret Iourdeman, the witch of Eye, condemned also wyth them the same time, and burned for practising the kings death by an image of waxe, &c. To answere hereunto, first I say (as I before sayde) that I professe no such title to wryte of Martyrs: but in generall to wryte of rites and Monuments passed in the church and realme of England. Wherein, why should I be restrained from the free walke of a story wryter, more then other that haue gone before me?

Secondly, touching my commendation of Sir Roger Onley, and the Lady Eleanor, if maister Alane be therewith offended, I aunswer that I commended them for sauoring and fauoring of the truth of Christes doctrine: For the fact, if any such were in them, I do not commend them. And although I did commend them, yet neither did I it we any long tarying vppon it, nor yet all together vpon mine owne head, without some sufficient warrant of authoritie. For why may not I as well beleeue Iohn Bale, as M. Alane beleue M. Fabian? especially seeing I do knowe, and was priuie, that the saide Iohn in recognising his Centuries, followed altogether the history of Leland. De Catalogo virorum illustrium, which booke being borowed of master Cheke, I my selfe did see in the hands of the foresayd Iohn Bale, what time we were both together, dwelling in the house of the noble Lady Duches of Richmond. Wherefore if he thinke me so leud to speake without mine authors, he is deceiued. And if he thinke mine authors not to be beleeued, then let thys Nomothetes, or iolly Dictator, come foorth and prescribe vs a law, what authors he would haue vs to take, and what to refuse. For els why is it not as free for me to credite Iohn Bale, and Leland, as for him to credite Robert Fabian, and Edw. Hall, especially seeing they had seene hys bookes and workes left behinde him, wherupon they might better iudge, and so did neuer these?

Thirdly,To the third obiection. for the name of Roger Onley, if Cope denie that there was any such name in stories mētioned, but that there was one called Roger Bolingbroke. &c. heereby it may appeare that either his prompter out of England deceiued him, or els that hee going no further but to Fabian and Hall, lacketh no good wil in him, but only a little matter to make a perfect sycophant. And admit the sayde name of Onley could not be founde in those wryters, yet it were not vnpossible for a man to haue two names, especially if he were a religious man, to beare the name of the towne where he was born, beside his own proper surname. But nowe what if I (M. Cope) can auouch and bring foorth to you the name of Roger Onley out of sufficient recorde, which you seeme not to haue yet read? Haue yee not then done well and properly (thinke you) so bitterly to flee in my face, and to barke so egerly all this while at moneshine in the water, hauing no more cause almoste against me, thē against the man in the Moone? And now least you shoulde thinke me so much vnprouided of iust authority for my defence, as I see you vnprouided of modestie and patience, wryte you to your prompter or suborner (where so euer he lurketh here in England) to sende you ouer vnto Louane the booke of Iohn Harding a Chronicler, more auncient then either Fabian or Hall, printed in the house of Richard Grafton, Anno 1543. where turne to the fol. 223. fac. b. lin. 19. and there shall you finde and reade these wordes.

Againe the Church and the king cursedly:

By helpe of one maister Roger Onley. &c.

By the whyche woordes yee must necessarily confesse Roger Onley to be the name of the man, either els must ye needes deny the author. For otherwise that master Roger Bolingbroke was the onely helper to the Duchesse in that fact, by no wise it can stande with the story of these authors which say, that 4. other besides hym were cōdemned for the same erune.Vid. Centu. 8. Ral. ca. 4. &c. And moreouer thought the sayd Sir R. Onley was no knight (as I haue saide in my former edition) yet this yee cannot deny, by the testimonie of them that haue sene his workes, but that he was a Priest, which you wil graunt to be a knights fellow. And thus much for the name and condition of M. Roger Onley.

Fourthly,To the 4. obiection. as concerning Margaret Iourdeman, whō ye call the witch of Eye, ye offer me herein great wrong, to say that I make her a martyr, which was a wytche: when as I here professe, confesse, and ascertaine both you, and all English men, both present & al posterity hereafter to come, that this Margaret Iourdeman I neuer spake of, neuer thought of, neuer dreamed of, nor did euer heare of, before you named her in your booke your selfe. So farre is it of, that I eyther with my will, or against my will, made any martyr of her.

Furthermore,M. Coperay leth without a cause. I professe and denounce in like manner, ye neither haue you any iust or congrue occasion in my boke so to iudge, much lesse to raile of me. For where, in expresse words I do speake of the mōther of the Lady Yong, what occasion haue you therby to slander me and my boke with Margarete Iourdeman? which Margarete whether shee was a witche or not, I leaue her to the Lorde. As for me, neither did I knowe of her then, nor did I meane of her nowe. But because I couple her in the same story, you say. To this I say, because shee was the mother of a Ladie, I thought to ioyne her we an other Lady in the same story, as in one pue together, although in one cause I will not say. And yet notwtstanding I doe so couple the saide mother we the Duchesse, in such distinet difference of yeares, that you M. Cope might casily haue vnderstande, or beside you, no man els would haue thought the contrary, but that Margaret Iouedeman was neither heere in my booke, nor yet many memento. For the wooordes of my storie are playne, whereas the condemnation of the Lady Eleanor, & of the mother of Lady Young being referred to the yeare of our Lord 1441. I doe also in the same story (through the occasion of that Ladie) inforte mention of the mother of the Ladie Yong declaring in expresse woordes,See the former edition, pag. 371. that shee folowed [Page] certayne yeares after, & in the end of that chapter, do name also the yeare of her burning to be. 1490. whiche was 50. yeares after the death of Onely, and Margaret Iourdeman: by the computatiō of which yeares it is playne, that no other woman could be noted in that place, but only the Lady Younges mother.

But M, Cope continuing still in his wrangling mood obiecteth agayne, for that in my Callendar, the sayd Ladye Younges mother hath the next day in the Catalogue next after the death of Roger Onley, whiche day pertayneth properly to Margaret Iourdeman which was burned the same day in Smithfield, & not to the Ladyes mother, &c.

What order was taken in placing the names & dayes, what is that to me? If he whiche had the disposing of the Catalogue, did place them so in monthes, as he sawe them ioyned in chapiters, not perusing peraduenture nor abuising the chapters, that doth nothing preiudice the truth of my story, which sufficiently doth clare it selfe in distincting thē rightly in names & also in yeares, as is afore declared.

The 5. obiection.Fiftly and lastly, hauing thus sufficiently aunswered to your circumstanunces of persons, names, and times (M. Cope) I will nowe enter to encounter with you concerning the fact:The story of the Ladie Eleanor and Rog. Onley here pretermitted. and crime obiected to the Lady Duches, and to the rest: with this protestation before premised vnto the reader, that if the fact be true and so done is reported in ye histories of Fabian, Halle and harding, I desire the reader then so to take me, as though I do not here deale withall, nor speake of the matter, but vtterly to haue pretermitted, and dispuncted the same. But for somuch as the deed and offence layd and geuen forth agaynst these parties, may be a matter made,A question whether Eleanor the Duches was culpable in treason agaynst the king. & of euil wil compacted, rather then true in deede: therefore I doe but onely moue a question by way of history, not as defending, nor commending nor commemorating the thing, if it be true, but onely mouing the question, whether it is to be iudged true, or suspected rather to be false and forged, and so hauing briefly, propounded certayne coniectural suspicious or supposals concerning that matter, to passe it ouer, neither medling on the one side nor on the other.

Certaine coniectures of the crime not to bee true. 1. Coniecture.The first cōiecture, why it may be possible that this act of treason layd to the charge of the Duches, & Roger Oneley, agaynst the king, may be vntrue is this: that the sayde Oneley (otherwise named Bolingbroke) tooke it vppon hys death, that they neuer intended any such thing as they were condemned for.

2 Coniecture.The second coniecture: for that the Lady Eleanor, and Onely seemed then to fauour and fauour of that religion set forth by wicklesse, and therefore like enough, that they were ha [...]d of the clergy. Furthermore what hatred & practise of Papistes can do, it is not vnknowne.

3 Coniecture.The third coniecture: for that the sayd mayster Roger Onely falsly noted and accused of Nicromancie, wrote a booke in purgation of himselfe, intituled: de Innocentia sua. Also an other booke intituled. Contra vulgi superstitiones, recorded in Centu 8. Bale. cap. 4. Whereupon it is not credible, that he which wrote professedly agaynst the superstitions of the people, was ouertaken with that filth of Nicromancie himselfe.

4 Coniecture.The fourth coniecture: because this accusation against the Duches of Glocester, Duke Humfries wife began not before, but after the grudge kindled betweene the Cardinall of Wint. and Duke Humfrey, her Husband.

5. Coniecture.An other coniecture may be hereof, for that, if the Duches had entended any suche haynous treason against the kings life, as by burning of a waxe candle to consume him it is not like (neyther was there anye such neede) that she would haue made so many priuy to such a pernicious coucell, as the Witch of Eye, M. Rog. Bolingbroke, M. Tho. Southwest and Iohn Hume.

6. Coniecture.Sixtly, it is not to be supposed, if anye such hie treason had bene wrought or pretended agaynst the kinges person by these that eyther the Duches should so escape with bearing a taper and banishment, or that Iohn Hume shoulde be pardoned hys life, the fact being so haynous, that neyther any durst aske hys pardon, nor if it had bene asked, it had not bene like to be graunted.

7 Coniecture.To these we may also adde an other supposall, rising vpon the wordes and forme of theyr accusation, as it standeth in Harding: Polychronicon, and other moe, wherein they were accused for working sorcery, and inchantmentes agaynst the church and the king. Now what sorcery can be wronght agaynst the church, that is, the whole multitude of Christians, let the reader iudge, and by the truth of this consider also the truth of the other, which was agaynst the king. Furthermore, if by this Church is ment the Cardinall of Wint, as like it is: then it may be coniecturall, that all this matter rose of that Cardinall, who was then a mortall enemy to the house of Gloucester. &c.

Eightly:8. Coniecture. And that all this was done and wrought by the sayd Cardinall of Wint. the witch concerning Eye maketh the matter the more suspitious, seeing that towne of Eye as Fabian witnesseth, was neare beside Wintchester, and sea of that Byshop.

Moreouer,9. Coniecture. for so much as Polydore Virgill, among other story authors, being a mā as may be supposed, rather fauouring the Cardinalls parte then the Dukes, made no mention at all touching this treason, hys licence therof may minister matter not also to muse, but onely to coniecture, that he had found something whiche made hym to miststrust the matter. Otherwise it is vnlike that he wold haue so mewed vp the matter, and passed it ouer without some mention.

Finally and briefly:10. Coniecture. The frequent practises and examples of other times, may make this also more doubtfull, cō sidering howe many subtile pretences, after like forte haue bene sought, and wrongfull accusations brought agaynst many innocent persons For (not to repeate the like forgeries agaynst the Lord Cobham and syr Roger Acron. &c.) why may not this accusation of the Duches and Onley, be as false as that in the time of king Edward the 5. whiche was layd to the charge of the Queene, and Shores wife by the Protectours, for inchaunting & bewitching of his withered arme? which to be false, all the world doth know, and but a quarell made, only to oppresse the life of the L. Hastings & ye L. standley. &c. And thus mayest thou see, gentle reader, according to ye wise mans saying: Nihil nouú es [...]e sub sole [...] Nihil que dictum, quod non sit dictum prius. xc.

Althoughe these wt many mo coniectures, may be alledged in some part of Defence of this Duches, and of her Chaplaines and Priestes: yet because it may be not vnpossible againe, the matter laide against them, to be true, I leaue it therfore at large as I finde it: saying as I saide before, that if it be true which the stories say in this matter, thinke I beseech thee gentle Reader, that I haue saide nothing hereof. Onely, because the matter may bedisputable, and not vnpossible to be false, I haue but moued thereof a questiō,A briefe aunswer to Maister Copes cauillations, concerning Duke Humfreyes wyfe. and brought my coniectures, leauing the determi, natiō, and iudgement hereof, to thy indifferent and free arbitrement. And if M. Cope, be so highly offended with me, because in my first edition of Actes and Monumentes I durst name ye Lady Eleanor Cobham, and Roger Onely: let him take this for a short aūswer, because my leisure serueth not to make long braules wt him: yt if I had thought no imperfectiōs to haue passed in my former editiō before, I would neuer haue taken in hand the recognition thereof now yt secōd time, wherby to sponge away such motes, as I thought would seeme great stombling blockes in suche mens walkes, which walke with no charitie to edefie: but with malice to carpe and reprehend, neither admonishing what they see amisse in others, neither tarying while other men reforme themselues, & finally finding quarels where no great cause is iustly geuen. And here an end with M. Cope for this time.

Forsomuch as in the processe before,The contention betwene the Cardinall of Wint. & Duke Humfrey, Lorde protectour. mentiō was touched concerning the grudge betweene ye Cardinall, cal [...]ed the rich Cardinal of Wintchester, and the good duke Humfrey duke of Glocester, the kings vncle, and protector of yt realme: order of story now requireth to open some parte of yt matter more at large. Wherein this first is to be vnderstand, that long before,Anno. 1440. great flames of grudge and discorde did burst out betweene these two. For as the noble hart of the Duke could not abide the proud doinges of the Cardinall: so much againe the Cardinall in like maner sore enuied & disdayned at the rule of the Duke of Glocester. Notwithstanding by the meanes of the Duke of Bedford, the brasting out betweene them was before appealed & cured: yet not so, but that vnder imperfect amitie, priuy hatred, as sparcles vnder the imbers, did still remaine: So that the Cardinal, ioyning with the Archbishop of Yorke, attempted many thinges of their owne presumption, contrary to the consent, not onely of the king (being then vnder age) but also of the protectour & gouernor of the realme. Wherwith the Duke (like a true harted prince) being not without iust cause offended, declared in writing to the king certaine complaintes contained in 21. Articles, wherein the Cardinall and Archbishop had transgressed,E [...] Polyc [...]ra. both against the king & his lawes. The tenour whereof, more at large is in other stories expressed, ye briefe abstract therof followeth in a short summarie here to be seene.

¶ Certaine pointes or articles obiected by the Duke Humfrey, against the Cardinall of Winchester.

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Wint. presumeth to be Cardinall against the minde of his king.FIrst complayned to his soueraigne Prince his right redoubted Lord duke Humfrey, his vncle and protector of the realm, that the bishop of Winchester, in the dayes of his father king Henry the 5. took vppon him the state of a cardinall, being denyed by the king, saying that he had as liefe set his owne crowne beside hym, as to see him weare a cardinals hatte, and that in Parliamentes, he not beyng contented with the place of a bishop among the spirituall persons presumed aboue hys order, whiche the sayd Duke desired to be redressed.

Wint. incurreth the law of premuni [...]i.2. Item, whereas he being made Cardinal, was voyded of his bishopricke of Winchester, he procured from Rome the Popes Bull, vnknowing to the king, whereby he took agayne his bishopricke, contrary to the common lawe of this realme, incurring therby the case of prouision, and forefeiting all his goodes to the king, by the law of premuniri facias.

Wint. intrudeth himselfe to be the kings gouernour.3. Item, he complayned that the said Cardinall, with the Archbishop of Yorke, intruded themselues to haue the gouernaunce of the king, and the doing vnder the king, of tē porall matters, excluding the kings vncle, and other temporall Lordes of the kinges kinde, from hauing knowledge of any great matter.

4. Item, whereas the king had borowed of the Cardinall 4000. pounds,The Cardinall defraudeth the king of his iewels. vpon certayne Iewels, and afterward had his mony ready at the day to quite his iewels: the Cardinall caused the treasurer to conuert that mony, to the payment of an other armye, to keepe the Iewels still to hys owne vse and gayne.

The Cardinall deliuereth the K. of Scottes. vpon his owne authoritie.5. Item, he being then bishop of Winchester, and Chancellour of England, deliuered the king of Scottes, vpon his own authoritie, contrary to the act of parliament, wedding his nece afterward to the sayd king. Also where the said king of Scottes shoulde haue payd to the king forty thousand pounds, ye cardinall procured x. thousand marks therof to be remitted, and yet the rest very slenderly payd.

The Cardinall playeth the marchant.6. Item, the sayd cardinall, for lending notable sommes to the king, had the profite of the port of Hampton: where he, setting his seruauntes to be the Customers, wolle and other marchaundise was, vnder that clok, exported not somuch to his singular vauntage, being the chiefe marchant, as to the greate preiudice of the king, and detriment to his subiectes.

7. Item, the cardinall, in lending out great summes to yt king, yet so differed and delayed the loane thereof, yt comming out of season, the same did the king litle pleasure, but rather hinderaunce.

8. Item, where iewels & plate were prised at a 11. thousand poundes in weight,The Cardinall a defrauder of the king. of the sayd Cardinall forfeited to the king: the cardinall for loane of a little peere, gat him a a restorement thereof, to the Kings great dammage, who better might haue spared the commons if the somme had remayned to him cleare.

9. Item, where the kinges father had geuen Elizabeth Bewchampe. CCC. markes of liuelode, with this condition if the wedded with in a yeare, the Cardinall, notwithstanding she was maryed two or three yeares after, yet gaue her the same, to the kinges great hurt, and diminishing of hys inheritaunce.

10. Item, the Cardinall hauing no authoritie nor interest to the crown,The Cardinall taketh vpon him like a king. presumed notwithstanding to cal before him, like a King, to the kinges high derogation.

11 Item, that the Cardinall sued a pardon from Rome, to be freed from all dismes, due to the Kyng by the church of Winchester, geuing thereby example to the Clergye, to withdraw their disines likewise, and lay all the charge only vpon the temporaltie, and poore commons.

12. 13. Item, by the procuring of the sayd Cardinall and Archbishop of Yorke, great goodes of the kings were lost and dispended vpon needles Ambassades, first to Arras, then to Calice.

14. Item it was layd to the charge of the sayd Cardinall and archbishop, that by their meanes, goyng to Calice, the ii. enemies of the king, the Duke of Orleance, and Duke of Burgoyne, were reduced together in accorde & alliaunce, who being at warre before betwene themselues, and now cōfederate together, ioyned both together agaynst ye kings townes and countryes ouer the sea, to the great daunger of Normandy, and destruction of the kinges people.

The Cardinall traytour to the crowne.15. Item, by the archbishop of Yorke, and the Cardinall perswasiōs were moued opēly in the kings presence, with allurementes and inducementes, that the king shoulde leaue hys right, his title and honour of his crowne, in nominating him king of Fraunce, during certayne yeeres, & that he shoulde vtterly absteyne, and be content onely in writing, with Rex Angliae, to the great note and infamye of the king and of all his progenitours.

16. 17. Item, through the sleight and subtlety of the sayde Cardinall and his mate, a new conuention was intended betweene the king and certayne aduersaryes of Fraunce. Also ye deliueraunce of the Duke of Orleance was appointed in such sort, as therby great disworship & inconueniēce was like to fall, rather of the kinges side then of the other.

18. Item, that the Cardinall had purchased great landes and liuelodes of the king, the Duke being on the other side the sea occupyed in warres, whiche redounded little to the worship and profite of ye king:The Card. a purchaser of of the king [...] landes. and moreouer had the kinge bound, to make him as sure estate of all those landes by Easter next, as could be deuised by any learned councel, or els ye said cardinal to haue and enioy to him and his heyres for euer, the landes of the Duchie of Lancaster in Northfolke to the value of 7. or 8. hundred markes by the yeare.

19. Item,Peruerse counsa [...]le of the Cardinall. where the Duke the kinges vncle, had oftenoffered his seruice for the defence of the Realme of France, and the duchie of Normandy, the Cardinall euer laboured to the contrary, in preferring other, after this singular affection: whereby a great part of Normandy hath bene lost.

20. Itē,The Card. a deceauer of the king & a briber. seeing yt Cardinall was risen to such riches & treasure, which could grow to him, neyther by his Church, nor by enheritāce (which he then had) it was of necessitie to be thought, that it came by his great deceites, in deceiuinge both the king, and hys subiects, in selling offices, prefermentes, liuelodes, captaynships both here and in yt realm of Fraunce and in Normandy, so that what hath beu there lost, he hath bene the greatest causer thereof.

21. Furthermore, when the sayd Cardinal had forfeited al hys goods by the statute of prouision,The Card. purchaseth a pardon against his premuniri. he hauing the rule of the king, and of other matters of the realme: purchased frō the pope a charter of pardon, not onely to the defeating of the lawes of the Realme, but also to the defrauding of the king, who otherwise might and should haue had where wt to susteine his warres, without any tallage of his poore people. &c.

When the king heard these accusations, he committed yt hearing therof to his counsaile: whereof yt most part were spirituall persons.Prelates holde one with an other. So, what for feare, and what for fauour the matter was wincked at, & delied out, and nothing said thereunto, and a fayre countenaunce was made to yt Duke as though no displeasure had bene taken, nor malice borne in these spirituall stomaches. But shortly after, the smoke hereof, not able to keepe in any longer within the spiritual brestes of these charitable churchmen, brast out in flames of mischiefe. For vpon the necke of this matter, as witnesseth Fabian Polychronicon, and Hall whiche followeth Polych, first ensued the condemnation of L. Elianour the Duches and her Chapleynes,Malice burst out. as ye haue heard before. Whereby it may appeare the sayd Duches more of malice, then any iust cause, this to haue bene troubled. Also within vi. yeares after, followed the lamentable destruction of the Duke himselfe, as hereafter more is to be declared.

About which time,Paules steepleset on fire by lightning or not long after, an. 1443. the steeple of Paules was set on fire by lightening, and at last by dilligent labour of helpers, the fire was quenched.

And after the condemnation of lady Elianour the Duches, aforesayd,Anno. 1445 within few yeares. an. 1445. followed the death of Henry Chichesley Archbishop of Cant. by whom she was condemned in S. Stephens chappell at Westin.The death of Henry Chichesley Archb. of Cant. The buil [...]ing of Alsolne Colledge and Barnard Colledge in Oxforde. for penaunce to beare a taper through cheapside three sondry times, and afterward outlawed to the Ile of Manne, vnder the custody of syr Iohn Standly knight. This Hē ry Chichesley builded in hys time, 2. Colledges in the vniuersitie of Oxford, the one called Alsolne Colledge, the other named Barnard Colledge.

Proceeding now to the yeare, wherein suffered Humfrey yt good Duke of Gloucester, which was the yeare of yt Lord. 1447. first we will begin in few words to intreat of his life & conuersation:Anno. 1447 then of the maner and cause of hys death. As touching the ofspring and dissent of this Duke, first he was the sonne of Henry the fourth, brother to kyng Henry the fift,The storie & death of Humfrey, Duke of Gloucester. and vncle to kyng Henry the sixt, assigned to be the gouernour and protector of his person. Of manners he seemed meeke and gentle, louing the common wealth, a supporter of the poore commons, of wit & wisdome discreet and studious, well affected to religion, and a frend to veritie, & no les enemy to pride & ambitiō, especially in hauty prelates, which was his vndoing in this presēt euil world:Duke Humfrey cōm [...]nded for his learning. And, which is seldome & rare in such princes of yt calling, he was both learned himselfe: & no lesse geuen to study, as also a singular fauourer & patron to them which were studious & learned. And that my commendation of him may haue the more credite, I wil produce the testimony of learned writers, who liuing in hys time, not only do cōmend his famous knowledge, and ripenes of learning in him: but also commit & submit their works to his iudgement to be examined. Of whiche writers one is Petrus de [Page]Monte, Petrus de Monte. De Virtutum et Vitrorum differentia, ad D. Humfredum. writing De virtutū & vitiorum differentia: who in his Epistle dedicatory beginning with the singuler commendation of this Duke, and afterward speaking De optimarum artium, liberaliumque scientiarum peritia, sayeth thus: Cui tu quidem omni conatu, omni ingenio, atque studio incumbis: adeo vt nihil tibi sine librorum lectione, iocundum gratum, aut certe delectabile videatur. &c. And in further processe of his worke, thus he further declareth, saying: Delectaris autem non vna tantum arte, aut scientia, quanquam & id quidem esset satis: verum fere omnibus, earum (que) codices magna quadam auiditate legisti. &c. Besides this Petrus de Mōte, let vs heare also the iudgement of an other writer of the same age,Lapiscastellius De compatatione Audiorum etrei militarus ad D. D. Humfredum. named Lapiscastellius, who likewise dedicating to the sayd Duke Humfry, his booke intituled Comparatio studiorum & rei militaris, amongst diuers other words cōmēdatory, hath these as follow: Ad te potissimum mitto, quod horum te optimum, & sapientissimum iudicem fore existimo, qui vt ex integerrimo pat. domino, Zenone Baiocensi episcopo, homine tuae laudis cupidissimo, accepi: ita in his humanitatis studiis inuigilares, vt nullus toto terrarū orbe princeps, nec doctrina, nec eloquentia, nec humanitate tecum comparandus sit. &c. Many other argumentes and places may be brought, to declare what is to be esteemed of the learning and studious wit of this noble Prince.

Furthermore, as the learning of this Prince was rare and memorable, so was the discreete wisedome and singular prudence in him no lesse to be considered: as for ye more manifest proofe thereof, I thought here good amongst many other his godly doings, to recite one example, reported as well by the penne of syr Thomas More, as also by M. William Tindall, the true Apostle of these our latter dayes, to the intent to see and note, not only the craftye working of false miracles in the clergye, but also that the prudent discretion of this high and mighty prince, the fore sayd Duke Humfrey, may geue vs better to vnderstand what man he was. The story lyeth thus.

In the yong dayes of this king Henry the sixt, beyng yet vnder the gouernance of this Duke Humfrey his protector, there came to S. Albones a certayne begger wyth his wife,A false miracle espied. and there was walking about y• towne, begging fiue or sixe dayes before the kinges comming thether, saying yt he was borne blind and neuer saw in his lyfe, & was warned in hys dreame, that he shuld come out of Barwik, where he sayd he had euer dwelled, to seek S. Albon, and that he had bene at his shrine, and had not bene holpē, and therefore he would go and seek him at some other place: for he had heard some say, since he came, that S. Albones body shoulde be at Colon, and in deede suche a contention hath there bene. But of truth as I am surely informed, he lyeth here at S. Albones, sauing some Reliques of him, whiche they there shew shryned. But to tell you foorth, when the king was comen, and the towne full, sodainly this blynde man at S. Albones shrine had hys sight agayne, and a miracle solemnly ronge, and Te Deum song, so that nothing was talked of in al the towne, but this miracle. So happened it thē, that Duke Humfrey of Glocester, a man no les wife, then also well learned, hauing great ioye to see suche a miracle, called the poore man vnto him, and first shewing himselfe ioyous of Gods glory, so shewed in the getting of his sight, and exhorting him to meekenes, and to no ascribing of any part of yt worship to himself, nor to be proud of the peoples prayse, which would call him a good & godly man therby, at last he looked well vpon his eyne, and asked whether he could see nothing at al, in al his life before. And when as well his wife as himselfe affirmed fastly no, then hee looked aduisedly vpon his eyen againe, and sayd: I beleue you very well, for me thinketh ye cannot see well yet. Yes syr, quod he, I thanke God and hys holy martyr, I can see now as well as any mā. (Yea can (quod ye duke) what colour is my gowne? Then anon the begger tolde him. What colour (quoth he) is this mans gowne? He told him also, and so forth without any sticking, he told him the names of all yt colours that could be shewed him. And when the Duke saw that, he had him walke traytour, and made him to be set openly in the stockes: For though he could haue seene sodenly by miracle the difference betwene diuers colours,Dissimulat [...]on wel punished. yet could he not by the sight so sodeinly tell the names of al these coulours, except he had known them before, no more then the names of all the men, that he shuld sodaynly see.

By this may it be seene howe Duke Humfrey had not onely an head to disserue and disseruer trueth from forged and fayned hipocrisie, but study also and dilligence lykewise was in him,Commen-dation of Duke Hum-frey. to reforme that which was amisse.

And thus much hetherto for the noble prowesse & vertues, ioyned with ye like ornamentes of knowledge, & literature shining in this Princely duke. For the which, as he was both loued of the poore commons, and wel spoken of all men, & no les deseruing the same, being called the good Duke of Glocester, so neither yet wanted hee his enemies and priuy enuiers,The good Duke of Glocester. whether it was through the fatall and vnfortunate lucke of the name of that house which is but a vayn & friuolous obseruation of Polydore, & Halle which followeth hym, bringing in the examples of Hugh Speser of Thomas of Woodstock, sonne of [...]. Edward the thyrd of this Duke Humfry,Polyd. Hist lib. 23 Hal [...] in 25. H [...]n. 6. and after o [...] king Richard the thyrd Duke likewise of Gloucester: or whether it was that y• nature of true vertue cōmonly is suche, that as the flame euer beareth his smoke, and the body his shadow: fo [...] the brightnes of vertue neuer blaseth, but hath some disdayne or enuy wayting vpon it: or els whether it was rather for some diuorcement from his wife, or for some other vice or trespasse done (as seemeth most like truth) which God as well in dukes houses correcteth, as in other inferiour parsons, especially where he loueth: But howsoeuer the cause is to vs vnknowne, this good Duke of Glocester, albeit beyng both yt kinges sole vncle, & hauing so many well willers thorough y• whol realme, yet lacked not hys Sathan: lacked not his secret maligners. Of whom specially was Hē ry Beuford Cardinal, Bish. of Wintchester and Chaunceller of England:The enemies to the Duke of Glocester. who of long time disdayning and enuying the rule and authoritie of this Duke: first had disposed and appoynted himselfe, to remoue the kings person from Eltham vnto Winsor out of the Dukes handes, and there to put in such gouernours,The malicious working of the cardinall against the Duke of Glocester. as him listed. After that, entēding the Dukes death, he set men of armes and Archers at the end of London bridge, and for barring the hye waye wyth a draw chain, set men in chambers, sellers and windowes with bowes and arrowes and other weapons, to the purposed destructiō both of the duke & his retinue, if God had not so disposed, to turne his iourny an other way. Beside other manifold iniuries and molestations, the Ambitious Cardinall, seeking by all meanes to be Pope, procured such trouble agaynst him, that great deuision was thereby in the whole Realme: in somuch that all the shops within y• city of London, were shut in, for feare of the fauourers of these two great personages, for each part had assembled no small number of people. For the pacifying whereof yt archbishop of Caunterbury, and the Duke of Dumber, called the prince of Portingall, rode 7. tymes in one day betwene those two aduersaryes. Such were then the troubles of this tumultuous diuision within the realme, and al by the excitation of this vnquiet Cardinall.

Ouer and beside,W. De la Pole Duke of Suffolke, the cause of the Duke of Glocesters death. this Cardinall afore mentioned, an other Capitall enemy to the said Duke, was William de la Pole, first Earle, then Marques, at last Duke of Suffolke a man very ill reported of in storyes, to be not only yt orgā & instrument of this good mans death, but also to be the noyance of the common wealth, & ruine of the realme. For by him and hys onely deuise, was first concluded the vnprofitable and vnhonourable mariage betweene the kyng & Lady Margaret daughter of ye Duke of Angeow:The vnprofitable mariage betweene K. Hen. 6. and Queene Margaret. where as the king had concluded & contracted a mariage before wt the daughter of the Earle of Armi [...]k, vpon conditions so much more profitable and honourable, as more conuenient it is for a Prince to mary a wise with riches & frends then to take a mayd wt nothing, & disherite himselfe, & hys realme of old rightes, & ancient inheritance, which so came to passe. And all this the good Duke did well foresee, & declared no lesse: but hys counsel would not be taken. Wherupon followed first the geuing away the Duchy of Angeow: & the Citie of Mayne, with the who [...]e Country of Mayne, to Reyner Duke of Angeow & father of the Damo [...]ell, called then K. of Sicile & of Hierusalē, hauing therof no peny profite, but onely a vayne name to play withal.

An other sore enemy and mortall plague to this Duke was the Queene her selfe,Queene Margaret mortall enemy to the Duke of Glocester. lately before maried to the king. Who being of haute stomack, and all set vpon glory of wit and wilynes lacking nothing, and perceiuing her husband to be simple of wit, and easy to be ruled, tooke vpon her to rule and gouerne both the king & kingdome. And because the aduise & counsaile of Humfrey duke of Glocester, was somewhat a stay that her authoritie and regimēt could not so fully proceede, and partly because the sayd Duke before dyd disagree from that mariage, this manly women and couragious Queene ceased not by all imaginations and practises possible,The malice of a woman. to set forwarde his destruction, hauing also for her helper herein the Duke of Buckingham. &c.

These being his principall enemies and mortall foes,A snare to catch the innocent. fearing least some commotion might arise, if such a Prince so ueare the kinges bloud, and so beare to the people, & of all men so beloued, shold be openly executed & put to death, deuised how to trap him, and circumuēt him vnknowing and vnprouided. For the more speedy furtherance wherof, [Page] a Parliament was sūmoned to be kept at Bery,Anno. 1447. an. 1447. sacre [...]rom the citizens of London, as William Lindall in his booke of practise,A parliament at Bery. writeth. Where resorted all the peres of the realme, and amongst them the Duke of Gloucester, thinking no harme to any man, & lesse to himselfe. Who on the second day of the Ses [...]on, was by the Lord Beamonde high Constable then of Englande, accompanied with the Duke of Buckingham and other, arrested, apprehended, and put in ward, and vpon the same all his seruaunts discharged and put from him, of whome 32. of the principall being also vnder arrest, were dispersed into diuers prisōs to the great murmuring and greuance of the people. After this arrest thus done, and the Duke put in to Warde, the night after (saith Halle) 6. nightes after (sayth Fabian and Polychron,The cruel death or martyrdome of the good Duke of Glocester. he was found dead in hys bed the 24. of Febru ary and his body shewed to the Lordes and Commons, as though he had bene taken naturally with some sodayne disease. And although no woūd in his body could be seene: yet to al indifferent persons it might wel be iudged, that he dyed of no naturall pang, but of some violent hand. Some suspected him to be strangled, some that a whole spytt was priuily forced into his body, some affirme yt he, was styfeled betweene to fether beds. After the death of this Duke, and hys body being enterred at S. Albons, after he had politikely by the space of 25. yeares gouerned this realme, 5. of his housholde to wit, one knight, 3. Esquiers, and a Yeoman, were arreigned, & conuict to be hanged, drawn & quartered. Who being hanged and cut downe halfe aliue, ye Marques of Suffolke, there present shewed the charter of the kinges pardon, and so they were deliuered. Notwithstanding, all this could not appease the grudge of the people, saying that the sauing of the seruauntes, was no amends for the murdering of the mayster.

In this cruell facte of these persons, which did so conspire and consent to the death of this noble man,The iudgement of god vpon thē which persecuted the Duke of Glocester. & whiche thought thereby to worke their owne safety, the meruailous work of gods iudgement, appeareth herein to be noted: who as in all other like cruell pollices of mā, so in this also turned al theyr pollices clean contrary. So that where y• Queene thought most to preserue her husband in honor, and her selfe in state, thereby both she lost her husband, her husband lost his realm, the realm lost Angeow, Normādy the Duchy of Aquitane, with all her partes beyond yt sea, Calice only except, as in sequele of the matter, who so will read the storyes, shall right well vnderstand.

The next yeare following, it followed also, that yt Cardinall, who was the principall artificer and ringleader of all this mischiefe,Anno. 1448. was suffered of God no lōger to liue.The death of the Cardinall, and maner of the same. Of whose wicked conditions being more largely set foorth in Edward Halle, I omitte here to speake. What he himselfe spake in his deathbed for example to other, I thought not best to pretermit. Who hearing that he shuld dy, & that ther was no remedy, murmured & grudged, wherfore he shuld dye,The wordes of the Cardinall of Winchester at his de [...]th. hauing so much riches, saying: that if the whole realm would saue hys life, he was able either by pollicy to get it, or by riches to buy it: adding & saying moreouer, fit (quod he) will not death be hyred? nor will money doe nothing? whē my nephew of Bedford dyed, I thought my selfe halfe vp the wheele, but whē I saw mine other nephew of Glocester deceassed, then I thought my selfe able to be equal wt kinges, and so ought to encrease my treasure, in hope to haue worne the triple crown. &t. Ex Edou Hallo. And thus is the rich byshop of Winchester, with all his pompe and riches gone, with the which riches, he was able not onely to build scholes, colledges and Uniuersities, but also was able to susteine the kinges armies in warre (as is specified in storyes) without any taxing of the commons.

Will. Wanflet Bishop of Wint.In whose seate next succeeded William Wanflet, preferred to the byshopricke of Winchester who though he had lesse substaunce, yet hauing a minde more godly disposed, did found and erecte the Colledge of Mary Magdalen in Oxford.Magdalen Colledge in Oxford builded. For the which foundation, as there haue ben, and be yet many studentes bound to yeld gratefull thanks vnto God, so I must needes confesse my selfe to be one, except I will be vnkinde.

Among yt other mischieuous aduersaries which sought and wrought the death of Humfrey Duke of Gloucester, next to the Cardinall of Winchester (who,Gods punishment vpon the Marques of Suffolke. as is sayd, dyed yt next yere following) was William de la Pole, Marques of Suffolk, who also liued not long after, nor long escaped vnpunished. For although he was highly exalted, by the meanes of ye Queene (whose maryage he onely procured) vnto ye fauour of ye king, & was made Duke of Suffolke, & magnified of the people, and bare the whole sway in the realme, whose actes and facts his vayne glorious head caused also by the assent of the commons, to be recorded, & substantially to be registred in the rolles of the Parliament, for a perpetuall renowne to him,The [...] glory of mans [...] fo [...]geth [...]g, himselfe in honour. The commons vncō stant. and all his posteritie for euer: yet notwtstanding the hand of Gods iudgement still hanging ouer hym, he enioyed not long this his triūphant victory. For within 3. yeares after the death and ruine of ye Cardinall, the voyces of the whole commons of England were vtterly turned against him, accusing him in the Parliament at the blacke Fryers, for deliuery of the Duchye of Angeow, and Barledome of Maine: also for the death of y• noble Prince Humfry Duke of Glocester. They unputed moreouer to hym the losse of all Normandye, saying vnto him that he was a swallower vp and consumer of y• kings treasure,The Duke of Suffolke accu [...]ed by the cōmon [...]. the exp [...]iler of al good and vertuous counsaylers from the king, and aduancer of vicious persons, apparant aduersaryes to the publicke wealth: so that he was called in euery mouth a traytour, a murderer, and a robber of the kinges treasure.

The Queene, albeit she tenderly loued the Duke, yet to appease the exclamation of the commons, was forced to committee hym to the tower, where he, with as much pleasure and liberty as could be, remayned for a month whiche being expired, he was deliuered and restored agayne into his old place, & former fauour with the kyng: where at the people more grudged then before. It happened by the occasion of a commotion then beginning amongest the rude people, by one whom they called Blewbeard, that the parliament, was for that tyme, adiourned to Leycester, thinking to the Queene, by force and rigour of lawe to rep [...]esse there the malice and euill will conceiued against the duke. But at that place few of y• nobilitie would appeare, Wherfore it was againe reiourned vnto Londō, & kept at Westminster, where was a whole company, & a ful appearance with the king and Queene, & with them the duke of Suffolke, as chiefe counsailour. The commons not forgetting their old grudge, renewed agayn their former articles and accusations agaynst the sayde duke, agaynst the byshop of Salisb.The Duke of Suffolke againe accused. & syr Iames Fynics, Lord Say, and other. When the kyng perceaued y• no glosing nor dissimulation would serue to appease the continual clamour of the importunate cōmons, to make some quiet pacificatiō, first he sequestred from hym the Lord say, treasurer of Englande, & other the Dukes adherentes from theyr offices. Then he put in exile the Duke of Suffolke, for the terme of 5. yeares, supposing by that space the furious rage of y• people would asswage.

But the hand of God woulde not suffer yt giltles bloud of Humfrey Duke of Glocester,Example of Gods iudgement and of bloud reuenged. The Duke of Suffolke beheaded to be vnreuenged, or that flagitious person further to continue. For whē he shipped in Suffolke, intending to be transported into Fraunce: he was encountred with a shippe of warre belonging to the tower: whereby he was taken, and brought into Douer rode, and there on the side of a ship boat, one strake of his head: which was about the yeare of our Lord. 1450.

And thus haue ye heard the full storye, and discourse of Duke Humfrey, and of all hys aduersaries, also of Gods condigne punishment vpon them for their bloudy cruelty. But before I remoue from the sayde story of the foresayde Duke, and of the proud Cardinall his enemy, I will hers by the way, annexe a certaine instrument by the kyng and aduise of his counsayle, made agaynst the sayde Cardinall, taking vpon him to enter into this realme, as Legate frō the Pope, contrary to the old lawes and customes of thys realme, as by the wordes of the sayd instrument here in Latine may well appeare.

In Dei nomine Amen, Per presens publicum instrumentum cunctis appareat euidenter quod an. Dom. 1428.Publicam inst [...]umentum nomine Regis. Indictione septima pontificatus Sanct. in Christo pat. & D. nostri D. Martini &c.

Ego Richardus Candray, procurator & nomine procuratorio Christianissimi principis Domini Henrici, Dei gratia Regis Angliae & Franciae, & Domini Hiberniae, Domini mei supremi, de assensu pariter & aduisamento Illustris & potentis Principis Humfridi Ducis Gloucestriae, Comitis Penbrochiae, protectoris & defensoris regni Angliae, & Ecclesiae Anglicanae, & caeterorum dominorum meorum de consilio suae Regiae celsitudinis, ac consiliū eiusdem facientiū & hac vice representantiū, dico, allego, & in his scriptis propono, quod dictus Christianissimus, princepsdominus meus supremus, sui (que) inclytissimi progenitores dicti regni Angliae Reges, fuerunt & sunt, tam speciali priuilegio: quam consuetudine laudabili legitime (que) praescripta, nec non a tēpore & per tē pus (cuius contrarij memoria hominum non existat) pacifice & inconcusse obseruata, sufficienter, dotati legitime (que) muniti, quod nullus Apostolicae se dis Legatus venire debeat in regnum suum Angliae, aut alias suas terras & dominia, nisi ad Regis Angliae pro tempore existentis vocationem, petitionem, requisitionem, inuitationem, seu rogatum: Fuerunt (que) & sunt dicti Christianissimus princeps dominus meus supremus ac sui inclyti progenitores huiusmodi Reges Angliae, in possessione quasi iuris & [Page] facti priuilegij, & consuetudinis praedictorum, abs (que) interruptione quacun (que), toto & omni tempore supradicto, pacificè & quiete Romanis pontificibus per totum tempus supradictum, praemissa omnia & singula, scientibus, tolerantibus, & iisdem consentiē tibus tam tacite quam expresse, ac extra omnem & omnimodam possessionem, quasi iuris & facti, Legatū huiusmodi (vtpraefertur) in regnum Angliae aut alias suas terras et dominia mittendi, nisi ad vocationem, petitionem, requisitionem: & Rogatum Regis Angliae, pro tempore existentis. Et quia reuerendis. in Chri. pat. & D. D. Henricus Dei gratia &c. sancti Eusebij praesbyter, Cardinalis sanctaesedis Romanae, Legatum se affirmans, more Legati, insignijs Apostolicae dignitatis vtens, abs (que) vocatione, petitione, requisitine, inuitatione, aut rogatu Christianissimi domini nostri Regis praedicti, inclytum regnum Angliae de facto est ingressus, protestor igitur palam, & publico in his scriptis nomine & vice quibus supra, ac omnium ipsius domini nostri Regis subditorum, quod non fuit, aut est intentionis, praefati Christianiss principis, domimini supremi, ac dictorum dominorum meorum de cōsilio in derogationem legum, iurium, consuetudinum, libertatum & priuilegiorum dicti D. nostri Regis ac regni, ingressum huiusmodi dicti reuerendiss. patris, vt Legati in Angliam, authoritate ratificare, vel approbare, seu ipsum vt Legatum sedis Apostolicae in Angliam, contra leges, iura, consuetudines, libertates & priuilegia praedicta quouismodo admittere seu recognoscere: aut exercitio legationis suae huiusmodi, aliquibusue per ipsum, vt Legatum sedis Apost. actis, seu agendis, attentatis, seu attentandis, aduersus praemissa, leges, iura, consuetudines, libertates, & priuilegia, in aliquo consentire, sed dissentire: sic (que) dissentit dictus domin [...] noster Rex, at (que) dissentiunt dicti domini mei de consilio, per presentes &c,

The summe and effecte whereof in Englishe is this, that in the yeare of our Lord. 1428. as the King with Duke Humfrey Lord protectour,An instru- ment by the thing against the admitting the Popes, legate. & the rest of the counsayle, were in the Dukes house in the Parish of S. Bennets by Paules warfe, one Richard Candray procuratour, in the kinges name and behalfe did protest and denounce by thys publicke instrument, that where as the kyng and all hys progenitours, kinges before him of thys realme of Englād haue bene heretofo [...]e possessed tyme out of mynde, with speciall priuiledge and custome vsed and obserued in thys Realme from tyme to time, that no Legate from the Apostolicke sea should enter into thys land or anye of the kynges dominions, without the calling, petition, request, inuitement or desire of the kyng, and for so much as Henry byshop of Wint. and Cardinall of S. Eusebius, hath presumed so to enter as Legat from the Pope, beyng neyther called, sent for, required, or desired by the kyng: therfore the sayd Richard Candray in the kynges name doth protest by this instrument, that it standeth not with the kinges minde or intent, by the aduise of hys counsayle, to admit, approue, or ratifie the cōming of the sayd Legate in anye wise, in derogation of the rightes, customes and lawes of this hys realme: or to recognise, or assent to any exercise of this hys authoritie Legantine, or to anye actes, attempted, or hereafter by hym to be attempted in this respect cō trary to the foresayd lawes, rightes, customes, and liberties of this Realme, by these presentes. &c.

And thus much as an Apendix, annexed to the story of Duke Humfrey, and the Cardinal of Wint. extracte out of an olde written volume, remaining in the handes of maister William Bowyer.

¶ The benefite and inuention of Printing.

IN following the course and order of yeares, we find this foresayd yeare of our Lord. 1450.Anno. 1450. to be famous and memorable, for the diuine and miraculous inuention of printing. Nauclerus,The arte of printing inuented. Ex Tipographia per Matsheum Iudi [...]em. and Wymselingus folowing him, referre the inuention thereof to the yeare 1440. In paralipom. Abbatis Vrsp. it is recorded this facultie to be found. an. 1446. Auentinus and Zieglerus do say, an. 1450. The first inuē tour thereof (as moste agree) is thought to bee a Germayne dwelling first in Argentine, afterward Cittizen of Mentz, named Iohn Faustus, a goldsmith. The occasiō of this inuention first was by engrauing ye letters of ye Alphabet in mettal: who then laying blacke incke vpon the mettall, gaue the forme of letters in paper. The man being industruous, and actiue, perceiuing that, thought to proceed further, and to proue whether it woulde frame as well in words, and in whole sentences, as it did in letters. Which when he perceaued to come well to passe, he made certayne other of his counsaile, one Iohn Guttemberge & Peter Schafferd, binding them by their othe, to keepe silence, for a season. After x. yeares, Iohn Guttemberge compartner wt Faustus, began then first to broch the matter at Strausbrough. The Arte beyng yet but rude, in processe of tyme, was set forward by inuentiue wittes, adding more and more to the perfection thereof. In the number of whome, Iohn Mentell, Iohn Prus, Adolphus Ruschius, were great helpers, Ulrirus [...]an [...] in latine called Gallus, first brought it to Rome. Whereof ye Epigram was made.

Anser Tarpeij custos, vigilando quòd alis

Constreperes,

Carmen An [...]. Campani.

Gallus decidit vltor adest

Vlricus Gallus, nequem poscantur in vsum,

Edocuit pennis nil opus esse tuis.

Notwithstanding, what man soeuer was the instrument, without all doubt God himselfe was the ordayner and disposer thereof,Printing cam [...] of God. no otherwise, then be was of the gifte of congues, and that for a singuler purpose. And well may this gift o [...] printing be resembled to the gift of tongues: for like as God then spake with many tongues,Printing likened to the giftes of tongues. and yet all yt would not turne the Iewes, so now, when the holy ghost speaketh to ye aduersaries in innumerable sorts of bookes, yet they will not be conuerted: nor turne to the Gospell.

Now to consider to what ende and purpose the Lorde hath geuen this gift of Printing to the earth, and to what great vtility and necessity it serueth, it is not hard to iudge who so wisely perpendeth both the time of the sending, & the sequele which therof ensueth.

And first,The time considered when Printing was founde. touching the time of this faculty geuen to the vse of man, this is to be marked: that when as the Byshop of Rome, with all the whole & ful consent of the Cardinals, Patriarches, Archbishops, byshops, Abbots, Priours, Lawyers, Doctors, Prouostes, Deanes, Archdeacons, assembled together in the councell of Constance, had condemned poore Iohn Hus, & Hierom of Prage to death for heresie, notwithstanding they were no heretickes, and after they had subdued the Bohemians, and all the whole world vnder the supreme authority of the Romish sea: and had made all Christē people abedienciaries & vassals vnto the same, hauing (as one would say) all the worlde at theyr will, so that the matter now was past not only the power of al men, but the hope also of any man to be recouered. In this very time so daungerous and desperate, where mans power could do no more, there the blessed wisedome & omnipotent power of the Lord began to work for his church not with sword and tergate to subdue his exalted aduersary, but with Printing, writing, and reading to conuince darkenes by light,Double confusi [...] vpon the Pope by printing. errour by truth, ignorance by learning So that by this meanes of printing, the secret operatiō of God hath heaped vpon that proud kingdome a double cō fusion. For where as the byshop of Rome, had burned I. Hus before, and Hierome of Prage, who neither denyed his transubstantiation, nor hys supremacie, nor yet hys Popishe Masse, but sayd Masse, and heard masse themselues, neither spake agaynst his purgatory, nor anye other great matter of his popishe doctrine, but onely exclaymed agaynst his excessiue and pompous pride, hys vnchristian or rather Antichristian abhomination of life: thus while he could not abide his wickednes onely of life to be touched, but made it heresie, or at least matter of death, what soeuer was spoken agaynst hys detestable conuersation, and maners, God of hys secret iudgement, seing tyme to helpe his Church, hath found a way by this facultie of Printing, not onely to confound his life, and conuersation, which before he could not abide to be touched, but also to cast downe the foundatiō of his standing, that is, to examine, confute, and detect his doctrine, laws, and institutions most detestable in such sort, that though his life were neuer so pure: yet his doctrine standing, as it doth, no man is so blinde, but may see, that eyther the pope is Antichrist, or els that Antichrist is neare cosine to the pope: And al this doth, and wil hereafter more and more appeare by Printing.

The reason whereof is this: for yt hereby tongues are knowne,The fruit & profite of printing. knowledge groweth, iudgemēt increaseth, books are dispersed, the Scripture is seene, the Doctours be read stories be opened, times compared, truth decerned, falshod detected, and with finger poynted, and all (as I sayd) thorough the benefite of printing. Wherfore I suppose that eyther the pope must abolish printing, or he must seek a new world to raygne ouer: for els, as this world standeth, printing doubtles will abolish hym. But the pope, and all hys Colledge of Cardinals, must this vnderstād, that through the light of printing, the worlde beginneth nowe to haue eyes to see, and heades to iudge. He cannot walke so inuisible in a net, but he will be spyed. And although thorough might he stopped the mouth of Iohn Hus before, and of Hierome, that they might not preache, thinking to make his kingdome sure: yet in stede of Iohn Hus & other God hath opened the presse to preach, whose voyce the Pope is neuer able to stop with all ye puissance of his triple crown. By this printing, as by the gift of tongues, and as by the singular organe of the holy Ghost, the doctrine of the Gospell soundeth to all nations and countryes vnder heauen: and what God reuealeth to one man, is dispersed to many [Page] and what is knowne in one nation, is opened to all.

Good counsaile to the Pope.The first and best were for the bishop of Rome, by the benefite of printing, to learne and know the trueth. If he will not, let him well vnderstand that printing is not set vp for naught. To striue against the streame, it auayleth not. What the pope hath lost, since printing and the presse began to preach, let hym cast hys counters. First when Erasmus wrote, and Frobenius Printed, what a blow ther by was geuen to all Fryers and monks in the world? And who seeth not, that the penne of Luther following after Erasmus and set forward by writing, hath set the triple crown so awry on the popes head, that it is like neuer to be set streight agayne.

Brieflye, if there were no demonstration to leade, yet by this one argument of printing, the bishop of Rome might vnderstand the counsayl and purpose of the Lord to worke agaynst him, hauing prouided such a way in earth, that almost how many printing presses there be in ye world so many blockhouses there be agaynst the high castle of S. Angell.So preached the vicar of Croydē in K. Henry the 8. dayes, at Paules crosse, saying that either we must roote out printing or else printing, will roote out v 8. So that eyther the pope must abolishe knowledge and Printing, or printing at length will roote him out. For if a man wisely consider the holde and standing of the pope, thus he may repute with himselfe, that as nothing made the pope strong in time past, but lacke of knowledge and ignoraunce of simple Christians: so contrariwise now nothing doth debilitate and shake the high spire of his Papacie so much as reading, preaching, knowledge & iudgement, that is to say, the fruit of printing: Whereof some experience we see already, and more is like (the Lord before) to follow. For although, through outward force and violēt cruelty, tonges dare not spake, yet the hartes of men dayly (no doubt) be instructed through this benefite of printing. And though the pope both nowe by cruelty, and in tymes past by ignoraunce, had all vnder hys possession: yet neyther must he thinke, that violence will alwayes continue, neyther must he hope for that now, which he had then: for so much as in those former dayes, bookes then were scarse & also of such excessiue price, that few coulde attayne to the buying, fewer to ye reading & studying therof: which bookes now by ye meanes of this arte, are made easie vnto al men. Ye heard before, pag. 665, how Nicholas Belward, bought a new testament in those dayes for foure markes and 40. pence, where as now the same price will serue well 40. persons with so many bookes.

Moreouer in the pag. 411. col. 1. it was noted and declared by the testimony of Armachanus, how for defect of bookes and good authors, both vniuersities were decaied and good wits kept in ignoraunce, while begging Fryers scaping all the wealth from other priestes, heaped vp all bookes that coulde be gotten, into theyr owne Libraryes: where eyther they dyd not diligently applye them, or els did not rightly use them, or at least kept them from such as more fruitfully would haue perused them.

In this then so great raritie, and also dearth of good books, when neither they which could haue books, would well vse them, nor they y• woulde, could haue them to vse, what maruell if the greedines of a few prelates did abuse the blindnes of those daies, to the aduauncement of themselues? Wherefore, almighty God of hys mercifull prouidence, seeing both what lacked in the church, and how also to remedy the same, for yt aduauncement of his glory, gaue the vnderstanding of this excellent arte or science of printing, whereby three singular cōmodities at one time came to the world.Triple commodity by printing. First, the price of all bookes diminished. Secondly toe speedy helpe of reading, more furthered. And thirdly the plenty of all good authours enlarged: according as Aprutinus, doth truely report.

Imprimit ille die, quantum non scribitur anno. 1.

The presse in one day will do in printing,

That none in one yeare can do in writing.

By reason whereof, as printing of bookes ministred matter of readyng:When Gunnes were first inuented. so readyng brought learning: learning shewedlight, by y• brightnes wherof blind ignorance was suppressed errour detected, & finally Gods glory, wt trueth of hys worde, aduaunced. This facultie of Printing was after the inuention of Gunnes, the space of 130. yeares: which inuention was also found in Germany, an. 1380. And thus much for ye worthy commendation of printing.

¶ The lamentable losing of Constantinople.

Anno. 1458.ANno. 1453. Constantinus Paloelogus, beyng Emperour of Constatinople, the 29. day of the month of May, the great Cittye of Constantinople was taken by the Turke Mahometes,The losing of Constantinople. after the siege of 54. dayes, which siege began in the beginning of Aprill. Within the city, beside the Citizens were but onely 6000. rescuers of the Greekes. And 3000. of the Uenetians & Gennues. Against these, Mahometes brought an army of 400. thousand, collected out of the countryes and places adioyning nere about, as out of Grecia, Illirico, Wallachia, Dardanis, Triballis, Bulganis, out of Bithynia, Galatia, Lydia, Cecilia, and suche other: which places had the name yet of Christians. Thus one neighbour for lucre sake, helped to destroy all other.

The Cittie was compassed of the Turkes, both by the sea & land. Mahometes the Turke deuided his armye in 3. sondry partes, which in 3. partes of the citty, so bette the walles and brake them downe, that they attempted by the breaches therof to enter the cittye. But the valiauntnes of the Christians there in wanne much cōmendation, whose Duke was called Iohn Iustinianus, of Genua. But for so much as the assaultes were great, and the number of the Christian souldiours dayly decreased, fighting both at the walles and at the Hauen, agaynst such a multitude of the Turkes, they were not able long to hold out. Beside the armyes which lay battering at the walles, the Turke had vpon the sea his nauy of 200. and 50. sayle, lying vpon the hauen of the City, reaching from the one side of the hauens mouth vnto the other, as if a bridge should be made frō the one banke to the other. Which hauen by the cittizens was barred with yron chaines, whereby the Turks were kept out a certayne space. Agaynst whiche nauy 7. ships there were of Genua, within the hauen, and 3. of Creta, and certayne of Chio, which stoode agaynst them. Also the souldiours issuing out of the Cittie, as occasion would serue, did manfully gaynstand them, and wt wild fire, set their ships on fire, that a certayn space they could serue to no vse. At length the cheynes being brast, & a way made, the Turkes nauy entred the hauen, and assaulted the Cittie, whereby ye Turke began to conceiue great hope,The tirannie of the Turke toward his owne men. and was in forwardnes to obtain the Citie. The assault and skirmish thē waxing more hoate, Mahometes the tyraunt stode by vppon an hill, with hys warriours about him, crying & houling out vnto them to skale the walles and enter the towne, otherwise, if any reculed, he threatned to kill them, and so he did. Wherefore a great number of his souldiours in theyr repulse and retire, were slaine by the turkes men, being sēt by his commandement to slay them: and so they were iustly serued, and well payd theyr hyer.

Although this was some comfort, to the Christians, to see and behold out of the Cittie, the Turkes retinue so consumed, yet that hope lasted not long. Shortly after by rage of warre, it happened Iustinian the Duke aboue named, to be hurt, who notwithstanding that he was earnestly desired by Paloelogus the Emperour,The cowardnes of Duke Iustinian. not to leaue his Tower which he had to keepe, seeing hys wound was not deadly daungerous, yet could he not be intreated to tary, but lefte his standing, and his fort disfurnished, setting none in his place to award the same. And so this donghty Duke, hurte more with hys false hart, then with force of weapon, gaue ouer and fled to Chius, where shortly after for sorrow, rather then for sorenes of wound, he died. Many of his souldiours seeing their captayne flee, followed after, leauing their fort vtterly destitute without defence. The Turkes vnderstanding y• vantage, soone brast into the cittie. The Emperour Paloelogus seeing no other way but to flee,The Emperour of Cō stantinople flaine. making toward the gate, eyther was slayne, or els troden down wt the multitude. In the which gate 800. dead mēs bodies were found and taken vp.

The Cittie of Constantinople thus being gotte, the Turkes sacking and raunging about the streetes houses,Cōstātinople wonne of the Turkes. The bloudy victory of the Turkes. and corners, did put to the sword most vnmercifully, whō soeuer they found, both aged and young: matrones, virgins, children, and infants: sparing none, the noble matrones and virgins were horriblye rauished, the goods of ye cittie, the treasurers in houses, the ornaments in churches were all sackt and spoyled, the pictures of Christ approbriously handled, in hatred of Christ. The spoyle and hauocke of the citie lasted three dayes together, while ye barbarous souldiours murdered and rifeled what them listed.

These thinges thus being done, and the tumult ceased, after three dayes, Mahometes the Turke, entreth into the Citie, and first calling for the heades and auncientes of thē Citie:The horrible in āny of the Turkes. such as he found to be left aliue, he commaunded the to be mangled and [...]ut in peeces. It is also (sayth my author) reported, that in the feastes of the Turks, honest matrones and virgins, and such as were of the kinges stocke, after other co [...]umeties, were he [...] and cut in peeces for their disport.

And this was the end of that princely and famous [...] of Constantinople, beginning first by Constantinus, and [Page] ending also with Constātinus:Constantinople called new Rome. which for the princely royalty therof, was named and euer honoured, from the time of the first Constantine, equally with the City of Rome, & called also by the name thereof new Rome, & so continued the space of 1120. yeares. I pray God that olde Rome may learne of new Rome, to take heed and beware by tyme.

This terrible destruction of the Citty of Constantinople, the Queene of Cittyes,A warning to all Christendome, by Constantinople. I thought here to describe, not so much to set forth ye barbarous cruelty of these filthy rake hels and mercilesse murtherers: as specially for this, that we being admonished by the dolefull ruine and misery of these our euen christened, may call to minde the plagues & miseryes deserued, whiche seeme to hang no lesse ouer our owne heades, and thereby may learne betime to inuocate and call more earnestly vpon the name of our terrible and mercifull God, that he for his sonnes sake, will keepe vs, & preserue his church among vs, and mitigate those plagues and sorrowes, whiche we no lesse haue deserued, then these aboue minded, before vs. Christ graunt it. Amen. Ex hist. Wittenbergica Peucer.

The history of Reynold Peeocke Byshop of Chichester, afflicted and imprisoned for the Gospell of Christ.

The story of Reinold Pecocke.AFter the death of Henry Chichisley before mentioned, pag. 657. next succeeded Iohn Stafford. an. 1445. who continued 8. yeares. After hym came Iohn Kempe. ann. 1453. who sate but three yeares. Then succeeded Thomas Burschere. In the time of which Archbishop, fell the trouble of Reynold Pecocke, Bishop of Chichester, afflicted by the Popes Prelates for hys fayth and profession of the Gospell. Of this Byshoppe, Halle also in his Chronology toucheth a little mention, declaring that an ouerthwart iudgement (as he termeth it) was geuen by the Fathers of the spiritualty agaynst him. Thys man (sayth he) beganne to moue questions not priuatly, but openly in the Uniuersityes, concerning the Annates, Peter pence, and other iurisdictions and authorities perteyning to the sea of Rome, and not onely put forth the questiōs, but declared his mind and opinion in the same: wherefore he was for thys cause absured at Paules Crosse. Thus muche of hym wryteth Hall. Of whom also recordeth Polychronycon, but in few wordes. This bishop, first of S. Assaphe, then of Chichester, so long as Duke Humfrey lyued (by whome he was promoted and much made of) was quiet and safe, and also bolde to dispute and to write hys mynde, and wrote (as Leland recordeth) diuers bookes and treatises. But after that good Duke was thus (as ye haue heard) made away, this good man lacking his backstay, was open to his enemies, and matter soone found agaynst hym. Wherupon he being complayned of, and accused by priuy and malignant promoters vnto the Archbishop, letters first were directed downe from the Archbishop, to cite al men to appeare that could say any thing agaynst hym. The forme of which citation here ensueth.

The copy of the Citation sent by the Archbyshoppe.

The citatiō of the Arch. Tho. Bowcher, alias Bour [...]chet.THomas by the permission of God, Archb. of Canterbury, primate of all England and Legate of the Apostolicke Sea, to all and singuler Parsons, Vicares, Chaplaynes, Curates, & not Curates, Clerkes and learned men, whatsoeuer they be, constitute & ordeined in any place throughout our prouince of Caunterbury, health, grace and benediction.

We haue receiued a greeuous complaint of our reuerend felow brother, Reynold Pecocke Byshop of Chichester, conteyning in it, that albeit our sayd reuerend felow brother, the Byshop, deliuered vnto vs certayne bookes written by him in the English tongue, by vs and our authority to be examined, corrected reformed and allowed: notwithstanding many (the examination and reformation of the sayde bookes depending and remayning before vs vndiscussed) haue openly preached and taught at Paules crosse in London, and in diuers other places of our prouince of Canterbury, that our sayd felow brother the Byshop, hath propoūded, made and written, or caused to be writen in the sayde bookes, certayne conclusions repugnaunt to the true fayth, and that he doth obstynately hold and defend the same.

By the pretence of which preaching and teaching, the state & good name and fame of the sayd Lord Reynolde the Byshoppe; are greeuously offended and hurt, and he and his opinion maruellously burdened. Wherefore we charge you all together, and seuerally apart do commaund you, firmely enioyning you, that openly and generally you doe warne or cause to bee warned, all and singular such persons, whiche will obiect any thing contrary and agaynst the conclusions of our sayd reuerēd felow brother the Bishop, had or conteined in his bookes or writings: that the 20. day after such monition or warning had, they do freely of theyr own accord appeare before vs and our Commissaryes in this behalfe appoynted wheresoeuer we shall then be in our Citty, Dioces, or prouince of Canterbury, to speake, propound, alledge, and affirme fully & sufficiently in writinge, whatsoeuer hereticall or erroneous matter they wil speak, propound, or obiect agaynst the sayde conclusions conteyned in his sayde bookes: and both to satisfye and receiue, whatsoeuer shall seeme meete and right in this behalfe by the holy institutions and ordinaunces.

And for so muche as this matter depending yet vndetermined and vndiscussed, nothing ought to be attempted or renewed: we charge you that by this our authority, you inhibite and forbid all and euery one so to preach and teach hereafter. Vnto whom also we by the the tenour of these presents, do likewise forbid, that during the examination of the conclusions and bookes aforesayde, depending before vs and our Commissaryes vndiscussed, they do not presume by any meanes, without good aduise and iudgemēt, to preach, iudge, and affirme any thing to the preiudice or offēce of the sayd Lord Reynold the Byshop and if so be, you do finde any in this behalfe gayne saying or not obeying this our inhibitiō, that you do cite or cause thē peremptorily to be cited, to appeare before vs or our Commissaryes, in this behalfe appoynted, the 10 day after theyr citation, if it be a courte day or els the next courte day following, wheresoeuer we shall then be, in our City, Dioces, or prouince of Canterbury, to make further declaration by form of law of the cause of their disobediēce & to receiue such punishment as iustice and equity shall determine in that behalfe: & that by your leters you do duely certify vs or our Commissaries, what you haue done in the premisses at the day and place aforesayd: or that he which hath so executed our commaundement, do so certifie vs by his letters. Dated at our Manour of Lambeth the xxij. day of October. an. 1457 and in the 4. yeare of our translation.

This citation being directed, the Byshop vpon the sū mon thereof, Pecocke appeareth at Lambeth before the Archb. was brought, or rather came before ye iudges and Bishops, vnto Lambeth, where the foresaid Thomas the Archbishop, with his doctors and Lawyers, were gathered together in the Archbishops Court. In which conuention also the Duke of Buckingham was present, accō panyed with the Bishop of Rochester, and of Lyncolne. What were the opiniōs and articles agaynst him obiected, after in his reuocatiou shall be specified. In his answering for himselfe in such a company of the Popes frendes, albeit he coulde not preuayle, notwithstanding he stoutly defending himselfe declared many thinges worthye great commendation of learning, if learning agaynste power coulde haue preuayled.

But they on the contrary part, Great labour, to reduce Pecocke from his opiniōs with all labor and trauel, extended themselues, either to reduce him, or els to cō found him. As here lacked no blustring wordes of terrour and threatning: so also many fayre flattering wordes and gentle persuasions, were admixt with al. Briefely, to make a short narration of a long and busy trauers, here was no stone lefte vnturned, no wayes vnprooued, eyther by fayre meanes to entreat him, or by terrible manasses to terrifye his mind, till at the length, he being vanquished and ouercome by the bishops, began to faynt and gaue ouer. Wherupon, by & by a recantation was put vnto him by the Byshops, which he should declare before the people. The copy of which his recantation here foloweth.

¶ The forme and maner of the retractation of Reynold Pecocke.

IN the name of God Amen.The retractation of B. Pecocke. Before you, the most reuered Father in Christ and Lorde, the Lorde Thomas, by the grace of God, Archbishop of Canterbury, priuate of England and Legate of the Apostolicke sea, I Reynolde Pecock, vnworthy Bishop of Chichester, do purely, willyngly, simply, and absolutely, cōfesse and acknowledge, that I in times past, that is to say, by the space of these 20. yeares last past and more, haue otherwise conceiued, holdē, taught and written, as touching the Sacramentes and the Articles of ye fayth, then the holy Church of Rome and vniuersall Church:Ex regist. and also that I haue made, written, published and set forth many & diuers pernitious doctrines, bookes, workes, writings, heresyes, contrary and agaynst the true Catholicke, and Apostolicke fayth, contayning in them, errours cōtrary to the Catholicke fayth, & especially these errours and heresies here vnder written.

1. First of all,

His Articles.

that we are not bounde by the necessitye of fayth, to beleue that our Lord Iesus Christ after his death descended into hell.

2. Item, that it is not necessarye to saluation to beleeue in the holy Catholicke Church.

3. Item, that it is not necessary to saluation, to beleue the [Page] communion of Sayntes.

4. Item, that it is not necessary to saluation, to affirme the body materially in the Sacrament.

5. Item that the vniuersall Churche may erre in matters which perteyne vnto fayth.

6. Item, that it is not necessary vnto saluation, to beleue, that that, which euery generall Councell doth vniuersally ordeine, approue, or determine, should necessaryly, for the helpe of our fayth, and the saluation of soules, be approued and holden of all faythfull Christians.

Wherfore I Reynold Pecocke wretched sinner, which haue long walked in darckenesse, and now by the merciful disposition and ordinaunce of God, am reduced & brought agayne vnto the light and way of truth, and restored vnto the vnity of our holy mother the Church: renoūce and forsake all errors and heresyes aforesayd.

Notwithstanding (godly reader) it is not to be beleued that Pecocke did so geue ouer these opinions, howsoeuer the wordes of the recantation pretend. For it is a pollicy & play of the bishops that when they do subdue or ouercome any mā, they cary him whither they list, as it were a yoūg Stere by the nose, and frame out his words for him before hand, as it were for a Parate, what he should speake vnto the people: not according to his owne will, but after theyr lust and fantasy. Neither is it to be doubted, but that thys Bishop repented him afterward of his recantation: which may easely be iudged hereby, because he was committed agayn into prison, & deteined captiue, where as it is vncertaine, whether he was oppressed with priuy and secret tyranny, and there obteined the crown of Martyrdom, or no.

The Dictionary of Thomas Gascoigne, I haue not in my handes present. But if credite be to be geuen to such as haue to vs alledged the booke,The articles of Reynolde Pecocke mentioned by Thomas Gascoigne. Ex Tho. Gascoig. lib. De Dictionario. Theolog part. 3. this we may finde in the 8. Century of Iohn Bale. chapter 19. that the sayd Thomas Gascoigne in his third part of his sayd dictionary, writing of Reinold Pecocke, maketh declaration of his articles cō teining in them matter of sore heresy. First (saith he) Reynold Pecock, at Paules crosse preached openly, that the office of a Christen Prelate, chiefly aboue all other things is, to preach the word of God. That mans reason is not to be preferred before the Scriptures of the old and new Testament. That the vse of Sacraments, as they be now handled, is worse, then the vse of the lawe of nature. That Byshops which buy theyr admissions of the Bishop of Rome do sinne. That no man is bound to beleue and obey the determination of the Churche of Rome. Also that the riches of Bishops, by inheritage, are the goods of the poore. Item that the Apostles themselues personally were not the makers of the Creed, & that in the same Creede, once was not the Article he went downe to hell. Item, that of the foure senses of the Scripture, none is to be taken, but the very first and proper sense. Also, that he gaue litle estimation in some poyntes, to the authority of the olde Doctors. Item, that he condemned the wilfull begging of the Friers, as a thing idle and needles. This out of Thomas Gascoigne. Leland also adding this moreouer, sayth: that he, not contented to folow the Catholicke sentence of the Churche in interpreting of the Scripture, did not thinke soundly (as he iudged it) of the holy Eucharist.

At length, for these and suche other Articles, the sayde Reynold Pecocke was condemned for an hereticke by the Archbishops, and Bishops of Rosse. Lyncolne and Winchester, with other diuines moe. Wherupon he being driuē to his recantation,B. Pecocke deteyned in prison was notwithstanding deteyned still in prison. Where some say, that he was priuily made away by death.

Halle addeth that some say, his opinions to bee, that spirituall persons by Gods lawe, ought to haue no temporall possessions. Other write that he sayde, that personall tithes were not due by Gods lawe. But whatsoeuer the cause was, he was caused at Paules Crosse to abiure, and all his bookes brent, and he himselfe kepte in his owne house, during his naturall life. I maruell that Polydore, of this extremity of the Bishops handling, and of his Articles,Polydo [...]e noted. in his history, maketh no memoriall. Belike it made but little for the honestye of his great maister the Pope.

From persecution & burning in England, now out of the way, to digresse a little, to speake of forraine matters of the church of Rome: you remēber before, in ye latter end of the Councell of Basill,Eugenius warred against S [...]ortia and diuers other. howe Eugenius was deposed. Of whose conditiōs and martiall affayres, how he made war agaynst Sfortia a famous Captaine of Italy, and what other warres he raised beside, not onely in Italy, but also in Germany, agaynst the City and Councell of Basill, I shal not need to make any long rehearsall. After his depositiō, ye heard also how Foelix duke of Sauoy was elected pope. Wherupō another great schisme folowed in the church during all the life of Eugenius.Pope F [...]x

After his death,Pope Nicholas 5. his next successor was pope Nicholas the fift, who (as you before haue heard) brought so to passe with the Emperour Fredericke the third that Foelix was contented to renounce and resigne his papacy to Nicolas, and was therfore of him afterward receiued to the rowme of a Cardinall, for his submission: & Friderick for his working, was confirmed at Rome to be full Emperor,Emperours are but kinges of Romaines, before they be crowned by the Pope. & there crowned. an. 1451. For Emperors before they be cōfirmed & crowned by the pope, are no Emperors, but onely called kinges of Romaynes.

This Pope Nicholas here mentioned, for to get & gather great sūmes of mony, appoynted a Iubile in the yeare of our Lorde 1450. at whiche time there resorted a greater number of people vnto Rome, thē hath at any time before bene seene.Ex Platina de vitis. At which time, we reade in the story of Platina to haue happened, that I thought here not vnworthy to be noted for the example of the thing. As there was a great concourse of people resorting vp to the mount Uaticane to behold the Image of our Sauior, which there they had to shew to Pilgrimes,The example of Idolatrie punished. the people being thicke going to & fro betwene the mount & the City, by chaunce a certayn Mule of the Cardinals of saynt Marke came by the way, by reason whereof the people not being able to auoyde the way, one or two falling vpon the Mule, there was such a prease and throng vpon that occasion on the bridge, that to the nū der of two hundred bodyes of men, and three horses, were there strangled,The fruit of Idolatry. and on each side of the bridge many besides fell ouer into the water and were drowned.

By meanes of which occasiō, the Pope afterward caused the smal houses to be plucked downe, to make the way broder. And this is the fruite that commeth by Idolatrye. Ex Platin.

In the time of this Pope,Mat. Palmerius, a Florentine. martyr. one Mat. Palmerius wrote a booke De Angelis, in defending whereof, he was condemned by the Pope, and burned at Corna. an. 1448 Ex Tritemio.

After him succeeded Calixtus the thyrd, who amongest diuers other things ordeined both at noone and at euening the bell to tole the Aues,Toling of Aues. as it was vsed in the popish time, to helpe the souldiours that fought agaynst the Turkes: for which cause also he ordeined the feast of the transfiguration of the Lord, solemnising it with like pardons and indulges, as was Corpus Christi day.

Also this Pope proceding contrary to the Councels of Constance and Basill,S. Edmund of Cant. canonised. decreed that no man should appeale from the Pope to any Councell. By whome also Sayncte Edmunde of Caunterbury with diuers other, were made Sayntes.

Next after this Calixtus,Pope Pius. 2. succeeded Pius secundus, otherwise called Aeneas Syluius, who wrote the two bookes of Commentaries vpon the Councell of Basill before mē tioned. This Aeneas, at the time of the writing of those hys bookes, seemed to be a man of an indifferent and tollerable iudgement and doctrine,Promotion choketh religion. from the which he afterward being Pope, seemed to decline and swarue, seeking by all meanes possible, how to deface & abolish the bookes which heretofore he had written.

¶ Sentences attributed vnto this Pius.

THe diuine nature of God may rather be comprehended by fayth,The Prouerbes of Pius. then by disputation.

Christian fayth is to be considered, not by what reason it is proued, but from whom it proceedeth.

Neyther can a couetous man be satisfied with money, nor a learned man with knowledge.

Learning ought to be to poore men, in stead of siluer, to noble men in stead of golde, and to Princes in stead of precious stones.

An artificiall oratiō moueth fooles, but not wise men.

Suters in the Lawe, bee as Byrdes, the Courte is the bayte, the Iudges be the nettes, and the Lawyers be the Foulers.

Men are to bee geuen to dignityes, and not dignityes to men.

The office of a Byshoppe is heauy, but it is blessed to him that doth wel beare it.

A Bishop without learning may be likened to an Asse.

An euill Phisition destroyth bodies, but an vnlearned Priest destroyeth soules.

Mariage was taken from Priestes,Mariage of priestes allowed by Aeneas Syluius. not without great reason, but with muche greater reason it ought to be restored agayne.

[Page]The like sentence to this he vttereth in his second book of the Councell of Basil before specified, saying, peraduenture it were not the worst, that the most part of priestes had theyr wiues: for many shoulde be saued in Priestly mariage, whiche nowe in vnmaryed Priesthoode are damned. The same Pius also, as Celius reporteth, dissolued certayne orders of Nunnes, of the order of S. Briget and S. Clare, bidding them to depart out, that they should burne no more, nor couer a Harlotte vnder the vesture of Religion.

This Pius, if he had brought so much piety and godlinesse, as he brought learning vnto his Popedome, had excelled many Popes that went before him.

It shall not be impertinent here to touch, what the said Eneas called Pius, the Pope, writeth touchinge the peace of the church, vnto Gaspee Schlick, the Emperors Chaū cellor, in his 54. Epistle.

‘All men do abhorre and detest schisme. The way to remedye this euill Charles the French king hath shewed vs both safe and briefe, Ex epist. 54. Pii. s [...]cund. ad Gasparum Schlick. which is, that princes or their Oratours should conuent &c assemble together in some cōmon place, where they may cōclude vpon matters amongest themselues. To bring this to passe, it were needfull, writinges to be sent agayne to all Kynges and Princes, to send theyr Oratours to Strawes borow, or to Constance, with theyr full authority: there to entreate of matters appertayning to the peace of the Church.The way to exclude schisme, is concord of princ [...]s.Neyther woulde it require so great expenses: Forasmuch as we see the yeare before 300. gildernes to be sufficient. Constantine the Emperour bestowed not muche more in the congregation of the Councell of Nice. And this way could not be stopped: neyther could the Pope or the Councell withstād it, or make excuse: as though this might not easily be done without them. For why? the secular princes may conuent and assemble together, will they, nill they: and yet notwithstanding, vnity may there be concluded: The Popes Clergie wil not abyde the fyre, eyther for prince or pope. For he should be an vndoubted Pope, whom all Princes would obey. Neyther do I see any of the clergy so constant to death, which wil suffer Martirdom either for the one part or the other. Al we lightly hold that faith which our princes hold, which if they would worship Idols, we would also do the same, & not onely deny the Pope, but God also, if the secular power strayn vs thereunto, for charitye is waxed colde, and all fayth is gone. Howsoeuer it be, let vs all desire and seeke for peace, the whiche peace, whether it come by a councell, or by assemblye of Princes, call it what you will, I care not: for we stand not vpon the terme, but vpon the matter. Call breade if you will, a stone, so you geue me to asswage my hunger. Whether you call it a Councell or a conuenticle, or an assembly or a congregation, or a synagogue, that is no matter, so that schisme may be excluded and peace established.’ Thus much out of the Epistle of Pius.

The breath of this pestilent seate corrupteth all that sit in it, whatsoeuer they were beforeBy this may it appeare, of what sentence and minde this Pius was in ye time of the Councell of Basill, before he was made Pope. But as our common prouerbe sayth, honors chaungeth maners, so it happeneth with this Pius, who after he came once to be Pope, was much altered from that he was before. For where as before he preferred generall Councels before the Pope, nowe being Pope, he did decree that no man should appeale from the high Byshop of Rome: to any generall Councell.

And likewise for priestes mariage, where as before he thought it best to haue theyr wiues restored,Aeneas Syluius now puffed vp with worldly pompe and glorie, impugneth the trueth whiche he did before both know and professe. D [...]scord betwene Pope Pius & the Archbishop of Mentz. yet afterward he altered his mind otherwise: In so much that in his book intreating of Germany, and there speaking of the noble city of August, by occasion he inueyed agaynst a certayne Epistle of Hulderike once bishop of the sayd City, written agaynst the constitution of the single life of priests. Wherby it appeareth how the minde of this Pius was altered frō that it was before. This Epistle of Hulderick is before expressed at large in the pag. 137.

Here also might I touch something concerning the discord betwixt this Aeneas Syluius and Diotherus, Archbish. of Mentz, and what discorde was styrred vp in Germany vpon the same betwene Frederick the Palatine, and duke of Wittenberge, with others, by the occasion whereof, besides the slaughter of many, the City of Mentz, which was free before, lost theyr freedome, and became seruile.

The causes of the discord betwixt Pope Pius and Diotherus, were these.

First, because that Diotherus would not consent vnto him in the imposition of certaine tallages and taxes, within his country.

Secondly, for that Diotherus would not be boūd vnto him, requiring that the said Diotherus being prince Electour, should not call the other Electors together, wythout hys licence that is, without the licence of the Bishop of Rome.

And thirdly, because Diotherus would not permit to the Popes Legates, to conuocate his Clergy together after theyr owne lust.Anno. 1458. Pope Paulus. 2. This Pope Pius began his lea, about the yere of our Lord. 1458.

After this Pius secundus, succeded Paulus secūdus, a pope wholy set vpon his belly and ambition, and not so muche voyd of all learning,Ex Stanislao Rutheno. Vide Cent. 8. Bal. as the hater of all learned men. Thys Paulus had a daughter begotten in fornication, which because he sawe her to be had in reproch, for that she was got ten in fornication, began (as the storyes reporte) to repent him of the law of the single life of priestes, and went aboute to reforme the same, had not death preuented him. Ex Stanislao Rutheno.

After this Paulus, came Sixtus the fourth, whiche builded vp in Rome a stewes of both kindes, getting therby no small reuenues and rents vnto the church of Rome. This Pope amongest his other actes,The feast of the conception and presentation of our Lady. Beades brought in. reduced the yeare of Iubely from the 50. vnto the 25. He also instituted the feast of the Conception, and of the presentation of Mary & of Anna her mother, and Ioseph. Also he canonised Bonauenture, and S. Fraunces for Sayntes.

By this Sixtus also, beades were brought in, and instituted to make our Ladyes Psalter, thorowe the occasion of one Alanus and his order, whome Baptista maketh mention of in thys verse. Hi filo insertis numerant sua murmura baccis. That is, these menne putting theyr beades vpon a string number theyr prayers. This Sixtus the Pope made xxxij. Cardinals in his time, whom Petrus Ruerius, was the first,Wesellus Groningensis. The pope licenseth the whole familie of a certaine Cardinall, to play the Sodomites three monethes in the yeare. who for that time that he was Cardinall, which was but two yeares, spent in luxurious ryot, wasted and consumed, 2, hundred thousand Floreines and was left 60000. in debt. Wesellus Groningensis, in a certayne Treatise of his, de In dulgentijs papalibus, writing of thys Pope Sixtus, reporteth this, that at the requeste of the foresayde Peter Cardinall, and of Ierome his brother the sayd Pope Sixtus permitted and graunted vnto the whole family of the Cardinall of S. Lucy, in the iij. hoate monethes of sommer, Iune, Iuly, and August (a horrible thing to be spoken) free leaue and liberty to vse Sodomitry, with this clause, Fiat vt petitur: That is, be it as it is asked.

Next after this Sixtus,Pope Innocentius. 8. came Innocentius the eight as rude and as farre from all learning, as his predecessor was before him. Amongest the noble factes of this Pope, this was one,8. men and 6. we men condemned of heresie by Pope Innocentius. 8. that in the towne of Polus apud Aequicolos, he caused 8. men and 6. women, with the Lord of the place to be apprehended and taken, and iudged for hereticks, because they sayd that none of them was the vicare of Christ which came after Peter, but they which folowed onely the pouerty of Christ.George king of Boheme condemned of heresie. Also he condemned of heresy, George the king of Boheme, and depriued him of his dignity, and also of his kingdome, and procured his whole stocke to be vtterly reiected and put downe, geuing his kyngdome to Mathias king of Panonia.

Now from the Popes to descend to other estates, it remayneth likewise somewhat to write of the Emperours incident to this time, with matters and greuaunces of the Germaynes, as also of other princes, first beginning with our troubles & mutations here at home, perteining to the ouerthrow of this King Henry and of his seate nowe following, to be shewed. And briefly to cōtract long proces of much tumult and busines,Mischieues to England, after the death of the Duke of Glocester. into a short narration, here is it to be remēbred, which partly before was signified, how after ye death of the Duke of Glocester, mischiefes came in by heapes vpon the king and his realm. For after the geuing away of Angeow,Angeow, Main, Normandy, and Gascoyne, recoue [...]ed of the Frenchmen. Iacke Cade. and Mayne to the Frenchmen, by ye vnfortunate mariage of Queen Margaret aboue mentioned, the sayd frenchmen perceiuing now by the death of ye duke of Glocester, the stay and piller of this common wealth to be decayed, and seing moreouer the harts of the nobility, amōg themselues to be deuided, foreslacked no time, hauing such an open way into Normandy, that in short time they recouered the same, & also gate Gascoigne, so that no more now remayned to Englād, of al the parts beyond ye sea but onely Calice. Neither yet did all the calamity of ye realme onely rest in this: For the king now hauing lost his frendly vncle,The Duke of Yorke aga [...]st kyng Henry. as the stay & staffe of his age, whiche had brought him vp so faythfully from his youth, was now therby the more open to his enemies, & they more emboldened, so set vpon him: As appeared first by Iacke Cade, the Kentishe Captayne, who encamping first in Blackheath, afterward aspired to Londō, and had the spoyle therof, the king being driuen into Warwickshyre. After the suppressing of Cade, ensued not long after the duke of York, who being accompanied with 3. Erles, set vpon the king next to S. Albons where the king was taken in the field captiue, & the Duke of York was by Parliamēt declared protector, which was [Page] in the yeare of our Lord 1453. After this folowed long diuision and mortal warre betwene the two houses of Lancastar and Yorke, continuing many yeares. At length about the yeare of our Lord 1459.Anno. 1459. the Duke of Yorke was slayne in battell by the Queene, neare to the towne of Wakefield, and with him also his sonne Earle of Rutlande. By the which Queene also shortly after, in ye same yeare, were discomfited the Earle of Warwicke and Duke of Northfolk, to whom the keeping of the king was committed by the Duke of Yorke, and so the Queene agayne deliuered her husband.

The Northern men intended the subuersion of London.After this victory obteined, the Northren men aduaū ced not a litle in pride and courage, began to take vpon thē great attemptes, not onely to spoyle and robbe Churches, and religious houses, & villages, but also were fully entē ded partly by themselues, partly by the inducemēt of theyr Lords and Captaynes, to sacke, waste, and vtterly to subuert the City of London, and to take the spoyle therof: and no doubt ( [...]ayth my history) woulde haue proceeded in thyr cōceiued gredy intēt,Ex historia manuscripta, cui titulus Scala mundi. had not ye oportune fauor of God prouided a speedy remedy. For as these mischiefes were in bruing, sodenly commeth the noble Prince Edward vnto Lō don, wt a mighty army,London rescued by prince Edw. the 27. day of February, who was the sonne and heire to duke of Yorke aboue mentioned, accompanyed with the Earle of Warwicke, and diuers moe. King Henry in the meane time, with his victory, went vp to York: when as Edward being at London, caused there to be proclaymed certayn articles concerning his title to ye crowne of England, which was the 2. day of March.

Anno. 1461.Wherupon, the next day following, the Lords both tē porall & spirituall being assēbled together, the sayd articles were propoūded, and also well approued. The fourth day of the sayd moneth of March, after a solemne generall procession (according to the blinde superstition of those dayes) the Bishop of Exceter made a Sermon at Paules Crosse,The title of Edward, to the crowne proued at Paules crosse. wherin he commended and proued by manifold euidēces, the title of Prince Edward to be iust and lawfull, aunswering in the same, to all obiections whiche might be to the contrary.

K. Edward taketh possession of the crown.This matter being thus discussed, Prince Edward accompanied with the Lordes spirituall & temporall, & with much concourse of people, rode ye same day to Westminster Hall, and there by the full consent, as well of the Lordes, as also by the voyce of all the Commons, tooke his possession of the Crowne, & was called K. Edward the fourth.

These thinges thus accomplished at London, as to such a matter apperteined, and preparation of money sufficiently being ministred of the people and commons, wyth most ready and willing mindes, for the necessary furniture of his warres: he with the Duke of Northfolke, and Earle of Warwicke; and Lord Fauconbrige, in all speedy wise, tooke his iourney toward king Henry: who being now at Yorke, and forsaken of the Londoners, had all his refuge onely reposed in the Northren men.

When king Edward with his army had past ouer the Riuer of Trent and was commē nere to Ferebrig: where also the host of king Henry was not far of,The fierce and cruell battaile betweene king Henry. 6. & K. Edward. 4. vpō Palm sonday, betwene Ferebrig and Tadcaster, both the armyes of the Southren and Northren men, ioyned together battell. And althoughe at the first beginning, diuers horsemen of king Edwardes side, turned theyr backes, and spoyled the king of cariage & victuals, yet the couragious prince, with his Captaynes little discouraged therewith, fiercely and manfully set on theyr aduersaryes. The whiche battell on both sides was so cruelly fought, that in the same conflict were slayne to ye nūber, as is reported, beside men of name, of 30000. of the poore commons. Notwithstanding, the cō quest fell on king Edwardes part,King Henry. 6. conquered. so that king Henry hauing lost all, was forced to flye into Scotland, where also he gaue vp to the Scottes, the towne of Barwicke after he had raigned 38. yeares and a halfe.

The clayme and title of the Duke of Yorke, and after him,Barwicke geuen to the Scottes by K. Henry. 6. of Edward his sonne, put vp to the Lords & cōmons, wherby they chalenged the crowne to the house of York, is thus in the story of Scala mundi, word for word, as hereunder is conteyned.

The title of the house of Yorke to the crowne of England.

EDward the 3. right king of Englande, had issue first prince Edward the 2. W. Hatfield. 3. Lionell, 4. Iohn of Gaunt. &c. Prince Edward had Richard the 2. which dyed without issue, The title of the house of Yorke. W. Hatfielde dyed without issue. Lionel duke of Clarence, had issue lawfully begot, Phillip his onely daughter and heyre, the which was lawfully coupled to Edmund Mortimer, Earle of March, and had issue law fully begotte, Roger Mortimer Eare of March and heyre: Whych Roger had issue Edmund Earle of March, Roger, Anne, and Alienor, Edmund and Alienor died without issue, and the sayd Anne by lawfull matrimonye was coupled vnto Richard Earle of Cambridge, the sonne of Edmund of Lāgley, Rich. Plantagenet. who had issue & lawfully bare Richard Plantagenet now Duke of Yorke, Iohn of Gaunte gate Henry, which vnrightfully entreated king Richard: then being aliue Edmund Mortimer Earle of Marche, sonne of the sayde Philip, daughter to Lionell To the which Richard duke of Yorke, and sonne to Anne, daughter to Roger Mortimer Earle of March, sonne and heyre to the sayde Philip daughter and heyre to the sayd Lionel, the 3. sonne of king Edward the 3. the right & dignity of the crowne apperteyned & belonged, afore any issue of the sayd Iohn of Gaunt. Notwithstanding the sayd title of dignity of the sayde Richard of Yorke, the sayd Richard desiring the wealth, rest, and prosperity of England, agreeth and consenteth that king Henry 6. should be had and taken for king of England, during his naturall life from thys time without hurt of his title.

Wherefore the king vnderstanding the sayd title of the sayde duke to be iust, lawfull, true and sufficient, by the aduise and assent of the Lordes spirituall and temporall, and the commons in the Parliament, and by the authoritye of the same Parliament declareth, approueth, ratifieth, confirmeth, accepteth the sayde title for iust, good, lawfull and true, and there unto geueth his assent and agreement of his free will and liberty. And ouer that, by the sayde aduise and authority, declareth, calleth, stablisheth, affirmeth and reputeth the sayd Richard of Yorke very true and rightfull heyre to the crowne of England and Fraunce: and that all other statutes and acts made by any of the Henryes late, contrary to this aduise, be annulled, repelled, damned, cancelled, voyd, and of no force or effect. The king agreed and consented, that the sayd Duke and hys heyres shall after his naturall life enioy the crowne. &c. Also, that all sayinges and doinges agaynst the duke of Yorke shall be hygh treason, and all actes of Parliamentes contrary to this principall act, be voyd and of none effect. &c.

And thus much for the reign of king Henry the 6.Ex Scala mundi. Who now lacked his vncle and protector, Duke of Glocester, about him. But commonly the lacke of such frendes, is neuer felt before they be missed.

In the time of this king was builded the house in Lō don called Leadē hall,Leaden Hall bilded. The Standard in Chepe. The Conduite in Fletstrete. New gate builded. The Colledge of Eton, and the kings Colledge in Cambridge founded. The king reiecteth the popes Bulles. foūded by one Simon Eyre, Maior once of the sayd City of London. an. 1445.

Also the standard in cheape builded by Iohn Wels, an. 1442. the Conduite in Fleetstreet by William Castfield. an 1438. Item, Newgate builded by goods of Rich. Whittington, an. 1422.

Moreouer the sayde Henry 6. founded the Colledge of Eton, and another house hauing then the title of S. Nicolas in Cambridge, now called the kinges Colege. Ex Scal. mundi.

In the reigne of this Henry 6. it is not be passed ouer in silence which we finde noted in the Parliament rolles how that Lewes Archbishop of Rhoen, after the death of the late Bishop of Eley, had graūted vnto him by ye popes Bulles, during his life, all ye profites of the sayd bishoprick by the name of the administratour of the said Bishopricke, Lewes the foresayde Archbishop sheweth his Buls to the king, who vtterly reiected his Bulles. Notwithstanding for his seruice done in Fraunce, the king graunted to hym the administration aforesaid, the which to all intents at the petition of the sayd Lewes, should be affirmed to bee of as great force as though he were bishop, touching profits, liberties and hability.

Neither agayn is here to be ouerpast a certayn tra gicall Acte done betweene Easter and Whitsontide of a false Britone,Ex Getuslo codic. cu [...] initium, Nom [...]na custodum. &c. et ex Fabiano an. 1427. Which murdered a good widdow in her bed (who had brought him vp of almes, without Algate in the suburbes of London) and bare away all that she had, & afterward he tooke succor of holy church at S. Georges in Southwarke: but at the last he tooke the crosse & forswore the kings land. And as he went his way, it happened him to come by the same place where he had done that cursed deed, and women of the same parish, came out with stones and cannell dong, and there made an end of him in the hye streete, so that he went no further, notwithstandinge the Constables and other men also which had hym vnder gouernaunce to conduct him forwarde: for there was a great company of them,Example of Gods rodde and iudgement. so that they were not able to withstande them.

Kyng Edward the fourth.

KIng Edward,Anno. 1461. King Edward. 4. after his conquest and victorye achieued agaynst king Henry, returned again to London, where, vpon the Uigil of S. Peter and Paul, being on Sonday, he was crowned [Page] king of England, & raigned 22. yeares, albeit not without great disquitnes, and much perturbation in his reigne.

Queene Margaret fledde the lande.Queene Margaret hearing how her husband was fled into Scotland, was also fayne to flye the land, and went to her father Duke of Angeow: From whence the next yeare following she returned again to renue warre against king Edward, with small succor and lesse lucke: For being encountred by the Earle of Warwicke, about Nouember she was driuen to the seas agayne,Anno. 1462. and by tempest of weather, was driuen into Scotland.

K. Edward sitteth his own person in the kings bench iudging.In this yere we read that king Edward in the cause of a certayne widow for rape, sate his owne person in Westminster hall vpon his owne Bench, discussing her cause. Ex Scal. mundi.

The yeare folowing, king Henry issuing out of Scotland with a sufficient power of Scottes and Frenchmen came into the Northcountrey to recouer the crowne,Anno. 1463. vnto whom the Lord Radulph Percy, & Lord Radulph Grey flying from king Edward,K. Henry 6. againe repulsed in the battaile of Exham. did adioyn, themselues: but the Lord so disposing, king Henry with his power was repulsed in the battaile of Exham by the Lord Mountacute, having then the rule of the North: where the Duke of Somerset, Lord Hungerford, Lord Rosse with certayne other were taken. The Lord Radulph Percy was slayne, the residue fled. Albeit the history of Scal. mūdi, referreth this battel to the yeare 1464. the 15. day of May. In the which moneth of May, were beheaded the duke of Somerset, Lorde Hungerford, Lord Rosse, L. Philip Wentworth, L. Tho. Husly, L. Tho. Findern, beside 21. other belonging to the retinue and household of king Hēry 6. Queene Margaret finding no resting place here in England, took her progres agayne from whence she came, learning in her own country to drinke that drinke, which she her selfe had brued here in England.

K. Henry. 6. taken, arested, & committed to the Tower.And not long after, the next yeare, an. 1465. on the day of S. Peter and Paule, king Henry being founde & knowne in a wood by one Cantlow (as they say) was arested by the Earle of Warwicke, and at last of a king made prisoner in the tower of London.Anno. 1465.

In this meane time, king Edward (after the motion of mariage for him being made, and first the Lady Margaret sister to Iames the 4. K. of Scottes thought vpon, but that motion taking no effect, afterward the Lady Elizabeth sister to Henry king of Castelle, being intended, but she being vnder age, the Earle of Warwick turning then his legation and voiage to the French king Lewes the II. to obteyne Lady Bona, daughter of the duke of Sauoy, and sister to Carlot the French Queen, and obteining the same) had cast fauour vnto one Elizabeth Grey,The kyngs lodeine mariage with Queene Elizabeth. widow of Syr Iohn Grey knight, slain before in the battell of S. Albōs, daughter to the Duches of Bedford, and Lord Riuers, and first went about to haue her to his concubine: But she, as being vnworthy (as she sayde) to be the wife of such a high personage, so thinking her selfe to bee to good to be his concubine, in such sort wanne the kings hart, that incontinent, before the returne of the Earle of Warwicke, he maried her:The first falling out betweene K. Edwarde & the Earle of Warwick at the which mariage were no moe then onely the Duches of Bedford, two gentle women, the priest & clark. Upō this so hasty & vnlucky mariage, ensued no litle trouble to the king, much bloudshed to the realme, vndoing almost to all her kyndred, and finally confusion to the K. Edwardes 2. sonnes, which both were declared afterward to be bastards and also depriued of theyr liues: For the Earle of Warwicke, who had bene the faythfull frend, and chiefe maynteiner before of the king, at the hearing of this maryage, was therwith so greuously moued and chaffed in hys mind, that he neuer after sought any thing more, then how to worke displeasure to the king, and to put him beside his cusshion. And although for a time he dissembled his wrathfull mood, till he might spye a time conuenient, and a world to set forwarde his purpose, at last finding occasion somewhat seruing to his mind,Conspiracie against king Edward. he breaketh his hart to his two brethren: to witte, the Marques Mountacute, & the Archbishop of Yorke, conspiring with them how to bring hys purpose about. Then thought he also to proue a farre of, the mind of the duke of Clarence, king Edwards brother, & likewise obteined him, geuing also to him his daughter in Mariage.

This matter being thus prepared agaynst the kyng, the first flame of this cōspiracy began to appeare in ye north country. Where the Northrenmen in short space gathering thēselues in an open rebellion, & finding certaines of their wicked purpose, came down from Yorke toward London. Against whom was appoynted by the king. W. lord Harbert Earle of Penbroke, with the Lord Stafford, and certayne other Captaynes, to encounter. The Yorkeshyre mē geuing the ouerthrow first to the lord Stafford, thē to the Earle of Penbrok and his company of Welchmē, at Banbery fielde, at last ioyning together with the army of the Earle of Warwicke, and Duke of Clarence, in the dead of the night, secretly stealing one the kinges field at Wolney by Warwick,K. Edward take prisoner by the Earle of Warwicke. killed the watch, and tooke the king prisoner, who first being in the castle of Warwicke, then was conueyed by night to Midleham Castle in Yorkeshyre, vnder the custody of the Archbishop of Yorke, where he hauinge loose keeping and liberty to go on hunting, meeting wyth syr William Standley, syr Thomas of Brough, and other his frendes, was to good for his keepers, and escaped the hands of his enemies, and so came to York, where he was well receiued: from thēce to Lankester, where he met with the Lord Hastinges his Chamberlayne, well accompanied, by whose helpe he came safe to London.

After this tumult, when reconciliation could not come to a perfect peace & vnity,The rebellion in Lincolnshire repressed. although much labor was made by ye nobility, the Earle of Warwick raiseth vp a new war in Lincolnshyre, the captaine wherof was Sir Rob. wels knight, who shortly after being taken in battell wyth hys father, and sir Thomas Dunocke were beheaded, the residue casting away their coates, ran away and fled, geuing ye name of the field,The Earle of Warwicke and the Duke of Clarence fly into Fraunce. called Losecoat field. The erle of Warwicke after this put out of comfort and hope to preuayle at home, fled out of England. An. 1470. first to Calice, then to Lewes the French king, accompanyed with the Duke of Clarence. The fame of ye Earle of Warwicke and of his famous actes, was at that time in great admiration aboue measure, and so highly fauoured, that both in England & Fraunce all men were glad to behold his personage. Wherfore the comming of this Earle & of the Duke of Clarence, was not a litle gratefull to the French king, and no lesse oportune to Queene Margaret, King Henryes wife, and Prince Edward her sonne, who also came to the Frenche Courte to meete and conferre together, touching their affayres: where a league betwene thē was cōcluded, & moreouer a mariage betwene Edward prince of Wales, & Anne the secōd daughter of the Erle of Warwick was wrought. Thus all things fasting luckely vpō the Erles part beside the large offers, and great promises made by the Frenche king, on the best maner, to set forwarde their purpose, the Earle hauing also intelligence by letters that the harts almost of all men went with him,The Earle of Warwick & the Duke of Clarence returne into England. and lōged sore for his presence, so that there lacked now but onely hast with al speed possible to returne: he with the duke of Clarence wel fortified with the French nauy, set forward toward England: For so was it betwene them before decreed, that they two should proue the first venture, and then Queen Margaret with Prince Edward her sonne,The receiuing of the Earle of Warwicke into England. should folow after. The ariuall of ye Earle was not so soone heard of at Dartmouth in Deuonshyre, but great cōcourse of people by thousands went to him from all quarters to receiue & welcome hym, who immediatly made proclamation in the name of kyng Henry the sixt, charging all men able to beare armour, to prepare themselues to fight agaynst Edwarde Duke of Yorke vsurper of the Crowne.K. Henry againe proclaymed kyng. Here lacked no freendes, strength of men, furniture, nor pollicy conuenient for such a matter.

When king Edwarde (who before not passing for the matter, nor seking how, either to haue stopped his iāding, or els straight wayes to haue encountred with him before the gathering of his frendes, but passing forth the time in hunting, in hauking, in all pleasure & daliance) had knowledge what great resort of multitudes incessantly repaired more and more dayly about the Erle and the Duke began now to prouide for remedy, when it was to late. Who trusting to much to his friendes and fortune before,The inconstant leuitie of the people of England. dyd nowe right well perceiue what a variable and inconstant thyng the people is, & especially here of Englād, whose nature is neuer to be contēt long with the present state, but alwayes delighting in newes, seketh new variety of chaunges, eyther enuying that which stādeth, or els pitying that which is fallen. Which inconstant mutability of the light people, chaunging with the winde, and wauering with the reede, did well appeare in the course of this kinges story. For he, through the people when he was down, was exalted: now being exalted of the same, was forsaken. Wherby this is to be noted of all princes, that as there is nothing in this mutable world firme and stable: so is there no trust nor assurance to be made, but onely in the fauor of God and in the promises of his word, onely in Christ his sonne, whose only kingdome shall neuer haue ende, nor is subiecte to anye mutation.

These thinges thus passing in England on the Earles side agaynst king Edward,The constant hart and [...]nth of the Lord Hastinges. he accompanyed with ye Duke of Glocester his brother, and the Lord Hastings, who had maried the erle of Warwicks sister, and yet was neuer vntrue [Page] to the king his maister: and the Lord Seales brother to the Queene, sent abroad to all his trusty frendes for furniture of able souldiors for defence of his person to wtstand his enemies.K. Edward forsaken of his people in his neede. Whē litle rescue & few in effect would come, the king himselfe so destitute, departed to Lincolneshyre, where he perceiuing his enemyes dayly to encrease vpon him, & all the countryes about to be in a tore, making fiers & singing songs,The weake state of king Edward. crying king Henry, king Henry, a Warwicke, a Warwicke, and hearing moreouer his enemyes ye Lancastrians to be within halfe a dayes iourney of him, was aduised by his frendes to flie ouer the Sea to ye Duke of Burgoyne, which not long before had maryed king Edwardes sister.

Whether godly simplicitie, or mans policie be stronger.¶ Here might be thought, by the common iudgement and pollicy of man, peraduētnre that king Edward, as he had in his handes the life of king Henry of his Queene and Prince: so if hee had dispatched them out of the way, when as he might, he had not fallen into this misery: but because he tooke not the vauntage, whiche time rather then godly reason gaue him, therefore that sparing pitty of hys turned now to his confusion and ruine. And certes, I suppose no lesse, but if the same case had fallen in these our pittlesse dayes, in which charity now waxeth vtterly colde, and humanitye is almost forgotten, the occason of suche a tyme should not be so neglected. But let vs here note and learn, how godly simplicity alwayes in the end of thinges gayneth more then mans pollicy, forsomuche as man worketh with the one, but God worketh with the other.

And so farre is it of, that the euēt and successe of thinges be gouerned by mans aduised pollicy, or vnaduised affection in this world,The double case of these two kings considered that that is iudged to be weaker that florisheth in man, then that which is cast downe in the Lord: as in the double case of both these kings may wel appeare. And first let vs consider the case of king Edward who being so beset and compassed with euils and distresses on euery side,K. Edward taketh the Washes. first was compelled to take the washes betwene Lincolneshyre and Lynne (which was no lesse daungerous to his life then it was vnsemely for his estate.) Being come to Linne, in what perill was he there, through the doubtfull mutabilitye of the townes men, if he had beene known to his enemyes? And how could he be but known, if he had taried any space?God prouideth But though men and frends forsook him, yet the mercy of God not forsaking the life of him which shewed mercy vnto other, so prouided, that at ye same present there was an Englishe shippe, and two hulkes of Holland ready to theyr iourney. Thus king Edward wt out prouision, without bag or baggage, without clothsacke or male, without store of money, without rayment, saue onely apparell for warre, also without all frendes, excepte onely his brother Duke of Glocester,K. Edward taketh shipping. the Lord Scales, & Lord Hastinges, with a fewe other trustye frendes, to the number of 7. or 8. hūdreth persons tooke shipping toward Holland: at which time he was in no lesse ieoperdy almost on the sea, then he was on the land. For certayne Esterlinges hauing many shippes of warre, which lay rouing the same tune on the sea, and had done much domage the yeare before, as well to the Englishe Marchauntes, as to the French nation, spying the kinges ship, with seuen or eight gallaunt shippes made sayle after the king and hys company. The kinges shippe was good of sayle, and gate some ground,K. Edward near taken of the Esterlings. albeit not much of the Esterlinges, that she came to the coast of Halland, before Alquemare, and there cast anker: for otherwise, being an ebbing water, they coulde not enter the hauen. The Esterlings with theyr great shippes approched as nere as they could possible come for the low water, purposing at ye flond to obtein their pray, & so were like to do, if the Lord had not there also prouided Mounsiour de Groun ture, gouernour for Duke Charles in Holland, at that season to be personally present in the towne of Alquemare, who hearing of the ieopardy of the king,God againe prouideth. being there at anker, prohibited the Esterlings on payne of death, not to meddle with any English men, which were the Dukes frendes and alies.

K. Edward deliuered from the Esterlinges.Thus K. Edward well chastised of God for his wantonnes both by sea and land, but not vtterly geuē ouer frō his protection, escaping so many hard chaūces, was set on land with his company, who there well refreshed, & newly apparelled, were conducted to Hage.

Duke Charles at the hearing of the vnprosperous case and condition of king Edward his brother in lawe,Charles Duke of Burgoyne, K. Edwardes brother in law. was greatly amased and perplexed in himself, much casting and doubting what he should do: For, being then in war with the French king, he could not well prouoke the Englishe nation agaynst him, without his manifest greuaunce and decay: neither yet could he without great shame and obloquy, leaue the king his brother in that necessity. Notwithstanding, so he demannured himselfe through fayre speach, pretending to the English men to ioyne part with ye house of Lancaster, being himselfe partly descended of the same family by his Graundmothers side: that he both was his owne frend openly, and the kinges friend couertly, pretending that he did not, and doing that he pretended not.

Whē tidings was spred in England of king Edwards flying, innumerable people of al hands resorted to ye Earle of Warwicke,Queene Elizabeth taketh sanctuary. to take his part, agaynst K. Edward a fewe onely except of his constant friends which tooke sanctuary. Among whom was also Elizabeth his wife, who desperat almost of all comfort, tooke also sanctuarye at Westminster, where she in great penury forsakē,Prince Edward borne in sanctuary. was deliuered of a fayre sonne called Edw. which without all pompe was baptysed like another poore womans childe, the Godfathers being the Abbot and Prior of Westminster, the Godmother was Lady Scroope.

To make the story short, the Earle of Warwick hauing now brought all things to his appetite,K. Henry 6. brought out of the tower vpon the 12. day of October, rode to the Tower, which was then deliuered to him, and there tooke king Henry out of the ward, & placed him in the kinges lodging. The 25. day of the sayd moneth, the Duke of Clarence accōpanyed with the Erles of Warwick,K. Henry restored again to his kingdome. Shrewsbury, and the Lord Standley, with a great company, brought him in a long gown of blew veluet thorow the hye streetes of London, first to Paules Church, to offer, then to the bishops palace of London, and there he resumed agayne the crowne royall, an. 1471. which he did not long enioy.

After this followed a Parliament, in the whiche king Edwarde with all his partakers were iudged traytours,K. Edward returneth againe into England. Queene Margarete with her sonne Prince Edwarde, all this while was tarying for a fayre winde, thinking long belike, till she came to an euill bargayne, as it proued after. For king Edwarde within sixe monethes after his departure out of Englande vnto the Duke of Burgoyne, whether by letters from his frendes sollicitate, or whether by his aduēturous courage incited, made instant sure to duke Charles his brother, to rescue him with such power, as he would bestow vpon him, for he was fully resolued to defer the matter and to protract the time no longer.

The Duke damped in double feare, in such a daungerous case, notwithstanding ouercome by nature and affinity, secretly caused to be deliuered to him 50000. Florence, & further caused foure great shippes to be appoynted for him in a hauen in Zeland where it was free for al men to come. Also the same Duke had for him hired 14. shippes of the Esterlinges well appoynted, taking band of them to serue him truely, till he were landed in England, and 15. dayes after.

Thus king Edwarde being furnished but onely with 2000.K. Edward onely with 2000. souldiours commeth to Rauenspurre, alias Rauensport. The dissembling policy of king Edward. men of warre, with more lucke then hope to speede, sped his voyage into England, and landed at Rauenspur in the coast of Yorkeshyre. Although there was no way for the king with such a small company of souldiors to do any good, yet to vse pollicy, where strength did lack, first he sent forth certayne light horsemen, to proue the countrey on euery side, with persuasions, to see whether the vplandyshe people would be styrred to take king Edwards part. Perceiuing that it woulde not be, king Edwarde flyeth to hys shiftes, dissembling his purpose to be, not to clayme the crowne and kingdome, but onely to clayme the Duchy of Yorke, whiche was his owne title, and caused the same to be published. This being notified to the people, that he desired no more, but onely his iust patrimony and lineall inheritaunce, they began to be moued with mercy and compassion toward him, either to fauour him or not to resiste him, and so iournying toward Yorke, he came to Beuerly. The Marques Mountacute,K. Edward commeth to Yorke. brother to the Earle of Warwicke, was then at Pomfret, to whom the Earle had sent strayght charge, with all expedition to set vpon him, or els to stop his passage: and likewise to the Citizens of Yorke and all Yorkeshyre,K. Edward repelled by the citizens of Yorke. to shut theyr gates and take armour agaynst him, King Edward being in the streetes, proceeded notwithstanding nere to Yorke, without resistaunce: where he required of the Citizens, to be admitted into theyr Citty. But so stoode the case then, that they durst not graunt vnto him,K. Edward chaungeth his title. but contrary sent him word to approch no nearer, as beloued his owne safegarde. The desolate king was here driuen to a narow strait, who neyther could retyre backe, for the opinion of the countrey and losse of his cause: neither could goe further, for the present daunger of the City.The gentle and fayre wordes of K. Edward. Wherefore vsing the same pollicy as before, with louely words, and gentle speech he desired the messengers to declare vnto the Citizens, that his comming was not to demaund the realme of England, or the title of the same but onely the Duchye of Yorke, his olde inheritaunce, and [Page] therefore determined to set forward, neither wt armie, nor weapō. The messēgers were not so soone within ye gates, but he was at the gates in a manner, as soone as they. The Citizens hearing his courteous answere, and that he intended nothing to the preiudice of the king, nor of the realme, were something mitigated toward him, and began to common with him from the walles, willing him to withdrawe his power to some other place, and they would be the more ready to ayde him, at least he shoulde haue no damage by them.

Notwithstanding, he again vsed such lowly language, and deliuered so faire speach vnto them, entreating them so curteously, and saluting the Aldermen by their names, requiring at their hāds no more, but only his own towne whereof he had the name and title, that at length the Citizens, after long talke, and debating vpon the matter, partly also intised with faire and large promises,Two conditions put to K. Edward. fell to this cōuention, that if he would sweare to be true to king Henry, & gentle in entertaining his citizens, they woulde receiue him into the Citie.

K. Edward put to hys othe.This being concluded, the next morning, at the entring of the gate, a priest was ready to say Masse, in ye which, after receiuing of the sacrament, the king receiued a solemne othe, to obserue the ii. articles afore agreed. By reason of which othe so rashly made, & as shortly brokē, and not lōg after punished (as it may wel be thought) in his posterity,Victory got by periury, punished at length in posteritie. he obteined ye city of Yorke. Where he, in short time forgetting his oth to make al sure, set in garrisons of armed soldiors. Furthermore, perceiuing all things to be quiet, and no stirre to be made against him, he thought to foreslacke no oportunitie of time, and so made forward toward Lō don, leauing by ye way the Marques Mountacute, which lay then with his army at Pomfrete, on the right hande, not fully foure miles distant from his campe:K. Edward safely commeth to Nottinghā. K. Edwards friends resort vnto hym. K. Edward resumeth the name of a kyng. and so returning to the hye waye againe, wente forwarde without anye stirring to the towne of Notingham: where came to him, sir W. Parre, sir Thomas of Borough, sir Tho. Montgomery, & diuers else of his assured frends, with their aydes, which caused him by proclamation, to stand to his own title of king Edward the fourth, sayeng that they woulde serue no man, but a king. At the fame here of being blowne abroade, as ye Citizēs of Yorke were not a little offended (& that worthely) so frō other townes and cities, Lords and noble men began to fall vnto him, thinking with thēselues, that the Marques Mountagew either fauoured his cause, or was afraide to encounter wt the mā.K. Edward commeth to Leycester. Howsoeuer it was, K. Edward being now more fully furnished at al points, came to ye towne of Leicester, and there hearing that ye earle of Warwicke accompanied with ye earle of Oxford, were together at Warwicke, with a great power, minding to set on the Earle, he remooued from thence his army, hoping to geue him battaile. The Duke of Clarence in the meane time, about London had leuied a great hoste cōming toward ye earle of Warwicke, as he was by the Earle appointed. But when the Earle sawe the Duke to linger the time, he began to suspecte (as it fell out in deede) that he was altered to his brethrenes part.K. Edwarde commeth to Warwicke. The Earle of Warwick flyeth to Couentry. The Duke of Clarence commeth with a great army. The king auansing forward his host, came to Warwicke, where he found all the people departed. Frō thence he moued toward Couentry, where the Earle was: vnto whome the next day after, he boldly offered battayle. But the Earle expecting ye Duke of Clarence his cōming, kept him within the walles. All this made for the king. For he hearing that his brother, Duke of Clarence was not farre off, comming toward him with a great army, raysed hys campe, and made toward him, either to entreate, or else to encounter with his brother. When ech hoste was in sight of the other, Richard Duke of Gloucester, brother to thē both, as arbitour betweene thē, first rode to the one, then to the other. Whether all this was for a face of a matter made,Concord of brethren. it is vncertaine. But hereby both the brethren, leaning all army and weapon aside, first louingly and familiarly commoned: after that, brotherly and naturally ioined together. And that fraternall amitie, by proclamation also was ratified, and put out of all suspition.

The Eare of Warwicke refuseth to be reconciled.Then was it agreed betwene ye iij. brethren to attempt the earle of Warwicke, if he likewise would be reconciled; but he crieng out shame vpō the Duke of Clarence, stoode at vtter defiance. From thence king Edward so strongly furnished, & daily encreasing, taketh his way to Lōdon. Where, after it was knowne yt the duke of Clarence was come to his brethren,K. Edward commeth to London. much feare fell vpō the Londoners, casting with thēselues what was best to do. The sodaynues of time permitted no long cōsultation. There was at London the same time, the Archbishop of Yorke, brother to ye Earle of Warwicke, and the duke of Somerset, wyth other of K. Henries counsaile to whom the earle had sent in cōmaundement a litle before, knowing the weaknes of the Citie, that they should keepe the Citie from their enemies ij. or iij. dayes, and he would follow with all possible speede, with a puissaunt army. Who, accordyng to their cō maundement, defended the Citie with all their power, but yet to litle purpose:Londiners take part with kyng Edward. For the Citizens consulting with thē selues for their owne most indēnitie, hauing no walles to defend thē, thought best to take that way, which seemed to thē most sure & safe, & therfore concluded to take part with kyng Edward. This was not so soone knowne abroad, but the cōminaltie rāue out by heapes to meete kyng Edward, & to salute him as their king. Wheupon the Duke of Somerset,K. Henries coū saylours flye away. with other of kyng Henries Coūsaile, hearing therof, & wonderyng at the sodayne chaunge of the world, to shift for themselues, fled away & left there kyng Henry alone: who the same day beyng caused by the Archbyshop of Yorke,K. Henry againe taken and committed to prison. to ryde about London like a kyng, was before night made captiue, and reduced agayne to the Tower.

It was not long after these thyngs thus done at London, but the cōming of the Earle of Warwicke was heard of, who thinking to preuēt mischiefes with making speede came a litle to late & missed of his purpose. In the Earles army were Iohn Duke of Exceter, Edmūd Earle of Somerset, Iohn Earle of Oxford, and Marques Moūtacute the Earles brother. The Earle had now passed a great part of his iourney, whē he hearing newes of the world so chaūged, & of the captiuitie of king Henry, was not a litle thereat appalled in his mynde: wherfore he stayd with his army at S. Albons,The Earle of Warwicke commeth to Barnet. to see what way further to take. And for somuch as there was no other remedy, but either he must yeld, or one conflict must finish the matter: he remoued to Barnet x. myles from S. Albons.

Against him set forth K. Edward, well appointed with a strong army of piked & able persons, with artillerie, engines & instrumētes meete for the purpose: bringing with him also kyng Hēry. On Easter euē he came to Barnet, & there he embattelled himselfe.The battayle at Barnet. In the mornyng vpon Easter day the battaile begā, and fiercely cōtinued almost till noone, with murder on ech side much doubtfull, till both partes were almost wery with fightyng and murderyng. King Edward thē desirous to see an end, of or on, with a great crew of new fresh souldiours, set vpon his weried enemies. Wherby the Earles mē, although encouraged wt wordes of their captaine, stoutly fought, but they sore woū ded & weried, could not lōg hold out. The Earle rushing into the middest of his enemies, ventured so farre, that he could not be rescued: where he was strikē downe & slayne, and there lay he.The Earle of Warwicke and his brother slain Marques Mountacute thinkyng to succour his brother whō he saw to be in great ieopardy, was likewise ouerthrowne and slaine. After that Richard Neuell, Earle of Warwike, & his brother were gone, the rest fled, & many were takē. The number of them which were in this field slayne, are iudged about x. thousand, as Polydore Virgill reciteth. Fabian numbreth of them that were slayne, but xv. hundreth. The Duke of Somerset & Earle of Oxford thinkyng to flye to Scotland, turned to Iasper Earle of Pēbroke in Wales. The Duke of Exceter hardly escaped to Westminster, & there tooke sanctuary. For the death of the Earle of Warwike the K. was not so glad, as he was sory for the Marques Mountacute, whō he tooke to be his frend. The corpes of these two were brought to the Church of Paules, where they lay open in two coffins two dayes, and then were interred. Ex Polyd. & alijs.

¶In the narration of this Hystory,Differnce betweene Polydore & Fabian. Hall folower of Polydore. Polydore is said to haue burned a number of our English writers. Polydore Virgill, whom Hall followeth word for word, doth some deale differ from Rob. Fabian. Neither doe I doubt, but both these had their authors, by whō they were directed. Notwithstādyng this I maruaile, that Polydore writyng of so many thynges which he neuer saw, doth not vouchsafe to cite vnto vs those writers of whom he borowed. And more do I meruaile or rather lamēt, if it be true that I haue heard, that he not onely nameth no author vnto vs, but also burned an heape of our English stories vnknowen, after the finishyng of his, in the dayes of kyng Henry the 8. But now to our text agayne.

All this while yet Queene Margaret with yoūg prince Edward her sonne,The returne of Queene Margeret into England. was scarce come ouer, beyng long let with contrary windes, who at length in the moneth of Aprill arriuyng at Waymouth in Dorsetshire, & hearing the sorrowfull tidings of these thinges lately happened to her husbād, and to the Earle of Warwike and his brother, and of the prosperous successe of K. Edward: was so dismayd diquieted, and pierced with sorrow, seyng all things contrary to her expectatiō, so to frame agaynst her, that she fared and tooke on with her selfe, lamenting her husbād, bewayling [Page] hir sonne, cursing her comming, and crieng out of Fortune, as though blinde Fortune were she that gouerneth times and tides,Queene Margaret for sorow swouadeth. rewarding iust punishments to vniust deseruings of men, and not the secret power and terrible iustice of almighty God. Such was then the impaciency of that Queene, being not able to beare the vehemency of her passion (who rather should haue sorrowed the dolorous death of Duke Humfrey, whome before she neglected,Ex Polyd. lib. 24 but now she lacked) that her senses failed, her spirites were taken, her speach decayed, and life almost gone, she fell to the ground as one that would rather dye, then liue. In this desolate case, Queene Margaret learning now to know her friends frō her foes, when it was too late,Queene Margaret taketh sanctuary. fraught ful of heauines, without solace, or hope of remedy, she with her son & her company departed for her next refuge, to a Monastery of Monkes called Beaulie in Hainshire, there to take sanctuary, & priuiledge of ye house.

Yet all harts were not sound nor subdued in England, especially Edmond Duke of Somerset, with Lord Iohn his brother, Thomas Courtney, Earle of Deuonshire, Iasper earle of Pembroke,Queene Margaret moued by her friendes to renue warres against King Edward. Lord Wenlocke, Iohn Longscrother, being Prior of the Knights of Rhodes in Saint Iohns. These hearing of ye Queenes returne, with speede resorted to her, by whome she being somewhat quickened in her spirits, and animated to warre, began to take some hart, and to follow their counsaile: which was, in all the whote hast, to renew warre against King Edward, being now vnprouided, by reason his army was now dispersed, and chiefest of his souldiours wasted. Heere great hope of victory was shewed, great promises made. Although the Queenes mind was, beeing more carefull for the yong Prince, then for her selfe, to sende him ouer into France, before some proofe of triall made: yet following the contrary counsaile of them, and partly cut off by shortnesse of time, which required haste, she began with all expedition to gather power. Likewise Iasper Earle of Pembroke posted into Wales to do the same.

K. Edward warreth against Queene Margaret.King Edward hauing intelligence of all these doings, first sendeth out certain light horsemē, to espy abroad thorough the West parts, what waies his enemies did take. In the meane time, he vsing al celeritie to meete them before they came to London, gathered a power, such as hee could make about Lōdon, and first cōmeth to Abyngdon: from thence to Marlebridge, hearing that ye Queene was at Bathe, thinking to encounter with them, before they diuerted into Wales to the Earle of Pembroke, whether he thought (as they in deede intended) that they woulde take. [...] Margaret debarred from Glocester. But ye Queene vnderstanding the king to be so nie, remoueth from Bathe to Bristow, sending word in the meane while to ye citizens of Gloucester, that they would graunt her leaue safely to passe by their Citie. Which whē it could not be obteined, with her army she departeth frō Bristow to Teukesbery: where the D. of Somerset knowing king Edward to be at hand at his very backe, willed the Queene there to stay, & in no wise to flie backward for certaine doubts that might be cast. Although this coū saile was against the consent of many other captaines, who thought it best rather to draw aside while the Earle of Pembroke with his army were with them associate: yet the mind of the Duke preuailed.The battayle of Teukesbury. The place was prefixed, the field pitched, the time of battaile came, the King was loked for: who being within one mile of Tewkesbury, with like industry & policy, as his enemies had done, disposed his army likewise in their aray. This celeritie of the King taking the time,A great matter to take a thing in tyme. was to him great aduantage: who otherwise, if he had differed, till they had conioined with the Earle of Pembroke, had put the matter in great hazard. Such a matter it is to take a thing in time.

Of this battayle Hall this reporteth, adding more then Polidore, yt the D. of Somerset, although he was strōgly intrenched, yet through ye occasion or policie of the Duke of Glouc [...]ster, which had the fore ward of the kings part, a little reculing back, followed the chase, supposing that ye Lord Wenlock, who had ye middle ward, would haue followed hard at his backe. The duke of Glocester, whether for shame, rather then of policie, espieng his aduātage, sodenly turned face to his enemies. Whereupon the cōtrary part was estsoones discomfited, and so much the more, because they were separate frō their company. Tho Duke of Somerset not a litle aggyeued at this so vnfortunate case, returneth to ye middle ward, where he seeing the L. Wenlocke abiding still, reuileth him, and calleth him traytour; and with his are striketh the braine out of his head. Thus much addeth Hall besides Polydor, but sheweth not his author where he had it. Polydore writing of this conflict, writeth no more but this, that ye Queenes army being ouerset with the number and multitude of their enemies, and she hauing no fresh souldiours to furnish ye field was at last ouermatched, and for yt most part slaine or taken. In which battaile were named to be slaine, yt Earle or Deuonshire,Queene Margaret take in battayle. the Lord Wenlocke, Lord Iohn Duke of Somerset his brother, beside other. Among thē that were taken, was Queene Margaret foūd in her chariot almost dead for sorow, Prince Edward, Edmund D. of Somerset, Iohn Prior of S. Iohns, with xx. other knightes: all which were beheaded within ij. dayes after, the Queene only and the yong prince excepted. Which prince Edward being then brought to the Kings presence, was demaunded of him, how he durst be so bold to stand in battaile against him. To this Edward Hall addeth more, and saith: that after the field was finished, the King made Proclamation, that whosoeuer would bring Prince Edward to him,Prince Edwarde brought to the kyng. The stoute answere of the Prince to the kyng. should haue annuitie of an C. li. during his life, and the Princes life to be saued. Whereupon sir Rich. Croftes not mistrusting the kings promise, brought forth his prisoner, &c. And so the king demanding of the Prince (as is said) how he durst so presumptuously enter this Realme with his banner displayed against him, he answered, sayeng: that he came to recouer his fathers kingdome and inheritance from his grandfather and father, to him descending: whereat (said Polydor) the King with his hande disdainingly thrust him from him. Other say that the king stroake him on the face with his gauntlet.

At the speaking of these words was present George Duke of Clarence,Prince Edward sonne to K. Henry slaine. Queene Margaret raunsomed for a great summe of money. Richarde Duke of Gloucester, and the Earle Lord William Hastings. Who vpon the same, vncourteously falling vpon the Prince, did slaye hym. Queene Margaret being brought prisoner to London, was afterwarde raunsomed of hir father Duke of Angeow, for a great summe of money which he borrowed of the French King, and for the paiment therof, was faine to yeeld vnto him the title of the kingdome of Sicile, and Naples, &c. King Edward for these prosperous warres, rendred to God his hartie thanks,Publique processions for victory gotte. and caused publikely through his realme, solemne processions to be kepte three daies together. And thus much, and too much, touchyng the warres of King Edward the fourth, which was done anno.Anno. 1471. 1471. Ex Polid. & alijs.

The same yeare, and about the same tyme, vppon the Ascension euen,The death of K. Hen. 6. king Henry being prisoner in the Tower, departed, after he had reigned in all xxxviij. yeares, and vi. moneths. Polydore and Hall folowing him, affirme that he was slaine with a dagger by Rich. Duke of Glocester, the Kings brother, for the more quiet and sauegard of the King his brother. In the history intituled Scala mundi, Ex Scal [...] mundi. I finde these words, Quod in turri, in vigilia Ascensionis Dominicae ibidem feliciter moriens, per Thamesiam nauicula vsque ad Abbathiam de Chertesey deductus, ibi sepultus est. That is, that king Henry being in the Tower vpon the Ascension euen,K. Henry buryed at Chertesey. there happely or quietly departing, was brought by Thames in a boate, to the Abbey of Chertesey, and there buried.

Polydore, after he hath described the vertues of thys king,Polydores myracles. recordeth that king Henry ye seuenth did afterwarde translate the corps of him frō Chertesey to Windsore, and addeth moreouer, that by him certayne myracles were wrought. For the which cause the sayde King Henry the seauenth (sayth he) laboured with Pope Iulius, to haue him canonised for a Saint, but the death of the king was the let, why yt matter proceeded not. Edward Hall writing of this matter,A. K. sain [...], is dear ware in the popes market. addeth more, declaring the cause, why king Henries sancting went not forward, to be this: for that the fees of canonising of a King, were of so great a quantitie at Rome (more then of another Bishop or prela [...]e) that the said king thought it better to keepe the money in his chestes, then with ye empouerishing of ye realme to buy so deare, & pay so much for a new holy day of sainct Henry in the Calender,Ex Edis. Hallo. &c. Ex Hallo. which if it be true, it might be replied then to the Pope Iulius, that if Popes be higher then kings in the earth, and especially in heauē, why then is a Pope Saint so cheape in ye market place of Rome, and a King Saint so deare? Againe, if the valuation of things in all markets and buries, be according to the price & dignity of the thing that is bought, what reason is it, seing the sancting of a king beareth a bigger sale then the sancting of any Pope in heauen, but that Kings should be aboue Popes also vpon the earth?The cause examined of the fall of Lancaster house. Example of Gods iust rodde of correction. Sed extra iocunt [...] as I do not doubt, but that K. Henry was a good & a quiet prince, if he had not otherwise bin abused by some: so touching the ruine of his house, I thinke not contrary, but it came not without the iust appointmēt of the Lord, either for that Henry of Lancasters house were such enemies to Gods people, & for the burning of the Lord Cobham and many other: or else for the vniust displacing of [Page] King Richard 2. or else thirdly for the cruell slaughter of Humfrey the good Duke of Gloucester his vncle: whereof sufficiently hath bene said before.

During the time of these doings, being about ye yeare of our Lord 1465. There was here in England a certaine Frier Carmelite,A sore heresy preched at Pauls crosse who about the tearme of Michaell the Archangel preached at Paules in London, that our Lord Iesus Christ, being heere in this present worlde, was in pouertie,Contention in the churche, whether Christ was a begger or not. and did beg. To whose opiniō and doctrine, the prouinciall of that order semed also to incline, defending ye same both in his reading and preaching, with other Doctours moe and brethren of ye same order: vnto whom also adioined certaine of the Iacobites, and stifly did take their partes. On ye cōtrary side, many doctours & also lawyers, both in their publicke lectures & preaching, to the vttermost of their cunning, did withstād their assertion, as being a thing most pestiferous in the Church to be heard. Such a bitter cōtention was among them, that the defendent part was driuen for a while to keepe silence.Times compared.Much like to those times I might well resemble these our dayes now present, with our tumultuous contention of formes and fashions of garments. But I put my selfe here in Pythagoras schoole, and keepe silence with these Friers. In the story moreouer it foloweth, that this beggerly questiō of the begging Friers, whether Christ did begge, or no, went so far, yt at length it came to ye Popes eares, Paulus 2. who was no beggar ye may be sure. After that, the fame of this doctrine, mounting ouer the Alpes, came flieng to the court of Rome, which was about ye Assumption of the virgin Mary, yt yeare next folowing, an. 1465. it brought with it such an euill sinell to ye fine noses there, that it was no neede to bid them to stirre: for begging to them was worse thē hie heresie. Wherfore the holy father pope Paulus the 2. to represse the sparkles of this doctrine, which otherwise perhaps might haue set his whole kitchin on fire,Ex hist. Scala mundi. fol. vlt. taketh ye matter in hand, & estsoones directeth downe his Bull into England, insinuating to the Prelates here, Haeresim illam pestiferè asserentem,The Popes determined solutiō, that Christ was no beggarquod Christus publice mendicauit, esse antiquitus a Romanis pontificibus, cum suis Concilijs damnatam, & eam pro damnata, vndique declarandam, & conculcandam, &c. That is, that this heresie, which pestiferously doth affirme that Christ did openly begge, was condemned of old time by the Bishops of Rome, and his Councels, and that the same ought to be declared in all places for a damned doctrine, and worthy to be troden downe vnder all mens feete, &c. This was in the same yeare when Prince Edward, King Edwards sonne was borne in the Sanctuary at Westminster an. 1465.K. Edward vanquished 9 battailes, being himselfe present at them all. Charles Duke of Burgoyne fayled hys promise with the kyng. Peace betweene the two kinges, bought with the French kyngs money. Mariage betwene the Frēch kings sonne, and K. Edwards daughter, made and broken. King Iames of Scotland goeth from his promise of mariage. Barwick recouered.

As touching the rest of the doings and affaires of thys king (which had vāquished hetherto ix. battailes, himselfe being present) how afterward he, through the incitemēt of Charles duke of Burgoine his brother in law, vētred into France with a puissant army, & how the Duke fayled him in his promise, also how peace betwene ye two kings was at length cōcluded in a solēne meeting of both ye sayd kings together (which meeting is notified in stories, by a white doue sitting the same day of meeting, vpō the top of king Edwards tent) also of ye mariage promised betwene ye yong Dolphin & Elizabeth K. Edwards eldest daughter, but afterward broken of the French kings part: moreouer as touching the death of the duke of Burgoine slaine in war, & of his daughter Mary, neece to King Edward, spoiled of her lands & possessions wrōgfully, by Lewes ye French king, & maried after to Maximilian: furthermore, as touching the expeditiō of king Edward into Scotlād, by reason of King Iames, breaking promise in marieng with Cecilie the ij. daughter of king Edward, & of driuing out his brother, & how ye matter was composed there, & of the recouery againe of Barwicke: of these (I say) & such other things mo, partly because they are described sufficētly in our cōmon english stories, partly also because they be matters not greatly perteining to the Church, I omit to speake, making of thē a supersedeas. Two things I finde here among many other, specially to be remembred.

The first is concerning a godly and constant seruant of Christ, named Iohn Goose, which in the time of this king was vniustly condemned and burnt at the tower hill. an. 1473.Anno. 1473. Iohn Goose Martyr. Iohn Goose in English, is as much as Iohn Hus in the Bohemian tongue in the moneth of August. Thus had England also his Iohn Hus, as well as Boheme. Wherein moreouer this is to be noted, that since the time of King Richard 2. there is no reigne of any King to be assigned hetherto, wherin some good mā or other hath not suffred the paines of fire, for ye Religion & true testimonie of Christ Iesus. Of this said Iohn Goose, or Iohn Hus, this moreouer I find in another English monumēt recorded, that the sayd Iohn being deliuered to Robert Belisdone, one of ye Shiriffes, to see him burnt the after noone: the Shiriffe like a charitable man, had him home to his house, and there exhorted him to deny (sayth the story) his errours.Iohn Goose taketh his dynner before hee went to Martyrdome. But the godly man after long exhortation heard, desired the Shiriffe to bee content, for he was satisfied in his conference. Notwithstādyng this he desired of the Shiriffe, for Gods sake to geue him some meate, saying that he was very sore hungered. Then the Shiriffe commaunded him meate: whereof he tooke and did eate, as he had bene toward no maner of daunger: and sayd to such as stoode about him: I eate now a good and a competent dinner: for I shall passe a litle sharpe shower, ere I goe to supper. And when hee had dyned, he gaue thankes, and required that he might shortly be lead to the place, where hee should yeld vp his spirite vnto God. Ex Polychron.

¶ The burnyng of Iohn Goose.

The second thyng herein to be noted,The vnworthy death of the Duke of Clarence. is the death of George Duke of Clarence, the kynges second brother: Of whom relation was made before, how he assisted K. Edward, his brother, agaynst the Earle of Warwicke at Barnet field, and helped him to the crowne, and now after all these benefites,The Duke of Clarece drowned in a bu [...]e of Malmesey. was at lēgth thus requited, that (for what cause it is vncertaine) he was apprehended and cast into the Tower, where he beyng adiudged for a traytor, was priuely drowned in a but of Malmesey. What ye true cause was of his death, it can not certainely be affirmed. Diuers coniectures and imaginations there be diuersly put forth. Some partly impute it to the Queenes displeasure.The causes of his death expended. Other suppose it came for taking part in the cause of his seruaunt, which was accused and cōdemned for poysonyng, sorcery, or inchantmēt. An other fame there is, which surmiseth the cause hereof to rise vpō the vayne feare of a foolish Prophecie,The mischiefe that Sathan worketh by false prophesies. commyng no doubt (if it were true) by the craftie operation of Sathan, as it doth many tymes elles happen among infidels and gentiles, where Christ is not knowen: where among high Princes and in noble houses, much mischief groweth, first murther and parricide, & thereby ruine of auncient families, and alteration of kingdomes. The effect of this Prophecie (as the fame goeth) was this, that after kyng Edward, should one reigne, whose name should begyn with G. The prophesie of G. And because the name of the Duke of Clarence, beyng George, began with a G. therfore he began to be feared, and afterward priuely (as is aforesayd) was made away.

¶ By these experimentes and mischieuous endes of such Prophecies,Prophesies not rashly to be beleeued. and also by the nature of them, it is soone to be seene, from what fountaine or author they proceede: that is (no doubt) from Sathā, the auncient enemy of mā kynd, and Prince of this world: agaynst whose deceitfull delusions. Christen men must be well instructed, neither to maruell greatly at them, though they seeme straunge, nor yet to beleue them,Sathan can say truth for a wicked end. though they happen true. For Sathā being the Prince of this world, in such thyngs worldly can foresee what will follow, and cā say truth for a mischieuous [Page] end,Deuelishe prophesies although they tell truth, yet are not to be followed. and yet for all that is but a Sathan. So the dreame of Astiages, seeing a vine to growe out of his daughter, which should couer all Asia, and fearing thereby that by his nephew he should lose his kingdome, proued true in the sequeale thereof, and yet notwithstanding of Sathan it came, and caused cruell murther to folow, first of the shepheards child, then of the sonne of Harpagus,Ex Iust. lib. 1. whome he set before his owne father to eate. Ex Iust. lib. 1. Likewise Cyrus was Prophetically admonished by his dreame, to take him for his guide, whome he first met the next morow. In that also his dreame fell true, and yet was not of God. In the same number are to be put all the blind Oracles of the Idolatrous Gentiles, which although they proceede of a lieng spirit,Merlines prophesies. 1. Reg. 18. Act. 16. yet sometime they hit the truth, to a mischieuous purpose. The like iudgement also is to be giuen of Merlynes Prophecies. The Sorceresse, mentioned 1. Reg. 28. raising up Samuell, told Saule the truth, yet was it not of God. In the 16. chap. of the Actes, there was a Damosell hauing the spirit ofA spirite of diuination which could ghesse & foredeeme thinges past, present, and to come, which knowledge God many times permitteth to the deuill. Pytho, who said truth of Paule and Sylas, calling them the messengers of the high God, and yet it was a wrong spirit. The vncleane spirits in geuing testimonie of Christ, saide the truth, yet because their testimony came not of God, Christ did not allow it.

Panlus Diaconus recordeth of Ualence the Emperour that he also had a blinde Prophecie, not much vnlike to this of king Edward,Ex Paulo Diac. which was, that one should succeed him in the Empire, whose name should begin with [...] and [...]. whereupon one Theodorus, trusting vpon the prophecie, began rebelliously to hope for the crowne, & for his labour felt the paines of a traitour.Three thinges to be noted cō cerning false prophesies. Notwithstanding the effect of the prophecy folowed: For after Ualence succeded Theodosius. Wherfore Christen Princes, and noble men, & all Christes faithfull people must beware & learne.

1. First, that no man be inquisitiue or curious in searching to knowe what things be to come, or what shall happen, beside those things only which are promised, and expressed in the word.

2. Secondly, to vnderstand what differēce there is, and how to discerne ye voice of God, frō the voice of Sathan.

3. Thirdly, how to resist and auoide the daunger of false and diuelish prophecies.

Many there be, which being not cōtented with things present, curiously occupy their wittes to search what is to come, and not geuing thanks to God for their life whiche they haue, will also know, what shall be chance them, how & when their end wil come, how lōg Princes shal reigne, and who after shall succeede them, and for y• same, get vnto thē southsaiers, astrologers, sorcerers, coniurers, or familiars. And these are not so much inquisitiue to search or aske, but the deuill is as ready to aunswere them: who either falsly doubleth with thē, to delude thē: or else telleth them truth, to worke them perpetuall care & sorow. Thus was Pope Siluester the sorcerer,Vid. sup. pag. 180. circumuented by the diuell, who told him that he should be at Hierusalem, before he died, and so it fell. For as he was saieng his Masse, at a chappell in Rome, called Hierusalem, there he fell sicke, and within three daies after died, vide sup. pag. 167. To King Henry the fourth also it seemeth it was prophecied, that he should not die, before he went to Hierusalem, who being brought to the Abbots chamber of Westminster,Vid. sup. pag. 535. and hearing the name of the chamber to be called Hierusalem, knew his time to be come, and dyed, pag. 557.

By such deceitfull prophecies, it can not be lamented inough to see what inconuenience both publikely and priuately groweth to the life of men,False trust by deuilish prophesies. either causing thē falsly to trust where they should not, or else wickedly to perpetrate that they woulde not: as may appeare both by this king, and also diuers moe. So was Pompeius, Crassus, and Caesar (as writeth Cicero) deceiued by the false Chaldeis, in declaring to them, that they should not but die in their beds, and with worship, and in their olde age. Of such false trust, rising vpon false prophecies, S. Ambrose in his booke of Exameron, writeth, speaking of rayne, which being in those parties greatly desired, was promised and prophecied of one certainely to fall vpō such a day, which was at the changing of the new Moone: but (sayth S. Ambrose) there fell no such raine at all,Ambrosius in Exameron. till at the praiers of the Church, the same was obteined: geuing vs to vnderstand, that raine commeth not by the word of man, nor by the beginnings of the Moone, but by the prouidēce and mercie of our creatour.Ioan. Pie. Mirandul. contra Astrog. lib. 2, cap. 9 Ex Ambros. in Examer.

Ioan. Picus Earle of Mirandula, in his excellent bookes written against these vaine startellers and Astrologers, Lib. 2. writeth of one Ordelaphus a prince, to whom it was prognosticate by a famous cunning man in that science,Experience of false prophesies. called Hieronimus Manfredus, yt he should enioy long continuance of health, and prosperous life, who notwithstanding, the selfesame yeare, and in the first yeare of his mariage, deceassed: and after diuers other examples added moreouer vpon the same, he inferreth also mention, and the name of a certaine rich matrone in Rome, named Constantia, who in like maner departed the same yeare, in which she receiued great promises by these Southsayers and Astrologers, of a long and happy life, saieng to her husband these words: behold (saith she) how true be the prognostications of these southtellers? If it were not for noting of thē, which now are gone, and whose names I would in no case to be blemished with any spot, otherwise I could recite the names of certaine, especially one, which taking his iourney, in a certaine place, after diligent calculation, and forecasting of the successe and good speede of his iourney,This man by false dillemblers, was taken, betrayed, and brought into England. was notwithstanding in the same iourney, apprehended and brought where he would not, after that neuer enioieng good day, in short time he departed. In Basill this I my selfe heard of one, which knew and was conuersant with the partie, who hauing a curious delight in these speculations of chances and euents to come, by his calculation noted a certaine day, which he mistrusted should be fatall vnto him,A perilous matter for 2 man to be curious, of tymes and things to come. by something, which at that day should fall vpon him. Whereupon he determined with himselfe, all that day to keepe him sure and safe within his chamber, where he reaching vp his hand to take downe a booke, the booke falling downe vpon his head, gaue him his deathes wounde, and shortly after he died vpon the same. Of these and such like examples, the world is full, and yet the curiousnes of mans head will not refraine, still to plucke the apple of this vnluckie and forbidden tree.

Beside all this, what murther and parricide commeth by the feare of these prophecies, in great blouds and noble houses. I referre it vnto them, which reade and well aduise the stories, as well of our Kings heere in England, as in other kingdomes moe, both Christened, and Turkish, whereof another place shall serue as well (Christ willing) more largely to entreat, and particularly to discourse. To this perteineth also the great inconuenience & hinderance that groweth by the feare of such Prophecies. in the vocation of mē, forsomuch as many there be, which fearing some one danger, some another, leaue their vocations vndone, and follow vnordinate waies. As if one hauing a blinde prophecie, that his destruction should be on the day, would wake and do all his busines by night and candle light: and so forth in other seuerall cases of mē and women, as euery one in his owne conscience knoweth his owne case best.

The second thing to be considered in these prophecies,The seconde part, how prophecies are to be discerned. is rightly to discerne and vnderstand, as neare as we cā, the differēce betwene the prophecies proceeding frō God, and the false prophecies counterfeited by Sathan. For Sathan sometime plaieth Gods Ape, and transformeth himselfe into an Angell of light, bearing such a resemblaunce and colour of truth and Religion, that vnneth a wise man is able to discerne the one from the other, and the most part is begiled. Concerning prophecies therefore, to know which be of God, which be not, three things are to be obserued.

1. First,

In the secōd part three things to be considered.

whether they go simply and plainely, or whether they be doubtful and ambiguous: wherof the one seemeth to taste of Gods spirit, such as be the Prophecies of the scripture: the other to come otherwise hauing a double or doubtfull interpretation. Although y• time of Gods prophecies, as also of miracles is commonly, and ordinarily expired: yet if the Lord in these daies, now extraordinarily do shew any prophecie, by the simplenes & plainenes thereof, partly it may be discerned.

2. Secondly, this is to be expended, whether they bee priuate,

The seconde thing to be considered in prophesies.

tending to this familie, or that family, or publike. For as the Scriptures, so commonly the Prophecies of God haue no priuate interpretation, but generall: for so much as the care of Gods holy spirit is not restrayned partially to one person, more then to another, but generally and indifferently respecteth the whole Churche of his elect in Christ Iesus his sonne. Wherefore such Prophecies as priuately are touching the armes of houses, or names of men, rising or falling of priuate and particular families, are worthely to be suspected.

3. The third note & speciall argument to discry the true prophecies of God,

The 3. thing to be considered in prophesies.

from the false prophecies of Sathan, and his false Prophets, is this, to consider the matter and the end thereof, that is, whether they be worldly, or whether they be spirituall, or whether they tende to any glory or state of this present world, or whether they tend to the spirituall instruction, admonition, or comfort of the publicke [Page] Church.

The 3. part how to auoyde the daunger of frontier prophesies.Now remayneth thirdly, after we know what prophecies be of God, and what not, that we be instructed next, how to eschew the feare and perill of all diuelish Prophecies, which make against vs. Wherein two speciall remedies are to be marked of euery Christen man, whereby he may be safe and sure against all daunger of the enemie. The first is, that we set y• name of Christ Iesus the sonne of God against them,Two remedies against de [...]ilishe prophesies. The first remedie. through a true faith in him: knowing this, that the sonne of God hath appeared, to dissolue the works of the Diuell. And againe, this is the victory (saith the Scripture) that ouercommeth the world, euen our faith. Whatsoeuer then Sathan worketh or cā worke against vs, be it neuer so forceable, faith in Christ will vanquish it. Such a maiestie is in our faith, beleeuing in the name of the Sonne of God.

The seconde remedy against dangerous prophesies.The other remedy is faythfull prayer, which obteineth in the name of Christ, all things with the Lord. So that wicked feende, which had killed before seuen husbands of Tobias wife, could not hurt him, entring his matrimony with earnest praier: so no more shall any sinister prophecie preuaile, where praier out of a faithful hart, doth striue against it. Neither am I ignoraunt, that against such temporall euils and punishments to this life inflicted, a great remedy also lieth in this, when Sathan findeth nothing, wherin greatly to accuse our conscience. But because such a conscience is hard to be founde, the next refuge is to flie to repentaunce, with amendment of life. For many times where sinne doth reigne in our mortall bodies, there also the operation of Sathan is strong against vs, to afflicte our outwarde bodyes heere, but as touching our eternall saluation, neyther worke nor merite hath any place, but onely our fayth in Christ. And thus much briefly touching the two speciall remedies, whereby the operation of all diuelishe Prophecies may be auoyded and defeated.

Now, many there be, which leauing these remedyes aforesayd, and the safe protection which the Lorde hath set vp in Christ,Mans policy can nothing doe against the deuil. take other wayes of their owne, seeking by their owne policie, how to withstande and escape suche Prophecies, either in eschuing the place and time subtilly, or else cruelly by killing the partie whome they feare: whereof commeth iniury, murther, and parricide, with other mischiefes in cōmon weales vnspeakable. To whom commonly it cōmeth so to passe, that whereby they thinke most to saue themselues, by the same meanes they fal most into the snare,No power can withstand Sathā, but onely Christ, and our fayth in hym. being subuerted and confounded in theyr owne policie, for that they trusting to their owne deuise, and not vnto the Lord, which only can dissolue the operation of Satan, the Lord so turneth their deuise into a trap, thereby to take them, whereby they thinke most surely to escape. Examples whereof we see not onely in Astyages King of the Medes aforesaid, and Cyrus: but in infinite other like euents, which the trade of the world doth dayly offer to our eies. So Queene Margaret thought her then cockesure, when Duke Humfrey was made away: when nothing else was her confusion so much, as the losse and lacke of that man.

So if King Richard the second had not exercised suche crueltie vpon his vncle Thomas, Duke of Glocester, he had not receiued such wrong by King Henry the fourth as he did, pag. 594. Likewise this King Edwarde the fourth, it he had suffered his brother Gorge, Duke of Clarence to haue liued, his house had not so gone to wracke by Richard, his other brother, as it did. What befell vpon the Student of Astrology in the Uniuersitie of Basill, ye heard before, who if he had not mewed himselfe in hys chamber for feare of his diuination, had escaped the stroke that fell. Now, in auoiding such Propheticall euentes, which he should not haue searched, he fell into that which he did feare. These few examples for instruction sake, I thought by occasion to inferre, not as though these were alone: but by these few to admonish the Reader of infinite other which dayly come in practise of life, to the great daunger & decay, as well in priuate houses, as in weales publicke.

Wherfore briefly to repete, what before simply hath bin said touching this matter,A briefe rehearsall of the matter of prophesies, before passed. seeing that Sathan thorough such subtile Prophecies, hath & yet doth dayly practise so manifold mischiefes in the world, setting brother against brother, nephew against ye vncle, house against house, and realme against realme, gēdring hatred, where loue was, & subuerting priuely y• simplicity of our christian faith, therfore y• first thing & best is, for godly men not to busie there braines about such phātasies, neither in delighting in thē, nor in harkening to thē, nor in searching for thē, either by southsaier, or by cōiuratiō, or by familiar, or by astrologer: knowing and considering this, that whosoeuer shalbe desirous or ready to search for them, the Deuill is as ready to aunswere his curiositie therein.The deuil ready to answere in matters of diuination. For as once in the old tyme of Gentilitie, hee gaue his Oracles by Idols, and Priestes of that tyme: so the same deuill, although he worketh not now by Idols, yet he craftely can geue now aunswere by Astrologers, and coniurers in these our dayes, & in so doyng, both to say truth, and yet to deceaue men whē he hath sayd. Wherfore, leauyng of such curiositie, let euery Christen man walke simple in his present vocation, referryng hid thynges not in the word expressed, vnto him which sayth in his word:Curiositie of prophesies to be auoyded. Non est vestrum scire tēpora & momenta temporum. &c. It is not for you to know the tymes, and seasons of tymes, which the Father hath kept in his owne power. &c.

Secondly, in this matter of Prophecies, requisite it is (as is sayd) for euery Christen man to learne, how to discerne and distinct the true Prophecies, which proceede of God, and the false Prophecies, whiche come of Sathan. The difference wherof, as it is not hard to be discerned: so necessary it is, that euery good man do rightly vnderstand the same, to the entent that he knowing & flying the daunger of the one, may be the more certaine and cōstant in adhering to the other.

Thirdly, because it is not sufficient that the deceitfull Prophecies of the deuill be knowen, but also that they be resisted, I haue also declared, by what meanes the operation of Sathans workes and Prophecies are to be ouercome: that is, not with strength and policie of mā, for that there is nothyng in man, able to counteruayle the power of that enemy. Under heauen there is nothyng elles that can preuayle agaynst his workes, but onely the name of the Lord Iesus the sonne of God, not outwardly pronoū ced onely with our lippes, or signed in our foreheads with the outward crosse, but inwardly apprehended and dwellyng in our hartes by a silent fayth, firmely and earnestly trustyng vpon the promises of God, geuen and sealed vnto vs in his name: For so it hath pleased his fatherly wisedome, to set him vp,The strength of a Christiā mans fayth in Christ. to be both our righteousnesse before himselfe, and also to be our fortitude agaynst the enemy, acceptyng our fayth in his sonne, in no lesse price, then he accepteth the workes & worthynesse of the same his sonne, in whom we do beleue.

Such is the strength and effect of faith both in heauen, in earth, & also in hell: In heauen to iustifie, in earth to preserue, in hell to cōquere. And therfore when any such Prophecie, or any other thing is to vs obiected, which seemeth to tend agaynst vs, let vs first consider whether it sauour of Sathan, or not. If it doe, then let vs seeke our succour, not in our selues, where it doth not dwell, neither let vs kill, nor slay, nor chaunge our vocation therfore, folowing vnordinate wayes:Onely Christ able to withstād the power of Sathan. Psalm. 90. but let vs runne to our Castle of refuge, whiche is to the power of the Lord Iesus, remembring the true promise of the Psalme: Qui habitat in adiutorio altissimi, in protectione Del coeli commorabitur. That is. who so putteth his trust in the succour of the Lord, shall haue the God of heauen to his protector. And then shall it afterward follow in the same Psalme. Ipse liberabit te a laqueo venantium, & a verbo aspeto. That is. And he shall deliuer him from the snare of the hunter, and from all euill wordes, and Prophecies, be they neuer so sharpe, or bitter agaynst him, &c. And thus much by the occasion of kyng Edward, of Prophecies.

Now hauing lōg taried at home in describyng the tumultes and troubles within our owne land, we will let out our story more at large, to consider the afflictions and perturbatiōs of other parties and places also of Christes Church, as wel here in Europe vnder the Pope, as in the East partes vnder the Turke, first deducyng our story frō the tyme of Sigismund,Sigismundus Emperour. where before we left: Which Sigismund, as is aboue recorded, was a great oder in the Councell of Constance agaynst Iohn Hus, and Hierome of Prage.Sigismundus vnprospetous in his warres. This Emperour had euer euill lucke, fightyng agaynst the Turkes. Twise he warred agaynst them, and in both the battailes was discomfited and put to flight: once about the Citie of Mysia, fightyng agaynst Baiazetes the great Turke.Sigismundus ouercome of the Turkes. an. 1395. the second tyme fightyng against Celebinus the sonne of Baiazetes, about the towne called Columbacium. But specially, after the Councell of Constance, wherein were condemned and burned those two godly Martyrs, more vnprosperous successe did then folow himSigismundus ouercome of the Bohemians. fightyng agaynst the Bohemians, his owne subiectes. an. 1420. by whom he was repulsed in so many battailes, to his great dishonour, during all the life of Zisca, & of Procopius, as is afore more at lēgth expressed: who was so beaten both of the Turkes, & at home of his owne people, that he neuer did encounter with the Turkes after. [Page] Then followed the Councell of Basill, after the beginnyng wherof, within vi. yeares, this Sigismūdus, which was Emperour, king of Hungary, and kyng of Boheme, dyed, in Morauia. an. 1437.

¶ Albertus Emperour.

Albertus Duke of Austrich, Emperour, kyng of Hungary, king of BohemeTHis Sigismund left behinde him one only daughter Elizabeth, who was married to Albert, Duke of Austrich: by reason whereof, he was aduanced to the Empire, and so was both Duke of Austrich, Emperour, king of Hungary, and king also of Boheme. But this Albert (as is afore declared) being an enemy and a disquieter to the Bohemians, and especially to the good men of Thabor, as he was preparing and setting foorth against the Turkes,Albertus Emperour but two yeares. Elizabeth daughter to Sigismund, wife to Albert Emp. in the meane time died, in the second yeare of his Empire, an. 1439. leauing his wife great with child, who lieng then in Hungary, and thinking to be great with a daughter, called to her the Princes and chiefetaines of the Realme, declaring to them that she was but a woman, and vnsufficient to the gouernāce of such a state: and moreouer how she thought her selfe to be but with childe of a daughter, and therefore required them to prouide among them, such a Prince and gouernour, (reseruing the right of the Kingdome to hir selfe) as were fit and able vnder her, to haue the regiment of the land committed.The Turke beginneth to inuade Hungary. Vladislaus brother to Casimirus K. of Polonia, made king of Hungary. Elizabeth Q. of Hūgary brought to bedde of a man childe. Ladislaus prince of Hungary borne. Diuision & discord in Hungarie. The Turk warreto agaynst Hungarie. Huntades Vaino a. Vladislaus K. of Hungary, slayne in warre. The Turke in the meane while being eleuated and encouraged with his prosperous victories against Sigismundus aforesaide, began then more fiercely to inuade Hungary and those parties of Christendome. Wherefore the Hungarians making the more haste, consulted among themselues, to make Duke Uladislaus, brother to Casimi [...]us King of Polony, their King.

But while this was in working betwene the Hungarians and Uladislaus the Duke, in the meane space Elizabeth brought forth a sonne called Ladislaus, who being the lawfull heire of the kingdome, the Queene calleth backe againe her former word, minding to reserue the kingdome for her sonne, being the true heire thereof, and therefore refuseth marriage with the saide Uladislaus, which she had before pretended. But Uladislaus ioyning with a great part of the Hungarians, persisting stil in the condition before graunted, would not geue ouer: by reason whereof, great contention and diuision kindling amōg the people of Hungary, Amurathes y• great Turke, taking his aduantage of their discord, and partly surpressed with pride of his former successe against Sigismund aforesaid, with his whole maine & force, inuaded the realme of Hūgary: where Huniades surnamed Uaiuoda, Prince of Transiluania, ioining with the new King Uladislaus, did both together set against the Turke, anno. 1444. and there Uladislaus the new King of Hungary, the fourth yeare of his kingdome was slaine. Elizabeth with her sonne, was fled in y• meane while, to Fridericke the Emperour. Of Huniades Uaiuoda the noble Captaine, and of his Actes and also of Ladislaus (Christ willing) more shall be sayd heereafter, in his time and place.

¶ Fridericus the third Emperour.

AFter the deceasse of Albert, succeeded in the Empyre Fridericus the third,Fridericus 3. Emperour. Duke of Austria, an. 1440. By whome it was procured (as we haue before signified) that Pope Foelix elected by the Councell of Basill, did resigne his Popedome, to Pope Nicholas the fift, vpon this condition, that the said Pope Nicholas should ratife the acts decreed in the said Councell of Basil. In the daies of this Emperour, much warre and dissention raged almost thorough all Christian Realmes, in Austria, Hungaria, Polonia, in France, in Burgoine, and also heere in Englād, betweene King Henry the sixt, and King Edward the fourth, as ye haue already heard: whereby it had bene easie for the Turke, with little maistry, to haue ouerrunne all the Christian Realmes in Europe, had not the prouidence of our mercifull Lord otherwise prouided to keepe Amurates the Turke, occupied in other ciuill warres at home in the meane while. Unto this Fridericke came Elizabeth (as is aforesaide) with Ladislaus her sonne: by whome he was nourished & enterteined a certaine space,Vladislaus K. of Hungary slayne in battell by the Turke. till at length, after the death of Uladislaus aforesaid, king of Ungarie (which was slaine in battaile by the Turkes) the men of Austria, through the instigation of Ulricus Eizingerus, and of Ulricus Earle of Cilicia rising vp in armour, required of Fridericke the Emperour, either to giue thē their yong king, or els to stād to his own defence.

When Fridericke heard this, neither would he render to them a sodaine answere, neither would they abide any longer delay: and so the matter growing to warre, the new Citie was besieged, where many were slaine, and much harme done. At length the Emperours part beyng y• weaker,Ioh. Huniades, gouernour of Hū gary vnder the kyng. George Pogi [...]bracius gouernour of Boheme. Vlricus gouernour of Austria. the Emperour through the interuētion of certaine Nobles of Germany, restored Ladislaus vnto their hands, who being yet vnder age, committed his in. kingdomes to three gouernours. Whereof Iohn Huniades the worthy Captaine aboue mentioned, had the ruling of Ungarie: George Pogiebracius had Boheme: and Ulricus the Earle of Cilicia, had Austria. Which Ulrice, hauing the chiefe custody of the King, bare the greatest authority aboue the rest, a man as much full of ambitiō and tirannie, as he was hated almost of all the Austrians, and shortly after by the meanes of Eizingerus, was excluded also from the King and the Court, but afterwarde restored againe, and Eizingerus thrust out. Such is the vnstable condition of them which be next in place aboute Princes. But this contention betwene them I ouerpasse.

Not long after,Ladislaus a young popish kyng. Ladislaus the yong King went to Boheme, there to be crowned, where George Pogiebracius (as is said) had the gouernaunce. But Ladislaus during all the time of his being there, though being much requested, yet would neither enter into the Churches, nor heare the seruice of them, which did draw after the doctrine of Hus.Ladislaus could not abide the doctrine of Hus. In somuch that when a certaine Priest in the hygh tower of Prage, was appointed and addressed, after the maner of Priests, to say seruice before the King, beeyng knowne to hold with Iohn Hus and Rochezaua, the King disdaining at him, commaunded him to giue place and depart, or else he woulde sende him downe headlong from the rocke of the Tower: and so the good minister repulsed by the King, departed. Also another time the sayde Ladislaus, seeing the Sacrament carried by a Minister of that side, whome they called then Huslites, woulde doo thereunto no reuerence. Ex Aene. Syluio.

At length the long abode of the King, although it was not very long, yet seemed to the godly disposed to be lōger then they wished: and that was not to y• king vnknowen, which made him to make the more hast away. But before he departed, he thought first to visit the noble Citie Uratislauia in Schlesia. In the which Citie, the foresaid King Ladislaus being there in the high Church, at seruice many great Princes were about him: Among whome was also George Pogie bracius, who then stoode nearest to the King,Chilianus a Parasite about kyng Ladislaus. vnto whome one Chilianus, plaieng the Parasite about the King (as the fashion is of such as faine themselues fooles, to make other men as very fooles as they) spake in this wise as foloweth: with what countenance you do behold this our seruice, I see right well, but your hart I do not see. Say then, doth not the order of this our Religion seeme vnto you decent and comely? Do you not see how many and how great princes, yea the king himselfe, do follow one order and vniformitie?The wordes of a Popish Parasite to Pogiebracius. And why do you then follow rather your Preacher Rochezana then these? Do you thinke a few Bohemians to be more wise then all the Church of Christ besides? Why then do you not forsake that rude and rusticall people, and ioine to these Nobles, as you are a noble man your selfe.

Unto whome,An answere proceeding of a heauenly wisdome. thus Pogiebracius sagely againe doth aunswere. If you speake these words of your selfe, sayth be, you are not the man whome you faine your selfe to be: and so to you I aunswere, as not to a foole. But if you speake this by the suggestion of others, then must I satisfie them. Heare therefore. As touching the Ceremonies of the Church, euery man hath a conscience of his owne to follow. As for vs, we vse such Ceremonies, as we trust do please God: Neither is it in our arbitrement to beleeue what we will our selues. The mind of man being perswaded with great reasons, is captiuated, wil he, nill he: and as nature is instructed and taught, so is she drawne, in some one way, and in some another. As for my selfe, I am fully perswaded in the Religion of my preachers. If I should follow thy Religion, I might perchance deceiue men, going contrary to mine owne conscience, but I can not deceiue God, who seeth the harts of all: Neither shall it become mee to frame my selfe lyke to thy disposition. That which is meete for a Iester, is not likewise conuenient for a noble man. And these wordes eyther take to thy selfe, as spoken to thee, if thou bee a wise man, or else I referre them to those which set thee a worke. Ex Aen. Sylu. in Hist. Bohem.

After the King was returded from the Bohemians againe to Austria, ye Hungarians likewise made their petitions to the king, that he would also come vnto thē. The gouernour of Hūgarie (as ye before haue heard) was Ioannes Huniades,Vlricus seeketh the death of Huniades. whose victorious acts against ye Turks are famous. Against this Huniades, wicked Ulricus Earle of Cilicia, did all he could with the King, to bring him to destructiō, and therfore caused the king to send for [Page] him vp to Uienna, and there priuely to woorke hys death. But Huniades hauing thereof intelligence, offereth hymselfe wythin Hungary to serue hys Prince, to all affaires: Out of the lande where he was, it was neyther best (sayde hee) for the Kynge, nor safest for hym selfe, to come. The Earle being so disappoynted, came downe wyth certaine Nobles of the Courte, to the borders of Hungarie, thynking eyther to apprehend him and bryng hym to Uienna, or there to dispatch hym. Huniades, without in the fieldes, sayde hee woulde common wyth hym, wythin the Towne he would not be brought. After that, an other trayne also was laide for hym, that vnder pretence of the kings safeconduct, he shoulde meete the king in the broade fieldes of Uienna. But Huniades suspecting deceit, came in dede to the place appoynted,Huniades spareth his enemie. where hee neither seeing the Kyng to come, nor the Earle to haue any safe conduct for hym, was mooued (and not without cause) against the Earle, declaring howe it was in hys power there to slay him, which went about to seeke hys bloud, but for the reuerence of the king, he would spare him and let him goe.

Not long after this, the Turke wyth a great power of fighting men,Alba besieged of the turke. to the number of an hundreth and fifteene thousande, arriued in Hungarie, where he laid siege to the Citie Alba. But through the mercifull hand of God, Iohn Huniades,The power of God by the meanes of Huniades & Capistranus against the turke. King Ladislaus cōmeth into Hungary. and Capistranus a certaine Minorite, wyth a small garrison of Christian souldiors, gaue him the repusse and put him to flight, wyth all hys mighty hoste: Whereof more (Christ willing) heereafter. Ex hist Bohemie. Aen. Syluij. Huniadés shortly after this victorie, deceased. Of whose death when the king and the Earle did vnderstande, they came the more boldly into Hungarie, where hee being receiued by Ladislaus Huniades tonne, into the Towne of Alba, there vewed the places where the Turkes before had pitched theyr tentes. When thys Ladislaus heard that the king was comming first toward the towne, obediently he opened to hym the gates. Foure thousand only of armed souldiours he debarred from entring the Citie.

Ladislaus Huniades sonne.In the meane time while the King was there resident in the Citie, the Earle with other nobles did sitte in counsaile, requiring also Ladislaus to resorte vnto them: who first doubting with hymselfe what he might doe, at length putteth on a priuie coate of maile, and commeth to them. Whether the Earle first beganne wyth him, or he wyth the Earle,Debate betweene Vlricus and Ladislaus Huniades sonne. Vlricus Earle of Cicilia slayne. it is not knowen. The opinion is of some, that Ulricus first called him traitor, for shutting the gates against the kings soldiours. Howsoeuer the occasion began, thys is vndoubted, that Ulricus taking his sworde from hys page, let flie at his head. To breake the blowe, some putting vp their hands, had their fingers cut of. The Hungarians hearing a noise & tumult wythin the chamber, brake it vpon them, & there incontinent slewe Ulrike the Earle, wounding and cutting him almost alto peeces: The King hearing thereof, although he was not a little discontented thereat in his minde: yet seeing there was then no other remedy, dissembled his griefe for a time,

Frō thence the king tooke his iourny againe to Buda, accompanied wyth the foresayde Ladislaus,The cruell dissimulatiō of Ladislaus the king, who passyng by ye towne, where the wife of Huniades was mourning for the death of her husband, seemed wt many faire wordes to comfort her: and after he had there sufficiently repasted hym selfe, wyth such pretence of dissembled loue, and fained fauour,The 2. sōnes of Huniades Ladislaus & Mathias. Ladislaus Huniades sonne, innocently put to death, that they were without all suspition & feare: from thence he set forward in hys iourney, taking wyth him the two sonnes of Huniades, Ladislaus and Mathias, who were right ready to wait vpon him. The king being come to Buda (whether of his owne head, or by sinister counsell set on) when hee had them at a vauntage, caused bothe the sonnes of Huniades: to witte, Ladislaus and Mathias, to be apprehended. And first was brought foorth Ladislaus the elder sonne, to the place of execution, there to be beheaded: where meekely he suffered, being charged wyth no other crime, but thys, published by the voyce of the cryer, saying: Thus are they to be chastened, which are rebelles against their Lord.A miraculous token at the death of Ladislaus Peucerus wryting of his death, addeth thys moreouer, that after the hangman had 3. blowes at his necke, yet notwythstanding the sayd Ladislaus hauing his hands bound behinde hym, after the thirde stroke, rose vpright vppon hys feete, and looking vp to heauen, called vpon the Lord, and protested his innocency in that behalf: and so laying downe his necke againe,Ex Peucer. Chro. lib. 5. at the fourth blowe was dispatched. Mathias the other brother was led captiue with the king vnto Austria. The rest of the captiues brake the prison and escaped.

It was not long after thys cruelty was wrought vppon Ladislaus, the king being about the age of twentye & two yeares, that talke was made of the kings marryage, wyth Magdalene daughter to the French king. The place of the marryage was appoynted at Prage, where greate preparation was for the matter.Prep [...]r [...] the king [...] age. At the first entraunce of the King into the Citie of Prage, Rochezana wyth a company of Ministers, such as were fauourers of Iohn Hus, and of sincere Religion, came with all solemnity to receiue the king, making there hys oration to gratulate the kings most ioyful and prosperous accesse into the same his owne Realme and countrey of Boheme. Unto whych Rochezana, after he had ended hys Oration,Ladislaus the king, receaued in Boheme. Ladislaus the king, an infest enemie against the Huslians. The sacrament of the aulter vsed to many purposes. scarce the king woulde open hys mouth to geue thankes to him, nor any cheareful countenaunce vnto hys companye, but fiercely seemed to frowne vppon them. In the next Pagen after these, came foorth the Priestes of the high Minster, after the most Popish maner, meeting him wyth Procession, and wyth the Sacrament of the aultare: For as Panacea among Phisitions serueth for all diseases, so the sacrament of the popes aultare serueth for all pompes and Pagens. First it must lie vppon the aultare, then it must be holden vp in hands, then it must hang in the pixe, it must serue for the quicke, it must also helpe the dead, it must moreouer visite the sick, it must walk about yt churchyard, it must go about the streets, it must bee caried about the fieldes to make the grasse to growe, it must be had to the battaile, it must ride on horsebacke before the Pope. And finally, it must welcome kings into Cities. Wherein these Catholicke fathers doe seeme somewhat to forget themselues. For if the Pope, being inferiour to the Sacrament of the aultar, at the commyng of kings, doe vse to sitte still while the kings come and kisse hys feete, what reason is it that the Sacrament of the aultare, whyche is (I trowe) aboue the Pope, shoulde meete kings by the way, and welcome them to the towne? But thys by the way of parenthesis: Let vs nowe continue the text.

When Ladislaus thys Catholicke king, who had shewed hymselfe before so stoute and sterne against Rochezana and his company,Ex Aenea Silu [...] in Histo. Bohē. had seene these Catholique priests with theyr Procession, and especially wyth their blessed Sacrament, to come: wyth all reuerence and much deuotion, hee lyghted downe from his horse, hee embraced the crosse and kyssed it, and wyth chearefull countenaunce saluted the Priestes in order. All thys while his young wife was not yet come out of Fraunce, but Legates were sent, after most sumptuous wise, to conduct her. Other Legates also were sent the same time, to the Emperour Fredericke, for conconclusion of peace. The thirde Legacie was directed likewise to Pope Calixtus about Religion, howe to reduce the Bohemians to the Churche of Rome. The authour of thys story (which was Pope Pius hymselfe) declareth further the opinion of some to be, that king Ladislaus ye same time had entended, to make a finall ende and destruction of all that secte in Bohemia, whych helde with the doctrine of Iohn Hus,A great cōcourse of Catholique princes intended against the Hussites. and Hierome, by the assemble and cōcourse of the Catholique Princes, and popish Prelates, whyche were appoynted there to meete together at that marriage in Prage. For there shoulde be first the Emperour Fredericke, Elizabeth the kings mother, and hys sisters Elizabeth, and Anna, the Princes of Saxonie. Baioria, Slesia, Franconia, the Palatine, and other Princes of Rhene: many also of the Lordes of Fraunce, besides the Popes Cardinals, Legates, Prelates and other potestates of the Popes Church. Who if they had all together conuented in Boheme, no doubt but some great mischiefe hadde beene wrought there against the Hussires:Man purposeth but God disposeth. against whome thys Ladislaus, following the steppes of Sigismundus hys graundfather, and Albertus hys father, was euer an vtter enemie. But when man hath purposed, yet God disposeth as pleaseth hym,

And therefore,Ex Aenea Siluio. truely it is wrytten of Aeneas Syluius in the same place, saying: De regimine Ciuitatum, de mutatione regnorum, de orbis imperio, minimum est, quod homines possint (tum vero De religionis constitutione multo minus) magna magnus dispoint Deus. Gouernance of Imperies and kingdoms, is not in mans power, much lesse the gouernāce of Religiō. That is. In regiment of Cities, in alteration of kingdomes, in ruling and gouerning the world, it is lesse then nothing that man can do: it is the hygh God that ruleth high things. Whereunto then I may wel adde thys moreouer, and say: that if the gouernance of worldly kingdomes standeth not in mans power, but in the disposition of God, muche lesse is it then, that mans power can doe in the regiment and gouerning of Religion. Example whereof in this purposed deuise of Princes,The great worke of God in defending his poore seruantes. doth euidently appeare. For as thys great preparation and solemnitie of mariage was in doing, and the Princes ready to set foorth, with a litle turne of Gods holy hand, al these great purposes were sodeinly turned and dashed. For in the middest of this busines, about the 21. day of Nouember. An. 1461. this great aduersarie of Christes people, king Ladislaus, king of Boheme, of Hungarie, and Prince of Austria sickened, [Page] and wythin 36. houres died, some say of a Pestilent fore in hys grine,The death of king Ladislaus. some say of poyson. But howe so euer it was, as it came not wythout the iust iudgement of God, reuenging the innocent bloude of Ladislaus Huniades sonne, wrongfully put to death before: so by the oportune deathe of thys King, the poore Churches of Boheme were gratiously deliuered. And thys ende made Ladislaus, one of the mightiest Princes at that time in all Europe:Bloud reuenged by God. in whome three mighty kingdomes were conioyned and combined together, Austria, Hungaria, and Bohemia: which countreys doe lie Southeast from Englande, in the farthest partes of all Germanie, towarde Constantinople, and the dominion of the Turks, & contain these principal townes in them.

The large dominion of Ladislaus.

AVstria, called once Panonia superior.

Vienna, whyche was besieged of the Turke. Anno 1533.

Melck.

Neustat noua Ciuitas.

Gretz.

S. Hypolit.

Lintz.

Stein.

Haynberg.

Kremsz.

Karolsburg.

Teben.

Kotzo.

Raba.

Lindenburg.

¶To Austria bee adioining also certaine Prouinces & Earledomes, as

Stiria. Prouinces.

Carinthia. Prouinces.

Croaia. Prouinces.

Cilicia. Earldomes.

Tyrolētz. Earldomes.

HVngaria, which once called Pannonia inferior.

Buda. Ofen.

Strigonium.

Kalachia.

Varadinum.

Nitria. Noua. Vetus.

Nicopolis. Noua. Vetus.

Agria. Noua. Vetus.

Agria.

Orszaw [...]

Bossen.

Sabaria.

¶Thys Vngaria, was first called Pannonia, or Poeonia. After y• comming of y• Hunes it was called Hungaria. Of which came Attila, which destroied Italy, about the yeare of the Lorde 440. Thorough Ungaria, rūneth Danubius, hauing on the west side, Austria, and Bohemia, on the East, Seruia, on the Southside, Polonia. &c. The most of this Hūgary, is nowe vnder the Turk: which Turks first came into Europe. An. 1211.

BOhemia.

Praga.

Pilzen.

Thabor.

Buduuis.

Kolin, or Koelu.

Egra.

Kuttenberg.

Leimiritz.

Laun.

Rakonicke.

Glataw.

Bern. or Beraun.

Bruck. Most.

Gretz. Hradetz.

Aust.

Maut. Myto.

Hof.

Iaromir.

Dub. Biela.

Lantzhut.

Gilowy.

Krupka.

Krumaw.

Pardubitz.

Chumitaun.

Loket. Teplitz.

Hantzburg. Zbraslau.

Labe. Vltawa.

After the deathe of Ladislaus, the kingdome of Boheme fell to George Pogiebracius aboue mentioned,George Pogiebracius. whō Pope Innocent the eight, did excommunicate and depose for hys religion, as is afore declared.

Furthermore, the kingdome of Hungary, was geuen to Mathias sonne of Huniades,Mathias Huniades. who was in captiuity (as is sayd) with king Ladislaus, and should haue bene put to death after his brother, had not the king before bene preuented wyth death, as is aboue recorded. Moreouer, heere is to be noted that the sayde king Ladislaus, thus dying wythout wife and issue, left behinde hym two sisters aliue: to witte, Elizabeth, which was maried to Casimirus king of Polonia: and Anna, maried to William, duke of Saxonie, Elizabeth by her husbande Casimirus, king of Polonia, had Uladislaus, who at length was king both of Boheme and Hungarie. This Casimirus, first was maryed to Beatrix, wife before to Mathias. Then being diuorced from her by the dispensation of Pope Alexander, maryed a newe wife a Countesse of Fraunce, by whome he had two children, Lewes, and Anna, Lewes which was heire of both kingdomes of Boheme, and Hungarie, was slayne fighting against the Turkes, Anna was maried to Ferdinandus, by whome he was Archduke of Austria, kyng of Boheme. &c.

Sigismundus left onely ouedaughter.

Elizabeth, wife to Albertus Emperour. Who had 3. children.

Ladislaus, king of Hungarie, Boheme, and Austria.

Elizabeth, wyth of Casimirus, kynge of Polonie: who had

Anna, wyfe to William Duke of Saxon.

Vladislaus, kyng of Baheme and Hungary, who by hys seconde wife, Countesse of Fraunce, had

Ludouicus, King of Boheme & Hungarie.

Anne, wife to Ferdinandus, Father to thys Maximilian nowe Emperour.

Ye heard before, howe after the decease of Ladislaus, the Hungarians by their election preferred Mathias surnamed Coruinus,Warre betwene Mathias and Fridericke the Emperour. which was sonne of Huniades, to ye kingdome of Hungary. For which cause dissention fel betwene Friderick the Emperor and him, for that the said Friderick was both nominated himselfe by diuers vnto that kyngdom, & also because he had the crown of Hungary then remaining in his hands, which Elizabeth mother to K. Ladislaus, had brought to the Emperor, as was before declared. But this warre betweene them, was ceased by the intercessiō of the Princes of Germany, so that Mathias ransomed that crowne of Fridericke for 8000. Florences.

Not long after, Pope Innocent being displeased with George Pogiebracius (or Boiebracius) king of Bohemia,Georg Pogiebracius by the Pope deposed from his kingdome, for fauoring of I. Hus. for fauouring of Iohn Hus, & his Religion, that is to say, for playing the part of a godly Prince, dyd excommunicate & depose him, conferring his kingdome to Mathias. But for somuch as Fridericke the Emperour would not thereto consent, and especially after the death of the foresayde George, when the Emperour and the Bohemians, leauing out Mathias, did nominate Uladislaus sonne of Casimirus, king of Polonie, and of Elizabeth, to be kyng of Boheme, therefore great warre and trouble kindled betweene him and Fridericke the Emperour: wherein the Emperour had vtterly gone to ruine,Albert Duke of Saxonie. had not Albertus Duke of Saxonie rescued the Emperour, and repressed the vehemencie of Mathias.

The noble actes of Iohn Huniades,The noble actes of Ioh. & Mathias Huniades, against the Turkes. Syrmum & the borders of Illirica, recouered from the Turkes. and of this Mathias hys sonne, were not onely great stayes to Hungary, but almost to al Christendom, in repelling backe ye Turke. For beside the other victories of Iohn Huniades the father, afore mentioned, thys Mathias also his sonne succeeding no lesse in the valiantnes, then in the name of hys father, did so recouer Sirmium, and the confines of Illyrica, from the hands of the Turks, & so vanquished their power, that both Mahometes, and also Baiazetes hys sonne, were enforced to seeke for truce.

Ouer and besides, the same Mathias, conducting hys army into Bosna (which lyeth South from Hungary) recouered againe Iaitza, the principall towne of that kyngdome, from the Turkes possession. Who, if other Christen Princes had ioyned their helpes withal,Iaitza recouered. The subtile practise of Sathan to stoppe good proceedings would haue proceded farther into Thracia. But behold here the malitious subtilty of Sathan, working by the Pope. For while Mathias was thus occupied in hys expedition agaynst the Turkes, wherein he should haue bene set forward and aoded by Christen Princes, and Byshoppes: the Byshop of Rome, wickedly and sinfully ministreth mater of ciuil discord betwene him & Pogiebracius aforesayd, in remouing him from the right of hys kingdome, and transferryng the same to Mathias. Wherupon, not only the course of victory against the Turkes was stopped, but also great warre [Page] and bloudshed followed in Christen realmes, as well betweene thys Mathias, and Pogiebracius, wyth hys two sonnes Uictorinus and Henricus, as also betweene Casimirus, Uladislaus, and Mathias warring about Uratislauia, till at length the matter was taken vp by the Princes of Germanie.

The Popes excommunication not obeyed of diuers in Bohemia. Mathias adioyned Morauia & part of Slesia vnto Hungarie. Anno. 1474. The religiō of the Bohemians, defended by God against the 4. greatest princes in Europe. Mathias a great louer of learning and of learned men. The noble library of Mathias king of Hungary. Ex 5. lib, Penc.Albeit, for al the execrable excōmunication of the Pope against Pogiebracius, a great part of Boheme would not be remooued from the obedience of their King, whome the Pope had cursed, and deposed: yet Mathias toke from him Morauia, and a great portion of Slesia, and adioyned it to his kingdome of Hungarie. An. 1474.

¶ Where this by the way is to be noted, that the Religion in Bohemia, planted by I. Hus, could not be extinct or suppressed withall the power of foure mightie Princes, Uenceslaus, Sigismundus, Albertus, and Ladislaus, notwithstanding they wyth the Popes, did therein what they possibly coulde: but still the Lorde maintained the same, as ye see by thys Pogiebracius king of Boheme, whome the Pope coulde not vtterly remooue out of the kingdome of Bohemia.

This forementioned Mathias, beside his other memorable actes of chiualry, is no lesse also commended for hys singulare knowledge and loue of learning and of learned men, whom he with great stipends, procured into Pannonia: where by the meanes of good letters, and furniture of learned mē, he reduced in short space the barbarous rudenesse of that countrey, into a flourishing common wealth. Moreouer, such a Library he did there erect, and replenish with all kinde of authors, sciences, and hystories, which he caused to be translated out of Greeke into Latine, as the like is not thought to be foūd, next to Italy, in all Europe beside. Out of which Librarye we haue receaued diuers fragments of wryters, as of Polybius, and Diodorus Siculus which were not extant before. Ex Peucer.

The constante fortitude also of Georgius Pogiebracius king of Boheme, is not vnworthy of commendation: of whom also Pope Pius himselfe, in Descriptione Europae, doth honestly report (as a Pope may speake of a protestāt) in these words wryting:Commendation of George Pogiebracius. Ex p [...] pont. Descriptione Europae. Gods fauor to the sōnes of Pogiebracius. Magnus vir alioqui, & rebus bellicis clarus. &c. Who although Pope Innocent did execrate wt hys children, yet hee lett not of the profession of the veritie & knowledge which he had receyued. Moreouer, the Lord so prospered hys sonnes, Uictorinus, and Henricus, that they subdued their ennemies, and kept their estate: In so much, that when Fredericke the Emperor at Uienna was in custody enclosed by the Citizens. Uictorinus did restore and deliuer him out of their hands: wherefore the Emperour afterward aduaunced them to be Dukes. Also God gaue them sometimes prosperous victory against Mathias, as at the City of Glogonia. &c.

After the decease of Georgius Pogiebracius, King of Boheme,The death of Pogiebracius. Friderike the Emperor assigned that kingdom, not to Mathias, vppon whome the Pope had bestowed it before, but vppon Uladislaus sonne of Casunirus, king of Polonye, and of Elizabeth, daughter of the Emperor Albert, and sister to Ladislaus. For the which, Mathias being discontented, and for that the Emperor had denied him his daughter Runegunda, went about to exclude Uladislaus out of Boheme, and also proclaimed warre agaynst Fridericke. But before he accomplished his purposed preparation, death preuented him, who wythout issue departed. Anno 1490.

Vladislaus Casimirus sonne, made king of Hungary.After the death of Mathias, departing wythout issue, Uladislaus sonne of Casimirus, king of Polonie, and of Elizabeth daughter to Albert Emperour, and sister to K. Ladislaus maried his wife Beatrix, whom Mathias left a widow, and with her was elected king of Hungary, with this condition made betwene him and Friderike the Emperour, that if he died without lawfull issue, then the kingdomes of Hungary and of Boheme,Vladislaus forsaketh his first wife. shoulde retourne to Maximilian, sonne to Fridericus. But Uladislaus not long after, did repudiate his wife Beatrix, and depriuing her of her kingdome, caused the said Beatrix to swear and to consent to the marying of an other woman, whych was the daughter of the French king,Dispensatiō from Pope Alexander to forsake his first wife, and to marry an other. Ludouicus Vladislaus sonne, king of Hungary & Boheme. named Anne, procuryng from Pope Alexander, a dispensation for the same, as is before signified. By this Anne, Uladislaus had Lewys, & Anne, which Anne afterwarde was maried to Ferdinandus.

Lewys succeeding after hys father, had both the sayde kingdomes of Boheme and Hungarie. An. 1492. and maried Mary sister to Charles the 5. Emperour. Anne, as is sayd, was coupled to Ferdinandus. &c.

Of Charles Duke of Burgoine, somewhat was before touched, who had maryed king Edwardes sister: and what troubles by him were stirred vp in Fraunce, partly was before notified. Thys Charles after hee had besieged the Citie Nussia,Warre betwene Charles Duke of Burgoyne & Fredericke the Emperour. or Nouasium, the space of a whole yere, went about to alienate the territorie of Colen, from the Empire to hys owne dominion: wherefore warre began to be mooued betweene him and Fredericke the Emperor. At length through communication had, peace was concluded, and a marriage appoynted betweene Mary the only daughter of Charles,Anno. 1475. Charles Duke of Burgoyne slaine in warre. Anno. 1477. and Maximilian the Emperours sonne. Anno 1475. Then from Nouasium, Charls leadeth hys armie towarde Heluetia, against Renatus or Reinhardus Duke of Lotharing: then against the Heluetians. Where hee being thrise ouercome, first at Granson, then at Moratum or Murta, in the hier parte of Heluetia, at last at the towne of Nanse, was ouerthrowne and slain. Anno 1477. The procurer of which warres: was chiefly Lewys the 11. the French king, to the entent hee might compasse the dominion of Burgundie vnder hys subiection: whych afterwarde by open wrong and priuie fraude,Mary daughter of Charles of Burgoyne maried to Maximiliā hee brought about, defrauding Mary the daughter of Charles, of her rightfull inheritance: For the whych cause the Burgundians were the more willing to ioyne her in marriage wyth Maximilian, sonne of Friderike the Emperour: by reason whereof the title of Burgundie, was firste ioyned to the house of Austria.

And thus haue you the miserable vexations and contentions among our Christian Princes heere in Europe described, vnder the raigne of thys Fredericke the thyrde Emperour, so that almost no angle nor portion of al Christendome (whether we consider the state of the Churche,Warre & dissention among Christen prince [...] or ciuill gouernement) was free from discorde, tumults, and dissentions. Thys cankerde worme of ambition so myghtely creepeth, and euery where preuaileth in these latter endes of the worlde, that it suffereth neither rest in common weales, nor peace in the Churche, nor any sparckle of charitie almost to remaine in the life of men. And what maruaile then, if the Lorde seeing vs so farre to degenerate, not onely from hys preceptes and counsailes, but almoste from the sense and bounde of nature, that brother wyth brother, vncle wyth nephewe, bloude wyth bloude cannot agree in striuing,The discord of Christians scourged by the Turkes. killing, and fighting for worldly dominions, do send therfore these cruell Turkes vpon vs so to scourge and deuoure vs? Of whose bloudy tiranny & daily spilling of Christian bloude, heereafter (by the grace of Christ) we will discourse more at large, when wee come to the peculiar consideration of the Turkishe storyes. In the meane time, thys shalbe for vs to note and obserue, not so much the scourge howe greeuous it is: but rather to beholde the causes which being the whippe vpon vs, whych is our owne miserable ambition and wretched warres among our selues.

And yet if this Christian peace and loue,Discord and dissention in the Church noted. left and commended so heartely vnto vs by the mouth of the sonne of God being nowe banished out of Christian realmes and ciuile gouernaunce, myght at least finde some refuge in the Church, or take Sanctuarie among menne professing nothyng but Religion, lesse cause we had to mourne. Nowe so it is, that as we see little peace and amitie amonge ciuil Potentates: so lesse we finde in the spiritual sorte of them, which chiefly take vpon them the administration of Christes Churche. So that it may well be doubted, whether the scourge of the Turke, or the ciuill sworde of Prynces haue slaine moe in the fieldes, or the Popes keyes haue burnt moe in Townes and Cities. And all be it such as be professed to the Churche, do not fight wyth sword and targate for dominions and reuenewes,Ambition & auarice of the church of Rome as warlike Princes doe: yet thys ambition, pride, and auarice, appeareth in them nothyng inferiour to other worldly potestates: especially if wee beholde and aduise the doings and insatiable desires of the court of Rome. Great argument and proofe hereof neither is hard to be found, nor farre to be soughte. What realme almost through all christendom hath not only seene with their eyes, but haue felt in their pursses the ambitiō intollerable, and auarice insatiable of that deuouring church, and also haue complained vpon the greuance thereof, but neuer coulde be redressed? What exactions and extortions haue bene here in England out of bishopricks, monasteries, benefices, deanries, Archdeaconries, and all other offices of the Churche, to fill the Popes coffers: and when they had all done, yet euery yeare brought almoste some newe inuention from Rome, to fetch in our English money: and if all the floudes in Englande (yea in all Europe) did runne into the sea of Rome, yet were that Ocean neuer able to be satisfied.

In Fraunce lykewise, what floudes of money were swalowed vp in this sea of Rome, it was openly complained [Page] of in the councel of Basil as is testified by Henry Token, Canon and Ambassadour of the Archbishop of Maidenburge,Ex Rapulario Henrici Token.written in his boke intituled Rapularium, where as hee wryteth that in the Councell of Basill. An. 1536. the Archbyshop of Lions did declare, that in the time of Pope Martine, there came out of France to the court of Rome, 9. millions of golde, which was gathered of the Byshops and Prelates, besides those whych could not be counted of the poore clergy, which daily without number, runne vnto the court of Rome,The sea of Rome is turned into an Oceane, that ha [...] no bottome. carying with them all their whole substance, The archbishop of Turonne sayde also at Basil, in ye yeare of our Lord 1439. that three millions of gold came vnto Rome in his time, within the space of 14. yeres, from the prelates & prelacies, wherof no accompt could be made beside the poore cleargy, which daily run to that court. Let the man which feareth God, iudge what a deuouring gulf this is.What a million is. Concilium Bituriense. A million containeth x.C.M.

And what made Pope Pius the 2. to labor so earnestly to Lewes the 11. the French Kinge (who as is aforesayde was a great enemy to the house of Burgoin) that he wold (according to his former promise) abolishe & vtterly extinct the constitution established before at the Counsell of Bitures, by king Charles the 7. his predecessour, called Pragmatica Sanctio, but onely the ambition of that sea, which had no measure, and their auarice which had no ende, the storie is this. King Charles 7. the French king, willing to obey and folow the councel of Basil, did sommon a Parliament at Bitures. Where by the full consent of all the states in Fraunce,Pragmatica Sanctio. both spiritual and temporal, a certain constitution was decreed and published, called Pragmatica Sanctio. wherein was comprehended, briefly the pith and effect of all the Canons and decrees cōcluded in the councel of Basil. The which constitution the saide king Charles willed and commaunded through all his realme,Ex loan. Maria Belga. de Schismat. & Conciliis. cap. 24. inuiolably to be obserued and ratified for the honor and increase of Christian religion for euer. This was An. 1438.

It followed, that after the decease of thys foresayde Charles the 7. succeded king Lewys 11. who had promised before,Pope pius laboreth that Pragmatica Sanctio should be abolished. being Dolphine to Pope Pius, that if he euer came to the crowne, the foresayd Sanctio Pragmatica should be abolished. Wherupon Pope Pius hearing him to be crowned, did send vnto him Iohn Balueus a Cardinall, wyth hys great letterg patent, willing him to be mindful of hys promise made. The king eyther willing, or els pretending a will to performe, and accomplish what he had promised, directed the Popes letters patēt, wyth the sayd Cardinal, to the counsaile of Paris, requiring them to consult vpon the cause.

Thus the matter beyng brought and proposed in the Parliament house, the kings Atturney named Ioannes Romanus, a man wel spoken, singularly witted, and wel reasoned, stepping foorth, with great eloquence, and no les boldnes, prooued the sayd Sanction to be profitable, holy, and necessary for the wealth of the realme, and in no case to be abolished.The counsaile of Paris appealeth from the pope to the generall Councell Vid. supra pag. 670. Unto whose sentence the Uniuersity of Paris adioyning their consent, did appeal from the attempts of the Pope, to the next generall Councell. The Cardinall vnderstanding this, toke no litle indignation thereat, fretting and fuming, and threatning many terrible things against them: but al his minatory words notwithstanding, he returned againe to the king, hys purpose not obtained, An. 1438. Ex Ioan. Mario.

Thus the Popes purpose in France was disappoynted, which also in Germanie had come to the like effect, if Fredericke the Emperor had there done his part lykewise toward the Germaines: Who at the same time bewailing their miserable estate,The complaint of the Germaines to the Emperour, for helpe and ayde, against the oppression of the Pope wēt about wyth humble sute to perswade the Emperor that he should no longer be vnder the subiection of the Popes of Rome, except they had first obtained certaine things of them as touching the Charter of Appeales, declaring their estate to be far worse (although vndeserued) then the Frenchmen or Italians: whose seruants (and especially of the Italians) they are worthely to be called, except that their estate were altered. The nobles & comminalty of Germanie, did instantly intreate wt most waighty reasons & examples, both for the vtilitie and profite of the Empire, to haue the Emperours aide and helpe therin, for that which he was bound vnto them by an oth: alledging also the great dishonor & ignominie in that they alone had not the vse of their owne lawes, declaring how ye French natiō had not made their sute vnto their king in vaine against the exactions of Popes: by whom they were defended, whych also prouided decrees and ordinances for the liberty of his people, & caused the same to be obserued: the which thing the Emperor ought to foresee within hys Empire, & to prouide for hys people and states of his empire, as well as other Kings doe. For what shall come to passe therby, if that forreine nations hauing recourse vnto their kings, being relieued and defended by them from the said exactions, and the Germains, & states of the Empyre flying vnto theyr Emperour, be by him forsaken or rather betraied & depriued of their owne lawes and decrees? The Emperor being mooued, & partly ouercome by theyr perswasions, promised that he wold prouide no lesse for them, then the king of Fraunce had done for the Frenchmen, and to make decrees in that behalfe: but the graue authoritie of Aeneas Syluius, as Platina wryteth in the history of Pius the second, brake of the matter, who by his subtile and pestiserous perswasions did so bewitche the Emperour, that hee contemning the equall, iust, and necessary requestes of hys subiects, chose the sayd Aeneas to be hys Ambassadour vnto Calixtus then newly chosen Pope, to sweare vnto hym in his name, & to promise the absolute obedience of al Germany, as the only coūtry (as they call it) of obedience, neglecting the ordinances & decrees of their country, as before he had done vnto Eugenius the 4. being Ambassadour for the sayd Fredcrike, promising that he & all the Germaines would be obedient vnto him from hēceforth in al matters, as well spirituall as temporall.

Thus twise Friderike of Austrich contemned and derided the Germaines, & frustrating them of their natiue decrees and ordinances, brought them vnder subiection and bondage of the Pope: whych partly was the cause that 7. yeres before his death, he caused his sonne Maximiliā, not only to be chosen, but also crowned king of Romains, and did associate hym to ye ministration of the Empire, least after hys death (as it came to passe) the Empire shoulde bee transported into an other family,Fredericke made the Germaines twise subiect vnto the Pope. suspecting ye Germains, whom he had twise cōtrary to his lawes made subiect and in bondage vnto the Popes exactions: first be fore he was crowned in the time of Eugenius the 4. and again the second time after hys coronation, and death of Pope Nicholas the 5. denying their requests. Wherupon Germany being in this miserable pouerty and greuous subiection vnder the Popes tiranny and polling, with teares and sighs lamenting their estate, continued so almost vnto Luthers time, as the hystories hereafter following do testify.

And here ceasing with the story of Fredericke,Frid. Albertus his brother, and Sigismundus striue for the dukedome of Austria. we will now procede to the raigne of Maximilian his sonne, omitting diuers things els incident in the time of this Emperour: as first touching the vnbrotherly contention & conflicts betwene this Fredericke and Albertus hys brother, and Sigismundus his vncle, for the dukedome of Austria, after the death of Mathias afore mentioned: Omitting also to speake of the long and cruel war betwene the Prussians, and Polonians, with the religious sect of them, which were called Tentones fratres sanctae Mariae, in the time of Uladislaus: Omitting also the strife and variaunce for the dukedome of Millain,Warre betwene Franciscus Sfortia and the Venetians about Millaine. Warre betwene Lewes the French king, and the citie of Millaine. betwene Fredericus the Emperor, Alfonsus, Carolus duke of Orleance, & Franciscus Sfortia: And howe the sayde Princedome being after geuen to Sfortia, great warres were kindled & long continued betwene Sfortia and the Milleners, then betwene the Milleners and Uenetians, and after betweene the Frenchmen and the Milleners. All which tumultes and commotions, as not pertinent greatly to the purpose of this story, I referre to other wryters, where they are to be founde more amply discoursed.

Thys as more properly belonging to the storye of the Church, I thought good not to passe ouer touching such as were condemned, & suffered the paines of fire for testimony of Christ and his truth: Of whom one was Iohn a pastor or a neteheard, which was a keper of cattel: The other was Ioannes de Wesalia, although not burned, yet persecuted neere to death vnder the raigne of thys Emperour Fredericus the 3.

And first touching thys Iohn the Netehearde,Iohn a Notherde of Franconia Martyr. Thus wryteth Sebast. Munsterus. That the Bishop of Herbypolis, condemned and burned for an hereticke one Iohn, whych was a keeper of cattel at a towne called Niclas Hausen in Franconia,Anno. 1476. because hee taught and helde that the lyfe of the cleargy was ignominious and abhominable before God. An. 1476. Ex Munstero.

The other was Doctour Ioannes de Wessalia,Iohn de Wesailia persecuted. Anno. 1479. who was complained vpon vnto Dietherus the Archbishop of Mentz, by the Thomists, vppon certaine articles and opinions, gathered out of hys bookes. Wherefore the sayde Dietherus, fearing else to be deposed againe from his Bishopricke, directeth forth commission to the vniuersities of Heidelberg and Colen, to haue the mater in examination, who conuenting together the yere aboue mentioned, called thys Doctour de Wessalia before them, making hym to sweare that he shuld present and geue vp all his treatises, workes and wrytings, what so euer hee had made or preached: [Page] that being done, they deuided hys bookes amongest themselues, seuerally euery man to find out what heresies and errors they could. His articles & opinions were these.

That all men be saued freely, and through meere grace by faith in Christ. The articles and opiniōs of Iohn de Wesalia. Free will nothing. Prelates haue no more power ouer scriptures, then other men. Extreme vnction reproued. Against the primacy of the Pope. Free will to be nothing. Onely that we shoulde beleeue the word of God, and not the glose of any mā, or fathers. That the worde of God is to be expounded with the collation of one place with an other. That Prelates haue no authoritie to make lawes, or to expounde the scriptures by any peculiare right, geuen them more then to an other. That mennes traditions, as fastings, pardones, feasts, long prayers, peregrinations and such like, are to be reiected. Extreme vnction and confirmation to be reprooued: confession and satisfaction to be reprehended. The primacie of the Pope also he affirmed to be nothing.

Certaine other articles also were gathered out of hym by his aduersaries, but in such sort, that they may seme rather to followe their owne malicious gathering, then any true intelligence of his minde: whereof more is to be vnderstanded in this processe hereafter.

Thus when Wesalianus was commanded to appear, there conuented together, first the Archbishop, the inquisitor, the doctors of Colen, and the doctors of Heidelberge, with the masters of the same, and the Rector of the vniuersity of Mentz, the Deane of faculties, Bachelers of diuinity, and many other maisters of the same vniuersitie, Canous, doctors, with the bishops Chanceller, and his councellers, besides many religious prelates, schollers, wyth a doctor of Franckforte, the sumner & bedels, which all met together in the great hall of the Minorites, for the examination of this Ioannes de Wesalia.

Frier Elton the Inquisitor, first sitteth in the hyghest place, then after him others according to their degree. In the beginning of the examination, first the Inquisitor beginneth with these wordes: Most reuerent father and honorable doctors.Iohn de Wesalia brought before the prelates. &c. Our reuerent father and prince Elector hath caused this present cōuocation to be called, to hear the examination of M. Iohn de Wesalia, in certaine suspected articles concerning the catholique faith. But something I will say before, that may doe hym good, and desire that two or three of them that fauoure hym, or some other, will rise vppe and geue him counsaile, to forsake and leaue his errours, to recognise himselfe, & to aske pardon, which if he wil do, he shal haue pardon: if he wil not, we wil procede against him without pardone. And thus Wesalianus being cited and brought in the midst betwixt 2. minorites, being very aged, and hauing a staffe in his hand, was sette before the Inquisitor. Who beginning to answer for hym self with a long protestation,The Inquisitour speaketh. could not be suffred to prosecute his Oration, but was cutre off and required briefly, to make an end, and to tell them in fewe woordes whether he would stand to his opinions, or to the determination of the church. To this he aunswered, yt he neuer spake any thing against the determination of the Church,The answer of Wesalianus reasonable. but sayde that he had written diuers and sondry treatises, in the which if hee had erred, or were found to say otherwise then wel, he was content to reuoke and cal backe the same, and do al things that was requisite. Then said the Inquisitor, do you aske then pardon? The other answered, why shuld I aske pardon, when I know no crime or error committed? The inquisitour sayd: well we will call you to the remembraunce thereof, and proceede to the examination.

In the meane time, others called vppon him instantly to aske pardone. Then sayd Wesalianus. I aske pardone. Notwithstanding the Inquisitor proceeded to the examination, reading there two instruments,The cruell proceeding of the Inquisitour. declaring that hee had authority from the Apostolicke sea: after this cited the said Iohn to appear to hys examination. Thirdly he commaunded him vnder paine of disobedience, in the vertue of the holy Ghost, and vnder paine of excōmunication of the greater curse,The greater cause of the Pope described. (from the which no man coulde absolue him, but onely the Pope or the Inquisitour, except onely at the poynt of death) to tell plainly the truth vppon such things as should be demanded of him concerning his faith, without ambages and sophistication of wordes. And so being demanded first, whether he did beleue vpon his oth taken, that hee was bounde to tell the trueth, although it were against himselfe or any other: to this he answered, Scio, that is:Scio. Credo. I know: Thē the Inquisitour biddeth him say, Credo, that is, I beleeue. To the which hee aunswered agayne, what nede I say that I beleeue that thing I know. There the Inquisitor something stirred wyth the matter, as hote as a toste (as they say) cried out with a loude voice, maister Ioannes, maister Ioannes, maister Ioannes, say Credo, say Credo. Then he answered Credo.

After thys, being demaunded whether he had wrytten any treatise, concerning the binding of humaine lawes, to one Nicolas of Boheme, and whether he had written any treatise of the Ecclesiasticall power of indulgences & pardons, and of fasting and other treatises: he beleued that he had so written, and had conferred wt diuers learned men: Also that he had sent to the Bishops of Wormes, a certaine treatise of fasting.

Many other interrogatories were ministred vnto him, whereof some were vaine, some false. Such as were more principal, here we will briefly touch, leauing out superfluiti [...]s.

Being demaunded whether hee was a fautour of the Bohemians,His opinion of the sacrament. he sayde he was not. Also being demaunded concerning the Sacrament of the holy body and bloude of our Lorde, whether he thought Christe there to be contained really, or only diuinely, and whether he dyd beleeue in the sayde Sacrament the substaunce of breade there to remaine, or onely the fourme thereof: to thys he aunswered, not denying but the body of Christe was there really contained, and also wyth the body of Christe, the substaunce of bread to remaine.

After this he was demaunded his opinion concerning religious men,His opinion of Monkes and Nunnes. The vowe of chastitie. as Monkes, Nunnes, or begwines, whether he thought them to be bound to the vow of chastitie, or to the keping of any other vow, and whether he said to the Friers Minorites any such worde in effecte: I can not saue you in this your state and order. Thys he confessed, that he had sayde, howe that not your religion saueth you, but the grace of God, &c. not denying but they might be saued.

Item,Mortall sinne founnd by the Pope, beside that which is expressed to be mortall in the scripture. being required whether he beleued or had wrytten, that there is no mortall sinne, but whyche is exprest to be mortal in the canon of the holy Bible: to this he answered, that he did so beleue as he hath written, til he was better informed. Likewise being required what he thought of the vicar of Christ in earth, he aunswered, that he beleeued that Christe left no vicare in earth: For the confirmation whereof he alledged and sayde,What is this article, but to make the Pope a god. Christ left no vicar in earthe. that Christ ascending vp to heauen, said: Ecce ego vobiscum sum. &c. Behold I am with you. &c. In the which wordes he plainly declared, that hee would substitute vnder him no vicare in earth, and sayde moreouer, if a vicare signified any man, which in ye absence of the principal hath to do the works of the principall, then Christ hath no vicar here in earth.

In like maner,Pardons and indulgences be of no effect. concerning indulgences and pardons, such as the church doth vse to geue, they demanded of him, whether they had any efficacy, & what he thought thereof: who answered againe that he had written a certaine treatise of that matter, & what hee had wrytten in that treatise, he would persist therin,The treasure of saintes merites is not in earth. which was thus: that he beleeued, that the treasure boxe of the merits of Saints could not be distributed of the Pope to others, because that treasure is not left here in earth: For so it is wryttē in the Apocalips: Opera enim illo [...]um, sequuntur illos, &c. that is: their workes follow them.

Item, that theyr merites could not be applied to other men, for the satisfaction of theyr paine due vnto them, and therefore that the Pope and other Prelates cannot distribute that treasure to men.

It was obiected to him moreouer,This saying wa [...] taken out of one Cantor Pariensis, which was went to say, tha [...] pardōs were holy decertes. because that laye men there were prouoked, by naughtie decerte [...] to geue good almes. Degrees [...]nscripture forbidden to marry. that in the sayde his treatise, he called pardons & indulgences, Pias fraudes fidelium, that is, holy fraudes and deceits of the faithful.

Also, being demaunded what he thought of the halowing and blessings of altars, chalices, vestiments, wax cande [...]s, palmes, herbes, holy water and other diuine things, &c. Hee aunswered that they had no spirituall vertue and power in them to driue away deuils, and that holye water hath no more efficacie then other water not hallowed, as concerning remission of veniall sinnes, and driuing away deuels and other effectes, which the schoole doctours do attribute to it.

Item, for degrees of mariage forbidden in the Scryptures, he beleueth that all Christian men vnder deadly sin, are bound vnto the same.

Item, that he beleeueth that God may geue grace to a man hauing the vse of reason, without all motion of Free wil. Also he thinketh that S. Paule in his conuersion, dyd nothing of his owne free wil for his conuersion. He beleeueth moreouer, that God may geue such grace to a manne hauing the vse of reason, not doing that which in hym is.

Nothing to be beleued, but which is in scripture conteyned.Item, he affirmed that nothing is to be beleued, which is not conteined in the Canon of the Bible.

Also, that the elect are saued onely by the grace of God.

Besides al these moreouer, he was charged with ye old opinion of the Grecians, which they dyd holde contrary to the Romaine church, vnto the time of the councell of Ferraria aboue mentioned, concerning the proceedyng of the holy Ghost.

The Wednesday next following, 3, Doctours, the suffragane, Herwicus & Iacobus Sprenger, were sent vnto [Page] him with perswasions to exhort him, and when he would not stand to their Canons,The Church geueth witnes who were the writers of the scripture, but hath no authoritie aboue that which is writtē. wherby they went about to refute his doctrine, he was then demanded of Herwicus, why he would beleue rather the 4. Euangelists, then the Gospel o [...] Nicodemns. To whō he answerd, because he wold. Being asked againe why he beleued the 4. Euangelists, he said: because he so receiued of his parents. Then being demaunded, why he would not beleue the Doctours, because (said he) their doctrine is not canonical scripture. Againe, it was to him obiected, why he would be credited himself, when he preached, seing he would not beleue the holy doctors? To whome hee answered in this wise, saying, that he did preach as his duety was, but whether they gaue credit to his words, he did not care.

By this inquisition, Christ himselfe might be condemned.Thys examination being ended, after these Articles were condemned by the Inquisitour & his assistance, then said he after this maner: As you do with me, if Christ himselfe were here, he might be condemned as an heretike. After this they sent diuers to him to haue communication wt him, and to perswade him, sending also to him wt his Articles a forme of asking pardone: at length within 3. or 4. daies after, hee was content to condescend vnto them, and to submit himselfe to their holy mother Churche, and the information of the Doctors.Ex Orth. Grat. In the boke of Orthuinus Gratius, and in Paralypomena, adioyned to Abbas Vrspergensis, we reade these woordes wrytten of this Ioannes de Wesalia:Ex Paralip. Abat. Vrsper. Dempto solo articulo de processione spiritus sancti, in alijs videtur non ita graui censura &c. That is: except onely the Article of the proceeding of the holy Ghost, in other Articles it semeth that he was not to be chastened with so sharpe censure, if respit and space had ben geuen him, if good councellours had bene aboute him,Discorde betwixt Reals & Nominals. if all they which did accuse and molest him, had not bene de via realium, as Thomistes, that is, of the sect of Thomas: which Thomists were set at that time, against the other sect of the seculars, which were called Nominales, and therfore, they so spited this Doctour because he did not hold with their Thomas, against whome otherwise (had it not ben for that cause) they would neuer haue ben so fierce and malitious in proceding against him. I take God to witnesse, which knoweth all things, yt this processe, which was made against him for his reuoking & burning of his bookes, did greatly displease M. Engeline of Brunswick, a great diuine, and also M. Iohn Reisersberge, being both learned, and famous men, but namely M. Engeline thought, that too much malice and rashnesse was shewed in handling of that same man, and did not feare to say, that many of his articles, and the greater part thereof, might be holden well inough, and greatly blamed the mad and phantasticall dissention of the Thomists,Ex Orth. Grat. seeking by all maner of wayes, how to get the triumph ouer the seculare deuines, &c. Haec ille.

Doct. Iohn de Wesalia reuoketh his opiniōs.Although thys aged and feble old man, by weakenesse was constrained to geue ouer vnto the Romish clergy, by outward profession of his mouth: yet notwithstāding, his opinions and doctrine declared his inward heart, of what iudgement he was, if feare of death present had not otherwise enforsed him to say, then hee did thinke. Agayne, although he had reuoked after their minds, yet we reade no such fourme of recantation to be prescribed to hym to read opēly vnto the people, as the vse is here in England. The story of this man is more fully to be found in the bokes of Orth. Gratius. &c.

As touching the raigne of this Fredericke Emperor, seeing we haue comprehēded hetherto sufficiently the most principal matters in his time incurrent, we wil now passe forwarde (the Lorde guiding vs) to Maximilian, after I haue first geuen a briefe memorandum of 3. valiant Princes and Captaines,Albert duke of Saxonie, called Dextra manus imperis. Albert Marques of Brandenburg called Achilles Germanicus. florishing in the same time of thys Fredericke, in Germaine: Of the whych, was one Albert Duke of Saxonie, who for his renoumed and famous acts, was called by publique voyce, Dextera manus Imperij. The ryght hande of the Empire. The other was Albert, Marques of Brandenburge, to whome also the name was attribute, named of Pope Pius to be Achilles Germanicus. The third was Fredericke Earle Palatine, surnamed Victoriosus, who manfully defended the fredome and maiesty of ye Empire, from the fraudulent oppressions of the popes tirāny.

In the yeare of our Lorde 1484. in this Emperours time dyed Pope Sixtus the 4. a little before touched, a monster rather of nature,Anno. 1484. The abhomination of Pope Sixtus. Ex Declamatione Agrippa ad Lonanienses. then a prelate of the Church. Of him writeth Platina, that vniustly he vexed al Italy with warre and dissension. Agrippa writing of hym, sayeth that among all the bawdes of these other latter dayes, whych were builders of brothelhouses, this Pope Sixtus 4. surmounted all other: who at Rome erected a stewes of double abhomination, not onely of wemen, but also. &c. wherupon no small gaine redounded to his coffers: For euery suche common harlot in Rome paide to him a Iuly peece, the sumnie wherof grew in the yere, some while to 20000. at length to xl. M. duckets. Wherunto accordeth right wel the Epitaphe of Iohn Sapidus, which in the ende heere of we will annexe.

Iohn Carion,The warres of Pope Sixtus. also speaking of this Bishop, witnesseth him to be a man rather borne to warre, then to Religion: For hee warred against Uitellius Tiphernates, agaynst the Florentines, the Uenecians, whome he excommunicated, and did not absolue till hee died:Ex Ioan. Laziardo. lib. Historia Vniuersalii. cap. 284. A large gift of the Pope to the begging Friers. Alanus, author of our Ladies Psalter. also against Columnenses, against Ferdinandus king of Apulia, and Duke of Calabria: also against other nations and Princes moe. Ex Ioan. Laziardo.

Of the sayde Pope it is recorded, that he was a speciall patron and tutor to al begging Friers, graunting them to haue and enioy reuenues in this worlde, & in the world to come euerlasting life. Among the which Friers there was one named Alanus de rupe, a Blacke Frier, which made the Rosary of our Ladies Psalter (so they terme it) and erected a certaine new fraternitie vpon the same, called Fraternitas Coronariorum, pertaining to the order of the Dominickes, of the which order Iacobus Sprenger, one of the condemners of Ioannes de Wesalia aboue mentioned, was a great aduā cer, and especially this Pope Sixtus 4. who gaue to the sayd fraternities large graces and priuilegies.

Concerning the institution of this Rosary, there was a booke set forth about the yere of our Lord 1480. in the beginning wherof is declared, that the blessed virgin entred into the celle of this Alanus, and was so familiar with him, that not onely she did espouse him to her husband, but also kissed him with her heauenly mouth,Then had the blessed virgine Mary two husbandes. An olde knaue to sucke his wiues brest. and also for more familiaritie, opened to hym her pappes, and powred great plentie of her owne milke into his mouth. For the confirmation whereof the sayde Alanus, this holy babe (sayth the storie) did sweare deepely, curssing himselfe, if it were not thus, as he had made relation.

This fabulous figment, when I read in the centuries of Iohn Bale, I began with my selfe to mistrust the credite therof, and had thought not to trouble the reader with suche incredible forgeries. But as the prouidence of God worketh in all things, so also it appeared in thys, that the very same booke came to my hands at the wryting hereof, wherein this selfe same narration is conteined, wherein I found not onely this to be true, which in Ihon Bale is expressed, but also found in like manner, an other wonder as prodigious as this: where in an other place not farre off, is storied in the same booke, howe that about the time of S. Dominicke, there was a certaine matrone in Spaine, named Lucia, which being taken captiue by the Saracenes, hauing her husband killed, was caried great with childe into the Turkish land.

When the time of her labour came, shee being left desolate among beastes and hogs, and remembring thys twise holy Rosary, (first instituted sayth the booke by S. Dominicke, and afterwarde renued by Alanus) eftsoones the holy virgin was ready and stoode by her,The detestable impietie and blasphemie of the popishe lying religion & receiued the childe at her trauaile, supplying all the partes of a diligent midwife: and moreouer causing a Priest sodenly to appeare, gaue the childe to be Christened, calling it after her owne name, Marianus: and so was shee wife to Alanus, midwife to Lucia, and Godmother to Marianus. Which story if it be true, then is the Popes Canon, by thys example, to be controlled, whiche permitteth midwiues in time of necessity,Mendacem memorem esse oportet. to baptise, seeing the blessed Uirgine, playing the parte her selfe of a midwife, durst not Baptise thys childe without a priest.

It followeth more in the storye, that by the helpe of the sayd blessed virgin, this Lucia our Ladies gossip, after her Purification, was restored wt her childe safe to her country againe.Ex Latin [...] Codice impresso, cui tituluit Rosasea Maria Corona. Thys booke being in Latine and Printed, beareth thys title: Rosacea Augustissimae Christiferae Mariae Corona: and in the front it sheweth the name of Iodocus Bisselaius a noble manne of Aquine. And this by the occasion of Pope Sixtus. Which Sixtus, what a maintainer of blind superstition hee was, partly by that aforespoken, partly by the ende following it may be seene. For we reade in certaine wryters, y• after thys Pope had vnderstanding that Hercules Estensis,The death of Pope Sixtus. 4. Here endeth Platina. Duke of Ferraria, had ioyned peace wyth the Uenetians against hys will, he was so greeued therewith, that for rancour of minde, wythin 5. dayes after, hee died: whereunto hys Epitaph following geueth sufficient record. About whose time also died Platina, a man not vnlearned, but yet a shamefull flatterer and bearer wyth the wicked liues of the Popes.

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The Epitaph of Pope Sixtus is this.

Non potuit saenum vis vlla extinguere Sixtum

Audito tandem nomine pacis obit.

An other Epitaphe of the same Pope.

Sixte iaces tandem, nostri discordia secli,

Saeuisti in superos, nunc Acheronta moue.

Sixte iaces tandem, deflent tua busta cinaedi,

Scorta (que) lenones, alea, vina, venus.

An other.

Gaude prisce Nero, vincit te crimine Sixtus,

Hic scelus omne simul clauditur, & vitium.

But leauing here pope Sixtus with hys verses, & vices, let vs nowe proccede,The death of king Edward. 4. Anno. 1483. Burdet. Tyranny in miscōstring a mans wordes. The lawes of the realme misconstred for the princes pleasure. as we before promised, to enter the story of Maximilian, keeping notwithstanding the order of our kinges here in England: For a little before the reigne of Maximilian, king Edward the fourth ceased his life. an. 1483. after he had raigned 22. yeares. In the tyme of which K. Edward, this also is not to be forgotten, yt one Burdet, a marchant dwelling in Cheapside, at the signe of the crowne, whiche is the signe nowe of the flower de luce merely speaking to his sonne, sayd that he wold make him inheritour of the crown, meaning in deed his own house. For the which words, when K. Edward caused to be misconstred, & interpreted, as though he had ment the crowne of the Realme, wtin lesse space then 4. houres, he was apprehended, iudged, drawne, and quartered in Chepeside.

King Edward the 5.

K. Edward 5 THis king Edwarde left behinde hym by hys wife Elizabeth 2. sonnes, Edward, & Richard & 2. daughters, Elizabeth and Cicilie. Which 2. sonnes Edward & Richard, for somuche as they were vnder age and not ripe to gouern, a consultation was called among ye pieres, to debate whether ye foresayd yong prince & king, shold be vnder the gouernment of his mother, or els yt Rich. Duke of Glocester brother to K. Edward the 4. & vncle to the child, should be gouernor of the K. and protector of the realme, there hath bene and is an old adage, the wordes whereof rather then the true meaning,Eccle. 10. is wrasted out of Salomon: Vae regno cuius Rex est puer. &. 1. Wo to ye kingdom, the king whereof is a child. &c. But if I may finde leaue herein to thrust in a glose, I would this adde and say: Vae illi puero, qui fui regni Rex non est. 1.Vaepuero regi in suo regno. Wo to that childe, whiche is a king in a kingdome vnruly and ambitious. There was the same season among other noble peeres of ye realm, the Duke of Buckingham, a man of great authoritie, who had maryed King Edwards wifes sister. Because the duke being so neare alliaunt to the K. had bene vnkindely (as he thought) of the king entreated, hauing by him no anauncement nor anye great frendship shewed, according to his expectation, took part therfore wt Richard Duke of Glocester, both against the Queene & her children,Richard Duke of Glocester made protectour. The young king committed to Duke of Gloucester. The Duke of Buckingham a great doer for the protectour. Both king Edwardes children in the possessiō of the protectour. to make the foresayd Duke, the chiefe gouernour and protector. The whiche thinge being broughe to passe, by the ayde, assistaunce, and workinge of the Duke of Buckingham, the Queene tooke sanctuarye with her yōger sonne: the elder brother, which was ye king remayned in the custody of the Duke of Glocester his vncle. Who being now in a good towardnes to obtayne that which he lōg loked for, sought all the means, & soone compassed the matter, by false collour of dissembled words, by periurie, and labour of friendes, namely of the Duke of Buckingham, and the Cardinall Archbishop of Caunterburye, that the other brother also shoulde bee committed to his credite. Thus the ambitious protector and vnnaturall vncle, hauing the possession of his two nephewes, and and innocent babes, thought himselfe almost vp the whele where he woulde clime [...]: Although he could not walke in such mistes and cloudes, but his deuised purposes began to be espyed: which caused him more couertly to goe about to remoue from him all suspicion and to blinde the peoples eyes. But before, he could accomplish hys execrable enterprise, some there were, whom he thought first must be ridd out of his way, as namely the Lorde Hastinges, and the Lord Stanley, who as they were sitting together in counsaile within the tower, the protectour (the matter beyng so appoynted before) sodaynly rushed in among them, and after a few words there commoned, he sodainly hasted out agayne: his minde belike, being full of mischiefe and furye was not quiet. Who within the space of an houre, returned agayn into ye chamber with a sterne countenance and a frowning look, and so there set him downe in hys place. When the Lordes were in great meruell and muse at the meaning hereof: then he out of a cankered hart, thus begā to bray, asking them what are they worthy to haue, which go about to imagine the destruction of him being so neare to ye kings bloud, and protectour of the Realme? At the which question,The deuelisli [...] protectour picketh quarelles. as the other Lords sate musing, the Lord Hastinges, because he had bene more familiare wyth him, thus aunswered, that they were worthy of punishement, whatsoeuer they were. Which when the other Lordes also had affirmed:The Queene & Shores wife, falsely accused of the protector to bewitch his arme. that is (quoth the protectour) yonder sorceresse, my brothers wife, meaning the Queene and other with her, adding moreouer, and saying: that sorcere [...] & other of her counsayle, as Shores wife, with her affinitie, haue by their witchcraft, thus wasted my body: and therewith shewed forth his left arme a wearish withered thing as it was neuer otherwise, as was well knowne.

This Shores wife had bene before a Concubine to K. Edward,Adultery punished of God. & afterward was kept by the same Lorde Hastinges. Moreouer here is to be noted, that by the consent of the said Lord Hastinges, the cruell protectour had deuised about the same time,Murder iustly punished of god the kindred of the Queene, innocently to be headed at Pomfret, of mere despite and hatred. Wherfore, this punishment not vndeseruedly, by the iust hand of God, fell vpon the said Lord Hastinges.

It followeth then more in the storye, that when the L. Hastinges had heard these false accusations of the tyraunt which he knew to be vntrue: certaynly (my Lord) sayd he, if they haue so done, they be worthye of haynous punishement. Why quoth the protector, doest thou serue me with if and with and? I tel thee, they haue so done, and that I wil make good on thy body traytour: and therewith geuing a great rap on the boord (for a token or watchword) one cryed treason without, and forthwith the chamber was full of harneysed men, The protector then approchyng to the L. Hastinges,L. Hastings arrested for a traytour. L. Stanley wounded. arrested him as a traytour. An other let flye at the Lord Standley: who to auoyd the blowe shronke vnder ye table, or els his head had bene cleft a sonder: notwithstanding he receaued such a wounde, that the bloud ranne about hys eares. There were in that counsaile ye same time the Archbishop of Yorke,B. Morton. and Doctour Morton Byshop of Ely (by whose procurement afterward king Henry the vii. was sent for into England, and he made archbishop after that of Canterbury) these with the Lord Standley diuersly were bestowed in diuers chambers. The Lorde Hastinges was commaunded to speede and shriue hym a pace,The tyranny of the protectour. for before dinner the protector sware by S. Paule, yt he should dye: and so incontinently, without farther iudgement, his head was striken of,The L. Hastings beheaded. by whose counsayle the Queenes kindred were at the same time and daye, beheaded at Pomfret.

After this tyrannous murder accomplished, the mischienous protectour aspiring still to the crowne, to set his deuises forward, first through giftes and fayre promises, dyd subordinate Doctor Shaw a famous preacher then in Lō don, at Paules Crosse to insinuate to the people, that neyther king Edward with his sonnes,The beastly protectour accuseth his owne mother. Doct. Shawes impudent sermō at Paules crosse. nor the Duke of Clarence were lawfully begotten, nor the very children of the Duke of York, but begotten vnlawfully by other persons in adultery on y• Duches their mother, and yt he alone was ye true and onely lawfull heyre of the Duke of York: Moreouer to declare and to signifie to the audience, that K. Edward was neuer lawfully maried to the Queene, but hys wife before was dame Elizabeth Lucy, and so the 2. childrē of king Edward to be base and bastardes, and therfore the title of ye crown most rightly to pertaine to ye Lord protector. That this false flatterer, and loud lying preacher, to serue ye protectors humour, shamed not most impudently to abuse that holy place, that reuerent auditorye, the sacred word of God,Sap. 4. taking for hys theame: Adulterae plantationes nō dabūt radices altas &c which he most impiously did apply against the innocent children & right heyres of this realm.Example for all flattering preachers to b [...]ware Whereupon such grudge and disdayne of the people wyth worldly wonder followed him, that for shame of the people crying out of him, in few dayes after he pyned way.

When this sermon would take no effect with the people the protector vnmercifully drowned in ambitiō, rested not thus,The Duke of Buckingham an other minister for the protectours furie but wtin few dayes after, excited ye Duke of Buckingham, first to breake the matter in couert talke, to the Mayor and certayne of the heades of the Cittie, picked out for the purpose: that done, to come to ye Guildhall, to moue the people by all flattering and lying perswasions to the same which shameles Shaw before had preached before at Paules Crosse. Whiche the Duke with all dilligence and helpes of eloquence, being a man both learned and well [Page] spoken,The Duke of Buckingham speaketh for the protectour in the Guildhall. endeuored to accomplish, making to the people a long and artificiall Oration, supposing no lesse, but that ye people allured by his crafty iusinuations would cry, king Rich. K. Ric. But there was no king Rich, in their mouthes lesse in their hartes. Wherupon the Duke looking to the Lord Mayor, and asking what the silence ment, contrary to the promise of the one, & the expectation of yt other It was then answered of the Mayor, that the people peraduenture wel vnderstood him not: wherfore the Duke reiterating his narration in other wordes, declared agayne yt he had done before.An hard thing to make the tongue speake against the hart. Likewise the thyrd time he repeted hys Oration againe and agayn. Then the commons which be fore stood mute, being now in a mase, seeing this importunitie, began to mutter softly among themselues, but yet no king Richard could sound in their lips, saue onely that in the nether end of the Hall,A stolne consent in the Guildhall. certayn of the Dukes seruantes with one Nashfield, and other belonging to the protector, thrusting into the Hall among the prease, began sodaynly at mens backes to cry king Richard k. Rich, throwing vp theyr cappes, whereat the cittizens turning back theyr heades, marueiled not a little, but sayd nothing.

The Duke and the Lord Mayor with that side, taking this for sufficient testimony, incontinent came blowing for hast to the protector, then lying at Baynardes Castle. Where the matter being made before,Fye of hipocrisie was now so contriued, that forsooth, humble petition was made in the name of the whole commons, and that with 3 sundry sutes, to ye humble and simpel protector, that he, although it was vtterly against his will to take it: yet would of his humilitye stoupe so low, as to receane the heauy kingdome of England vpon his shoulders. At this their tender request and sute of the Lords and commōs made (ye must know how) ye milde Duke seing no other remedy,The hypocrisie of the protector denying the crowne thrise before he would, take it. was contented at length to yeld, although fore against his will (ye must so imagine) and to submit himselfe so low, as of a protector to be made king: not much herein vnlike to our prelates in yt Popish churche, who when they haue before well compounded for the popes Buls, yet must they for maner sake make curtesy, and thrise deny that for whiche they so long before haue gaped, and so sweetly haue payed for.

King Richard the third vsurper.

King Richard 3. vsurper. ANd thus Richard Duke of Gloucester tooke vpon to be made & proclaymed king of England, the yeare aforesayd. an. 1483. in the mōth of Iune. Who then comming to the Tower by water, first made his sonne a childe of x. yeare old, prince of Wales, & Iohn Haward (a man of great industry & seruice) he aduaūced to be Duke of Northfolke, & Sir Tho. Haward his sonne, he ordained Erle of Surry. Also William Lord Barckeley was appoynted Earle of Notingham. Frances L. Louell, was made Uicunt Louell. L. Stanley for feare of his sonne, was deliuered out of the Tower, and made Steward of the kings houshold. Likewise the Archbishop of Yorke was set free: but Morton Bishop of Ely was committed to the Duke of Buckingham, by whome was wrought the first deuise to bring in Henry Erle of Richmond into England, and to cōioin mariage betweene Elizabeth king Edwardes daughter, and him, whereby the two houses of Yorke and Lancaster were vnited together.

King Richard crowned.After the kingdome of England was thus allotted to king Rich. the vsurper, as in maner aboue remembred, he taried not long for hys coronation, which was solemnised the month next ensuing, the 6. day of Iuly.

The triumph and solemnitie of this vsurped coronation, being finished, & al thinges to the same appertayning, this vnquiet tyraunt yet coulde not thinke himselfe safe, so long as yong Edward the right king & hys brother, were aliue: Wherefore the next enterprise which he did set vpon was this, how to rid these innocent babes out of the way, that he might reigne king alone.

In the meane time while al this ruffling was in hand what bread & sorow the tender harts of these fatherles and friendles children were in, what little ioy of them selues what smal ioy of life they had, it is not so hard as dolorous for tender harts to vnderstand. As the yonger brother lingered in thought and heauines, so the prince which was a 11. yeare old, was so out of hart and so fraught with feare that he neuer tyed his poyntes, nor ioyed good day, till the trayterous impictie of their cruell vncle had deliuered thē of their wretchednes, whiche was not long in dispatching For after king Richard their vncle, first attempting to cō passe his diuelishe deuise by Robert Brakenbury Constable of the tower,The truth of Robert Brabenbury to his prince Iames Tyrel I. Dighton, Miles Iorest, cruell traytors and murtherers of their Prince. Yoūg princes. The 2. children of king Edward murdered. The iust punishmēt of God vpō the minderers of them two. The punishment of God vpon K. Richard. The punishmēt of God vpon the Duke of Buckinghā. and could not winne him to suche a cruell fact (to die therefore) then he got one Iames Tyrell, ioyning with him Iohn Dighton, and Miles Forrest, to perpetrate this heinous murder. Which Dyghton and Forest about midnight entring into their chamber, so be wrapped and entangled them amongst the clothes, keeping downe the fetherbed and pilowes hard vnto their mournes, that within a while: they smoothered and stifeled them pitiously in their bed.

And thus ended these two yong princes their liues, thorough the wretched cruelty of these forenamed tormentors who for their detestable and bloudy murder committed, escaped not long vnpunished by the iust hand of God. For first Miles Forest, at S. Martines le grand, by peecemeale miserably rotted away, Iohn Dighton liued at Callis lōg after so disdained and hated, that he was pointed at of all men, and there died in great misery. Sir Iames Tyrell was beheaded at Tower hill for treason. Also King Richard himselfe within a yeare and a halfe after, was stayne in the field hacked and hewed of his enemies handes, torne and tugged like a curre dogge.

Furthermore, the said iustice of gods hand left not the Duke of Buckingham escape free: Whiche was a greate maintainer and setter vp of this butcherly vsurper: for les then within a yeare after so God wrought, that hee was himselfe beheaded for treason by the sayd king, whom he so vniustly before had aduaunced and set vp.

In the same catologue and order of these wicked doers afore recited, we haue also to comprehende two other, as well worthy of memoriall, as the best or rather as yt worst. The name of the one was doctour Shawe,Doct. Shaw and Doct. Pinkie, two flattering preachers. aboue rehearsed: The other doctor Pinkie, prouincial of the Austen Friers: both famous preachers, and both Doctors in diuinitie both of more learning then vertue (sayth the story) of more same thē learning, & yet of more learning thē truth. Shaw made a Sermon in the prayse of the Protector, before hys coronation. Pinkie preached after thys coronation. Both were so full of tedious flatterye, that no good cares coulde abide them.Gods iudgement vpon flattering preachers. Pinkie in his sermon so lost his voyce, that he was sayne to leaue of & came downe in in the midst. Doctour Shaw by his sermon lost his honenesty, and soone after, his life for very shame of the world, so that he neuer durst after that, shew his face againe. But as for the Fryer, he was so farre past shame, that the losse therof did little touch him.

Mention was made a little before,The first motion of ioyning the two houses, Yorke and Lancaster togeather. of Doctor Morton Bishop at Ely, by whose meanes the deuise was first broched, for the conioyning the two houses of Yorke & Lancaster together. This deuise was first broken to the Duke of Buckingham, which soone after cost hym his life. But yt bishop more crafty to saue hymselfe, incontinent fled into Brittain. Notwithstanding, the deuise once being broched was so plausible, and tooke such effect, that message was sent ouer the sea to Henry Earle of Richmond, by his mother and by the Queene, mother to the Ladye Elizabeth, that if he would make hys returne, and promise to marry with the sayd Lady Elizabeth King Edwards daughter, he should be receaued. To make a longer discourse of thys matter, which is sufficiently set forth by S. Tho. More so ornately, it needeth not.

Briefely (to contract that in a small compasse of wordes, which was not so small a thing in doing) after that the Earle Henry, with such other banished mē, as fled out of Englād at the taking of the Duke of Buckingham,Earle Henry maketh preparation toward his iourney. had perfect intelligence by his mother and by the Queene and other frends moe out of England, how the case of yt realm stoode, and how it was here purposed by his frendes, that is, that he should with all conuenient speede, hast hys returne ouer into England, promising to mary with Ladye Elizabeth: he with all diligence as tyme and preparation would serue, aduaūced forward his iourny, being wel helped and furnished by Fraunces Duke of Britayne, and so shipped his mē. Albeit his first voyage sped not, for that the winds turning contrary: by force of weather his ships were disparcled, and he repulsed backe into Fraūce agayn. His second viage was more prosperous. Who taking the seas at Harslet,The arriuing of Henry Earle of Richmōd in Wales. in the moneth of August. an. 1485. accompanied onely with two thousand men, and a smal number of shippes, aryued at Milford Hauen in Wales, and fyrste came to Dale, then to Harford West, where he was ioyfully receiued, and also by the cōming in of Arnolde Butler and the Pēbroke men, was in power encreased. Frō thēce he remoued by Cardigan to Shrewsbery, & then to Newport, and so to Stafford, from thence to Liechfield, his army still more and more augmented. Lyke as a great floud by comming in of many small riuers, gathereth more aboundaunce of water: so to this Earle diuers noble Captaynes [Page] and men of power adioyned themselues as Richard Griffith, Iohn Morgan. Rice ap Thomas, thē sir Georg Talbot, with the yong Erle of Shrewesbery his warde, Sir William Stanley, Sir Tho. Burchier, and Sir Walter Hungerford, knightes. At last the said Erle hearing of the kinges comming, conducted his whole army to Tam worth.

K. Richad gathered his power to encounter with Earle Henry.King Richard first hearing of the arriuall of the Erle Henry in the partes of Wales after such a slender sort, did giue little or no regard vnto it. But after, vnderstanding that he was come to Lichfield, without resistaunce or incombraunce, he was sore moued, and exceedingly tooke on cursing and crying out against them which had so deceaued him, & in all post speed, sent for Iohn Duke of Northfolke, Hen. Erle of Northumberlād. Tho. Erle of Surrey with other his frendes of special trust. Robert Brakenbury also liesetenaunt of the tower was sent for, with Sir Tho. Burchier, and Sir Walter Hungerforde, with certaine other knightes and Esquiers, of whome he partlye misdoubted, or had some suspicious gelousy. Thus K. Richard, after most forceable maner well fortified and accompanied, leauing nothing vndone yt dilligence could require set forward toward his enemies. The Earle by this time was come to Tamworth, to whō secretly in the Euening resorted sir Iohn Sauage, sir Bryan Sanford, sir Simon Digby, and many other, forsaking the part of K. Richard, whome all good men hated, as he no otherwise deserued. The king hauing perfect knowledge the Earle to be encamped at Tamworth,K. Richard taketh the field of Bolworth. This Lord Stanley was he, which was hurt at the Tower when the L. Hastings was arested vide. pag. 727. embatled himselfe in a place neare to a village called Bosworth, not farre from Leicester, appointing there to encounter with his aduersaries. Here yt matter lay in great doubt and suspense concerning yt Lord Stanley (which was ye Erles father in law & had maryed his mother) to what part he would encline. For although his hart went (no doubt) with the Earle, & had secret conference with him the night before, yet because of his sonne and heyre George Lord Straunge, being then in the hāds of king Richard, least the king should attempt any preiudiciall thing against him, durst not be seene openly to goe that way, where in hart he fauoured, and therefore closely kept himselfe betweene both, till the push came that hys helpe might serue at a pinch.

The number of the Erles part exceeded not to the one halfe of the side of king Richard. When the time and the place was appointed, where the two battailes should encounter and ioyne together, fore stripes and great blowes were geuen on both sides, and many slayne. If number & multitude might gouerne the successe of battaile,Bosworth field. king Richard had double to the erle. But God is he, not man, that geueth victorye, by what meanes it seemeth to his diuine prouidence best.The history of Sir Tho. More, word [...]or word taken out of Polid. Virg. In what order and by what occasion this field was wonne and lost, the certain intelligence we haue not certainly expressed, but onely by the historye of Polydore Vergile, whom sir Thomas More doth follow word for word. In the which history it doth appeare, yt as these 2. armies were coupling together, king Richard vnderstanding by his espials where the earle of Richmond was, and how he was but slenderly accompanied, and seeing him to approch more neare vnto him, he rather caryed with courage, then ruled with reason, set spurres to the horse and raunging out of the compasse of hys ranckes, pressed toward the Erle, setting vppon him so sharpely, that first he killed sir William Brandon,W. Brandon the Erles standard bearer, father to ye Lord Charles Brandon Duke of Suffolke,Charles Brandon. thē after ouerthrew sir Iohn Cheny, thinking likewise to oppresse the Erle. But as the Lorde by his secret prouidence disposeth the euent of all thinges, as the earle with his mē about him being ouermatched, began to dispayre of victory, sodeinly & oportunely came syr William Stanley with 3.The death of king Richard. thousand well appointed able men, whereby king Richardes men were driuen backe & he himselfe cruelly fighting in the thick of his enemies, was there slaue, & brought to his confusion and death, which he worthely deserued.

In the meane time the Earle of Oxford, who had the guiding of the forewarde, discomfited the forefrunt of king Richards hoast,Duke of Northfolke slaine. Lord Tho. Haward Earle of Surrey aduaunced by K. Henry. 7. K. Richards sonne punished for the wickednes of his father. and put them to flight, in which chase many were slayne, of noble men especially aboue other, Iohn Duke of Northfolke, Lord Ferrers, sir Richard Radcliffe and Robert Brakenbury Lieutenaunt of the Tower. &c. Lord Thomas Haward Earle of Surrey, there submitted himselfe, and although he was not receaued at first to grace, but long remayned in the Tower, yet at length for his fidelitie, was deliuered and aduanced to his recouered honour and dignitie againe.

This king Richard had but one sonne, who shortly after the cruell murder of king Edwardes sonnes, was taken with sicknes and died. The wife of the sayd king Richard (whether by poyson or by sickenes) dyed also a little before the field of Bosworth:K. Richard proposed to marry Elizabeth his brothers daughter. After whose decease, the storie of Polydore & of sir Tho. More affirmeth: that he intended himself to mary the Lady Elizabeth his own brothers daughter, and so to preuent the Earle of Richmond.

Moreouer as touching the Lord Stanley, thus reporteth the story,L. Stanley husband to K. Henries mother forsooke k. Richard that king Richard being in Bosworth fielde, sent for the Lord Stanley by a purseuaunt, to auaunce forward with his company, and come to hys presence: otherwise he sware by Christes passion, that he would strike off his sonnes head before dinner. The L. Stanley sent word agayne, that if he did, he had more sonnes aliue. Wherupō the kyng immediately commaunded the Lord Strange to be beheaded:The L. Strange meruelously preserued. which was the very time whē both y• armies were within fight, & were ready to ioyne together. Wherfore the kinges counsailers pondering the tyme and ye case perswaded the king, that it was now time to sight, & not to doe execution, aduising him to delay the matter tyll the battail were ended. And so (as God would) king Richard breaking hys othe, or rather keeping hys othe, for he hymselfe was slayne before dyner, the Lord Straunge was cō mitted to be kept prisoner within the kinges tente: who then after the victory gotten, was sought out and brought to his ioyfull father. And thus haue ye the tragicall life and end of this wretched king Richard.

Henry the Erle of Richmond, after harty thankes geuen to almighty God, for hys glorious victorye obteined, proceeded to the towne of Leicester, where was brought to him by the Lord Straunge, the Crowne and put on the Earles head.

In the meane time the dead corpes of king Richarde was shamefully caried to the towne of Leicester,The shamefull tossing of king Richardes dead Corpes. being naked and despoyled to the skinne, & being trussed behinde a purseuaunt of armes, was caryed like a hog or a dog, hauing his head & armes hanging on the one side of yt horse, and the legges on the other side, all sprincled with myre & bloud.Anno. 1485. And thus ended the vsurped reign of king Richard who reigned two yeares, and two monthes. Ex Polydo. & Thom. Moro.

King Henry the vij.

WHen king Henry,King Henry. 9. by the prouidence of God had obtayned this triumphant victory, & Diademe of the realme, first sending for Edward Plantaginet Earle of Warwicke, sonne to George Duke of Clarence,K. Henry marieth with Elizabeth. & committing him to safe custody we in the tower, frō Leicester remoued to Lō don, & not long after, according to his oth & promise made before, espoused to him the yong Ladye Elizabeth, heyre of ye house of Yorke:The two houses of Yorke and Lancaster ioyned together. whereby both the houses of Yorke and Lancaster were conioyned together, to the no little reioysing of all English hartes, & no lesse quyet vnto the realme which was. an. 1485. This king reigned 23. yeares, and 8. monthes, and being a Prince of great pollicie, iustice and temperance, kept his realm in good tollerable rule & order. And here interrupting a little the course of our Englishe matters, we will now (the Lord willing) enter the story aboue promised, of Maximilian the Emperour, & matters of the Empire, especially such as pertayneth to yt Church.

Maximilian Emperour.

IN the yeare of our Lord.Anno. 1486. 1486. Fridericus waxing aged and partly also mistrusting the hartes of the Germayns who had complained before of theyr greuances,Maximilianus Emperour and could not be heard, and therfore misdoubting that hys house after his decease,The reigne and death of Fridericus Emperour. Anno. 1494. should haue the lesse fauour amonge them, for that cause in hys life tyme did associate hys sonne Maximilian to be ioyned Emperour with him: with whom he reigned the space of 7. yeares till the death of the sayd Fridericke hys father, who departed. an. 1494. after he had reigned ouer the Empire. 53. yeares, lacking onely but iii yeares of the reigne of Augustus Caesar, vnder whome was the byrth of our Lord and Sauiour Christ.

This Maximilian, as he was a valiaunt Emperoure, prudent and singularly learned:Maximilian marieth the Duches of Burgoyne. so was hys reigne intangled in many vnquiet and difficile warres: first in the lower Countryes of Flaunders and Brabant, where the saide Maximilian was taken captiue, but shortly after, reschued & deliuered agayne by hys father.This Mary was neece to king Edward. 4. 1487. It was signified before how this Maximilian by the aduise of yt Burgundians, had to wife Mary ye onely daughter of Charles Duke of Burgundy afore mentioned, by whome he had 2. children, Phillip and Margarete. an. 1477. Whiche Mary not long after, about the yeare of our Lorde. 1481. by a fall [Page] from her horse, fell into an agew, and departed. Other warres many mo, the same Maximilian also achieued, both in France, in Italy, in Hungary and diuers besides.

So happy was yt education of this Emperour in good letters:The learning of Maximilian cō mended. Maximilian writer of his owne stories. so expert he was in tongues and sciences, but especially such was his dexteritie and Promptnes in the latin stile, that he imitating the exāple of Iulius Caesar, did write and comprehend in Latine historyes, his owne actes and seates done, and that in such sort, that when he had geuen a certayne tast of his history, to one Pircamerus a learned man, asking his iudgemēt how his warlike stile of Latine did like him, the sayd Pyrcamerus did affirme and reporte of him to Iohn Caron (the witnes and writer of this story) that he did neuer see nor read any Germane storye,Ex leā Carione. a thing more exactly (and that in such hast) done as this was of Maimilian. Moreouer, as he was learned himselfe, so was he a singular patrone and aduauncer of learned studentes, as may well appeare by the erecting and setting vp the vniuersitie of Wittenberge.Maximilian first ordeiner of the vnyuersitie of Wittenberg. By this Emperour many in those dayes were excited to the embrasing as wel of other liberall artes, as also namely to the searching out of old antiquities of historyes, whereby diuers were then by him first occasioned in Germany, to set their mindes & to exercise their dilligence, in collecting & explicating matters pertayning to the knowledge of history, as well of ancient as also of latter times, as namely Cuspinianus, Nauclerus, Conradus Peutingerus, Manlius, and other.

Learned mē begin to grow in Christendome.Here now it began right well to appeare, what great benefite was broched to the world, by the Arte and facultie of Printing, as is before mentioned. Through the meanes of which printing, the church and common wealth of christ began now to be replenished with learned men, as bothe may appeare by this Emperour being so induced himselfe with such excellent knowledge of good letters, and also by diuers others famous and worthy wittes, whiche began now in this age exceedingly to encrease and multiplye, as Baptista Mantuanus, Ang. Politianus, Hermolaus Barbarus, Picus Mirandula, and Franciscus his cousin, Rodol. Agricola, Pō tanus, Philippus, Bero aldus, Marsilius Ficinus, Volateranus, Georgius Valla, with infinite other.

Among whom is also to be numbred Weselus Groningensis, otherwise named Basilius, Doct. Weselus Groningensis. who was not longe after Ioan de Wesalia aboue recited, both muche about one tyme, and both great friendes together. This Weselus dyed the yeare of our Lord. 1490. After that Ioannes Doctor De Wesalia aforesayd was condemned this Weselus being familiar with him,Weselus called Lux Mundi. thought that the Inquisitour woulde come and examine hym also, as he himselfe in a certaine Epistle doth write. He was so notable and worthye a man that of the people he was called Lux Mundi. That is: The light of the worlde.

The doctrine of Weselus Groningensis.Concerning his doctrine, first he reprehended the opinion of the papistes, as touching repentaunce, which they deuided in three partes, of the which three partes, satisfaction and confession he did disalow. Likewise Purgatorye and supererogation of workes & pardons he did disproue, both at Rome and at Paris. He spake agaynst the popes indulgences, by the occasion whereof diuers of the Popes court, perswaded by him, began to speake more freely agaynst the same matter, then he himselfe had done.

The abuses of Masses and praying for the dead he disalowed: and likewise the supremacy of the Pope, he vtterterly reiected (as appeareth in a booke of his De Sacramento poenitentiae) denying vtterly that any supreme head or gouernour ought to be in the world ouer all other:Ex lib. D. Weseli, De sacramēto penitētia. affirming also & saying many times, yt the pope had no authoritie to do any thingby commaundement but by truth: that is,The Popes supremacie written against. so farre as trueth goeth with hym, so farre hys sentence to stand: neither yt he ought to preuayle by commaunding but onely by teaching, so as euery true christian Bish. may preuayle ouer an other. Also in some place in his writings he denyeth not, but that popes and their spirituall Prelates, proceeding agaynst Christes doctrine, be playne Antichristes: such as were infirm and not able to perform the bond of chastitie taken vpon them, he sayd they might wel breake their vow.

Also the sayd Weselus witnesseth, that the forefathers which were before Albert and Thomas, did resiste and we stand the popes indulgences, calling them in theyr wrytinges playne Idolatry, mere fraude and erroure: adding moreouer that vnles the seueritie of some good Diuines, had not withstand these pardons and indulgences of the Pope: innumerable erroures had ouerflowne the church.

Amongest these workes of Weselus, there is a certaine Epistle of one written to hym, [...]in which the authour of the Epistle confesseth, that in hys time there was a certayne learned man at Paris called maister Thomas de Curselis a Deane: who being in the councell of Basill, whereas diuers began to aduaunce the power of the pope to farre,Ex Epist. cuinsilam in opere Weseli. Christes aunswere to Tho. de Corselis touching this place Quicquid ligaueris. Not what so euer is said to be loosed in earth, is loosed in heauen but whatsoeuer is loosed in very deede in earth, that is also loosed in deede in heauen. Against tiches in the Church. The preceptes of the Pope & prelates how they binde. The Popes keyes. Vowes. Doctrine not to be receaued without examinatiō. Excommunication. declared and affirmed, to be sayd to him of Christ: Quicquid ligaueris super terram erit ligatum & in coelo: &c. Et non, quicquid dixeris esse ligatum. That is. What soeuer thou shalt bynde vpon earth shall be bound in heauen, but not, what soeuer thou sayst to be bound. As who should say the pope cannot nor doth not binde therfore, because he so sayth, except truth and righteousnes go also with him: then he doth so bynde in deed. There is a certayne booke of this man amongst diuers others, which he intiruleth, De subditis & superioribus, in yt which he disputeth greatly against yt pope & his Prelates: affirming that the pope vnlesse hys faith & doctrine be found, ought not to be obeyed. He affirmeth also that the pope may erre, and when he erreth, men ought by all manner of meanes to resist him. Item, that great & superfluous riches in the clergy do not profite, but hurt yt church. That the pope doth wickedly distribute the rentes of the Church, and the Church it selfe, to vnworthy Ministers by Simony for hys owne profite and gayne, wherby it may appeare that he neyther careth for GOD, nor the health of the Churche. Item, that the preceptes and commaundementes of the pope and prelates be no otherwise but as the Councels and preceptes of Phisitions, binding no further then they are founde to be holesome and standing with the trueth of the word. Item, that the Pope can commaunde no man vnder payne of deadly sinne, except God commaund him before. He sayth that the keyes of the Pope and of the prelates be not such, wherwith they open the kingdome of heauen, but rather shut it, as the Phariseis did. Concerning vowes, he disputeth that such as be foolish and impossibile, ought to be brokē: that the hearers ought to discerne and iudge of the doctrine of their Prelates, and not to receiue euery thing that they say, without due examination.

He sheweth moreouer that the sentence or excommunication is of more force, proceeding from a true godly honest, simple and learned men, then from the Pope, as in ye Councell of Constance, Bernard was more esteemed then Eugenius. Also if the pope with hys prelates, gouern and rule naughtely, that the inferiours, be they neuer so base, ought to resist him.

Writing moreouer of two Popes, Pius the second and Sixtus the fourth, he sayth, that Pius the second dyd vsurpe vnto hymselfe all the kingdomes of the whole world & that Sixtus the pope did dispense with al maner of othes in causes temporall, not onely with suche othes, as haue bene already, but also with all suche, as shalbe made hereafter: which was nothing els but to geue libertie and licence for men to forsweare themselues and deceiue one an other.

This Weselus beyng a Phrisian borne,Ex Nouiomago. A prophesie of Weselus. This Oftendorpius was a man well learned and Canon of the minster of Lubecke. Here it appeareth that this R. Agricola was of good iudgement, though the Friers after ward buried him in a Friers weede. and now aged in yeares, vpon a certayne time, when a yong man called mayster Ioannes Oftendorpius, came to hym, sayd these wordes: Well my childe, thou shalt lyue to that day, when thou shalt see the doctrine of these new and contentious diuines, as Thomas and Bonauenture, with others of the same sort, shalbe vtterly reiected and exploded from al true Christen deuines: And thys which Oftendorpius then being young, heard Weselus to speake, he reported himselfe to Nouiomagus, which wrote this story. an. 1520. & heard it of the mouth of the sayd Weselus, an. 1490. Martij. 18.

Philippus Melanchton writing of the lyfe, of Rodolphus Agricola, sayth: that Iosquinus Groningonsis, an auncient and a godly man, reported that when as he was young, he was oftentimes present at the Sermons of Rodolphus and Weselus, wherein they many times lamented the darckenes of the church, and reprehended the abuses of the Masse: and of the single life of priestes. Item, that they disputed oftentimes of the righteousnes of sayth, why S. Paule so oftentimes did inculcate, that men be iustified by faith and not by workes,Rodol. Agricola. Weselus lamenteth the darcknes of the Church the same Iosquine also reported, that they did openly reiecte and disproue the opinion of monks, which say that men be iustified by their works. Item, concerning mens traditiōs their opinion was, that all suche were deceiued, whatsoeuer attribued vnto those traditions any opinion of Gods worship, or yt they could not be broken. And thus much for the story of doctour Wesellianus and Wesilus.

By this it may be seene and noted, how by the grace of God and gift of printing, first came forth learning: by learning came light to iudge and discerne the errors of ye pope from the truth of Gods word, as partly by these abouesaid may appeare partly by other that followe after by ye grace of Christ) shall better be seene.

About the very same tyme and season, when as ye Gospell began thus to braunch & spring in Germanie: the host [Page] of Christes church began also to muster & to multiply likewise here in Englād, as by these historyes here consequent may appeare. For not long after the death of this Weselus in the yeare of our Lorde 1494.Anno. 1464. Ioane Boughton mother to the lady Young martir. and in the 9. yeare of the reigne of K. Henry 7. the 28. of Aprill, was burned a very old woman named Ioane Boughton widow, and mother to the Lady Young, which Ladye was also suspected to be of that opinion which her mother was. Her mother was of foure score yeares of age or more, & held 8. of Wickleffes opinions (which opiniōs my author doth not shew) for the which she was burnt in Smithfield the day abouesayd. My author sayth, she was a Disciple of Wickleffe, whome she accompted for a Sainct, and helde so fast and firmly viij. of his x. opinions, that all the Doctours of Lō don coulde not turne her from one of them, and when it was told her that she shoulde be brent for her obstinacie & false beliefe, shee set nothing by theyr manacing wordes, but defied them, for the sayde she was so beloued of God, and hys holy aungels, that she passed not for the fire, & in the midst therof she cryed to God to take her soule into his holy handes. The night following that she was burnt, the most parte of her ashes were had awaye of suche as had a loue vnto the doctrine that she dyed for.

Anno. 1497.Shortly after the martyrdome of this godly aged mother in the yeare of our Lord, 1497. and the 17. of Ianuary, being Sonday, two men, the one called Richard Milderale, and the other Iames Sturdy,Richard Milderale. Iames Sturdye. bare Fagots before the procession of Paules, and after stoode before the preacher in the time of hys Sermon. And vpon the sonday following, stood other two men at Paules crosse all the sermon tyme:Hugh Glouer. the one garnished with paynted & written papers, the other hauing a Fagot on hys necke. After that in Lent season vppon Passion Sonday, one Hugh Glouer bare a Fagot before the procession of Paules,Foure other beare fagots & after wyth the Fagot stoode before the preacher all the sermon while at Paules crosse. And on the sonday next following foure men stoode, and did there open penaunce at Paules as is aforesayd, in the sermon time many of their bookes were burnt before them at the Crosse.

Anno. 1498. A priest burnt.FUrthermore the next yeare following, whiche was the yeare of our Lord. 1498. in the beginning of Maye, the king then being at Canterbury, was a priest burnt, which was so strong in his opinion that all the clerkes & doctors then there beyng, coulde not remoue him from his sayth: whereof the king beyng enformed, caused the sayd priest to be brought before hys presence, who by hys perswasions caused him to reuoke, and so he was burnt immediately.

The Quene was remoued to Calis at the beheading of her cousin Edward Plātagenet.IN the same yeare aboue mentioned, which was the yere of our Lord. 1499. after the beheading of Edward Plantagenet Earle of Warwicke, and sonne to the Duke of Clarence, the king and Queene being remooued to Calys, a

Babram brent in Northfolke Martir.

The burning of Babram.

certayne godly man and a constant Martyr of Christ, named Babram in Northfolke', was brent in the moneth of Iuly, as is in Fabian recorded after yt copy, whiche I haue written. Albeit in the book of Fabian printed, his burning is referred to the next yeare following, which is, an. 1500. Ex Fabiano, & alio scripto codice.

ABout which yere likewise or in the yere next folowing yt xx. day of Iuly,An olde man burned. was an old mā burnt in Smithfield

IN the same yeare also,Anno. 1499. which was of the Lord. 1499. fell the martyrdome and burning of Hieronimus Sauonarola, a man no lesse godly in hart, then constant in his profession. Who being a Monke in Italy, & singularly well learned,Hieronimus Sauonarola, with two fryers Martirs. preached fore agaynst the euill lyfe & liuing of the spiritualty and specially of hys own order, compsayning fore vpō thē, as the springes and authors of all mischieues & wickednes. Wherupō by ye helpe of certeine learned men he begā to seek reformatiō in hys own order. Which thyng the pope perceauing, and fearing that the sayde Hierome, which was now in great reputation amōgst al men, shold diminish or ouerthrow his authoritie, he ordained his vicar or prouinciall to see reformatiō of these matters: which vicare wt great superstition began to reforme thinges, but the sayd Hierome did alwayes withstand hym, wherupon he was complayned of to the Pope, and because that contrary vnto ye popes commaundement, he did wtstand hys vicare,Prophesie of Hie. Sauonarola against Italy. he was accursed. But for all that Hieronimus lefte not of preaching, but threatned Italy with ye wrath and in dignation of God, and prophecied before vnto them, that the land should be ouerthrowne for the pride and wickednes of ye people, and for the vntruth, hipocrisie and falshood of yt clergy, which God would not leaue vncenēged, as ofterward it came to passe,Pope Ale [...]de [...] besieged by Charles the Fre [...]ch L [...]g. when as king Charles came into Italy and to Rome, and so straitly beset the pope Alexander, yt he was forced to make composition with the king.

Now for somuch as the said Hierom would not leaue of preaching, he was commaunded to appeare before the pope,Sauonaro [...] ted to appea [...] before the Pope The doctrine of Sauonarola condemned because he would not come before the Pope to geue accompt of his new learning, (for so thē they called the truth of the Gospell,) but by meanes of the manifold perilles, he made his excuse that he could not come. Then was he againe forbidden by the pope to preach, and his learning pronounced and condemned as pernicious, false and sedicious.

This Hieronimus, as a man wordly wise, foreseeing the great perils and daungers that might come vnto him, for feare, left of preaching. But when as the people, which fore hungred and longed for Gods word, were instant vpon him that he would preach agayne, he began agayne to preach in the yeare of our Lord.Sauonarola preacheth contrary to the Popes commaū dement. 1496. in the Cittie of Florence, and albeit yt many counsailed him that he should not so do without the Popes commaundement, yet did he not regard it, but went forward freely of his owne good will. When as the Pope and his shauelinges heard newes of this, they were greuously incensed and inflamed agaynst him, and now againe cursed him, as an obstinate and stifnecked hereticke. But for all that, Hieronimus proceeded in teaching and instructing the people, saying that men ought not to regard such curses, whiche are agaynst ye true doctrine and the cōmon profite, whereby the people shold be learned and amended, Christ kingdome enlarged, and the kindome of the deuill vtterly ouerthrowne.

In all his preaching he desired to teach no other thing then the onely pure and simple word of God, making often protestation that al men should certifie him if they had heard him teach or preach anye thing contrary thereunto, for vpon his owne conscience he knew not yt he had taught anye thing but the pure word of God.Hieron. with [...] other Friers cō mitted to [...] The com [...] rie of Hierome Sauon. vpon the Psalme beginning: In te domine speraui. What his doctrine was all mē may easely iudge by his books yt he had writtē.

After this, in the yeare of our Lord. 1498. he was takē and brought out of S. Markes cloyster, & two other Fryers with hym, named Dominicke and Siluester, whiche fauoured hys learning, and was caried into prison, wheras he wrote a godly meditation vpon that most comfortable 31. psalme In te Domine speraui non confundar in aeternū sed in iusticia tua libera me. Wherein he doth excellently describe and set forth,Articles obiected against Hierome & the two Fryers. the continuall strife betweene the flesh and the spirite.

After this the Popes Legates came to Florence, & called forth these three good men, threatning thē marueilously but they continued still constant. Then came the chief coū sailers of the citty, with the popes commissioners, whiche had gathered out certain Articles against these men, wherupon they were condemned to death: the tenour of which Articles hereafter ensue.

1. The first article was as touching our free iustification through fayth in Christ.

2. That ye communion ought to be ministred vnder both kyndes.

[Page]3. That the indulgences and pardons of the pope, were of no effect.

4. For preaching against the filthy and wicked liuing of the Cardinals and spiritualtie.

5. For denying the popes supremacie.

6. Also that he had affirmed, that the keyes were not geuen vnto Peter alone, but vnto the vniuersal Church.

7. Also, that the pope did neither follow the life nor doctrine of Christ, for that he did attribute more to his owne pardons and traditions, then to Christes merits, and therfor he was Antichrist.

8. Also, that the popes excommunications are not to be feared, and that he which doth feare or flye them, is excommunicate of God.

9. Item, that auriculer confession, is not necessary.

10. Item, that he had moued the Cittizens to vprore and sedition.

11. Item, that he had neglected and contemned the popes Citation.

12. Item, that he had shamefully spoken agaynst, & slandered the pope.

13. Itē, that he had taken Christ to witnes of his naughtines and heresie.

14. Also, yt Italy must be clensed through Gods scourge, for the manifold wickednes of the princes and clergy.

These & such other like Articles, were layd vnto them & read before them. Then they demaunded of the said Hierome and his companions, whether they would recant & geue ouer their opinions. Whereunto they answered, that through Gods help, they would stedfastly continue in the manifest truth, and not depart from the same. Then were they disgraded one after an other,Hierome with his 2. companions hanged and brent for the Gospells truth. by the byshop of Uasion and so deliuered ouer to the secular rulers of Florence, wt straight commaundement, to cary them forth, and handle them as obstinate and stifnecked heretickes,

The Martyrdome of Hierome and his two companions.

Thus, was the worthy witnesse of Christ, with the other two aforesaid, first hanged vp openly in the market place, and afterward burnt to ashes, and the ashes gathered vp, & cast into the Riuer of Arum, the 24. day of May in the yeare of our Lord 1499. Ex Catal. testium. Illyrici.

The prophesies of Hierome Sauonarola.This man foreshewed many thinges to come, as the destruction of Florence and Rome, and the renuing of the Church: which three things, haue happened in these times within our remembraunce. Also he foreshewed that the Turkes and Mores in the latter dayes, should be conuerted vnto Christ. He also declared that one should passe the Alpes into Italy, like vnto Cirus, which should subuert and destroy all Italy.Ex Ioan. Francis. Mirandula. Ex Marsilio Ficino. Whereupon Iohannes Franciscus Picus, Erle of Mirandula, called him a holy prophet, and defended him by his writings against the pope. Many other learned men also, defend the innocencie of the saide Sauonarola. Marsilius Ficinus also in a certayne Epistle doth attribute vnto him the spirit of prophecie, greatly commending and praysing him. In the like maner Philippus Comineas a French historiographer,Ex Philip. Cominca. which had conference with him witnesseth that he was a holy man, and full of ye spirit of prophecie, for so muche as he had foreshewed vnto hym so many thinges, which in euent had proued true.

There were besides these, many other, not to be passed ouer or forgotten: as Phillip Norice an Irishman, professour at Oxford, who albeit he was not burned (yet as it is sayd) he was long time vexed and troubled by the religious route. But would to God, that such as haue occupied themselues in writing of histories, and haue so dilligently committed vnto memory all other thinges done in foreign common wealthes, had bestowed the lyke dilligence & labour, in noting and writing those thinges, which pertayn vnto the affayres of the Churche: whereby the posteritie might haue had fuller and more perfecte vnderstanding & knowledge of them.

This Sauonarola aboue mencioned, suffered vnder pope Alexander the 6. of which pope, more leysure & oportunitie shall serue hereafter (Christ willing) to entreat, after that we shall first make a little digression to entreate of certayn cases and complayntes of the Germaynrs, incidēt in the meane time, which as they are not to be ouerpast in silence, so can they haue no place nor tyme more conueniēt to be inferred. What complayntes of the Germaines were made and moued vnto the Emperour Fredericke agaynst the popes suppressions and exactions, mencion was made before pag.The complaintes of the Germaines against the Popes greuances renued. 724. where also was declared, howe the sayde Germaines at that time, were twise put backe and forsakē of the Emperour: whereby they continued in ye same yoke and bondage, vntill the time of Luther. Wherefore it commeth now to hand, and we thinke it also good, here briefly to declare, how the sayd Germaynes, in the tyme of Maximilian the Emperour: renuing their complayntes agayn, deliuered vnto the Emperour, x. principall greuaunces. whereby the Germaynes haue bene long time oppressed: shewing also the remedies agaynst the same, with certayne aduisements vnto the Emperours maiesty, how he might withstand and resist the popes subtleties and craftes: The order and tenour whereof here ensueth.

¶ The x. greuaunces of the Germaines.

1. THat the Bishops of Rome,Ten greuances complayned of by the Germaines. successors one vnto an other, do not thinke themselues bound to obserue & keepe the bulles, couenauntes, priuiledges, and letters, graunted by theyr predecessours, without all derogation: but by often dispensation, suspension and reuocation, euen at the instance of euery vile person, they doe gaynsaye and withstand the same.

2. That the elections of prelates are oftētimes put back.

3. That the elections of Presidentships are withstande, which the chapterhouses of many churches haue obtained with great cost and expence, as the Church of Spyre and Hasell do well know: whose bull, touchyng the election of theyr president, is made frustrate, he being yet aliue which graunted the same.

4. That benefices and the greatest ecclesiasticall dignities, are reserued for Cardinalles and head notaries.

5. That expectatiue graces, called vowsans, are granted without number, and many oftentimes vnto one man: Whereupon continuall contentions do ryse, and much money is spent, both that whiche is layd out for the Bulles of those vowsōs which neuer take effet, and also that whiche is consumed in goyng to lawe. Whereupon this prouerbe is risen, whosoeuer will get a vowson from Rome, must haue C. or CC. peeces of golde layde vp in his chest, for the obtayning of the same, which he shall haue neede of, to presecute the law withall.

6. That Annates or yearly reuenewes, are exacted wt out delay or mercy, euen of the bishops lately dead, and oftentimes more extorted then ought to be, through new offices and new seruauntes, as by the examples of the churches of Mentz and Strausburgh, may be seene.

7. That the rule of the churches are geuen at Rome vnto those that are not worthy, which were more fitt to keep and feede Mules, then to haue the rule and gouernance of men.

8. That new indulgences and pardons, with the suspension and reuocation of the old, are graunted to gather and scrape money together.

9. That tenthes are exacted vnder the pretēce of making warre agaynst the Turke: when as no expedition doth follow thereupon.

10. That the cause whiche might be determined in Germany, wheras there are both learned and iust iudges, are [Page] indistinctly caryed vnto the Court of Rome, which thing S. Bernard, writing to Pope Eugenius, seemeth wōderfully to reproue.

¶ Here ensueth the remedy agaynst the sayd greuaunces.

Remedies against the [...]nclayde greeuances.IF it shal seeme good vnto the Emperors maiesty, let it be declared vnto the bishop of Rome, how greuous and intollerable a thing it is vnto the Germaynes, to suffer continually so great charge & greeuances, to pay so great Annates for the confirmation of the Bishops & Archbishops, and especially in such Bishoprickes, whereas the Annates by successe of time, are enhaunced, & in many (as it is sayd) doubled.The Archbishops Palle of Mētz what it cos [...]eth. For the Archbishops sea of Mentz (as it is sayde) sometime payd onely 10000. floreines: which summe, whē as one which was chosen there, refused to geue, and so cō tinued euen vnto his death, he which was afterward elect, being desirous of confirmation, fearing to withstande the Apostolicke sea: offered the old summe of 10000. floreines: But notwithstanding, he could not get his confirmation, except he would pay y• other 10000. which his predecessour before him had not payd.

By this meanes he was compelled to pay 20000. floreines. which being enrolled in the register of the chamber hath bene exacted of euery archbishop since, vntil these our dayes: and not onely 20000. but also 25000. for theyr newe offices, & new seruants. At last the summe drew to 27000. floreines, which Iames the Archbishop of Mentz was cō pelled to paye, as his Commissary did report. So by this meanes, in a litle time, there was 7. tymes 25000. floreines payd out of the Archbishopricke of Mentz, vnto Rome for the confirmation of the Archbishop. And when this Archbishop Iames had kept the Archbishopricke scarce foure yeares, the Lord Uriel was elect after him, who was compelled to pay at the least 24000. or 25000. foreines. whereof a part he borowed of Marchauntes:The Popes palle dearely bought. but to satisfy and pay them agayne, he was forced to exact a subsidye of his poore subiectes and husband men, whereof some haue not yet satisfied and payd the tribute for the Bishops Palle, to that by this meanes, our people are not onelye tormented and brought to extreme pouertye, but also are moued vnto rebellion to seeke theyr liberty by what meanes soeuer they may, greeuously murmuring agaynste the crueltye of the Clergy.

The pope also should be admonished, how that, through diuers and sundry wars and battels, the lands of Germany lye desolate & waste, and through many mortalityes the number of mē is diminished, so that for y• scarcenes of husbandmen, the fieldes, for the most part, lye vntild, the roles are by diuers meanes diminished, the mines consumed, & the profites dayly decay, whereby the Archbishops & Byshops should pay theyr annates vnto the Apostolicke sea: besides their other necessary and honest charges: insomuch that not without iuste cause, Iames the Archbishoppe of Mentz being euen at the poynt of death, sayde that he dyd not so much sorrow for his own death, as for that his poore subiectes should be agayne forced, to pay a greuous exaction for the Palle, wherfore let the high Bishop as a godly father and louer of his children,The people polled for the popes Palle. and a faythfull and prudēt pastor, deale more fauourably with his children the Germaynes, least that persecution happen to rise agaynst the Priestes of Christ, and that men folowing the example of the Bohemians, do swarue from the Church of Rome.

At the least, let him be more fauorable, as often as any Archbishop or bishop happeneth to rule his Church but a few yeares: as it happened to the Bishops of Bamberge, wherof 3. dyed within few yeares. The like also might happen by other bishoprickes, whereof (as Aeneas Syluius witnessed) there are in Germany to the number of 50.Aboue 50. Byshopricks in Germany besides Abboes, whereof a great number are confirmed at Rome.

And admitt that in Germany there were greater profite and reuenewes rising of the ground, mines and toles: notwithstanding the Emperour and the other Princes, should lacke treasure and munition of warre agaynst their enemies, and specially the infidels, and to preserue Germany in peace and quietnesse, & to minister iustice vnto euery man: for which purpose, the Councell of the chamber being most holyly instructed and furnished with great cost & charges, doth chiefly serue. Besides that the Emperour hath need of treasure, to suppresse the rebelles in the Empyre, to banish and driue away theeues and murtherers, whe rofa great nūber are not ashamed to spoyle churches onely, and to robbe them of theyr goods, but also to assaile the Clergy themselues. Finally our nation and country of Germany, hath need of great riches and treasure, not only for the repayring of Churches & monasteries, but also for hospitals, for children thar are layd out in the streetes, for widowes, for women with childe, for Orphanes, for the mariage of ye daughters of poore men, that they be not destoured, for such as haue neede and necessity, for the olde and weake, for the sicke and the sore, whereof (the more is the sorrow) Germany is fully replenished and filled.

¶ Aduertisementes vnto the Emperours Maiesty.

LEt the Emperors maiesty foresee and prouide,The Emperour aduertised of the subtill practises of the pope, and popish prelates. that the begging friers do not preach against his maiesty which are wont to complayn gladly vnto the Apostolick sea, fearing to lose their priuiledges, which I would to god, were aswel grounded vpon Christ, as they are vpon profite. Let the Emperours maiesty also beware that the Pope do not geue cōmaundement vnto the Electours, to proceed to the electiō of a new king of Romaines, as he did agaynst Frederick the second, when as the Lantgraue of Churm, and William Earle of Holland, were elect by the commaundement of the Pope. Let the Emperours maiesty also feare and take heed of all the Prelates of the Churches, and especially of the Presedentes, which by theyr oth are bounde to aduertise the Pope. Let the Emperours Maiesty also feare and beware that the Pope do not take away from his subiectes, their obedience, & prouoke the people bordering vpon him, to make inuasiō into ye Emperours dominiōs and Archduchy of Austrich: which those men, vnder colour of shewing obedience vnto the Popes commaundemēt, be ready to do.

Let the Emperours Maiesty also take heede of the Apostolicke censures, frō which the pope will in no case refraine. Finally let ye Emperours maiesty diligently foresee & take heede, that the pope do not perswade the people wt most subtile argumētes, contrary to the pragmaticall sanction, excusing himselfe,The popes pretence of building S. Peters church in Rome and getting the good will of ye simple, alledging yt we great costes & charges, he will repayre ye Church of S. Peter in Rome, & build in certaine places, against the Turkes, and recouer againe the landes & patrimony pertaining vnto the Church of S. Peter, as he is boūd by his office. Therfore, let your maiesty diligētly forsee and deliberate, how through your most wise & discrete counsaile, if neede shall require, you will answere to those subtilties of the Pope.

¶ A certaine godly exhortation vnto the Emperours Maiestie.

YOur maiesty cā do nothing better,A supplication or exhortation to Maximilian Emper▪ for redresse of the church. nothing more acceptable, or more worthy eternall remembrāce, thē to moderate the great exactions and oppressions of the Germaines: to take away all occasion frō the laitie, to persecute the Clergy: also to take away ye benefices out of the handes of courtisans, which can neither preach, comfort, nor counsaile any man (of which benefises, as Aeneas Syluius writeth some are equall to the Byshoprickes of Italye) to encrease Gods honour and worship: and so to bridle the auarice & vngodlines of those courtisans, wherby your maiesty may the better prouide for the children of many noble & famous men and Cityzens in Germanie, which being brought vp from their youth in the vniuersities, learning both the Scriptures and other humaine letters, may without vnquiet vexations, and most sumptuous charges & contentions, aspire to the Ecclesiasticall promotions: who by their coūsaile & prayers, may be helpes vnto the whole Church: For there is no small occasion, why the realme of Fraunce should so florish, hauing so many notable learned mē in it. If the Emperour would abolish this un [...]iety, and restore Germany vnto their auncient liberty, which is now oppressed with greuous tributes, and would make way for learned & honest mē vnto Ecclesiasticall promotions: then might he truely & perpetually be called of all men, & in all places, ye restorer of Germany to his aūciēt libertie, & ye father of his countrey, & should obtayne no lesse glory thereby vnto himselfe, and profite vnto Germany, then if he had by force of armes, subdued any prouince vnto th ē: And so shall Germany render no lesse thankes vnto ye saide Maximilian, then vnto all the rest, which hauing translated the Empire from the Grecians vnto Germany, haue raigued many yeares before.

Hereafter ensueth the copy of a certaine letter of ye Emperour Maximiliā, geuen out in maner of a decree or cō maundemēt, against certaine abuses of the Clergy. Wherunto we haue also annexed the aunswere of Iacobus Selestadiensis, vnto the Emperours letters, wherein he seemeth also to haue sought aduise for the remedy of the like abuses▪ which we thought good here not to be omitted.

An Edict of Maximilian Emperour.

[Page]

WE according to the example of our dearely beloued father Fredericke Emperour of Rome, reuerensing the chiefe Pastour of the Church, and all the Clergy, haue suffered no small reuenewes of the Ecclesiasticall dignityes, to be caryed out of our dominion by the Prelats and Clergy that are absent, whose faultes committed by humayne frailty, with Constantine our predecessor, we haue not disdeyned to hide and couer. But for so much as thorugh our liberality, the decay of Gods honour is risen, it is our part to foresee (which are elect vnto the Empyre without any desert) that amongest all other affayres of peace and warre the Churches do not decay, Religion quayle not, or Gods true worship be not diminished: which we haue manifestly experimented and dayly doe perceiue by the insatiable couetousnesse of some, which are neuer satisfied in getting of benefices: through whose absence (being but resident onely vpon one) Gods honour and worship is diminished, houses decay, Churches decrease, the Ecclesiasticall liberty is hurt, learning and monuments are lost and destroyed, hospitality and almes diminished, and by their vnsatiable greedinesse, such of the Clergy as for theyr learning and vertue were worthy of Benefices, and theyr wisedome, profitable in common wealthes, are hindered and put backe. Wherefore according to the office and duety of our estate, for the loue of the encrease of Gods honour,No man to haue two Canonships or prebēds at once. we exhort and require that no man from henceforth, hauing any Canonship or Vicarage in one City of our Empyre, shall occupy or possesse a prebend in an other Church of the same City, except he geue ouer the first, within a yeares space, vnto some person fitte and profitable for the Church: neither that he doe by vniust quarelles, vexe or trouble any man in getting of benefices, neither that any man doe falsely fayne himselfe to haue bene of the Emperors houshold, which hath not ben comprehended within the league and agreement made by the Princes, neither that any man attempt to take away the patronages from any lay man, or aggrauate the small prebendes of Curates of Churches, with pensions, neyther that they doe vse in getting of benefices and Bulles, any fraude, deceite, false instrumentes, corrupte witnesses and cloaked Simonye, neyther that any man presume to obteyne any regresfe, or other thing contrarye to the sacred Canons, right, honesty, equity and reason, vpon payne of the most greeuous offence of treason: the whiche we will that, not onelye they, going so contrary to God and all honesty: but also all theyr fauourers, which doe helpe, counsell, harbour or geue them any thing, all theyr messengers and writers, proctours, suretyes and other theyr friendes, shall incurre, and receiue condigne punyshment for so great offence and contempt of our commaundemēt. From Oenopont. &c.

¶ Here ensueth the copye of a letter written vnto the Emperour Maximilian,

¶ To our most victorious Lord Maximilian the Emperour, Iacobus Selestadiensis, most humble commendations.

MOst victorious Emperour,

when I had read your maiestyes Epistle, and receiued instructions of your Secretary, I prepared my selfe with all my whole endeuour, to satisfye your maiestyes desire: For euen from my youth hitherto, I haue applyed all my care and study, fyrst for the honour of your maiesty, and consequently for the amplifying of the Germayne nation, and sacred Romayne Empire. Albeit I knowe my selfe farre vnable to satisfye your desire and purpose, and there are many which can fulfill thys matter much better, which haue greater learning and experience of these common matters. There be also with other Princes, and in the Senates of common wealthes, many excellent learned men, which can exonerate and beautify Germany, and perswade to reduce all the Clergy vnto a Christian discipline, and to an vnity & peace of the vniuersall Church. Wherein not onely your Maiesty, but also your predecessours, as Charles the great, and his sonne Ludouicus Pius, the Othoes, Conrades, Frederickes, and Henrikes, and last of all, Sigismundus, haue with all labour and diligence trauelled, being stirred thereunto, vndoubtedly throughe the zeale & charity which they bare vnto almighty God, & thakfulnes vnto Christ, for his benefites which he hath bestowed vpon mankinde, and specially for the benefite of his most bitter passion. For Christ became not poore for vs, that we should liue in all riote and wantonnes vpon his patrimony, and shew sorth our ambition and couetousnesse: neither did he suffer hunger that wee should glut vp our selues: or suffered labors, chastity, and greuous torments, that we shuld liue in idlenesse, wantōnes, and al kind of voluptuousnesse. Neither they which were contributers, and benefactours to Churches, induing the ministers thereof with theyr temporall riches, had any suche respecte herein, that the Clergye shoulde liue onely in idlenesse, hauing all thinges at theyr wyll, without labour Surely there was another cause why that they in times past did empouerish themselues and theirs to endow the Church: veryly that they might the better attend vnto diuine seruice, without care of want of liuing (which they might easily get and gather out of the fieldes, woodes, medowes, and waters) and to the intent that they should liberally geue almes vnto the poore Christians, Widdowes, Orphanes, aged and sicke persons. For in the institutions of the canonicall profession, whiche we suppose waa written by the commaundement of Ludouicus Pius the emperour, and allowed by the counsell of the Byshoppes, thus it is read: The goodes of the Churche (as it is alledged by the fathers, and conteyned in the chapters before) are the vowes of the faythfull, and patrimony of the poore. For the faythfull, thorow the seruentnes of theyr fayth, and loue of Christ being inflamed, hauing an earnest desire of that heauenly kingdome, haue enriched the holy Church with theyr owne goodes, that thereby the souldiors of Christ might be nourished, the Church adourned, the poore refreshed, and captiues according to the oportunitye of time, redemed Wherfore such as haue the administration of those goods, ought diligently to bee looked vpon, that they doe not conuert them vnto theyr owne proper vse, but rather, according to theyr substaunce and possibility, they doe not neglecte them in whome Christ is fed and clothed. Prosper is also of the same minde, affirmyng that holy men did not chalenge the Church goods to their owne vse, as their owne proper goodes, but as thinges commended vnto the poore, to be deuided amongest them: For that is to contemne that which a man possesseth, not to possesse a thing for himselfe, but for others, neyther to couet the Church goods with couetousnesse, to haue them himselfe, but to take them with a godly zeale to helpe other. That which the church hath, is commō to all them which haue nothing, neyther ought they to geue any thing of that vnto them, (sayth he) which haue of theyr owne: for to geue vnto them whiche haue enough, is but to cast thinges away.

Ex Illyrico.

To returne nowe to the order of Popes where we left before speaking of Innocentius the eight,Pope Alexander 6. after the sayde Innocentius, next succeeded Pope Alexander the 6. In which Alexander, among other horrible thinges, this is one to be noted, that when Gemes (Peucerus named him Demes) brother to Balazetes the great Turke, was committed by the Rhodians, to the sate custodye, first of Pope Innocent, then of Alexander the 6. for whose keeping the Pope receiued euery yeare 40000.The pope poyloneth Gemes the turks brother, beyng committed to his custodie, Ex Paul. Iouio lib. 2. lib 5. Ex Hieronym. Mario. The Pope setteth the great turke against the French K. Ex Seb. Munstero. lib. 4. Cosmograph. crownes: yet notwithstanding, whē pope Alexander afterward was cōpelied to send the sayd Gemes to Charles the eight the French king for a pledge: because the Frēch king should not procure the great Turkes fauour, by sending his brother Gemes to him to be slayne, he being hyred by the Turke, caused the sayde Gemes to be poysoned, who in his iourney goinge toward the French king, dyed at Terracina. Ex Hieronymo Mario.

Moreouer in the sayd Dicronymus Marius it appeareth, that this Alexander taking displeasure with the foresayd Charles the French king, about the winning of Naples, sent to Baiazetes the Turke, to fight against the foresayd Clarles. Ex eodem.

Munsterus lib. 4. Cosmog Declaring the foresayd hystorye of Gemes, something otherwise, first calleth him Zizymus, and sayth, that he was first committed by the Rhodians to the french king. And when as Ioannes Huniades afore mentioned, did labor to the French king to haue him, thinking by that meanes to obtain a noble victory against the Turke, as it was not vnlike: this Alexander the pope, thorow his fraudulent flatterye, gotte him of the Frenche King, into his owne handes: by whose meanes the sayd Gemes afterwarde was poysoned, as is in maner before expressed.

Unto these poysoned actes of the Pope,Mancinellus writing against the wickednes of the pope, loste hys handes and tongue. let vs also adioin his malicious wickednes, with like fury exercised vpō Antonius Mancinellus, which Mancinellus being a mā of excellent learning, because he wrote an eloquēt oratiō against his wicked maners & filthy life, with other vices, he therfore commaunded both his hands & his tong to be cut of, playing much like with him, as Antonius ye tirant once did with M. Cicero, for writing agaynst his horrible life. At length,Poyson requited with poyson. as one poyson requireth another, this poysoned Pope, as he was sitting with his Cardinals, & other rych Senatours of Rome at dinner, his seruauntes vuwares brought to him a wrong bottell, wherewith he was poysoned, and his Cardinals about him.

In the time of this Pope Alexander,The high Angel of the poper pallace throwne: Pope Pius. 3.Pope Iulius. 2. also it happened (whiche is not to bee pretermitted) how that the Aungell whiche stood in the high toppe of the Popes Churche, was beaten downe with a terrible thunder: which thing semed then to declare the ruine and fall of the Popedome. After this Pope next succeded Pius the 3. about the yeare of our Lord 1503. After whome came next Iulius the second a man so farre passing all other in iniquity, that Wicelius, & [Page] such other of his owne friendes writing of him, are compelled to say of him, Marti illum quam Christo deditiorem fuisse: that is, that he was more geuen to warre and battayle, then to Christ. Concerning the madnesse of this man thys is most certaynely knowne, that at what time he was going to warre, he cast the keyes of S. Peter into the riuer of Tybris, sayinge, that for as much as the keyes of Peter would not serue him to his purpose, he woulde take himselfe to the sword of Paule. Wherupon Philip Melancthō, amongest many other writing vpon the same, maketh this Epigrame.

Cum contra Gaellos bellum papa Iulius esset

Gesturus▪ sicút fama [...]etusta docet:

Ingentes martis turmas contraxit, & [...]rbem

Eg [...]essus saeuas edidit ore minas.

Iratus' (que) sacras claues in flumina iecit

Tibridis, hic [...]rbi pons [...]bi iungit aquas.

Inde manustrictum Gagina diripit ensem,

Exclamans' (que) truci talia [...]ocerefert:

Hic gladius Pauli nos nunc defendet ab hoste,

Quandoquidem clauis nil iuuat ista Petri.

Whereupon also Gilbert Ducherius maketh this Epigrame.

In Gallum [...] fama est, bellum gesturus acerbum,

Armatum educit Iulius [...]rbe manum:

Accinctus gladio, claues in Tibridis amnem

Proÿcit, & soeuus talia [...]erba faecit:

Quum Petrinihil efficiant ad praelia claeues,

Auxilio Pauli forsitan ensis erit.

¶ The sense of these Epigrammes in English is this.

When Iulius Pope agaynst the French determined to make warre:

As fame reportes, he gathered vp great troupes of men from farre.

And to the bridge of Tybur then, marching as he were wood:

His holy keyes he tooke, and cast them downe into the floud.

And afterward into his hand, he tooke a naked sword:

And shaking it, brake forth into this fierce and warlike word.

This sword of Paule (quoth he) shall now defend vs from our foe:

Since that this key of Peter doth nothing auay le thereto.

The popes law geueth leaue to kyll all that be accursed of him.Of this Iulius it is certaynely reported, that partly wt his warres, partly with his cursinges, within the space of 7, yeares, as good as 200000. Christians were destroyed. Fyrst he besieged Rauenna agaynste the Uenetians, then Seruia, Imola, Fauentia, Foroliuium, Bononia and other cities,The warres and bloudshed of pope Iulius. 2. which he gate out of Princes handes, not with out much bloudshed. The Chronicles of Iohn Steban maketh mention, that when this Iulius was made Pope he tooke an oathe, promising to haue a Councell within two yeares: but when he had no leysure thereunto, being occupyed with his warres in Italy amōg the Uenetians, and with the French king, and in Ferraria, and in other countryes: 9. of his Cardinalles departing from him, came to Millayne, and there appoynted a Councell at the Citty of Pise, amongest whome the chiefe, were Bernardus, Cruceius, Gulielmus Prenestinus, Franciscus Cōstantinus, with diuers others: amongest whome also were adioyned the Procuratours of Maximilian the Emperour, and of Charles▪ the French king. So the Councell was appoynted the yeare of our Lord 1511.The pope periured. A councell called to depose pope Iulius. to begin in the Kalendes of September. The cause why they did so call this Councell was thus alledged, because the Pope had so brokē his oth, and all this while he gaue no hope to haue any councell, & also because there were diuers other crimes, whereupō they had to accuse him. Theyr purpose was to remoue him out of his seat, the which he had procured through bribes and ambition. Iulius hearing this, geueth out contrary commaundement vnder great payne, no man to obey them, & calleth himselfe another councell agaynst the next yeare, to be begon the 19. day of Aprill. The French king vnderstading Pope Iulius to ioyne with the Uenetians, and so to take theyr part agaynst him, couented a councell at Thurin in the month of September, in the which councel these questions were proposed.

Whether it was lawfull for the Pope to moue warre agaynst any prince without cause.

Whether any Prince in defending himselfe, might inuade his aduersary: and deny his obedience.

Unto the which questions it was answered,The Pragmaticall Sanction established, mentioned before, pag. 674. No vniust excommunication to be feared. that neither the bishop ought to inuade, and also that it was lawfull for the king to defende himselfe. Moreouer that the Pragmaticall sanction was to bee obserued thorowe the realme of Fraunce: Neyther that any vniust excommunications ought to be feared, if they were founde to be vniust. After this the king sent vnto Iulius, the aunswere of his councell, requiring him either to agree to peace, or to appoynt a generalll Councell some other where, where thys matter myght bee more fully decided. Iulius woulde neyther of both these, but forthwith accursed Charles the French king, with all his kingdome. At the lenth, at Rauenna in a great war, he was ouercome by the frēch king, and at last, after much slaughter and great bloudshed, and mortall warre, this Pope dyed in the yeare of our Lorde 1513. the 21. day of February.

If it were not that I feare to ouerlay this our volume wt heapes of foreigne historyes,The turkes doing requisite to be knowen of Christians. which haue professed chiefly to entreat of Actes and Monuments here done at home: I woulde adioine after these popes aboue rehearsed, some discourse also of the Turkes story: of theyr rising, and cruell persecution of the say [...]tes of God, to the great anoiance and perill of Christendome: yet notwithstanding certayne causes there be which necessarily require the knowledge of theyr order and doinges, and of theyr wicked procedings, theyr cruell tyranny, and bloudy victories, the ruine & subuersion of so many Christen Churches, with the horrycle murders and captiui [...]ye of infinite Christians to bee made playne and manifest, as well to this our countrey of England, as also to other nations:

First for the better explayning of the Prophecies of the new Testament,The first cause. as in S. Paules Epistle ad Chessall, and also in the reuelation of S. Iohn. Which Scriptures otherwise, without the opening of these historyes, can not so perfectly bee vnderstand. Ofthe whiche Scriptures we mynde hereafter (Christ graunting) orderly, as the course of matter shall lead vs, to make rehearsall.

An other cause is,The seconde cause. that we may learne thereby eyther with the publique Churche, to lament with our brethren such a great defection and decay of christian fayth, through these wicked Turkes: or els may feare thereby our owne daunger.

The thyrd cause,The third cause. that we may pōder more deeply with our selues, the scourge of God for our sinnes, and corrupte doctrine, which in the sequele hereof, more euidently may appeare to our eyes, for our better admonition.

Fourthly,The fourth cause. the consideration of this horrible persecution of the Turkes, rising chiefely by our discord and dissention among our selues, may reduce vs agayn from our domesticall wars, in killing and burning one of an other, to ioyne together in Christian patience and concorde.

U.The fift cause. but chiefely these great victoryes of the Turkes and vnprosperous speed of our men fighting agaynst thē, may admonish & teach vs, folowing the example of the olde Israelites, how to seek for greater strēgth to encounter with these enemyes of Christ, then hitherto we haue done. First we must cōsider, that the whole power of Sathan ye prince of this world, goeth with the Turkes. Whiche to resist, no strēgth of mans arme, is sufficient, but onely the name, spirite, and power of our Lord Iesus the sonne of god, going with vs in our battels,Admonition to fight against the turke. Christian fayth necessary to be ioyned with outward force against the turk. as among the olde Israelites, the Arcke of Gods couenaunt and promise wente with them also, fighting agaynst the enemies of God. For so are wee taught in Scripture, that we christen mē haue no strength, but in Christ onely. Whether we warre agaynst the deuilt, or agaynst the Turke it is true that the Scripture sayeth: Sine me nihil potestis facere. i. without me you ea do nothing. Otherwise there is no puissaunce to stand agaynst ye deuill or to conquere the world, Nisi fides nostra: that is, our fayth onely all the promises of God (touching saluation) be annexed, beyonde which promises we muste not goe, for the worde must be our rule. He that presumeth beyond the promises in the word expressed, goeth not, but wandereth, hee can not tell whether. Neither must we appoynt God, how to saue the worlde, but must take that way whiche he hath appointed. Let vs not set our God to schoole, nor cōprehēd his holy spirite within our sculles.Gratis venum [...]ati [...]stis. gratis [...]e [...]imemini. Elai 52. He that made vs wtout our counsell, did also redeeme vs as pleased hym. If he be mercifull, let vs be thankefull. And if his mercyes surmoūt our capacity, let vs therfore not resist, but search his word, and thereunto apply our will: which if we will doe, all but [Page] contentious wil soone be at a poynt. Let vs therfore search the will of our God in his word, and if he will his saluation to stand free to all nations,Omnes s [...]tientes venite ad aquas, emite absque argento et commutatione. Elai. 55. why do we make marchandise thereof? If he haue graciously offred his waters to vs, without mony or mony worth, let vs not hedge in the plē tuous springes of his grace geuen vs.

And finally, if God haue determined his owne sonne onely to stand alone, let not vs presume to admixt with his maiesty any of our trumpery. He yt bringeth S. George or S. Deuise as patrons, to ye field to fight against ye turk, leaueth Christ (no doubt) at home. Now how we haue fought these many yeres agaynst the Turke: though storyes keep silence, yet ye successe declareth. We fight agaynst a persecutour, being no lesse persecutours our selues. We wrastle against a bloudy tyraunt, and our handes be as full of bloud as his. He killeth Christes people with the sword: and we burne them with fire. He obseruing the works of the law, seeketh his iustice by the same: the like also do we. But neither hee nor we seeke our iustification as we shoulde, that is, by fayth onely in the sonne of God.

And what maruell then, if our doctrine being as corrupt almost, as his: and our conuersation worse, if Christe fight not with vs, fighting agaynst ye Turke? The Turke hath preuayled so mightely, not because Christ is weake, but because that Christians be wicked, and theyr doctryne impure. Our temples with Images, our hartes with idolatry are poluted: Our priestes stinck before God for adultry, being restrayned from lawfull matrimony. The name of god is in our mouthes,Reformation of religion requisite before we fight with the turkes. but his fear is not in our harts. We warre agaynst the Turke with our workes, Masses, traditions and ceremonies: but we fight not agaynst hym with Christ and with the power of his glory, whith if we did, the field were wonne.

Wherfore briefely to conclude,Faith getteth victory. saying my iudgement in this behalfe, what I suppose: this hope I haue, & do beleue that when the Churche of Christ with the Sacramentes therof, shalbe so reformed, that Christ alone shall be receaued to be our iustifier, all other religions, merites, tradition, images, patrons and aduocates set a part: the sword of the Christians, with the strength of Christ, shall soone vanquish the Turkes pride and fury. But of this more largely in the processe of this story.

The sixte and last cause,The sixt cause. why I thinke the knowledge of the Turkes history, requisite to be considered, is this: be cause that many there be, which for ye they be farther frō the Turkes, and thinke therfore themselues to be out of daū ger, take little care and studye, what happeneth to theyr other brethren. Wherefore to the intent to excite theyr zeale and prayer to almighty God, in this so lamentable ruin of Christes church: I thought it requisite by order of history, to geue this our natiō also something to vnderstand, what hath bene done in other nations by these cruell Turkes, and what detriment hath bene and is like more to happen by them, to the Church of Christ, except we make our earnest inuocatiō to almighty God,Earnest inuocation necessary in the Church of Christ. in the name of hys sonne, to stop the course of the deuill by these Turkes, and to stay this defection of Christians falling daylye vnto them, and to reduce them agayn to his fayth which are fallen frō him. Which the Lorde Iesus of his grace, graunt wyth speede. Amen.

Before we enter into this story of the Turks and Saracens, first let vs call to remembraunce the Prophecy and forewarning of S. Paule writing to the Thess. in his 2. Epistle, in these words:2. thess. 2. Be not moued nor troubled in your myndes, eyther by preaching, or by writing, or by letter frō vs, as though the day of the Lorde were at hande: for the Lord will not come except there come a defection first, and the wicked person be reuealed. &c. Of this defection sundry mindes there be,The place of S. Paule expounded. 2. thess. 2. speaking of the defection to come. of sundry expositours: some thinking this defection to meane a falling away from the Empyre of Rome: some from the obedience of the Pope. But as S. Paul little passed vpon the outward glory of the Romayn Empyre: so lesse he passed vpon the proud obedience of the Pope. What Saynt Paule ment by this defection, the reading of these Turkishe storyes, and the miserable falling away of these Churches by him before planted, will soone declare.

The number of the Apocalips, cap. 13. expounded.Another mistery there is in the Re [...]elations, Apoc. 13. where the number of the beast is counted 666. Whereby may seeme by all euidences, to be signified the first origene and springing of these beastly Saracens, as by sequele hereof may appeare by the first rising of this deuilish sect of Mahumet.An other place, Apocal. 16.

Et sextus Angelus effudit phialam suam. &c.Moreouer, an other place there is, cap. 16. Apoca. where we read that by powring out of the Phial of Gods wrath. of the sixt Aungell, the great floud Euphrates was dryed vp, to let in the kinges of the East: the openyng of which Prophecy, may also more euidently appeare, in cōsidering the order and maner of the comming in of these Turks into Europe.

Some also apply to the Turkes certayne Prophecyes of Daniell, Ezechiell, and other places of the old Testamēt moe, which here I omit, for so much as the Prophecyes of the old Testament, if they be taken in their proper & natiue sence, after my iudgement, do extend no further, then to the death of our Sauior, and the end of the Iewes kingdome. Albeit herein I do not preiudicate to any mans opiniō, but that euery man may abound in his owne sense.

As touching the yeare and time when this pestiferous sect of Mahumet first began,The time of Mahumete the false prophet expounded. histories do not fully consent: Some affirming that it began, an. 621. and in the 10. yeare of Heraclius Emperour of Constantinople: in whyche minde is Ioannes Lucidus. As Munsterus counteth, it was in the yeare of our Lord 622. Martin Luther, & Iohn Carion referreth it to the 18. yeare of the raigne of Heraclius, which is the yere of our Lord 630. Unto the which nū ber the computation of the Beast signified in the Apocali.The number of the beast in the Apo. cap. 13. doth not farre disagree, whiche numbreth the name of the Beast, with three Greeke letters [...] whiche Greeke letters after the supputation of the Greciās, make the number of 666.

In this all writers agree, that this damnable Mahumet was borne in the country of Arabia, bordering on the East part of Iewry.Mahumet of the stocke of the Ismalites dwelling in Arabia. His father was a Syrian, or a Persian, his Mother was an Ismalite, which Ismalites being a people of Arabia, were called then Agarens: which term Mahumet afterward turned to the name of Saracens. Of this wretched Mahumete mention was made before. pag. 124. where we shewed, how he making himselfe the highest Prophet of all other, yet denyeth not Christ to be an holy Prophet and next to him, and Moses also to be an other. Moreouer he denieth not Mary the mother of Christ to be a uirgin, and to haue conceiued Christ by the holy ghost, affirming further that Christ in his owne person was not crucified, but another called Iudas for him. He greatly cō mendeth also Iohn the sonne of Zachary for a virgin:The prodigious lyes & blasphemies of Mahumets Alchoran. whē he himselfe permitteth a man to haue 4. wiues, and as many concubines as he is able to finde: & sayth that where as Christ & other Prophets had the gift geuen them to worke myracles, he was sent by force of sword, to compell men to his religiō. The prodigious vanityes, lyes, & blasphemies conteyned in his lawe called Alchoran, are rather to be laught at, then recited.

It is thought that Sergius a Nestorian, was a great doer with Māhumet, in cōtriuing of this lying Alchorā & so it doth well appeare by the scope and pretence thereof which especially tēdeth to this end, to take the diuinity frō the person of Christ, whom he graunteth notwithstanding to be a most holy man, & also that he is receiued vp to God and shall come agayne to kill Antichrist. &c.

Moreouer this ridiculous Alchoran is so blaunched & poudered with so diuers mixtures of ye Christians,Mahumetes Alchoran mingled with diuers lawes. Iewes and the Gentiles lawes, geuing suche liberty to all wantonnesse of flesh, setting vp circumcision, absteyning from swines flesh and Iudaicall lotions, and so much standeth vpon Father Abraham, that it is supposed of some, this filthy Alchorā, not to be set out in the dayes of Mahumet, but that certayne Iewes had some handling also in this matter, and put it out after his death: and so semeth first to take his force about the number of yeres limited in the Apocal. as is aforesayd,The numeration of the Apoc. 666. where thus it is written: He that hath intelligence, let him count the number of the beast: For it is the number of a man, and his number is sixe hundred, sixe score and sixe.

After this deuilish Mahumet had thus seduced ye people, teaching thē that he came not by miracles, but by force of sword, to geue his law, & that they which wil not obey it must either be put to death or els pay tribute (for so be the wordes of the Alchoran) and after that hee had gathered strength about him, of the Arabians, which Arabians thē had occasion to rebell agaynst the Emperor, because theyr stipendes were not paid them of Heraclius the Emperors officers: he began to raunge with force and violence in the partes of Syria bordering nere vnto him,Damascus subdued of the Saracens and first subdued Mecha, then Damascus: and further encreasing in power, entred into Egypt, and subdued the same. From thence he turned his power agaynste the Persians, with whome Cosroes the king of Parsia, encountring with a puissaunt army,Mahumet put to flight by Cosroes kyng of the Persians. ouerthrew the Saracens, & put Mahumet to fight. Of these Persians came the Turkes, which afterward ioining with the Saracens, maynteyned them agaynst the Christians. Ex Munster.

After the death of this beast, which as some say, was poisoned in his house succeeded Ebocara, or Ebubecer his [Page] father in law, or as Bibliander affirmeth, his sonne in law who tooke vpon him the gouernmēt of the Saracens, and gotte the Cittye Gaza,Hierusalem be [...]ieged. and besieged also Hierusalem two yeares. He raigned two yeares, hauing for his chiefe City, Damaicus.

After him folowed Omar, or Ahumar, who conquered a great part of Syria, and got Egypt.

Cesaria got of the Saracens. The kyngdome of the Persians subdued to the Saracēs. Arabia, Palestina, Phenicia, Syria, Egypt and Persia, subdued of the Saracens Constance the Emperour ouercome by the Saracens. Murder cō monly prospereth not with the Lord. Rhodes spoyled of the Saracēs.The 4. king of the Saracens after Mahumet, was Odmē, then folowed Haly, & after him Muhanias: which after the siege of 7. yeares, obteined & got the christian Citty of Cesaria: also ouercame the Persians, with theyr king Orunasda, and subdued that country to his law.

Thus the wicked Saracens in the space of 30. yeares subdued Arabia, got Palestina, Phenicia, Syria, Egypt, and Persia: whiche came directly to the 666. yeares, prophecied of in the Reuelations of S. Iohn, as is aforesayd. And not long after they proceded further, and got Affrike, and then Asia, as in the processe of theyr story shal appeare, the Lord willing.

Not long after, Heraclius Emperor of Constantinople, succeeded Constans his nephew, who in the 13. yere of his Empyre, fighting vnluckely agaynst the Saraceus in Licia, was ouerthrown of Muhamas aforesayd in ye yeare of our Lord 655. Which Constans if he were not prospered by the Lord in his warres, it was no great maruell, considering that he had slaine his brother Theodosius before at home: moreouer liued in incestious matrimony: also being inclined to certayne new sects, could not abide the cōtrary teachers, but slew thē which admonished him thereof. The sayd Constans going afterward to Italy, was also ouercome of the Lumbardes, &c. the Saracens after this victory spoyled also Rhodes.

Although these cursed Saracens, in these theyr greate victories & conquests, were not without domesticall seditions and deuisions among themselues,Sultanes first called. yet the princes of ye Saracens, being called then Sultans, had in theyr possession, the gouernment of Syria, Egypt, Affrike, & of a great part of Asia, about the terme of 400. yeares: till at length the Saracen king which ruled in Persia, fighting agaynst the Saracene of Babilon,The first rysing of the turkes. sought ayde of the Turkes, to fight with him agaynst ye Sultane of Babilon. The which Turks by litle and litle surprised vpō ye Sultan of Persia, & not long after putting him out of place, vsurped the king dome of Persia: which afterward went further, as ye shall heare the Lord willing. And this is the first beginning of the Turkes dominion.

These Turkes after they had thus ouercome great coū tryes and prouinces: and made their power large & mighty both in Asia and Europa, begā to deuide theyr kingdōes & countryes amongest themselues. But when they coulde not agree, but with deadly war contended for the boundes of those kingdomes and dominions: in the meane tyme 4. of the principall families conquering and subduing all the rest,The turkes dominions parted into 4. familyes. parted the whole Empyre amongst thēselues. And yet they also not so contented, fell to such cruell hatred, contētion, warre, and slaughter (no doubt by the iust iudgement of God against his blasphemous enemies) that there was no end thereof, vntill the remnant of the auncient Turkes was vtterly rooted out.

For it is euident, that there are fewe nowe remayning which are Turkes in deed by birth and bloud, and that the state of that great empyre is not upholdē, but by ye strength an [...] power of souldyors, which haue bene Christians, and now are turned to Mahumetes Religion: so that euen theyr owne naturall language is now out of vse amongest them, sauing in certayne families of theyr nobility and gē tlemen.

These foure familyes aboue mentioned, with theyr Captaynes and armyes, about the yeare of our Lorde. 1330, went raging throughout all Asia and Europa, and euery one of them conquered some parte of the countryes where they passed.

The dissensention of the Christians do make the turkes so strong.The causes of these great inuasiōs and victoryes were the dissention and discorde, falsehoode, idlenesse, vnconstancy, greedy auarice, lacke of trueth and fidelity among Christian men of al states and degrees, both high and low. For by the wilfull defection and backesliding of the Christians, the Turkish power did exceedingly encrease, in that many [...]rsiring the licentious life & liberty of war, & allured with the prosperous successe of thynges, forsooke the Churche of God, and made themselues bond slaues to Mahumet and his deuilish sect: b [...]th because that fleshly liberty is delighting to all men, and partly also because, as fortune fauoreth, so commonly the willes of men enclyne: And agayne suche as be prophane and without the feare of God, (whereof there is an infinite number in the Church) in all ages, are wont commonlye to iudge of Religion, according to the successe of realmes and kingdomes. For if any, not onelye for the variety of opinions, but also for the diuersitye of euentes and fortune amongest men, haue inquired and doe inquire, whether there be any Churche of God distyncte from other nations: what it is, and where it is: especially, for so muche as the greatest part of men, bothe in the olde time, when as the foure Monarchyes flourished in order, was ignoraunt of this doctrine, whiche is peculier to the Churche alone, and nowe also the barbarity of Mahumet preuayleth & raigneth in the moste part of the worlde. And how standeth this with mans reason, that a small number both miserable and also feebled and broken with manye battayles, shoulde be regarded and loued of God, and the other flourishing in all wealth, prosperity, victoryes, authority and power, should be reiected and despised of God, seing there is no power and authoritye, but by the ordynaunce of God? Albeit therefore, the power of the Turkes hath bene, for these two hundreth yeares, of greater force, then any other Monarchy of the world besides:No impe [...]lall countrie in all the turkish dominions. yet is there no Imperiall dignity to be estemed in that Turkish tyrā ny: but amongest those nations onely, where the heauenly doctrine of the Gospell is preached, & other disciplines necessary for the Churche of God, & the common life of man mayntayned and regarded: where the lawes of God, & other honest and ciuil ordinaunces agreable to the same, doe flourish and reigne: where lawful iudgement is exercised: where vertue is honoured and rewarded: where sinne and wickednes is punished: where honest familyes are mayntayned and defended.

These thinges are not regarded amongest the Turkes,The description of the turkes vnordinate Empyre. the enemies of the sonne of God, and all lawfull Empyres: because they dissolue and reiect all godly focietyes, honest discipline, good lawes, policyes, righteous iudgemēts, the ordinaunce of matrimony, and godly familyes. For what hath the Empyre of the Turkes bene hetherto, but moste deadly, cruell, and perpetuall warre, to worke all mischief, destruction and desolation? to subuert good lawes, Cityes, kingdomes, policies, and to enlarge theyr cruell power & dominion? The stay and strength whereof, is not loue and fauour proceeding of vertue and iustice, as in lawefull and well gouerned Empyres: but feare, violence, oppression, swarmes and infinite thousandes of barbarous and most wicked people, ministers of Satans malice & fury. Whiche kinde of dominion and tyranny hath bene condēned by the voyce of God,Ezech. 39. Apoc. 20. many yeares agoe: the [...]stimonyes wherof the Lord would haue to remayne in the Church, least the godly being moued with ye power & successe therof, should fall away and forsake the sonne of God.

Wherefore, let vs not se [...]ke for any Imperiall state in that barbarity: but let vs be thankefull, & acknowledge the great benefite of God, for that he hath reserued to vs certayne remnaunts of the Romayn Empyre: And let vs call vpon him dayly with harty petitions and grones & wyth zeale and loue to the house of God, that this Turkish power ioined with the malice of Sathan, against the sonne of God, preuayle not agaynst the poore congregations & litle remnant of his Churche, as it hath hitherto done agaynste those strong and noble christian kingdoms and churches, were now we see the Turkish tyranny to raigne & Sathā to haue taken full possession.The Christen kingdomes and churches destroyed by the turkes, are a warning for vs, whom God hath yet spared. Whose state was once farre better then ours is now, and more like to continue without such horrible ouerthrowes and desolation Oh that we might foresee a litle the great daunger that hangeth ouer our heades. For though the Turke semeth to be farre of, yet doe we nourishe within our brestes at home, that maye soone cause vs to feele his cruell hand and worse, if worse may be, to ouerrunne vs: to lay our land waste: to scatter vs amongest the Infidels, the enemies and blasphemers of the sonne of God.

Nowe,Foure principall families of the turke. although these 4. families aboue mentioned, long continued together in bloudy warres and deadly hatred, yet one of them passed the rest in all crueltye and tyranny, and subduing the other 3. familyes, tooke vpon him the gouernement alone,The family of Ottomannus. and so became the first Monarch, or Emperour that reigned amōg thē, called Ottomannus, of whome all that raigned after him, were called Ottomanni. Who succeeding orderly of his lyne, haue occupyed the same dominion and seate of the Turkes, from the yeare of our Lord 1300. vnto this present time, which haue bene to the number of 12. Of the which 12. in suche order as they liued and raygned, I intend (Christ so permitting) scuerally and compendeously something to entreat, briefely abstracting out of prolixe and [...]edious writers, such specialties, as for vs Christians, shall be chiefely requisite to be knowne.

¶ Ottomannus the first great Emperour or Tyraunt of the Turkes.

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Ottomannus the first Emperour of the Turkes.THis Ottomannus was at the first, of poore estate and obscure amongest the common sort of men, comming of a base progeny and of rusticall parentes: but through hys valiantnes and actiuity in warre, he got him a great name amongest the Turkes. For he being a man of fearce courage, refusing no labour and delighting in warre, and gathering together by great subtlety and multitude of common souldiours, began to make warre, and by conquestes and victories, to aduaunce himselfe and his family. Fyrst he began to robbe and spoyle with a great band of rouers and afterward he attempted to set vpon all men. Neither did he vexe and destroy the Christians onely, but set vpon his owne nation also,Inward warre amonge the Turkes. and sought al occasion to subdue thē wholy vnto him. For now the Princes and Captaynes of the Turkes, inflamed with ambition and desire of rule, began to fall out and contend among themselues, in so much that they fell to domesticall and inward warre, with all the power they could.

The comming vp of Ottomā nus.Ottomannus hauing this occasion very fitte & meete to accomplishe that whiche he long had sought for, gathering vnto him all such as he thought to be geuē to robbing and spoyling, and sette all vpon mischiefe, in short time began to grow in authority, & first set vpon certayn townes, as he saw oportunity to serue him: Of which towns, some he tooke by force, some by yelding, other some he spoyled & ouerthrew, to terrify the rest, thus laying the first foundation of his rising. In the meane time, the discorde whiche was among the Christians, was no small aduauntage to this Ottomannus,Bithinia, Natolia, Ancyra, Sinope, Sebastia, subdued. by occasion whereof, he within x. yeres space, subdued Bethinia, and al the prouinces about Pontus: Also Natolia, which comprehendeth all the dominion of the Greekes within Asia: Ancyra a City in Phrigia: Sinope a Cittye in Galatia: and Sabastia a Cittye in Capadocia: and thus still preuayling, he encreased in short time, to a mightye power, either through the secret iudgemente of God agaynst that nation, or els because God woulde haue them so farre & so cruelly to preuayle, for the punishmen of the sinnes of other nations, like as it was prophecyed before,Ezech. 38. that such a kingdome there shoulde be of Gog and Magog.

This Ottomannus, after he had raigned 28. yeares in the yeare of our Lord 1527. dyed, and departed to his Mahumet, leauing behind him three sonnes, of whom Orchanes being the youngest, killed his two brethren, whilest they were at variaunce betwene themselues.

¶ Orchanes the second Emperour after Ottomannus.

Orchanes the second Emperour of the Turkes, after Ottomannus. Mysia, Lydia, Lycaonia, Phrigia, Caria, Prusia, Nicia, Nicomedia. Christen Cities subdued of the Turkes. Ciuil warre among the Grecians.ORchanes, the youngest of the sonnes of Ottomannus, after he had slayne his two brethren, tooke the regimēt of the turkes after his father. Who after he had drawne to him the hartes of the multitude, such as had theyr dispositions set vpon the licētious life of warre, cōuerted his power, further to enlarge his fathers dominion: winning & subduing Mysia, Lydia, Lycaonia, Phrygia, and Caria: All whiche countryes, being within the compasse of Asia, vnto the sea side of Hellespontus, and the sea Euxinus, he added to the Turkishe Empyre. Also he wanne Prusia: which was the metropolitane City of Bithynia, which thē he made the chiefe seate of the Turkes Empyre. Besides these moreouer, he conquered Nicea, & got Nicomedia: all which were before Christian Cities & regions. And yet all this could not make the Christian Princes in Grecia, to cease theyr ciuill warres, & to ioyne & accord among themselues: Such debate and variaunce was thē betwene Cā tacuzenus, on the Greeks part, & Paleologus ye Emperor of Constantinople. By reason whereof, ye turkes ayd was sent for out of Asia, to helpe our Christians one to kil an other, and at length to get all those partes of Europe from them both. Who if they had according to theyr profession, so well ioyned in brotherly vnity,By the discorde of Christians, the Turkes encrease. as they did in cruel hostility dissent, neither had Orchanes so preuayled in gettynge Prusia from the Grecians, neither had the turkes so soone presumed into Europe as afterward they did. Orchanes after these victories, when he had raigned 22. yeares was strokē, as some say, with a dart in the shoulder, at the siege of Prusia. The opiniō of others is, that he fighting against the Tartariās, where he lost a great part of his army, was there also slayne himselfe. an. 1349.

¶ Amurathes the 3. after Ottamannus.

THe Greeke writers doe holde that Orchanes had two sonnes, Solimannus, and Amurathes. Of which two, first Solimannus raigned albeit not long.Amurathes the third [...] ter Ottomannus. After him folowed Amurathes, who after that Asia nowe was subdued by his predecessors, sought by all meanes and wayes how to proceede further & to inuade Europe. To whose ambitious purpose the domestical warres of the Christians gaue vnprosperous occasion:Amurathes seeketh occasion to in [...]ade Europe. which occasion is thus declared. Certaine discord fell betwene the princes of Greece (whose captayne was Cantaguzenus) and Paleologus Emperor of Constantinople. Wherupō Paleologus, for that he was not able to make his party good with the Grecians, moste vnwisely sent for Amurathes, to helpe him. Who beinge glad to haue such an occasion offered, which he so long had sought, sent to ayde him 12000. Turkes into Thracia: but first vsed all delayes he could, of crafty pollicy to the entent that the Greekes first shoulde waste theyr strength and power vpon themselues, whereby he might be more able afterward to set vpō them, and to accomplish his conceiued desire.

The Turkes thus being called into Europe, by the Christians, whether they tasting the sweetnesse of the soyle incensed Amurathes theyr Emperor to make inuasion,The first comming of the Turke into Europe or whether Amurathes of his owne head thought good to vse the time, in the yeare of our Lord 1363. he came himselfe ouer into Europe with 60000. Turkes, falling vpon the Grecians, being wasted and spent with their long warres and battelles before.The couetousnes of Christians brought ouer the Turkes. Callipolis, Philippolis, Adrianopolis, Thracia, gotten of the Turkes. The pretence of the deuilishe Turke was to ayd and to assist the Emperour Peleologus, whether he would or no, and to subdue such as had fallen from him. The Christian shippes of the Ligurians for money were hyred to conduct them ouer, taking for euery souldiour a peece of gold. Ex Pucer. & alijs.

Thus the Turkes armye being conueyed ouer by the Grecianssea called Hellespōtus, first got Callipolis wyth other townes and Cityes bordering about the sea, & there planting themselues, and preparing shippes of theyr own for transporting theyr munitions out of Asia, aduaunced their power further into Thrasia, and there wanne Philip polis, then gotte Adrianopolis, which was not farre from Constantinople, & there Amurathes made his chiefe seat. Then beganne Paleologus the Emperour at lenth to bewayle his offer & couenaunt made with Amurathes.The Turkes entreth into Mysia and Bulgaria, and Seru [...]a. Lazarus Despota ouercome of the Turkes. Whē the Turkes had expugned thus a greate part of Thrasia, they extended forth theyr armye vnto Mysia, whiche they soone subdued: from thence proceding and conquering the Bessos and Triballos, they entred into Seruia, and Bulgaria: where they ioyning battell with Lazarus Despota prince of Seruia, and with other Dukes of Dalmatia, and Epirus, wanne of them the field, & put them to the worse: where Lazarus Despota being taken,Example of a faythfull seruant. The death of Amurathes. and committed to prison, ended his life. This Lazarus had a certayne faythfull client or seruaunt, who to reuenge his maisters death, with a bolde courage, although seing death before his eies, yet ventred his life so far, that he came to the tyraūt & thrust him through with his dagger. This Amurathes reigned. 23. yeares, and was slayne in the yeare of our Lord 1372.

Baiazetes the 4. after Ottomannus.Baiazetes the 4. after Ottomannus.

THe power of the Turkes began to encrease in Europe, what time Baiazetes, the first of that name, after the death of his father, entred the possession of the turkes kingdome. This Baiazetes had 2. brethrē, Solimānus & Sauces. Whiche Sauces had his eyes put out by his father for striuing for the kingdome. Solimānus was slayne of hys brother. Thus Baiazetes beginning his kingdome wyth the murther of his brother, reduced his Imperiall seat frō Prusia a city of Bithynia, vnto Adrianople, entēding with himself to subdue both Asia & Europe to his own power.Marcus Despota slayne of the Turke. Seruia, Macedonia. Bulgaria, Phocides, Thracia, Attica, Thessalia, with other Christian coūtries cóquered of the Turkes. Constantinople besieged 8. yeares by the Turkes. First he set vpon the Seruians and Bulgarians, thinking to reuenge his fathers death, where he gaue the ouerthrow to Marcus Despota, with all the nobility of the Seruians and Bulgarians, and put all those partyes vnder his subiection vnto the fines and borders of the Illyrians. All Thracia moreouer hee brought likewise vnder his yoke, onely Constantinople and Pera excepted. That done, he inuaded the residue of Grecia, preuaylyng agaynste the countryes of Thessalia, Macedonia, Phocides, and Attica, spoyling and burning as he passed, without anye resistaunce: and so returning with innumerable spoyle of the Christians, vnto Adrianople, layd siege to Constantinople the space of viij. yeares, and had expugned the same, but that Paleologus beyng brought to extremitye, was driuen to craue ayde of the frenchmen, and of Sigismund the Emperour. Who being accompanyed with a sufficient power of Frenchmen & Germaynes, came downe to Hū garia & toward Seruia agaynst the Turk. Baiazetes hearing of theyr comming, raised his siege frō Cōstantinople, [Page] and with 60000. horsemen,The Christians ouerthrowen of the Turkes. Sigismund Emperour put to flight The barbarous cruelty of the turks, against the Christians. came to Nicopolis, where he encountring with them, ouerthrew all the Christian army, tooke Iohn the Captaine of the French power prisoner: Sigismundus, which before in the Councell of Constance, had burned Iohn Hus & Hierome of Prage, hardly escaped by flieng. Baiazetes after the victory got, carried away Duke Iohn, with fiue other in hands, into Prusia, where before his face he caused all the other christian prisoners to be cut in peeces.

Afterwarde the sayde Iohn beeing raunsomed wyth 200000. crownes, was deliuered. Some authors referre this story to the time of Calepinus, as followeth heereafter to be seene.

Baiazetes the cruell tirant after this victory wonne, & tirannie shewed vpon the Christians, returned againe to his siege of Constantinople, fully bending himselfe to cō quere and subdue the same, whiche thyng no doubt he had accomplished,Tamerlanes a Parthian stirred vp of God to reuenge the cause of the Christians. Baiazetes sonne taken and slaine. Cruelty iustly reuenged with cruelty Baiazetes raiseth hys siege from Constantinople. but that the prouidence of God had founde such a meanes that Tamerlanes King of Parthia, wyth an 100. thousand horsemen, and swarmes of footemen, like a violent floud, ouerrunning Asia, and pressing vpon Siria and Sebastia, had taken Orthobules the sonne of Baiazetes, prisoner, and afterward slue him, exercising the like crueltie vpō his prisoners, as Baiazetes had done before vpon the Christians: insomuch that he spared neither sexe nor age of the Turkish multitude: of whome he caused xij. thousand at one time, to be ouerriden and troden downe vnder his horses feete. By reason whereof, Baiazets the tirant was enforced to raise his siege from Constantinople, & to returne his power into Asia: where he, neere the hill called Stella, pitched his tents there to encounter with Tamerlanes.

The fight betweene these ij. was long & great on both sides, which was in the yeare of our Lord 1397. and the second yeare after the slaughter of our Christians at Nicopolis in Ponnonia: but the victorie of this battaile fell to Tamerlanes at lēgth.Baiazetes ouercome of Tamerlanes king of Parthians. In the which battaile as Munsterus writeth, were slaine 2000000. Turkes. Among whome, Baiazetes the tirant, hauing his horse slaine vnder him, was takē prisoner, and to make a spectacle of his wretched fortune, was bounde in golden fetters, and so beeing enclosed in an iron grate (whome before all Grecia could not holde) was ledde about and shewed through all Asia, to be skorned & laught at: and moreouer was vsed in stead of a footestoole to Tamerlanes,The iust hād of God vpō a cruell persecutour. Baiazetes made for a blocke for Tamerlanes to get vpon his horse. Vi [...]d. supra. pag. 73. The great victories of Tamerlanes in Asia. or a blocke, as often as he mounted vpon his horse. Some adde also, that he was made like a dogge to feede vnder Tamerlanes table. The tirannie of which Baiazetes against the Christians, as it was not much vnlike to the crueltie of Ualerianus ye Romaine Emperour aboue mentioned, pag. 73. so neither was the example of his punishment much discrepant, for as Sapores King of the Persians did then with Ualerianus in time of the eight persecution of the primatiue Church: so likewise was Baiazetes this persecutor worthely handled by Tamerlanes king of the Parthians, as in maner abouesayd.

Tamerlanes after thys conquest, passed wyth hys army into Mesopotamia, to Egypt, and all Syria, where he victoriously subduing the Cities and munitions of the Turkes, at length also conqured Damascus. In his sieges his maner was, the first day to go all in white attire, the seconde daye in red, the third day in blacke: signifieng thereby mercie the first daye to them that yeelded, the seconde day the sword, the third day fire and ashes. At last, after great victories, and spoiles gotten of the Turkes, he returned into his Countrey againe, and there dyed, anno 1402.

Seb. Munsterus writing of this Tamerlanes, recordeth that he had in his army 200. thousand men:Ex Seb. Mū stero lib. 4. Cosmograph and that hee ouercame the Parthians, Scythians, Hiberians, Albans Persians, Medes, and conquered all Mesopotamia: and after he had also subdued Armenia, passing ouer the riuer Euphrates with sixe hundred thousande footemen,Tanais is the vttermost floud in the North side: and Nilus the vttermost floud in the South side of Asia. and 4000000. horsemen, he inuaded all Asia Minor, conquering and subduing from the floud Tanais vnto Nilus in Egipt, and was called terror orbis, the terror of the world. He lefte behinde hym two sonnes, who falling in discorde for theyr possessions, lost all agayne that their father gotte.

In the meane time Baiazetes in the second yeare of his captiuitie, died, leauing behind him diuers sonnes, Iesus or Iosua the eldest,A generation of Vipers Mulsumanes, Moses, Celebinus, or Calepinus, Iesus the yonger, Mustaphas, and Hali, of whome first Iesus the eldest was ouercome and slaine of Mulsumanes: which Mulsumanes afterwarde was deliuered to Moses his brother, and by him was slaine likewise, which Moses had also the like ende by his brother Calepinus, hauing his necke broken with a bowe string, which was then the vsuall maner among the Turkes in killing their brethren. The same Calepinus sparing onely the life of Mustaphas his other brother, condemned him to perpetuall prison. Iesus the younger was Baptised, & shortly after departed at Constantinople. In these such disorders and diuisions among the Turkes, what occasions were geuen to the Christias to haue recouered agayne of the Turkes that they had lost, if they had not bene either negligent, or in their own priuate warres otherwise occupied with themselues.

¶ Calepinus the 5. after Ottomannus.

CAlepinus,Calepinus the fift, after Ottomannus. or Celebinus was the sonne of Baiazetes, and of foure brethren, the eldest: who beyng all taken captiues of the Parthians, he onely escaped and obteined his fathers kyngdome. This Calepinus encouraged by the sloth and negligence of the Princes of Europe, and by the discord of the Grecians amongest them selues and other nations neare about them, long troubled and vexed the Bulgarians, Seruiās, and Macedonians, euen to the tyme of Sigismundus. Which Sigismundus seyng now Baiazetes to be ouercome and taken of Tamerlane, and the power of the Turkes weakened in Europe, & hauing such occasion offered him, as it were from heauen, to destroy and vtterly to roote out, not onely out of Asia but also all Europe, that barbarous nation, and cruell enemies to the name and Religiō of Christ: and also to reuenge the great slaughter and discomfiture of his army fighting before with Baiazetes at Nicopolis a Citie in Mysia: with great power made warre agaynst Calepinus at Columbatium a Towne in Seruia,Vide supra. pag. 7 [...]9. The ouerthrow of Sigismund, fighting agaynst the Turke. Some stories record this cōflict to be after the time of thys Turke. as is also before mentioned. pag. 719. but as vnluckely and with as little successe as he did before agaynst Baiazetes his father: For in that battaile were slayne of the Christiās to the nūber of xx. thousand, and the rest vtterly discomfited, the kyng himselfe escaping so hardly, that he entred not agayne into his kingdome for the space of 18. monethes after. Some write that this was done vnder Baiazetes, other some referre this battaile to Amurathes, but howsoeuer it was, most pernicious was it to the Christiās. He raigned but vi. yeares and dyed very young. an. 1404.

¶ Orchanes and Moses his vncle, the sixt after Ottomanus.

AFter the captiuitie of Baiazetes aboue mentioned,Orchanes and Moses his vncle. Diuersitie in hystories. histories diuersly doe dissent. The Greeke writers making no mention at alof Calepinus, onely make mētion of the sonnes of Baiazetes, & of the contention among them. vntill the time of Muhumetes. The Latin stories writing of the children of Baiezetes and of their succession, doe not therein agree, some affirmyng that Baiazetes had two sonnes, Orchanes surnamed Calepinus, & Mahumetes his brother, which within two yeares slew the sayd Calepinus, and entred his dominion. Other attribute to Baiazetes moe sonnes, as is aboue rehearsed. Some agayne doe geue to Baiazetes onely these two sonnes Celebinus and Mustaphas: and hold that Calepinus or Celebinus had two sonnes,Tirany betwene vncle and nephew. Murther reuenged with murther. to wit, Orchanes and Mahumetes, and adde moreouer that the sayd Orchanes beyng somewhat yoūg, was slayne of his vncle Moses, who gouerned but ij. yeares. For Mahumetes to reuenge his brothers death slew Moses, and inuaded his dominion. The Greeke stories make no mention at all of Orchanes.

¶ Mahumetes the 7. after Ottomannus.

THis Mahumetes,Mahometes the 7. after Ottomā nus. Wallachia assaulted by Mahometes. whether he was the sonne of Baiazetes, or els of Calepinus, conuerted to himselfe alone the kingdome, or tyrāny rather, of the murdering Turks. Who afflicted the Christiās with sore warres within Europe, especially the countrey called Wallachia, lying not farre frō the floud Danubius, betwene Hungary & Thracia. From thence he remoued into Asia, where he recouered diuers partes in Galatia, Pontus, Capadocia, Cilicia, whiche before Tamerlanes had alienated from the Turkes.The Turkes seat at Adrianopolis. This Mahumetes planted his chief Imperiall seate in Adrianople not farre from Constātinople, within the countrey of Thracia. In some writers the conflict betwene Sigismund & the great Turke, wherein the Christians were so discomfited, is referred rather to this Mahumetes, then to Calepinus: of which conflict mention is aboue made in the story of Sigismundus. pag. 719. This Mahumetes reigned,Vide supra. pag. 719. as some say 14. yeares, & dyed in the yeare of our Lord. 1419. Other affirme 17. yeares.

¶ Amurathes the second, 8. after Ottmannus.

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Amurathes the 8. after Ottomannus.AMurathes, as Philelphus sayth, was the son of Celebinus, as Laonicus Chalcondiles testifieth, of Mahumetes: whose son soeuer he was, a wretched traunt he was, and permitted as a scourge of God, to correct ye sins of the Christians. In the story of Baiazetes, mentiō was made before of Mustaphas his sonne, who was cōdemned to perpetual prison by Calepinus his brother. This Mustaphas escaping out of his brothers prison, was conueied to the Grecians, where he remained long in custody, til at length they vnderstanding the purpose of Amurathes,Mustaphas murthered by Amurathes his nephew. set him vp with sufficient habiliments and furniture of war, to fight against the sayde Amurathes his nephew. But in cōclusion, he being not able to make his partie good, came into ye hands of his enemie, and had his necke broke with a bowstring, after the maner of the Turkish execution.

The Grecians then terrified with this sinister aduersity required truce of the Turke, but when that would not be graunted, they procured vnto them Mustaphas, the other brother to Amurathes, being of the age of xiij. yeares: who likewise being armed of ye Grecians, got the City of Nice in Bithynia, from Amurathes his brother: Albeit it was not long but he was circumuented in the same Citie,The turke murthereth his brother. Amurathes set against the Grecians. Thracia subdued to the turke. Thessalonica subdued. The defection spoken of Saint Paule declared. 2. Thess. 2. and brought to Amurathes: who caused him likewise to taste of the same whip, as the other Mustaphas had done before. Amurathes being now out of all feare and doubt of brethren & kinsfolke to rise against him, conuerted all his power against the Grecians: and first raunging through out Thracia, where diuers Cities yelded vnto him, which before belonged to the Emperour of Constantinople, frō thence he set forward to the noble and famous City Thessalonica, being then vnder the league and protectiō of the Uenetians. This Thessalonica is a Citie in Greece, bordering vpon Macedonia, to ye Citizens wherof, S. Paule writeth, foreshewing vnto them in his 2. Epistle, of a defection to come before the comming of the day of the Lord 2. Thess. 2. By the which apostacie or defection, what the holy Apostle doth meane, this story of the Turkes maye easely declare. After Thessalonica was subdued, Phocis, with all the countrey about Athens, Beocia likewise, Aetolia, Acarnauia, with all the region beyond Peloponesus, vnto the coast of Corinth, to whome S. Paule also wrote other two epistles, were brought in bondage and slauery vnto the Turke.

Ioannes Castriotus.In Epirus, and in that quarter that adioyneth to Macedonia, named Albania, reigned then one Ioannes Castriotus, who perceiuing himselfe too weake to matche with the Turkes power, made with the Turke this cō uention, that he should haue Croia,Croia geuen to [...] turke. [...]. sonnes of [...]triotus, hostages with the turke. Georgius Scanderbeius, Alexder the great. a famous Citie in Grecia, and also gaue to him his three sonnes for hostages, to wit, Constantinus, Reposius, and Georgius.

In this George, such towardnes of noble courage, such vigour of minde, and strength of body singularly did appeare, that the Turke caused him more freely to be instructed after the Turkish religion and maner in his owne court: where he being traded vp, did so shoote vp as well in feates of actiuitie, as in strength of body, that he excelled all his equals: in so much that he was named Scanderbeins, which soundeth as much as Alexander Magnus.

After this Alexander was grown vp to mature ripenes of age, and was well trained vp in feates of war, he was sent out by the Turke,The valiant Actes of Georgius Scanderbeius. to warre against Caramannus of Cilicia, The Turkes enemy. In which expedition he sped himselfe most manfully, fighting hand to hande, first with a footeman of Scythia, then with an horseman of Persia, being chalenged by them both to encounter, first with the one, after with ye other: whom he so valiantly ouerthrew, ye he wan great renoun with ye Turk: In so much that he trusting to ye Turks fauour, whē he heard of the decease of his father, durst aske of ye Turke the graunt of his fathers dominion to be giuen vnto him. Which request, although Amurathes y• Turke did not denie him: yet notwithstanding he perceiuing the matter to be dalied out with fayre wordes, by subtill meanes and policie Georgius Scáderbeius stealeth away from the turke to hys countrey Cro [...]ia recouered Epyrus and Macedonia recoue [...]d from the turke. The valiaunt a [...]es of Georg [...]us Scanderbei [...] against the turkes. slipt out of the Turks court, and came to Epirus his owne inheritance: where first by forged letters he recouered Croia. The other Cities of their voluntary minde, yeelded themselues vnto him, who then gathering vnto him the people of Epirus & Macedonia (which were not so many in nūber, as with good willing minds they stucke vnto him) so mā fully and valiantly behaued himselfe, that against all the puissance both of Amurathes, and also of Mahumete, he mainteined his owne, repulsed their violence, and put to flight their armies, many yeres together. But to returne againe to the course of Amurathes victories, after he had thus preuailed (as is before signified) agaynst the East parts of Europa and Grecia,Illi [...]le [...], or Selauonia, Dalmatia, Croatia, Istria, Liburnia, Albania, Bosna, spoyled and wasted by the turke. and had conuented thus for the dommion of Epirus, he inuaded Iluricum, (otherwise called now Sclauonia) conteining in it Dalmatia, Croacia, Isiria, and Liburnia: which Countreys after he had spoiled and wasted, he continued his course to Albania, and Bosna. In which regions, when he had subdued a great part, and had led away an innumerable multitude of captiues, he moued further to Walachia and Seruia, vpon hope to conquere all Pannonia.

There reigned at the same time in Seruia a certayne prince named Georgius Despota,Georgius Despota prince of Seruia. An vngodly graunt of a Christen father to Marye hys daughter to the turke. Scopia, Sophia, Nouomōte, Mysia subdued of the turke. Georgius Despota fled into Hungary. The crueltie of the turke vpon hys wiues brother. Belgradum besieged of the turke. who made great sute to the Turke for truce & peace, promising to giue his daughter to mariage: for by y• Turkes lawe they may marry as many wiues as they lust. It was not long after Amurathes had maried the daughter of Despota, but he contrary to his league and promise, made warre vpon Despota his father in law, and expelled him out of his kingdome, taking from him diuers Cities, as Scopia, Nouomonte, Sophia, and all Misia. Georgius himselfe fled into Hungary, leauing behind him his son to defed ye town of Sinderonia. Amurathes vnderstāding of the flight of Despoto his father in law, compassed the Citie of Sinderonia with a strōg siege, which whē he in few daies had expugned, he tooke his wiues brother, sonne of Despota, and without regard of all mercy and affinitie, after the barbarous tyranny of the Turkes, put out his eies, with a basen red hoat set before his eies, and after that led him about with him, in derision and despite of his cowardly father. Ex Christof. Rhicherio Gallo. & Gasp. Peuc & alijs.

Seruia beeing thus wonne and gotten, Amurathes thinking to go further into Hungary, besieged the Citie called Belgradum, and no doubt, had also suppressed the same, had not the prouidence of God found a meanes, that partly through slaughter of his men, partly for lacke of victuall and other forage, he was compelled to raise his siege and retire.

In the meane time Ioannes Huniades (of whom mention was made before,Ioānes Huniades, Vaiuoda. pag. 720.) had got great victories against the Turkish power, and had recouered parte of Seruia, and all Muldauia: against whome, Amurathes the Turke, with a mighty army, moued into Pannonia. But Huniades with the power and ayde of Ladislaus King of Polonia (but specially by the power of the Lord) did soone infringe the puissance of the Turke, and gaue him the ouerthrow, recouering vnto the Christians the greatest part of Seruia and Bulgaria.

In this battaile Huniades had fiue sundry conflictes with the Turks vpō one day,Fiue victories of Ioan. Huniades, against the turke gotten in one day. The great Baslaor duke of the turkes ouerthrowen by Huniades. and with fiue victories put them to the worse, and toward night did so discomfit and ouerthrow the great captaine of Amurathes, called Bassa, the Duke of Anatolia (which is otherwise named Asia Minor) that he slue of the Turks that day, to the number of 30. thousand. Amurathes, although he was not a little thereat discouraged, yet dissembling his feare, with stout counteuace sent for Carambeius his principal stay & captaine, with a new power brought out of Asia, to assist him in his warres. Then Carambeius, in ye downes of Trasiluania, Ladislaus the foresaid king of Polonie (the Lord so working) through the industrie of Ioannes Huniades,The victory of Huniades against Carambeis the great captaine of the turkes. The great turk brought to a great distresse. so receiued & with such celerity oppressed him vnprouided, that all his stout & sturdy army either was slaine downe right, or else put to flight & disparcled, Carambeius the Captaine being himselfe taken prisoner in the same field.

These victories of Huniades strooke no little terror to Amurathes, in somuch yt for distresse of minde he was ready to destroy himselfe (as some do write) but being cōfirmed by Helibeus Bassa his coūsailer, he kept himselfe wt in ye streites of ye moūt Rhodope. Who then hearing that Caramannus inuaded the same time the countrey of Bithinia and Pontus in Asia:Amurathes seketh truce of the Christians. was glad to take truce wyth Ladislaus and Huniades vpon such conditions as they listed to make themselues: which conditions were these, that Amurathes should depart clearely from all the region of Sernia,The conditions betweene Ladislaus kyng of Polonie, and Amurathes. and should remoue from thence all his garrisons, which were placed in the Castles and forts of the same: Also he should restore George Despota (which is to say) Prince of Seruia vnto his possession, and set his children free, whome he had in captiuitie, and restore them to their inheritance. Item, that he shoulde make no more claime nor title to the countrey of Moldonia aboue mentioned, nor to that part of Bulgrauia which he had lost:Truce betwene the Christians & the turkes for x. yeares. and that he should desist heereafter from all wrongs and iniuries against the Christians. Upon these conditions the Turke being agreed, so was truce concluded on both parts for tenne yeares, and with solemne othe betweene them confirmed.

[Page] Amurathes returneth into Asia. The Popes dispensation and absolution abused.This done, Amurathes the tyraunt addresseth himselfe toward Asia, to resist the inuasion of Caramannus aforesaid. At what time Pope Eugenius so soone as he heard the Turke to be returned into Asia, sendeth Iulianus Caesarianus his Cardinall (whose story is before touched, page. 683.) vnto Ladislaus the foresaid king, with full dispensation and absolution, to breake his othe and league wyth the Turke, promising moreouer great hope of aide, if he would go in armes stoutly against the tirant.

¶ Where by the way is to be noted, that as there is no truth of promise in that pestilēt sea of Rome,The popes rashe counsayle pernicious to Christendome. Nothyng prospereth that is taken in hand by the popes setting on. The pope breaketh truce made betwene the Christians and the turke. The pope moued Ladislaus to breake truce The false dealing of the Italian Nauie. The battell of Varna, betwene Ladislaus king of Polonie, and Amurathes. neither was there euer any war prospered, which was taken in hande by the Popes counsaile: so was there neuer any counsaile of the Pope, that brought with it more detriment to Christianitie, then this. But the Pope belike thought, that as he might lawfully breake promise with Iohn Hus, and with other Christians, so also he needed not to obserue anye league or truce taken with the Turke: but it turned much otherwise then the Popes blinde braines imagined, as by the sequele is to be seene. For Ladislaus being thus excited by the vnaduised and sinister instigation of Pope Eugenius, contrary to the truce stablished a little before, set out with his army from Seledinus, and so proceeding to Walachia and Burgaria, came to Uarna, a towne of Bulgary, where he fell sicke.

It was not long but the Turke hauing thereof intelligence, left his warres begon with Caramannus in Asia, and with great iourneis made haste into Europe, passing ouer by ye straites neare to Calipolis, where all ye Italian nauy still looking on, and whether of purpose, or whether for cowardlines, would not stirre one ore to stop the passage of the Turkish army. When Amurathes was come to Adrianopolis in Thrasia, vsing such celeritie as no mā looked for, within viij. daies he was in Burgaria, & there encamped himselfe against Ladislaus. The day of battaile being set, the armies ioined on both sides. Huniades was himself there present, but all the matter was ruled by Iulianus the Cardinall, and ye Popes Clergy. The fight cō tinued three daies and three nightes together, with great courage & much bloudshed on each side: insomuch that the field did stand with lakes of bloud. They semed at the first to incline to the Christians, by breaking the first ranks of the Turkes. But the Priests and Prelates which were at the field (which had bene more fitte to haue bene in the Church) seeing the Turkes to begin to flie, vnskilfully left their array to pursue the enemy, so that they leauing the other standings of the Christians naked, gaue great aduantage to the Turks, with their darts & shot to disturbe the Christian rankes. By the which occasion, Amurathes inclosing ye Christiās with his army roūd about, obteined the victory. In the which field, Ladislaus the yong king of Polony, hauing his horse first killed vnder him, was strooken downe,The popish prelats were the cause of losing the field. A iust punishment vpon the popish prelates for their vniust dealing. Iulianus the Cardinall slaine in the warre and spoyled. Huniades escapeth. The worthy commendation of Iohn Huniades. & slaine. The Popes Bishops flieng to saue themselues, fell into the marishes, and there were destroied, susteining a durtey death condigne to their filthy falshode and vntruth. Iulianus ye Cardinall, which with the Pope was the chiefe doer in breaking the league, in the way was found dead, being full of wounds, and spoiled to his naked skinne. Of the rest of ye army that escaped by flieng, part was drowned in ye marishes, some perished miserably for hunger, some for cold, watching & wādering in the woods. Huniades hardly escaped the danger, by the mercifull prouidence of God, being reserued to the further profite and commoditie of Christendome.

This Iohn Huniades the worthy warrier was borne in Walachia, being Earle of Bistrice, of all Captaines yt euer went against the Turkes, most famous & singular, prudent in wit, discret in counsaile, expert and politike in warre, prompt of hand, circumspect before he attempted, quicke in expedition: in whom wāted almost no good propertie requisite in a warlike Captaine. Against two most mighty and fierce tirants, Amurathes and Mahumetes, through the Lords might, he defended all Pannonia, and therefore was called the thunderbolt and terrour of the Turkes. Like as Achilles was vnto ye Grecians, so was he set vp of God to be as a wal or bulwarke of al Europe against the cruell Turkes and enemies of Christ, and of his Christians. Neither was there any King or Prince that euer achieued such noble victories, either so many in number, or so profitable for ye publique vtilitie of all Europe, as did he, and that not onely in the daies of this Amurathes, but also of Mahumetes his successour, as heereafter remaineth further to be seene. This battaile of Amurathes against the Christians at Uarna in Bulgaria, was fought in the yeare of our Lord 1404.

Amurathes by reason of this victorious ouerthrow againste the Christians, surprised with no small pride, directed his iourney incontinent toward the Grecians, where Castriotus was,Amurathes taketh his viage against the G. ecians. otherwise called Scanderbcius. And first commyng to Peloponesus, and breaking downe the wall about the straits of Corinthe, encoūtred with the brother of the Emperour of Constantinople, whom with his sodeine commyng he oppressed, with all the Greekes army, ere they were prouided. Paleologus the Emperour after that, did build vp the wall againe: but at the Turkes biddyng he was cōpelled to vndoe it agayne: which wall afterward the Uenetians did repayre. After the demolitiō of the wall, Amurathes entring into Peloponesus, Sycione, Patris, with all the partes of Thessaha & Achaia, brought vnder the turke. The memorable actes of Scanderbeius against Amurathes. Peloponesus, tooke diuers townes and Cities, as Sycione, and Patris, and moreouer made all the parts of Thessalia and Achaia tributaries vnto him.

The next yeare after this battaile of Amurathes fought agaynst the Christians at Uarna, the Turke beyng now about the partes of Grecia, purposed to bend all his force and mayne agaynst the countrey of Epyrus belongyng to Georgius Castriotus Scanderheius. Of this Scanderbeius mētion was made before, how he was brought vp in the Turkes Court, from whence we declared also how subtillie he conueyed him selfe, and came to the possession of his owne patrimony of Epyrus.This Epyrus is a countrey in Grecia bordering neare to the partes of Macedonia. Vij. captaines of the turkes ouercome by Castrio [...]us. Scanderbeius. Which Epirus this noble and victorious Scanderbeius (whom the Lord also had raysed vp the same tyme with Huniades, to bridle the fury of the Turkes) valiaūtly defended agaynst all the power of Amurathes: In so much that he discomfited and vanquished vij. of the most expert Bassas or Dukes of the Ottomā Emperour, one after an other, with all their armies of most piked and chosen souldiours, dislodged them of their tentes, and expulsed them vtterly out of all Epyrus. Also when Amurathes himselfe with his whole puissaunce, had enuironed about the Citie of Croia, with cruell siege and ordinaunce out of measure, yet notwithstandyng the sayd Scāderbeius (through the power and blessing of the Lord) beate him out of the field, & repulsed him from his siege.

After this discomfiture,Amurathes renounced his dominion, & made himselfe a turkish monke. the saying is that Amurathes, to keepe his vow made before, after his victory at Uarna, gaue himselfe into a religious order, liuyng a contemplatiue life with certaine other Priestes ioyned vnto him, in the forest of Bithynia, renouncing the gouernement of his realme to the handes of Haly one of his Princes (for thou must vnderstād, good Reader, that the Turkes also be not without their sondry sectes of Religion, no more then we Christians are without our Friers and Monkes.)

In the meane tyme while Amurathes this Turkishe tyrāne was cloystered vp in his Monkish Religion,Two Christian warriers in Europe stirred vp of God to vanquish the turks. Ioannes Huniades in the kyngdome of Hungary, and Castriotus Scanderbeius in Grecia, kept great sty [...]re against the Turkes. By reason wherof Amurathes was takē againe from his Monkish vow and profession, & brought agayne into the field: For first Huniades had rescued the whole coūtrey of Hungary: and had propulsed moreouer all the might of the Turkes farre frō Seruia.This Iohn Huniades is reported of 20. battels with the turke, to lose but two. And although the peuishe practise of Grgins Prince of Servia had oft tymes disclosed his counsailes vnto the Turkes, whereby twise he was brought in daunger, yet notwithstandyng (through the Lordes gracious protection) he was preserued, and deliuered by the sayd George vnto the Hungarians agayne, & after that manfully vāquished the Turkes, so that they had no resting place about those parts of Seruia and Bulgaria, so long as he liued.

On the other side in Grecia,Epyrus & Macedonia, defended by Scanderbeius. Castriotus Scāderbeius so foyled the Turke in defence of his coūtrey Epirus and Macedonia, and kept Amurathes so short, that not ouely he was not able to wynne any great Towne in all Epyrus: but also commyng from Epyrus in the straites, was so intāgled by Castriotus, that he was forced to geue battaile: In the which battaile he was so vanquished, & most part of his army slayne,Amurathes ouercome by Scā derbeius. that for grief and sorrow conceaued, he fallyng into a rauyng sicknesse, was trāsported out of his pauillon vnto Adrianople, and there in fury & madnesse dyed, after he had reigned 34. yeares, which was about the yeare of our Lord. 1450.

This Amurathes first ordained the order of Ianizarites. Which were the men children of such Christians as he conquered & tooke captiue: whom he forced to renounce the faith of Christ, wherein they were Baptized & brought them vp in Mahumetes law, & exercised them in the same feates of warre as he did his owne people:Ianizari among the turkes. and after that they came to mens estate, he named them Ianizari (that is to say) souldiours of a straunge countrey, and made them to garde his person. They weare on their head is stead of an helmet, a white attire made of the grossest sort of woll, and in so manifolde aboute their head, that it can not bee pierced with a sword. It hāgeth downe on the backe with [Page] a taile, and before on the forehead it is garnished with golde and siluer. They were woont to vse bowes and launces in the fielde, but nowe they vse dagges as oure horsemen do.

At the first institution there were but 8000. in theyr garrison, but now they be twise so many. This of all bondage and seruitude that the Christians suffer vnder the Turke is most intollerable, and greatly to be of all true Christians lamented. For what can godly mindes behold more to their griefe, then to see their children pulled from the faith of Christ, wherein they were baptised, and by whose bloud they should eternally be saued, and to be instructed and nourished with the blasphemous doctrine of Mahumet, and to be professed enemies of Christ and hys Churche,A lamentable slauery of Christian mens children vnder the turke. to make warre against heauen, and to perish euerlastingly? And finally, what a lamentable thing is it, to see and beholde our owne children borne of our owne bodies, to become our mortall and cruell enemies, and to cut our throtes with their owne hands? This seruitude of minde is farre greater then death it selfe, which if oure Princes would well consider, it would cause them the rather to agree, and bende their whole force and power against this cruell enemy.

¶Mahumetes second, the ix. after Ottomanus.

Mahumetes the 9. turke after Ottomannus.AMurathes left behind him three sonnes, Mahumete borne of the daughter of Despota, Prince of Seruia, being twentie yeares of age, the second sonne called Turcines, the third named Calepinus. This Turcines being an infant, and but eighteene moneths old, was strangled at the commandement of the Turke, by his seruant Moses, himselfe being there present, and beholding the horrible murther. And when Moses the executour of ye murther had desired him not to pollute his handes with the bloud of his brother,The tyranny of Mahumets in murthering hys brethren. he answered, that it was the manner of all the Ottoman Turkes, that all the other breethren being destroied, none should be lefte aliue but one to gonerue the Empire. Wherefore Moses was commaunded by the tirant, there presently, and in his sight, to kill the infant. This horrible fact when the mother of the childe vnderstoode, she crieng out, and almost mad for sorrowe, cursed the tirant to his face. But he to mitigate the rage of his mother, at her request being desirous to be reuenged vpon the executour of her sonnes death, deliuered the said Moses bound into her hands, who then in the presence of the tirant, thrust him to the hart with a knife, and opening his side, tooke out his liuer, and threw it to the dogges to be deuoured.

The third sonne called Calepinus, which was but sixe moneths old, the foresaid Amurathes his father commended to the custody of Halibassa one of his Nobles,Halibassa a traitour to his maister. who to gratifie and please ye tirant, betraied the infant, & brought him vnto him, and thereupon he at the tirants commandement was strangled. Some affirme, that in the stead of Calepinus, another child was offered vnto the tirant, and that Calepinus was conueied to Constantinople, and after the taking of Constantinople, was caried to Uenice, and then to Rome to Pope Calixt, where he was baptised, and afterward came into Germany to Fridericke the Emperour,Horrible paricide of the abhominable turke Gods prouidece can fetch out of the deuils mouth whom he list to saue. Note here gods punishment vpon the betraer of innocent bloud. and there was honorably enterteined, & kept in Austrich during his life. Where note how the mercifull prouidence of God, whom he list to saue, can fetch out of ye diuels mouth. And note moreouer touching the foresayde Halibassa the betraier of ye infant, how he escaped not vnreuēged: For Mahumet vnderstanding him to be a man of great substance and richesse, thorough forging of false crimes, with great torments put him to death to haue his richesse: for this tirant was geuen to insatiable auarice. Thus this bloudy Mahumete began his regiment with horrible murther, after ye example of other cursed tirants his predecessours.

Although this Mahumete, notwithstandyng that hee came of a Christen mother, being the daughter of Despota prince of Seruia, and by her was brought vp and instructed from his childhood in the precepts of Christian religiō and maners, yet he soone forgetting all, gaue himselfe to Mahumetes religion, and yet so, that he being addicted to neyther Religion, became an Atheist, beleeuing and worshipping no God at all, but onely the Goddesse of good Fortune, irriding and mocking ye mindes and iudgemēts of men, which beleue that God by his prouidence, gouerneth and regardeth the state of humaine things on earth.

After that this Mahumete heard of the victories and conquests of other his predecessours, and had vnderstanding how Baiazetes lay eight yeares about Constantinople, and could not winne it: he dispraising Baiazetes, and disdaining that so long time should be spent aboute the siege thereof,Mahumete first setteth vpon Ath [...] and yet no victory gotten, bent all hys studie and deuice how to subdue the same. But first hauing a priuie hatred against the Citie of Athens, and hauing his hands lately embrued with the bloud of his brethren, this murthering Mahumete first of all taketh his v [...]age to subuert and destroy the Citie aforesaid, being a famous Schoole of all good learning and discipline. Against the which Citie he did so furiously rage for the hatred of good letters,The fury of Mahumete the turke agaynst the Citie and schoole of Athens. that he thought he ought not to suffer the foundation thereof to stand, because that Citie was a good nursse and fosterer of good Artes and Sciences: wherefore, he commaunded the Citie to be rased, and vtterly subuerted: and wheresoeuer any monuments or bookes could be found, he caused them to be cast into durty sinkes, and the filthiest places of the Citie, or put to the most vile vses that could be deuised,Athens destroyed. for extirping and abolishing of all good literature, and if he vnderstood any to lament the case and ruine of that noble place, those he greeuously punished and put to death.

Thus the famous and auncient Schoole of Athens being destroied and ouerthrowne, he returned his army & power into Thracia, where in all haste he gathering hys power together both by sea & by lād,The siege & taking of Constantinople. with a mighty multitude compassed the Citie of Constantinople about, and began to lay his siege against it, in the yeare of our Lord 1453. and in the 54. day of the said siege it was taken, sacked, and the Emperour Cōstantinus slaine. As touching the cruelty and fearcenes of the Turkes in getting of this City, and what slaughter there was of men, women, and children, what calamitie and misery was there to be sene, for somuch as sufficient relation, with a full description thereof,Vid. supra. pag. 708. hath bene made before, pag. 708. it shall be superfluous now to repeate the same. This only is not to be omitted touching three principall causes of the ouerthrow of this City: whereof was the first the filthy auarice of those Citizens, which hiding their treasures in the groūd, would not imploy the same to ye necessary defence of their City. For so I finde it in story expressed, that when the Turke, after the taking of ye City, had found not so much treasure as he looked for, suspecting with himselfe (as the truth was) the treasures and riches to be hidden vnder the ground, commaunded the earth to be digged vp, and the foundations of the houses to be searched: where when he had found treasures incredible,Ex Ioanne Ramo lib. 2. rerum Turcicarum. what (quoth he) how could it be that this place could euer lacke inunition and fortification, which did flow and abound with such great riches as heere is, and plenty of all things? The second cause was the absence of the Nauy of the Uenetiās, which if they had bene ready in time, might haue bene a safegard against the inuasion of the enemies. A third cause also may be gathered vpon occasion incident in stories, either for that the City of Constantinople fifteene yeares before did yeeld to the Bishop of Rome,Vid. supra. pag. 67. as is before to be seene, pag. 76. or else because (as in some writers it is euident) that Images were there receaued & mainteined in their Churches, and by the Turkes the same time destroyed.

Ioannes Ramus writing of the destructiō of this Citie,Ex Ramo. amongst other matters maketh relation of the Image of the Crucifixe,An image of the Crucifix in Constantinople. being there in ye high temple of Sophia: which Image the Turke tooke, and writing this superscription vpon the head of it Hic est Christianorum Deus. 1. This is the God of the Christians, gaue it to his souldiours to be scorned, and commaunding the sayde Image with a trumpet to be carried through all his army, made euery man to spit at it most contumeliously. Wherein thou hast (good Reader) by the way to note,What ossences be giuen to the infidels, by Images in Christian Churches. what occasion of selaunder and offence we Christians geue vnto the barbarous Infidels by this our vngodly superstition, in hauing Images in our temples, contrary vnto the expresse commandement of God in his word. For if Saint Paule writing to the Corinthians, faith: we knowe Christ now no more after the flesh: how much lesse then is Christ to be knowne of vs in blind stockes and Images set vp in our Temples, seruing for none other purpose, but for the Infidels to laugh both vs & our God to scorne,Vienna admonished. and to prouoke Gods vengeance? which by ye like example (I feare) may also fall vpon other Cities, where such Images and Idolatrous superstition is mainteined, whereof God graunt Uienna to take heede betime, which hath bene so long, and yet is in such great danger of the Turke, and polluted with so many Images, and plaine Idolatric.

In summa, The cruell murther by the turkes in the citie of Constantinople. to make the story short, such was the cruelty of these Turkes in winning the Citie, that when Mahumete had geuen licence to the souldiours three dayes together, to spoile, to kill and to do whatsoeuer they listed, [Page] there was no corner in all Constantinople, which did not either flow with Christian bloud, or else was polluted wt abhominable abusing of maids, wiues & matrones, without al reuerēce of nature. Of the which Citizēs, some they murthered, some they rosted vpon spits, of some they fleyed off their skin, hanging thē vp to consume with famine, of othersome they put salt into their woūds, the more terribly to torment them, insomuch, that one of them contended with another who could deuise most strange kinds of new torments and punishments,A lamentable destruction of the Citie of Constantinople. exercising such crueltie vpon them, that the place where the Citie was before, seemed now to be no citie, but a slaughter house or shambles of Christian mens bodies. Amōg the dead bodies, the body also of Constantine the Emperour was found: whose head being brought to Mahun [...], he commaunded to be caried vpon a speare through the whole City for a publike spectacle & decision to all the Turkish army. And because he would diminish the number of the captiues, which seemed to him to be very great, he neuer rose from his table, but he put euery day some of the nobles to death, no lesse to fill his cruell minde with bloud,The bloudie cruelty of the turk against the Christian captiues. then his body was filled with wine: which he vsed so long to do as any of the nobles of that Citie was left aliue: And of the other sorte also, as the stories do credibly report, there passed no day, in the which he did not orderly slay more then three hundreth persons, the residue he gaue to his rascal souldiours to kill, and to do with them what they would. Where is to be noted, that as Constantinus the sonne of Helena, was the first Emperour of Constantinople, so Constantinus the sonne also of Helena, was the last Emperour thereof.

The citie of Pera yeldeth it selfe for feare to the turke.Not farre from the said Citie of Constantinople, there was another little City called Pera, & once called Gallatia, situated by the Sea side: who hearing of the miserable destruction of Constantinople, and seing the City flaming with fire, sent certain of their chiesmē with speed to Mahumete, declaring vnto him that they neither had sent any helpe to the City of Constantinople, neither yet wrought any detrimēt to any of his army: wherefore they desired & praied him, that as they would gladly yeeld vnto him, so he would be fauourable vnto thē and spare them, & not to punish the giltles with the gilty. Mahumete, although he was not ignoraunt that for feare, rather then of any good will, they submitted themselues, and that they would rather resist him if they had ben able, yet he receiued for that time, the submission of the messengers: but sending wyth them his Embassadour into the Citie, he commanded also his army to follow withall, and to enter with him into the City, which, although it was greatly suspected & m [...]sliked of ye Citizens,The citie of Pera spoyled. yet they durst no otherwise do, but suffer them to enter: which beeing done, the Embassadour gaue a signe to ye souldiours, euery man to do whatsoeuer he was bidden, of whom, some ranne to the walles, some to the temples and Churches, some to y• streetes & houses of the City, plucking all things downe to ye grounde, sacking and raūging with no lesse fury and abhominable filthines, then they had done at Cōstantinople before, sauing only that they absteined frō murther:Dronken Mahumete false of promise. The mercifull prouidence of God in sauing his people. but the same day letters came from Mahumete to the Embassadour, that he should spare none, but destroy and murther all that euer were in the Citie: which message, because it seemed to the Embassadour to be too cruell, forsomuch as they had yeelded thēselues, he staied his hand a little vntill night came. In the meane time drunken Mahumete comming something to himselfe (whome drunkennes had before ouercome) sent his second letters to reuoke the first. Where againe is to be noted the mercifull prouidence of God towardes his people in their deserued plagues, by staieng the handes, and brideling the fury many times of their enemies, when otherwise the case seemeth to be past all remedy.

Mahumete thus beeing in himselfe not a little aduanced and eleuated by the winning of Cōstantinople,Constantinople made the imperial seat of the turke. The siege of Belgradum in Hungary. Ioan. Huniades. where he had now made the Imperiall seat of the Turkish dominion, the third yeare next folowing, to aduēture more masteries, he set out to y• siege of Belgradum, a City of Hungary, lieng neare to the bankes of Danubius, thinking to haue the like successe there, as he had in the winning of Constantinople, albeit through the Lords disposing, it sel out much otherwise. Within the Citie of Belgradum the same time of the siege thereof, was Ioannes Huniades the valiant Captaine, of whom in diuers places mentiō hath bene made before, who with a sufficient strength of piked souldiours, albeit in number nothing equal to the Turks army, valiātly defended the City with great courage, and no lesse successe. In the which siege great diligēce was bestowed, and many of the Turkes slaine. Amōg whom also Mahumere himselfe, being stroken with a pellet vnder the left arme, was faine to be caried out of ye field for halfe dead, and the rest so put to flight, that of the Turkes the same time were destroyed to the number, or not much vnder the number of 40. thousād,40000. turkes slain at the siege of Belgradum. besides the losse of all their ordinaunce, which the Turkes in hast of their flight, were forced to leaue behinde them.

Hieronymus Zieglerus writyng of the siege of this Belgradum,Ex Hier. Zieglero, in lib. de illustrab. virts Germa c [...] 98. addeth moreouer, that whē Mahumete was at the siege therof, seyng the towne to be so small & w [...]ake of it selfe, that it could not be won with all his great multitude, he staryng and faryng like a mad man, commaunded all his brasen peeces to be layd, to battare downe the walles and Towers of the Towne: So that the Christians within the walles were vehemently distressed, for the siege continued both night and day without intermission. Amōg ye rest of the Christians which defended the towne.The noble act of a Bohemian in defence of his countrey. Hieronymus Zieglerus maketh mentiō of a certaine Bohemian, much worthy of his condigne cōmendation: Who beyng vpon the walles, and seyng a Turke with a bāner or ensigne of the Turkes to be gottē vp, by the sight wher of the whole Towne was in daunger to be cōquered and taken, runneth vnto the Turke, and claspyng him about the middle, speakyng to Iohn Capistranus standyng by low, asking him, whether it were any daunger of damnation to him, if he of his voluntary mynde, did cast himselfe with that dogge (so he termed him) downe headlong from the wall, to be slayne with him: what should become of his soule, and whether he might be saued or not. To whō when the other had aunswered that hee should be saued without doubt, hee estsoones tombleth him selfe with the Turke, downe of the wall, where by his death he saued the same tyme, the lyfe of all the Citie: Mahumete beyng so wounded and in dispayre of wynnyng the Citie, was caryed (as ye heard) out of the field. Who at length commyng agayne to himselfe,The towne of Belgradium valiauntly defended from the turke. partly for feare and partly for shame, was ready to kill himselfe. And thus was ye towne of Belgradum at that tyme rescued through Gods prouidence, by the meanes of Ioannes Hunianes and this good Bohemian.

This siege of Belgradū begā in the yeare of the Lord. 1456. and endured.200. thousand turkes at the siege of Belgradum. 46. dayes. At the which siege were nū bred of the Turkes. 200. thousand. Of whom more then 40. thousand (as is aforesayd) were slayne: where the victory fell to the Christians through the prosperous successe geuen of God to Ioannes Huniades, & Capistranus. Which Huniades not long after the sayd victory,The decease of Ioannes Huniades. through the importune labour and trauaile in defendyng the sayd towne, was taken with a sore sickenesse and thereof departed, to whose valiaunt prowes and singular courage, stories doe geue great land and commendation.

Mahumetes the Turke after this done in Europe,The turkes war against Vsumcassanos. returned into Asia to warre, with Vsumcassanes a Persian, one of the Turkes stocke with whō he had three battailes. The first was about the Riuer Euphrates, where the Turke lost 10. thousand men, and was put to the worse. In the second field likewise he was discomsited. The third battaile was at Arsēga, where through the terrible noyse of the brasen peeces, the Persian horses disturbed the cāpe, and so was Vsumcassanues ouercome.The turke agayn returneth against the Christians. Synope, Paphlagonia, Trapezuntus gotten of the turkes. Dauid Emperour of Trapezuntus with hys two sonnes and vncle cruelly killed of the turke. Corinthus, Mitylene, Lesbos. Lemnus subdued of the turke.

From thence the Turke reduced agayne his power against the Christians, and first subdued vnto him Synope and all Paphlagonia: Also the kingdome of Trapezunce, which he besiegyng both by land and water, wanne from the Christians, and sent Dauid the kyng of the same with his two sonnes and Calus his vncle, vnto Constantinople, where they were miserably and cruelly put to death, & all the stocke of the Conneni, which were of the kynges stocke, by the Turke were destroyed. Whiche was about the yeare of our Lord. 1459. at which tyme this mischieuous Mahumete was first saluted Emperour.

Not long after, he got from the Grecians Corinthus and Mitylene, not without great slaughter of Christen men: in somuch that the whole Citie of Mitylene was vtterly to the grounde almost destroyed. The Isles also of Lemnus & Lesbos he wanne from the Venetians: In the which Ilād of Lesbos is the Citie of Mitylene aforesayd.

Not farre frō this Ile of Lesbos and Mitylene, there is a countrey in Asia toward the sea side borderyng next to Europe,The falshood [...] the wretched turke agaynst the Prince of Mysia. The crueltie of the turke against the kyng of Mysia. called Mysia, or of some called Moesia, wherein stode the Citie of Troye. This countrey Mahumete coueting to wynne rather by policie & falshode, then by doubtfull daunger of warre, secretly sent for the Prince therof to come to speake with him for certaine causes (as he pretended) which should concerne the profite and commoditie of thē both. Which when the king of Mysia, either for shame would not, or for feare durst not denye, he came to him as to conferre vpon necessary affaires in commō to them appertaining. Mahumete when he had brought that to passe [Page] which he would, he caused the king to be apprehended, and cruelly to be slaine, or rather torne in peeces: and so inuading the land of Misia, exercised the like tyrannie vpō all his kindred and affinitie.

This Misia by fraude being taken and lost, Mahumere flieth againe toward Europe, where he assailed the Iland Euboia, otherwise called Nigroponte, making a bridge of a marueilous frame ouer the sea Euripus, to conuey ouer his army out of Grecia, and there laide his siege to the Citie Chalcis,The siege of Chalcis in Euboia. which at length in thirty dayes he ouercame, not without a great slaughter of his army: who in yc siege thereof is said to haue lost 40. thousand of ye Turkes. But ye slaughter of the Christians was greater: for when the City was won,The cruell tyrā ny of the turke against the City of Chalcis. the tirant commanded most cruelly, none to be spared within the whole citie, but to be put to the sword, whosoeuer was aboue the age of twenty yeares. This cruelty was shewed of ye barbarous Tirant for anger and fury, because such a number of his Turkes were slaine at the siege therof,Ex Ioanne Ramo de rebus Turcicis. being reckned (as is said) to 40. thousand. In the fierce siege of this Citie, it is memorable that is in stories recorded, how that the women of that Citie,The noble stratageme of women in defending that Citie. seeing the men to begin to faint, and the Citie to lie in present danger, tooke the matter themselues in hand, and plaieng the men, went to the walles, and there defended the Citie with no lesse trouble to the enemie, then the men had before done, and so for a space continued, so long as any mans strength and diligence could do anie good. A great cause of the losse of this Citie and Iland, is imputed to the cowardly timidity of the Venetians nauy: who being there present, and hauing prosperous winde, yet durst not, or would not aduenture vpon the Turkes bridge, which if they had done, the Iland of Euboia and Chalcis, had not so soone bin ouermatched of the Turks.

Thus all the East partes of Grecia being subdued to ye Turkish tiraunt, with all Achaia, Attica, Acarnania, & Euboia,Peloponesus, Achaia, Messenia, Laconia, Argolica, Archadia, Christen prouinces in Grecia, subdued of the turke. shortly after folowed also Peloponesus, brought in like subiection to the Turke. Within this Peloponesus were these prouinces conteined, Achaia, Messenia, Laconia, Argolica, and Archadia, &c. The Venetiās in this Peloponesus had great possessions, and had made vp the wall againe toward the Sea side, neare to the streites of Corinth before mentioned, where for the more speede of the worke, they had 30. thousand workemen to the building thereof, which when it came to the knowledge of the Turke, he brast into the countrey of Peloponesus wyth an army of 80. thousand, and first wasting the regions of the Coroneans, and Methoneans, and making a greate slaughter of the Venetians, in short time he brought the whole dominiō of Peloponesus vnder his yoke & tribute.

Long it is and more lamentable to recite all the victories of this Mahumete gotten against the Christiās both by land & sea: who after he had ouercome the Ile Lesbos aboue mentioned, and had cruelly slaine Nicolaus Catalusius the Prince thereof, turning his army towarde the sea of Pontus Euxinus,Capha taken of the turke. got the countrey of Capha from the Genuans. Before was declared how truce was taken betweene Georgius Scanderbeius, and the Turke for ten yeares: which truce being expired, Mahumete leaueth no time vnspēt, no diligence vnsought, but maketh all his power to Epyrus & Albania, which he after long fatigation of siege, at length ouercame and subdued. In y• which tract also he wanne from the Venetians, Scodra, Lysson and Dinastrum. Notwithstanding, when Scanderbeius the valiant Captaine had done against the Turke what in mans strength did lie, yet being ouermatched with power and multitude, seeing no possibilitie to make his partie good,The counsayle of Scanderbeius, how to fight against the turke. was forced to depart his countrey as an exile, and went to Italy, & there being sent for by y• Popes letters, openly declared not to be possible otherwise to resist ye furious rage of the barbarous Turkes by the strength of any one king or prince, vnlesse all Europe, with one cōsent shuld ioine their power & force together. And thus Georgius Scanderbeius, a man of puissant courage, being driuen out of his countrey, continued his age in exile. Whose courage & vehemency is reported to haue bin such, that in fighting against y• barbarous enemie, for very egernes of spirit,A notable example of singular courage in a Captaine. his bloud was seene to burst out of his lippes. It is testified also of him, that being prouoked, he neither denied to fight, and in his fighting, neuer turned his backe, neyther yet was euer wounded, but onely once with a lyght shaft in his foote, neither euer set against the Turke wyth moe then 6000. horsemen,The commendation of Scanderbeius agaynst the turkes. and 3000. footemen: who is said with his owne hand to haue slaine aboue 2000. Turkes, whome with such violence he did strike, that many of thē he did cleane asunder from the head to the middle.

Neither yet was the vnsatiable greedines of thys Turkish helbound with all this satisfied, but still he conceiued greater things in his minde, thynking to conquere the whole world, and so passing forward towards Europe, subdued all Illiria, slaieng Stephanus the King of Bosna,Mathias the sonne of Huniades. about the yeare of our Lord 1463. But afterwarde Mathias Coruinus, the sonne of Huniades afore mentioned, recouered againe the said kingdome of Bosna, with many other Cities neare vnto Croacia and Dalmatia, and moreouer repulsed Mahumete the Turke in his second siege of Iaiza, taking his tents and munitions lefte behinde him.

Moreouer, the sayd Mahumete passing vnto Walachia, set vpon Dracula the Prince thereof, by which Dracula, although he had no great power of souldiours, yet he so inclosed & enuironed ye Turke, that he had almost lost his whole army, of whom a great part notwithstanding was destroied, and many of his ensignes taken. Into Dalmatia was sent two Captaines of the Turke, who fighting against the prouinces of ye Venetians,Stiria, Carinthia, taken of the turke. made great spoyle and waste about ye regions of Stiria & Carinthia: where also the Venetian power was discomfited, & Hieronimus Nouell their Captaine slaine. At length truce was taken betweene ye Turke & the Venetians, vpon this conditiō, that Scodra, Tenarus, & Lemnus should be yeelded vnto him, and that they shoulde pay to him yearely 8. thousand duckets for the free passage of their Marchants.

After this peace concluded with the Venetians, Mahumete himselfe saileth ouer into Asia, sending two of his great captaines abroad to sundry places: of whom, Mesithes was sent against ye Rhodes wt a mighty nauie. The other called Acomates Bassa was sent into Italy to take Rome and all the West Empire.Rhodes besieged. Concerning the viage of which two Captaines, this was the euent, that Mesithes after his great trauaile and bloudy siege against ye Rhodians, was faine to retire at length with great shame and losse. The other Captaine Acomates (as is said) was sent into Italy, with a nauie of a hundreth Ships, and fifteene thousand men,Lencadia, Cephalenia Zacinthus, Fauelona, taken of the turke. The pope flyeth for feare of the turke. Hydruntum taken. who by the way in his sailing got Leucadia (which now they call S. Maure) Cephalenia, and Zacynthus, and sayling by Fauelona, arriued in Apulia, and so passing along by the sea side, spoiled and wasted diuers parts by the coast, till at length he came to Hidruntum, a City of Calabria in Italy, which after long siege he ouercame and subdued, and brought such a terrour into all Italy, that the Pope forgetting all other things, yet mindfull of himselfe, with all haste fled out of Rome. After the Citie of Hydruntum was taken, and the Turkes placed in the same, which was the yeare of our Lord 1481. Mathias Coruinus Huniades son was sent for by the Italians, to set vpon the said Citie: vnto the rescue whereof, when Acomates was about to make his returne with 25. thousand Turkes, in the meane time newes came yt Mahumete the great Turke was dead, by reason wherof the siege brake vp, and y• Citie was deliuered to the Italians againe,These two Empires were Constantinople and Trapezunce. and so was Italy deliuered at that time out of that present perill and daūger. This Mahumete wanne from the Christians 200. Cities, and twelue kingdomes, and two Empires, which he ioined both together. He died in the yeare abouesayd, anno. 1481.

¶ Baiazetes second, the 10. after Ottomannus.

MAhumetes aforesaid had three sonnes, of the which, Mustapha the eldest, through voluptuousnes & carnall iust, died before his father. The other two were Baiazetes and Demes, otherwise called Zizimus. Aboute whom, great cōtrouersie arose amongst the Turks which of them should succeede in their fathers kingdome: For neither of them was present at Constantinople whē Mahumetes died, Baiazetes being in Cappadocia, & Demes in Lycaonia, wherfore when great disscution was amōg the nobles for the succession, and great strife & bloudshead for the matter, the Ianizarites, which were the Turkes garde, did proclaime Baiazetes Emperour: others in the absence of Baiazetes the father, did choose Corcuthus his sonne. Baiazetes the father cōming at length from Cappadocia, partly through yelding, partly by corrupting wt money,Of these Ianizarites, read before pag. 636. got ye wils of the Ianizarites, & was made Emperour. Demes the other brother being in Lycaonia more neare, although he made no lesse speede in his cōming, yet was preuented of Baiazetes, and excluded out of Cōstantinople. Wherfore he being put backe from all hope of his kingdome, incited by some of his frends, moued warre against his brother,Baiazetes slayeth his brothers & mother, and his two nephewes. who being ouercome in three battailes by Acomates Baiazetes Captain, who had got Hydruntum before, did flie to the greate Maister of the Rhodes, leauing in a place called Carrae, his mother, and two yong [Page] children, whom Baiazetes slue.

This Demes being wyth the maister of the Rhodes, was desired first of Pope Innocent the 4. then of Ludouicus the 2. Frenche king, but especially of Mathias Coruinus, king of Hungarie, entending by him to obtaine great victory against Baiazetes. But in conclusion the Knights of the Rhodes sent him to the B. of Rome,Readbefore pag 734. where he being kept, and afterwardes sent to Charles the 8. French king, for an hostage of Pope Alexander the 6. was poysoned by the way of Terracina, by the sayde Pope Alexander, as is before declared. After whose death Baiazetes, to require the foresayde Acomates for his good seruice,False treasō worthely recompensed. put hym to the halter, partly misdoubting his power, partly for lucre sake to haue his treasure: Whose death redounded to the great profit of the christians, for somuch as he was euer an vtter enemy to the religion and name of Christ.

Baiazetes thus being confirmed in his tyrannie, made hys first expedition against Walachia,Lithostomus, Moncastrum, Christian fortes subdued othe turke. The turke ouerthrowen at Tarsus. where hee subdued two great fortes, one called Lithostomus, the other called Moncastrum. From thence he remooued hys power, taking his voiage into Asia, thinking to be reuenged of the Sultane of Egypt, which had succoured and entertayned before hys brother Demes against hym, wh [...]re he lost two great battailes, the one fought at Adena, the other at Tarsus: but specially at the fielde at Tarsus the armye of the Turke tooke such a wound, that of a 100. M. brought into the fielde, scarse the thirde part remained vnslayne. But as touching the Rhodians, although they were succourers of Demes aforesayde, yet Baiazetes (whether for feare, or for subtilty) abstained to prouoke them with warre, but rather entred with them the league of peace, requiring the master of the Rhodes to kepe hys brother safe vnder his custody, promising for his yerely salary, to be paied vnto him euery yere in the moneth of August. 45000. duckets,

Thus Baiezetes being ouerthrown and terrified with euill lucke fighting against the Sultane of Egypt, remooued from Asia, and directed his army into Europe, where he got Dyrrachium neare vnto Velona,Dyrachium taken of the turke. & had a great victory ouer the Christian armye in the countrey of Croatia, wher the Illyrians, Pannonians and Croatians ioyning their power together, encountred with the Turke and lost the field, about the yeare of our Lord. 1493.

The turke against the Venetians.From thence the Turke leading his armye against the Venetians, had with them diuers and doubtfull conflicts, where the Turke sometimes was put to the woorse, and sometimes againe preuailing, out of Iadra and diuers other cities about Dalmatia,The Christians caryed away captiues. caried away great multitudes of Christians into captiuitie, whych was about the yere of our Lord. 1498.

Two yeares after thys, whych was the yeare of oure Lorde,Peloponesus agayne inuaded by the turke. 1500. Baiazetes with 150. M. armed men, entred into Peloponesus, whych although Mahumete had expugned before, yet the Venetians had defended Methone, otherwise called Modon, all this while against the Turks. Which Methone the Turke besieged wyth three armies, hauing about the wals 500. great brasen Canons, wherof 22. were most violent and hurtfull, wherewith he battered the City both day and night: but the Citizens, which were wythin the Citie, committing themselues to God, defended their Citie as well as they could, rather chusing to dye then to yeelde vnto the Turkes tyrannie. But the Turcke preuailing, and they not able to wythstande the siege, the Christians conuented together into a certaine house prepared for the purpose, bothe menne, women, and children, where they setting the house on fire, gaue themselues rather to be burned, then to come into the tyrauntes handes, Certaine women also wyth their children, cast themselues headlong into the sea, by that meanes to auoid the turkishe captiuitie.Methone taken of the turkes, and miserably destroyed. Some wryters there be which affirme that the Methonians, seeing 5. great shyps of the Venetians comming with men and vitailes towarde them, issued downe from the walles to the sea side to receiue them, which were all taken captiues, being aboue the number of a thousand: which al being tied with long ropes, were brought before the tyraunt, and in his sight were cruelly slaine, except certaine Nobles whom Cherseugles, sonne in lawe to Baiazetes, got to be pardoned, amongst whome was Andreas Britto.Coron, Pilus, Crisseū yelded to the turkes. The Citie of Coron, & also Pilus Cities in Grece being terrified with the example of the Methonians, yeelded themselues to the power of the turks. Crisseum otherwise called Caput Sancti Galli, was expugned by Cherscogles, by force of gunnes.

These thynges thus atchieues, although Baiazetes went away victor vnto Constantinople, yet notwithstanding the Venetians, through the helpe of the kynges of Fraunce and Spayne, had wonne from the Turke Chephalenia an Ilande very commodious for theyr trafficke: Also had gotten other two Ilandes,Ch [...] [...] L [...] [...] Ilan [...] [...] red of [...] by the [...] Leucas and Nericus otherwise called Sancta Maura, slaying al the garrison of the Turkes. But afterwarde peace being taken betweene the Venetians and the Turckes, by the counsaile of Andreas Gitto aforesayde, the Turkes so agreed, that Leucas and Nericus the Ilandes abouesayde, should be rendred vnto the Turke, and the Venetians should keepe stil the possession of Chephalenia.

Vnto this league the Turke did the rather condescend,Truce [...] the V [...] the [...] for that hee had to maintaine warre agaynst Ismaell Sophus in Asia, king of Persia: Which Sophus was stirred vp by Gods prouidence to warre wt thys Baiazetes, wher by the Christian Churches in Europe myght haue some breathing time, and freedome from the Turkes cruell tyranny & bloudshed.Warre [...] Sophus [...] iazetes. This Sophus was a valiant Turke, who with great power & victories had ouerrunne a great compasse of the East partes of Asia: then passing from Assiria into Media, and returning againe into Arinenia, hee made warre against the Albanians, Hiberians, and Scythians, and from thence comming vnto Asia Minor, encountred with Corcuthus Baiazetes sonne,Caragius the turkes captayne taken prisoner & slaine of Sophus and afterward cōming to Bithynia, sought with Caragius Bassa, Baiazetes Captaine, whome he ouercame and put to flight, and afterward tooke him aliue and his wise prisonners. Afterward he was encountered by Halibassa an other captaine of the Turkes, whome Techelles one of the sayd Sophus captaines meeting in the plaine of Galatia did withstand, and so by the way slue Caragius the Captain,Halibassa the turkes captayne slaine. and hanged hym vppon a poale in the sight of Halibassa, which Halibassa shortly after was slaine in warre, and hys army scattered and put to flight.

Thus through the admirable example of Gods iustice and prouidence, were these turks kept occupied, & so came it to passe, yt these Barbarians being blasphemous against the sonne of God, shoulde thus horribly run one to the destruction of an other,Rest geuen to the Christians by the discor [...] of the turkes being worthely punished wt mutuall slaughter and bloudshed for theyr impiety and blasphemy against Christ and his religion, wherby in the meane time some rest was geuen to the Christians.

Baiazetes partly by these victories discouraged, partly diseased and languishing of the goute, and partly also broken with age, finding himselfe vnweldy to the regiment of that tumultuous kingdome, began to haue talke with his nobles about the chusing of one to succede him. The occasion whereof ministred much matter of inward warres amongst the Turkes. This Baiazetes had in all 6. sonnes, wherof three died before him, and three yet were left aliue, to witte, Acomates, Corcuthus and Zilymus, Baiazetes himselfe had moste minde to Acomates, but the chiefest of his nobles did fauor rather Zelymus: who through theyr traiterous incitation prouoked him to stirre warre against hys father: and notwythstanding that he was ouercome in war, yet through intercession he was reconciled agayne to his father,Zelymus made Emperour against his fathers will. and afterwarde proclaimed againe Emperor against his fathers will, through the helpe & fauour of the souldiours, entring the first beginning of hys kingdome, in the murthering of hys owne father. The storye whereof in some authors is thus declared.

After that the Ianizarites had perswaded wyth Baiazetes for that he himselfe was vnweldy,What these Ianizarites mere, read pag. 736. therfore he should do well to constitute some successour, and that he had assigned Acomates to succeede him, ye Ianizarites being offended with the sayd Acomates, because he would not enlarge their stipends and bribe them, compassing about the kings pallace wyth their priuy swordes whych they hadde vnder theyr garments, wyth a mighty crie, required Zelymus to be appointed for their Emperor. Vnto whom when Baiazetes had answered that he had assigned Acomates, they refused him because he was fatte, grosse, and vnable thereunto: but needes would haue Zelymus, which was stoute and warlike, to be made Emperour: and withall drew out their swords, crying Zelymus, Zelymus. Thē Baiazetes geuing place to their fury,The counsaile of Baiazetes to his sonne Zelymus. shewed himselfe content to geue them Zelymus: whom the Iaitizarites receiuing, brought him into the pallace: vnto whom Baiazetes his father geuing place, willed him not to be so hasty & furious in hys doings, but to be modest and take heede what hee dyd, and not to follow hys fury, but to geue place vnto time, whych reuealeth all thinges, and thinke hymselfe to be a man subiect to dangers and icoperdies as other men are: and thus speaking, he resigned hys Imperiall throne and seate vnto him, & went away all heauy, entring into a certaine order of their religion. Wherupon folowed great exclamatiōs of the people saluting Zelymus as Emperor. Who then taking the rule vpō him, begā wt great cruelty to gouern, destroying many of his nobles, such as had stood against him [Page] some with poyson, some by other cruel meanes, & aduauncing his owne side with great honors and promotions.

Not long after that Zelymus was thus setled in hys kingdome, Baiazetes his father entending to see & prooue howe he behaued himselfe in his gouernment, first entred into the treasure house, where he found all his riches to be scattered and gone. Afterwarde he came into hys armorie, where all the spoyles gotten by warre were likewise wasted: then entring into the Iewel house, where al his plate and gifts sent from Kings and Princes were kept, whych likewise were dispearsed & geuen away. At length he came into the stable, where also he seeing his principall horses to be lacking,The displeasure of Baiazetes against his sonne Zelymus. sighing wyth himselfe, and crying vengeaunce vpon him, he prepared himself with the residue of the treasure which was remaining, to saile ouer into Natolia vnto his eldest sonne, and passing by an Orchard neare to the sea side, where he had appoynted to take ship, in the meane time whilest the shippes were in furnishing he sate downe vnder a tree, & began to curse his sonne, and to axe vengeance vpon him, for that he had so despised his father & was become so impious a wretch.

Zelymus vnderstāding of his fathers departure, came into the orchard where his father was, seeming to be very heauy, and much lamēting that hys father would so priuely depart and goe away,The dissembling wordes of Zelymus to his father seeing that hee desired not the gouernement of the Empire, but was contented onely wyth the title thereof. O father (sayd he) do not thus priuely depart away: doe not procure this shame to your sonne, who so tēderly loueth you. Let me haue but the name only: and be you the Emperor in dede. The ende of your natural life most paciently I shal expect, which I pray God may long cōtinue. And thus vsing many faire & flattering words to his father, he cōmanded a banket wt many deinty iunkets, to be brought vnto him, but tempered and infected wt poyson. Which,Zelymus the sonne poysoneth his father. as soone as Baiazetes had begon to tast of, and felt the strēgth of the poyson working in his body, he toke his last farewell of his sonne, and going out of the citie accompanied with a great retinue of mē, yelling and crying out in the streetes, in the middle of his iourney fell downe and miserably died, in the yeare of our Lorde, 1512. Heere mayest thou see, good Reader, a cursed broode of thys Turkish generation, where yt father dieth in cursing the sonne, and the sonne raigneth by poysoning his father.

Zelymus the 11. after Ottomannus.

Zelymus the 11. after Ottomannus.AFter yt thys wretched Zelymus had exercised hys barbarous cruelty vpon hys father, wt like impietie he seeketh the destruction of hys brethren and their children, first beginning his murther wyth the fiue children hys Nephewes, which were the sonnes of hys 3. brethren before departed. Which done, then remained his other 2. brethren yet aliue, Acomates and Corchutus wyth theyr chyldren likewise to be destroyed.The crueltie of Zelymus against his father and his bretheren. Of whome the one had 3. sonnes, whom the father sent to Zelymus his brother & their vncle, with faire and gentle wordes to entreat him to be good vnto their father, offering to him their duety and seruice in all things, honoring him also as Emperor. But cruel Zelymus commaunded forthwith his saide Nephewes to be strangled.The crueltie of Zelymus against his cousins. The father hearing of the cruell murther of hys sonnes, leauing house and home, went and hid hymselfe in mountaines, where he liued for a space with hearbes and wilde honie, but being bewrayed by one of hys men, was brought to Zelymus, and so was strangled.

Christophorus Richerius, wryting of these matters, seemeth some thing to differ from other storyes, and sayeth that Zelymus, after the death of hys brother Corchutus, came to Bursia, where hee, vnder the colour of making a great triumph,Ex Christ. Richerio. ordeined a feast for his frends and kinsfolk, Wherunto were called especially his nephewes: who then at the end of the feast calling his nephewes aside (as vnder the pretēce of conferring with them secretly about hys necessary affaires) committed them to hys seruauntes to be strangled and put to death. All this while Acomates hys brother, through the help & instruction of his mother, was kept out of the tyrants hands, till at length, after great labor and search made how to get him, certain forged letters were cast abroad, wherin was cōteined that Acomates, to reuenge the great impiety & subdue the tirāny of Zelimus his brother, should shew himself abroad. Which if he wold do, he should find frends enough to take his part. Acomates circumuented with these subtill traines, partly for hope of reuengement,Zelymus the turke warreth against his brother. partly for desire of yt Empire, shewed him selfe abroad with such power and strength as he had: who being set vpon incontinent by Zelymus hys brother, was ouercome in battaile, and falling from hys horse, beyng a man corpulent and grosse, and his horse falling vpon him, was so ouerpressed and slaine.

Touching the death of thys Acomates, Munsterus somwhat differing from this narration, addeth moreouer, and sayeth, that hee was not killed with the fall from hys horse, but sitting all dismayed vpon a stone, and seeing no other remeady but death, desired the Captaine, taking hys rings from his fingers, to deliuer the same to his brother, desiring hym that he might not be put to any extreme cruelty of death, but that hee gently would suffer him to be let bloud in the hath,The crueltie of Zelymus against his brother. The two sonnes of Acomates flie away from the tyrannie of Zelymus the turke. and so to die. But Zelymus being not ignoraunt of thys, suborneth priuy tormenters, who binding his hands behinde him, wt their feete cast hym downe vpon the ground, and so twixing his necke with a coarde, did strangle him. This Acomates had two sonnes, who hearing of the death of their father, did flie for succour, the one to Sophus in Persia, and the other to the Sultane in Egypt.

By the meanes whereof, new occasion of warre grew vnto Zelymus, whereby hee was kept in Asia at home, to fight againste the Persians & Egyptians: so that throughe the Lordes prouidence, Christendom by that meanes was deliuered from great daunger and perill of the Turkes tirannie: For otherwise, the Turke was wholy mineded, wyth all his force and puissance, to inuade the Christians, being in doubt whether first to beginne wyth Rhodes,The prouidēce of God in stirring vp occasions for his people. or whether to assault Pannoma, or els to set vpon Italy, being then at great discorde within it selfe: but thys cause occupied the Turks mind otherwise, and kept him at home. Suche was then the prouidence of the Lorde for the safegard of hys people.

Wherfore, for somuch as the affaires and doings of this Turke were spent for the most part in the Turkish & heathenish countreys: it shal not be greatly necessary to trouble our christian stories therwt, but onely shal suffice to contracte them in a briefe summe, declaring superficially what vnquietnes was amongst them there, which coulde neuer be quiet, but euer working some mischief either abroade, or at home.Warre betweene Zelymus and Sophus the Persiā king. Amurathes the Turks nephewe aforesaide, after he had obtained aide of Sophus the king of the Persians, first inuaded Cappadocia: not long after whome folowed Ismael, Sophus the Persian king.

By reason whereof a great battell was fought betwixt the Persians and Zelymus in the fieldes of Armenia maior. In the which battaile Ismael Sophus the Persian Kyng was hurt on the shoulder with a pellet, and so being caryed out of the field, left the victory to Zelymus: who all be it had an army of 150. M. men, yet he in the same fielde lost about 30000. of hys Turkes. Which field was fought in the yere of our Lorde. 1514. Zelymus after thys victorie went to Tauricia the imperiall Citie of the Persians, whiche he by yelding subdued.

In thys meane time it happened that one Aladulus a king in Armenia the greater,Warre betweene Zelymus and Aladulus an other turke. was also a helper to Ismael against the Turk, wherupon Zelymus the Turke taking great indignation, the next yere folowing, leauing ye Persians, fought against the sayd Aladulus, & in the end ouercame him, and afterward being found in a caue in a woode, was taken out and brought to Zelymus and so beheaded: whose hed being first caried about Asia for a triumph, was afterward sent to the Senate of Uenice for a terrour vnto them. The eldest sonne of Aladulus scaping the handes of his pursuers, fled into Egypt. This battaile thus fought and ended, Zelymus after he had deuided the kingdome of Aladulus into three prouinces, went to Lycaonia, & from thence to Europe, there to defend the Citie of Samandria, against the Christians in Hungary.Preparatiō of warre betweene Zelymus &c the Christians. But the Hungarians being sone repressed by Iuno Bassa the Turkes captaine, great preparation began to be made by the Turks against the confines of Seruia bordering vpō Hungary: The terrour whereof stirred vp Maximilian the Emperour, and Ladislaus king of Hungarie, and Sigismundus Kyng of Polonie,The turke called away from the Christians. A turkishe vowe. to consult together, and conioyne their power for defence of Christendome. But through new incumberances incident, the turke leauing Europe, made haste againe into Asia, to renue againe his warres against the Persians, who had made a vow not to geue ouer that warre before Ismael was ouerthrowne.

But before he entred that warre, first he sent hys messengers to the Sultane of Egypte, requiring hym not to entermedle in that warre, for this sultane before had promised to assist the Persians against the Turke.Campson the Sultane or ruler of the Egiptians. Mamalucy. The name of the Sultane which reigned then in Egypt, was Campson, set vp by the Mamaluci. These Mamaluci were a certain order amongst the Egyptians, much like to the Ianizarites about the Turke, being the childrē of christen men, and after denyeng Christ, were the chefest doers in y• Sultanes court, and being growne into a great multitude, did [Page] degenerat into a turkish barbarity, or rather became wors then Turkes. This Campson vnto the messengers of the Turke gaue this aunswere againe, that vnlesse he woulde leaue of his warre against Ismael, and restore the sonne of Aladulus, otherwise he woulde not lay downe his armor.

Zelymus being incensed not a little wyth this insolent aunswere of the Sultane, leauing all other warres aside, with great celeritie aduanced hys power against the Sultane. Which Sultan partly through the falshode of his captaine Caierbeius,Caierbeius [...]alse to his maister. partly by the sodeinnesse of the Turkes comming, not farre from the citie of Damascus encoūtred with the turke, and there ouerthrowne from his horse, being a fatte and grose body, and falling vnder his horse, and his horse also falling vpon him,Campson slaine. was quashed in peces and so died, which was the yere of our Lord. 1516.

Mamalucie, of whome more then a M. in thys battaile were slaine, flyeng from thence to Memphis, set vp Tomoumbeius in stede of Campson:Tomoūbeius made Sultane of Egipt. whose captaine Gazelles was ouercome at the City of Gaza, & he afterward himselfe driuen out of Memphis, where a great part of the Mamaluci were destroyed. Then Tomoumbeius flying ouer the floud Nilus, renued his army agayne: but in the ende was discomfited and chased into a marish, where hee was found standing in the water vp to the chinne, and so being brought to Zelymus, was put to the rack and great tormentes, to make him confesse where Campsons treasures were. But when he would not declare, he was caryed about the Towne with a halter about his necke, & hanged vp vpō a hie gibber for a spectacle to all Egypt:Tomoūbeius executed which was the yeare of our Lorde. 1517. And thus were the two Sultanes in Egypt destroied with the Mamaluci, whych there had borne the rule in Egypt the space of 243. yeares. The progenie of the whych Mamaluci remaining of the warres,A worthy destruction of the Mamaluci forsaking their faith and religion. Note againe the prouidence of God. The death of Zelymus. the Turke commaunded in pryson gates of Alexandria to be cut in peces. Zelymus frō thence, triumphing departed to Constantinople, entending to spend the rest of his time in persecuting the Christians: But in that meane space he was stroken with a cankerd sore rotting inward, and died after hee had raigned 7. yeares like a beast, in the yeare of our Lord. 1520.

The raigne of this Turke was but short in number of yeres: but in number of his murthers and cruel bloudshed it might seme exceeding long: which liued more like a beast then a mā, for he neuer spared any of hys frends or kinred. His father first he poysoned, his brethren and al his cosins he quelled, leauing none of all his kinred aliue. Moreouer his chief and principal captaines for smal occasions he put to death,The beastly crueltie of Zelymus against his kinred. as Mustapha, Calogere, Chendeme, Bostāg hys sonne in law, and Iunobassa.

It is said moreouer that he entended the poysoning of his owne sonne Solyman, sending vnto him a shirt infected wt poison, because he seemed something freely to speake against ye cruel demeanor of his father: But by the meanes of hys mother, the gifte being suspected, was geuen to an other which was his Chamberlaine, who putting on the shirt, was strucken with the poyson therof, and therewith all died.

As touching thys Turke Zelymus, by the way heere may be noted how ye secret prouidēce of the Lord kept hym occupied wt hys Turkish warres at home, while that the reformation of christian religion here in Europe the same time begō by Martin Luther,The cruelty of Zelymus against his sonne Solyman. might the more quietly take some roring without disturbance or interruption. For so it appeareth by the computation of time, that in the dayes of this Zelymus, Martin Luther first began to write against the Popes indulgences, which was in the yeare of oure Lord. 1516.

Solymannus the 12. after Ottomannus.

A note of Gods prouidence for the reformation of religyon.SOlymannus the onely sonne of Zelymus succeded after hys fathers death, who in the first beginning seemed to some to be simple and shepish, and not mete for the turkish gouernmēt. Wherfore certain of his nobles cōsulting how to depose him, entended to set vp an other Emperour. In which conspiracy, especially are named Caierbeius & Gazelles. This Caierbeius was he yt betraied before Campson the Sultane of Egypt to Zelymus,Solymānus the 12 after Ottomānus Read in the pag. 738. as is aforesayde: who nowe also being in consultation wt Gazelles & other about this matter, detected thē also vnto Solyman. Wherfore the sayd Gazelles and his fellowes being thus detected, were put to death by Solyman, declaring thereby that he was not so shepish as he was thought of them to be, & as also by his acts afterward did more appeare.

Solymannus after thys execution done vpon the conspiratours, taking his voiage into Europe,Belgradum againe besieged of the turke. first besieged Belgradum: which being a Citye in Hungarie, was the strongest forte of all the Romaine Empire, and the chiefe defence at that time, of al christendom, which also being assaulted before time by Amurathes the 2. was valiantly defended by Ioannes Huniades as is aboue specified.Read before pag 743. But here nowe lacked suche a one as Huniades was: For the kingdome of Hungary at that time, was vnder y• gouernment of Ludouicus a yong king, vnexpert and of a simple wit. Whom other Princes, & specially the couetous church men did so pil and pol, that they left hym nothing but only the bare name and title of his kingdom: Wherby he being vnfurnished both of men and mony, was vnable to match with such an enemie.

An other vauntage also the Turkes had in besieging of Belgrade:Discorde amongest Christian princes what mischiefe it bringeth. For the Christian princes at that time were in ciuill dissention and variance amongst themselues: and the Pope with his Churchmen also were so busye in suppressing of Luther, and of the Gospell then newly springing, that they minded nothing els, except it were to maintaine the welth of their own bellies. Which pope if he had set his care (as his duety was) so muche in stirring vp Princes against the common enemy, as he was bent to deface y• gospel, & to persecute the true professors therof: soone might he haue brought to passe, not only that Belgrade might haue bene defended against the Turk, but also y• to be recouered againe which was lost before: and moreouer myght haue stopped the great dangers and perils which nowe are like to fall vpon the religion and church of Christ: whyche the Lord of his great mercy auert and turne away.

Certesse what so euer the Pope then did,The pope so busie against Luther, that he neglecteth the ruine of Christē dome. this had bene his duty, setting al other things apart, to haue had an earnest compassiō of so many miserable & lost captiues, which were fallen from their faith & religion, vnto the misery and slauery of the Turke, & thraldome of the deuil, and to haue sought all means possible to haue reduced thē, as lost shepe into the fold againe: which then might sone haue ben done if prelates & princes ioyning together in christian concord, had loued so well the publike glory of Christ and soules of Christians, as they tendered their owne priuate, worldly, & friuolous quarels.True compassiō lacking in the Pope. And admit that the Pope had conceiued neuer so much malice against Luther, hys quarell also being good: yet the publike church standing in such danger, as it then did by the inuasion of the Turke, reason woulde nature led, religion taught, time required that a good Prelate forgetting lighter matters, shuld rather haue laid hys shoulder to the excluding of so great a dāger, as then was imminent both to himselfe, and the vniuersall Churche of Christ: But nowe his quarel being vniust, and the cause of Luther being moste iust and godly, what is to be sayde or thought of suche a Prelate, who for bearyng the Turke, whome in a time so daungerous, hee ought chiefly to haue resisted, persecuted the trueth, whych hee shoulde specially haue mainteined? But Christ for his mercy stande for hys Churche, and stirre vp zealous Princes and Prelates, if not to recouer that is lost, yet at least to retaine that little which is left.

Solyman therefore taking hys occasion, and vsing the commoditie of time, while our princes were thus at variance betwixt themselues, wythout any resistance or interruption, brought his army vnto Belgrade, in ye yere of our Lorde.The city of Belgrade wonne of the turke. 1521. Which Citye being but slenderly defenced, the Turke through his vnderminers, guns and other engins of warre, without great difficultie, & with little losse of hys souldiours, soone subdued and ouercame.

After thys victorye, Solyman resting himselfe a whole yeare, and casting in his mynde howe to make all sure behinde him, for feare of ennemies to come vppon his backe, thought it expedient for his purpose if he might obtain the Ilande of Rhodes: for that onely remained yet Christian betwixt him and Asia: wherfore the next yeare following, he brought hys army of 450. ships, and 300. M. men to the besieging thereof. This Rhodes was a mighty and strong Iland,Rhodes besieged. wtin the sea called Mare mediterraneum. The inhabitants wherof at ye first did manfully resist ye turke, sparyng no labor nor paines for the defence of thēselues & of al christendome: But afterward being brought to extremity, and pinched wt penury, seing also no aid to come from ye christians: somwhat began to languish in thēselues. The turkes in the meane time casting vp two great mountaines wyth strength of hand, 2. miles of frō the citye, like rolling trenches caried them defore thē neare vnto the city, in the tops wherof they plāted their ordinance & artillery, to batter the city. The maister of the knightes of the Rhodes was then one Philippus Villadamus a Frenchman, in whome no diligence was lacking yt appertained to the defence of the city. The Rhodians likewise so valiantly behaued themselues vpon the walles, that wt their shot all the ditches about the city, were filled wt the carcases of dead Turkes.

Besides thys, suche a disease of the bloudy flixe raigned [Page] in the Turkes campe, that 30. M. of them died thereof: and yet for all thys, Solyman woulde not cease from hys siege begonne: who at length by vnderminers casting downe the vamures and vttermost partes of the citie, wan groūd still more and more vpon the Rhodians, and with mortary pieces so battered the houses, yt there was no free place almost standing in all the Citie. And thus continued the siege for the space of fiue or sixe monethes, and yet all thys while came no help vnto them from the christians. Wherfore they being out of all hope, thorough the aduise of Ualladamus, yelded themselues vnto the Turke vppon condition that hee woulde spare them wyth life and goodes, which conuention the Turke kepte wyth them faithfully and truely.

Thus Solyman with his great glory and vtter shame to all christian princes,Christian princes negligent in helping their felowes. and also ruine of all Christendome, got the noble Ile of Rhodes, although not wythout great losse and detriment of hys army: in so much that at one assault 20. thousande Turkes about the walles, were slayne with fire, sword, stones, and other engines. Wherby it may be coniectured what these Rhodians might or would haue done,Rhodes wonne of the turke. if succor had come to them from other christian princes as they looked for. This city was wonne vpon Christmas day. An. 1522.

Thys conquest of Rhodes obtained, Solyman the 4. yeare after, bringeth backe his army againe into Hungary, where he founde none to resist him but onely Ludouike the yong king: who being accompanied with a smal army, and nothing able to matche wyth the Turke, yet of a hasty rashnes and vaine hope of victory, would needes set vpon him: who if he had staide but a little, had prospered the better. For Ioannes Uainoda being a Capitaine well exercised in Turkish warres before, was not farre off, comming with a sufficient power of able souldiors.Christen warres against the turke neuer speede well vnder the guiding of Popishe prelates. But Paulus the Archbishop Coloss. a Franciscane Frier, a man more bold then wise, with his temerity and rashnes troubled al their doings: For the whole summe of the army of the Hungarians, contained in all but only 24. M. horsmen and footemen, who at length comming vnto the battaile, and being compassed about wyth a great multitude of the Turkes army, were brought into great distres. The Turks twise shorte of their pieces against the Christian army: yet scarce was any Christian touched with the stroke therof: whych was thought to be done of purpose, bicause they were christians whych had the ordering of the gunnes, for then the speciall gunners of the Turkes were Christians,Christians were the speciall gunners to the turke whome for the same cause they spared. Then the Turkes horsmen comming vpon the backe of the christian armie, compassed them about, and by reason of their multitude, ouercharged their horsemen. Amongst whom was slaine the same tyme the Archb. Frier aforesayd, wyth the Bishops of Strigone and Uaradine & many other nobles besides.The rathe archbishop slaine. Also the kyng himselfe being destitute of hys necessary aide and succour, was compelled to flie into a marish, where he falling from his horse, being heauy loden with his harneis, was not able to rise againe,king Ludouicke perished in war but there miserably perished.

Solyman the Turke marueiled at the foolyshnesse of Ludouike the King, who wyth so small an armye woulde presume to encounter wyth such a great hoste of two hundreth thousande. This battaile in Hungarie was fought, Anno. 1526.

After the deceasse of Ludouicke, Ferdinandus succeded in the kingdome,Ferdinandus K. of Hungary. being Duke of Austria and king of Hungarie. Then Solyman setting contention betwixt Ioannes Uaiuoda and Ferdinandus for the kingdom of Hungarie, spedde his viage to the Citie of Buda, whych also in short time he made to be yelded vnto hym vpon condition that they should escape with their liues and goodes: whych cōdition some say he kept, and some say he did not. Besides Buda diuers places and munitiōs the sayd Turk,Buda, Varadinum, and the citie called Quinquecclesia taken of the turke. contrary to his league made before, did spoile and waste, as Varadinum, Quinque Ecclesias, and other fortes and munitions moe, bordering about the coastes of Hungary.

In the yeare of our Lorde 1529. Ferdinandus king of Hungarie aforesaid, recouered diuers holdes gotten of the Turke before, and also warring againste Ioannes Uaiuoda his enemy,Contention betweene Ferdinandus, and Vaiuoda. Vaiuoda flieth to the turks. with whom he had variance (as ye heard before) expulsed him out of his kingdom. Wherupon Uaiuoda flying to the Turke, desired his ayde. The Turke glad to take that occasion, wyth great preparatiō addressed himselfe to returne into Hungary, where he recouering againe the Citie of Buda, which Ferdinandus had gotten from him a little before, remooued his armye into Austria, spoyling and destroying by the way all that came to hys handes, shewing many examples of great cruelty & tyranny most lamentable to here and vnderstand. For of some he put out their eies, of some he cutte of their handes, of some their eares and noses,Horrible examples of the turkes crueltie. and of their children he cut of theyr priuy members. The maidens he corrupted, the matroues had their brestes cut of, and such as were with childe, were ript and their childrē cast into the fire. And these examples of horrible and barbarous tyranny, thys wretched Turke perpetrated by the way comming toward Uienna a noble City in Austria, besides the captiues which he tooke by the way, and led into seruitude moste miserable, mounting to the number of 30. thousand.

Among other holdes by the waye as the Turke came, there was a castle called Altenburch strongly by nature situated, and by art defenced,The esseminate cowardlynes of the souldiours in Altenburch. which castle the Turke entending not to ouerpasse because he woulde make all thynges sure behinde him, began to make hys assault, and lay hys ordinance against it. The warders and kepers of the Castle, so soone as the Turks began to lay siege against them, making no resistance, of a womanly cowardnes sent their messengers to the Turke to yelde themselues,The castell of Altenburch yelded to the turke. ready to doe his commaundement, and further him with their vitaile. Amongest whome were three hundreth Bohemians, who were commaunded to followe the hoste, that the Turke by them might learne what strength was in the city of Uienna: also where the king was, and what was to be done for the winning therof.

Of whom when the Turke had vnderstanding howe all things stoode, and how that there was but 20. thousand men in Uienna able to beare armour, and that other cities of Austria would soone yeelde if that were gotten, and that Uienna was vitailed but for 2. monthes, and that the king was of late in Boheme, thus the Turk of all things being certified, hauing no doubt in hys minde of victorie, made speede toward Uienna: and first comming to Neapolis a city but 8. miles distant from Uienna, he required them to yelde themselues:Neapolis besieged of the turke. The turkes army of 250 thousand souldiours. who notwithstanding withstoode them, and repulsed them valiantly. Then the Turkes assigned a place for the pitching of their tents, whych because it semed some thing too litle for such a great multitude, they tooke in more ground to the compasse of 7. miles circuit. The multitude of his armye, which hee there planted, is accompted of some to extend to 250. M. souldiours. The Turke thus being planted, made daily excourses ouer all the countrey of Austria, specially about the citie of Uienna, wasting and spoyling with great crueltye & murther amongst the poore Christians.

Moreouer, to make al things more sure toward ye preparation of the siege, scoutes were sent abroade, and bushments were laid about the riuer side of Danubius, to prouide that no aid nor victual should be brought to Uienna.Vienna be sieged of the turke. So it pleased the prouidence of the Lord (who disposeth all things) that 3. daies before the comming of the Turk, Fridericus the Earle Palatine, which was then assigned by yt Empire to take the charge of Uienna, was come downe by the riuer of Danubius with 14. M. and with a certaine troupe of horsemen well apoynted and picked for the purpose.Fridericus Earle palalatine captaine of Vienna.After the comming of thys Fridericke, prouision also of victuall was appoynted to followe shortly after, by the sayd riuer of Danubius.

In the meane time, they which had the cariage & trāsporting therof, hearing how the waies were laid, & all the passages 10. miles about Uienna, stopped by the Turkes although they knew ye city to stand in great nede of vitail, yet seing there was no other remedy, rather then it should come to the ennemies hande, thought it best to sincke theyr boats wt their cariage, and so they did. Wherby, all be it the christians wanted their reliefe, yet were the Turks disappoynted of their pray & purpose.Fridericus Earle Palatine, Williā Rogendorffius, Nicholaus Earle of Salme, captaines of Vienna. The captains whych had the keeping of the City, which were chiefly Fridericus the Earle Palatine, Gulielmus Rogendorffius, and Nicolaus erle of Salme, seing themselues so straightned contrary to their expectation, although they had great causes to be discouraged, yet calling their courage vnto them, they consulted together for the best way to be taken: and seing that the little city Neapolis (aboue mentioned) being 8. miles distaunt from them, so valiauntly withstoode the Turkes, that in one day they sustained 7. greuous assaultes against all the maine force of the Turkish armye: by their example and manfull stāding, being the more animated and encouraged, thought to abide the vttermoste before they woulde geue ouer, and first plucking downe all the suburbes, and buildings wythout the walles, wherby the enemy myght haue any succor,Preparation within the Citie of Vienna, against the turke. they willed all the farmers & inhabitantes about the Citye to saue themselues, and to bryng in theyr goods wtin the walles. Such places as were weake wythin the walles, they made strong. About the towers & munition of the walles, they prouided rampires & bulwarks distant 80. foote one from another, to kepe of the shot: and euery man hadde hys place and standing awarded to hym [Page] vpon the wal, and his office appoynted what to do: but especially that side of the City which lyeth to the riuer of Danubius, they fortified after the best wise: for that way only now remained for vitail to be transported from the Bohemians vnto them. Wherefore 8. en [...]ignes were assigned to the keping of the bridge,Prouision made for victualing the citie. and in the plaine, which was lyke an Iland inclosed wythin the riuer, a sufficient garrison of horsmen were placed, lying within the gunshot of the city, to the entent that if any graine or vitail were sent from the Bohemians, they myght prouide ye same safely to be brought into the Citie.

These things thus being disposed and set in order, L. William Rogendorffe, to assay the strength of the Turks, made diuers rodes out wyth his horsemen, albeit much against ye mindes of the Austrians: who knowing the maner of the Turkes, thought it better to suffer them, while either wyth time they myght be ouerweried, or for lacke of victuals consumed.Good coū saile & experience refused. Among many and sondry skirmishes which the Christians had with the Turkes, one especially was to our men vnprosperous: in whych certaine of the horsemen espying a small troupe of the Turkes scattering abroad from theyr company, made out after them, who sodenly & guilefully were inclosed and circumuented by the Turks, before they could recouer the gates of the citie, and so were all taken aliue:Rashe hardines of our Christians in skirmishing with the turke. The wretched cruelty of the turkes against the Christian captiues. Of whome 3. were sent from the Turkes into the Citye, to declare to the Uiennians what strength they had seene in the campe of their aduersaries, and to sollicite them to yelde their city for feare of punishment which would followe: The residue they reserued to torments and punishment, whom in the sight of the whole army, and of the Christians (whych should tell the same to the Citizens) they caused euery man to be drawne with 4. horses a piece, and so to be dismēbred and pluckt a sonder.

After thys done, the barbarous Turk immediatly sent his Herold to talke wyth the Captaines of the City, whether they would yelde the City vpon honest conditions,The message of the turke to the Viennians. or els would abide the arbitrement of warre. If they would gently submit them selues, they should haue all gentlenes to them shewed: If they would be stubburne, and stand to their defence, he wold also stand to hys siege begon, so that he neither woulde spare man, woman nor childe. To thys the captaines aunswered againe, that they were contented Solyman to stand to his siege begon,The aunswere of the Viēnians to the turke. and to do his vttermost, what he would, or what he coulde. As for them, they were at a poynte to defende them selues and their Citie so long as they might: the euent & fall of victory to be doubtfull, and many times so to happen, that they whych begin the warre, are wearied sooner then they which be prouoked: neither againe that they were so vnmindfull eyther of themselues, or of their country, but that they did remember well what they are, and what they be called, named to be Germaines: who vse alwayes first to assay the aduersary, what he is able to doe, and not rashly to committe themselues into their enemies handes.

Solymannus not a little disdaining at thys aunswer, first burning and consuming all the villages,Solymanus approcheth Vienna with three great armies houses, and places round about the city, infecting also the springs and fountaines whych gaue water into the Citye, and so stopping al passages, that no reliefe should haue way vnto thē, began wt angry moode to approche more neare to the Citie, with 3. great campes, sending them worde in skorne and contumely, by one of his captiues, that if they stood in nede of helpe of soldiors, he would send vnto them the 300. Bohemians (mentioned a little before) to aid them in theyr defence. To whom the Palatine directed answer again, that they had moe soldiours in the City then they neded. As for the Bohemians which had yelded themselues, he might do wyth them, what he would, for Uienna stoode in no great neede of them.

In the meane time a messenger comming from Ferdinandus, was priuily let in by night into the Citie,A messenger sent from Ferdinādus to Vienna. which brought word that they should play the men in keping out the enemy a while: for it would not be long but both Ferdinandus and Carolus his brother, with the strēgth of all Germanie, would be ready to rescue them. At whych message the hearts of the soldiours began somwhat to be cheared, and to contemne the huge multitude of the aduersaries, being so great as they neuer did beholde, nor did euer almoste heare of before. The largenesse of whose army, extended to no lesse in compasse (as is aboue sayde) then of 7. miles round about the Citie walles.

The siege of Vienna beginneth.Long it were to recite the whole order of thys terrible siege, with all the partes and circumstances therof. Briefly to touch so much as shal suffice for this history, with fewer words then were stripes geuen at the siege thereof: thys is to be iudged and confessed: whosoeuer beholdeth the nōber and fiercenesse of the Turkes, the absence of the king Ferdinandus, the lacke of prouision and vitaile within the city, the noise of the gunnes, the violence of the shot, the terror of the sight, and yet no succour sent vnto them: that the custody of that city was no mans doing, but the arme only of the Lord God of hostes, according to the true saying of the Psalme: Unlesse the Lorde doe keepe the Citie, the watchmen watch in vaine,The Lordes power and prouidence in keeping the Citie of Vienna. which watch to saue it: Unles the Lord doe build the house, the builder striueth in vayne, whych taketh vpon hym to builde it. Experience whereof in keping thys citie may well appeare.

First Solymannus bending hys shotte and ordinance against the City, beate downe to the ground the vāmures with all the vttermost suburbs of the city, and that in suche a short moment of time, that the hearts of the Uiennians a little before refreshed, were now as much appaled agayne with feare, misdoubting wyth themselues, least the Turke with the same celerity and violence woulde haue preuailed against the inwarde walles, as he did in beating down the outward vamures. And no doubt the same time the Turk had put the city in great hazard, had not night commynge on, broken of the siege for that day.

In the meane time the Citizens laboured all night in repairing and refreshing the wals, to make all things sure against the next assault.The slaughter of the turkes about the walles of Vienna. The next day early in y• morning, the Turks approching the city againe with a new assault, thinking to scale the walles, were so repulsed & manfully resisted by the Germaines, that vnneth any ditches aboute the walles could be sene for the bodies of the dead Turkes, wherwith they were replenished: so that the Turks were faine to fight standing vpon the bodies of them which wer slaine. By the which calamitie the force of the enemye was not a little abated,The manlynes of Captaine Rogendorffius against the turkes

It happened the same time, that a companye of the Turkes being spied oute of the Citie wandering oute of order, the Captaine Rogendorffius wyth two legions of horsemenne issuing out of the Citie gate called Salmaria, and so passing closely vnder the hilles side, did so set vpon them, that they slew a great number of them: the rest being driuen to take the riuer, whome with stones and shot likewise they destroyed, and so retired backe into the Citie againe. By thys victorie the Captaine Rogendorffius began to be terrible to the Turkes. For in the same skirmish (as after was knowen) was slayne of them so many, that of 5000. and 300. horsemen and footemen, scarse 140. escaped aliue.

Solyman disdayning at this repulse,An other assault of the turkes against Vienna. thought to proue an other way, & so bringing his power toward ye gate called ye kings gate, there making his trenches & bulwarkes, plāted his ordināce, wt the violence wherof ye walles were so battered & shaken, that no man was able there to stand. Wherefore the Turke seeing 2. great breaches made in the wal cōmaunded his souldiors couertly in the darck smoke of gunnepouder to prease into the City. The like also was done at ye scottish to wer, whereby ye city was inuaded in 2. sundry places at one time. The Uiēnians at ye first, freshly began to withstand thē, new souldiors still cōming in the place of them that were slaine and hurt: and so this assault continuing more thē 6. houres together, our mē beganne at length to languish & faint, not onely in strength but also in courage: wherby the Citie had bene in great daunger of loosing, had not ye two foresaid Capitaines Rogendorffius in the one place, and the Earle of Salme in the other place, manfully encouraged the souldiors to abide ye brunt, and to beare out a while the violence of the Turkes, promising that immediately they should haue ayde from Ferdinandus.

In the meane time the Turkes came so thicke for gredines of the victory, scaling, climing, and fighting vpō the walles, that had it not bene for the prease and throng of the great multitude of the Turkes comming so thicke that one of them could not fight for an other,Another repulse of the turkes. Uienna that same day had bene taken and vtterly lost: But by the pollicy of ye captaines geuing a signe within the city, as though new souldiors were called for, our men began to be encouraged, & the Turkes hartes to be discomfited.

When Solymannus saw his army the second time, repulsed, he began to attempt a new way, purposing by vndermining to ouerthrow the city: in the which work specially he vsed the helpe of the Illyrians, of whome he had a great number in his campe, expert in that kinde of feare. These Illyrians beginning to breake the earth at the gate Carinthia and comming neare to the foundations of the Tower,Vienna vndermined by the turkes. which they by strength of hand attēpted to break, could not worke so closely vnder the groūd, but they were perceiued by certayne men aboue, which were skilfull & expert in yt kind of matter: who cōtrariwise vndermining against thē, & filling their trēches as they wēt, wt gūpouder, [Page] conueyed their traine, that when fire should be set vnto it, the violence thereof should brast out by the trenches of the enemies: which done, sodenly the ground beneath made a great shaking, so that the tower did cleane asunder, and all the vnderminers of the Turks woorking in their trēches, were smothered and destroyed, which came to the number (as it was supposed afterwarde) of 8000. persones: in so much that yet till thys day a great number of deade mens skuls are found in the ground.

An other assault of the turkes against Vienna.When Solyman saw yt this way also would not serue and had priuy intelligence that the walles about the gates of Stubarium were negligently kept, and that hee might haue there more easy entrance: secretly he conueyeth about 10. garrisons of fresh soldiours, in such sort as the townes men should not perceiue them: who came so sodenly vpon them, that they had filled the ditches, and were vpon ye top of the fortresses and munitions, before that our men were aware of them, or coulde make themselues ready to resist them. For although there was no lacke of soldiors wythin the Citie, yet for somuch as the whole brunt of the siege did lye, specially at the 2. gates aforesaide, from whence the soldiors which were there warding, could not be wel remooued, for a shifte the rescuers (which wythin the Citie were ready for all sodaine aduentures) were sent to the walles: by whose comming, those fewe whych kept the enemies of before,The turkes agayne repulsed. being sore hurted and woūded, were succoured and sent to surgery: and thus the sayed assault continued terrible and doubtfull vntill (the darcke night commyng vpon them) they could not wel know the one from the other. In thys vickering were counted of the Turkes to be slayne, more then 5000.

Then the Captaine Rogendorffius commendyng the valiant standing of his souldiours, misdoubting with him selfe (as it happened in dede) that the Turks would not so geue ouer, but would set vppon him the next day wt a fresh assault, prouiding wyth all diligence for the purpose, made vp the breaches of the walles, & prepared all things necessary for resistaunce: The next morning following, whych was some thing darke and mistie,An other assault of the turkes repelled. the Turkes thinking to preuent our men with their sodain comming, began again busily to bicker vpon the toppe of the walles.

It would require a longe tractation heere to describe the great distres and danger that the city, those 3. daies following, was in. During all the whych time, there was no rest, no intermission, nor diligēce lacking, either in the enemies, fighting against the City, either in our men in defending the same. For the Turkes besides the multitude of the great ordinance, wherwith (as wyth a great tempest of gunshot) they neuer ceased, still battering the walles and beating the munitions of the Citie, sent also such heapes & multitudes of the Turkes, to the scaling and climing the walles, that vnneth wyth all the ordinance and shot of the city, either ye violence of them could be broken, or the number of them diminished: til at last the soldiors of ye Turkes perceiuing themselues able by no meanes to preuaile, but onely to runne in daunger of life, and to do no good, began to wrangle among themselues,The turkes at variance among themselues. grudging and repining against their dukes and captaines, imputing ye whole cause onely to them: that the City was yet vntaken, seeing there was in them neither diligence nor good will lacking: and so ceased the siege for that time.

After this, when Solymannus had purposed in hym selfe, with his last and strongest siege, to try against the city the vttermost that he was able to doe, and had encouraged hys soldiers to prepare thēselues in most forcible wise therunto: the soldyers shewed thē selues much vnwilling to returne againe from whence they were so often repulsed before:The Turke and his souldiours could not agree. by reason wherof great commotion begā to rise in the Turkes campe. The rumour wherof when it came to Solymans eares, he sendeth his grand captaine to kepe all the souldiers in order and obedience, or if they would be stubborne,The turke entreateth his soldiours. to compell them whether they would or not, to accomplish his commandement. Who comming to the soldiers, shewed to them the great Turkes message, and to animate & encourage them, declared that the oportunitie of the time presēt was not to be neglected, neither could they now wtout great shame geue ouer, after so many assaultes attempted: Who if they would sustein but one brunt more, ye victory were in their owne handes. The townesmen, he saide, were wasted and their victualles spent: and the more to enflame their mindes, he promised them not onely great thanks and reward of their Emperour, but also the whole spoyle of the Citie, in recompence of their trauaile.

But when all thys could not stir vp ye sturdy stomacks of the tired Turkes, vsing compulsion where perswasion would not serue, he appoynted a number of horsmen to be set at their backs, wherby to enforce them, either to go forwarde, or if they denied, wt gunnes and speares to destroy them. The Turkes seeing themselues in such a strait, that whether they went or taried,Compul [...] of men serueth not where the Lord defendeth. it was to them like perill, yet woulde they not set forwarde, except the Captaine woulde take the vēture before them. Who warding forward in his array, thus spake vnto his felows, saying: Do you forsake your faith & allegeance, and betray the Emperor of Constantinople vnto the Christians, if you wil: but I will discharge my duety towardes the commune wealth and my Emperour, and with that worde auaunced his ensigne, making toward the city walles. Whō when other folowed & stil mo and mo pressed after,The slaughter of the turkes at Vienna. so it came to pas that whole routs of them were ouerthrowen & slain of our men vpon the wals, before it was knowne what they meant. Other terrified by their example, gaue backe and left their array, and wineding them selues by bie wayes and vnder couert of hilles, retourned againe into their tentes, and so came it to passe that the strength of the ennemies daily more and more decreasing, they had lesse hope euery day more then other of obtaining the Citie. For besides the innumerable slaughter of Turkes vpon the walles, the townesmen also watching the forragers and purueyers of the Turkes, as they raunged about for victual for the campe, euer as occasion serued them, did compasse them about, and so encountered with them by the way, that of a whole Legion, scarly the tenth part returned again to their felowes aliue, by meanes wherof the courage of the enemies began greatly to faint. Wherby such a maruelous alteration hapned, that as our mē began to receiue more hope and courage,The turkes slaine. so the Turkes began still more to droupe and to languish wyth dispaire, so that at length skarce durst they appeare wythout the bounds, where they were entrenched, but onely in light skirmishes, when they were prouoked by our men to come out, and to shew them selues.

Solymannus perceiuing his soldiers thus daily to go to wracke,The turke beginneth to take coū saile to retire. of whome he had lost already more then 80. W. and that wyth long tarying he could do no good, being also in lacke of forrage, for that the countrey about hym was wasted: beginneth to consult with hys captaines & counsailors, what remained best to be done. Of whom the most parte aduised hym to raise his siege, and betime to prouide for hymselfe. Which to doe, many causes there were that mooued hym.

First the losse of his men, which daily were cut frō him by great numbers, besides them which lay in hys campe wounded, or sicke, or famished. Secondly, lacke of perueyance. Thirdly, ye approching nere of winter. But ye chiefest cause was, for that he heard Friderike Palatine aboue mē tioned cōming with a great army at Ratisbone towardes Uienna, and there had done great molestation to a greate number of the Turks forragers, whom by the way he preuented and so enclosed in the woods, yt he slew them. Wherof when Solyman had intelligence, thinking it not best to abide the comming of the Palatine,Solyman remoueth & raiseth his siege from Vienna. made hast wyth bagge and baggage to remooue hys campe and to retire: and first sending away his cariage before him, made speede hymself with his army, to follow shortly after.

The Uiennians, when they heard of the remoouing away of the Turkes, although at the first they scarsly beleeued it to be true, being afterwarde certified out of doubt, both of their remouing, and also of the order therof, how it was in a maner of a flight or chase, were greatly desirous to make out of the City after them. Wherein, albeit the presence of the Palatine wyth his armie, if hee had bene there present, might haue stand them in great stead, yet notwithstanding they tooke the oportunitie of the time present, and issuing out of the Citie, in moste speedy wise, set after them wt their horsemen: and first ouerpassing the tentes (where ye Turkes had pitched their stations or pauillions) for hast of the way,The turkes campe pursued in their flight. they made such pursute after them, that wythin litle time, they ouertooke the rereward or latter ende of the armie, whereof they made suche hauocke and destruction, that (as the author reporteth) there was neuer a shotte of the pursuers, nor weapon drawen, nor stroke strucken, which light in vain. Which was no hard thing for our men to doe: For as the Turkes in their flight went scattered out of order & aray, neither woulde they in the fore rancke (being so farre off from ieopardy) retourne backe to helpe their felowes, it was easie for our men, without resistance, to come vpon their backes as they would.

Yet notwythstanding in long pursute, when our men could not see the cariage of the Turkes, which was woont in armies to come away behinde after the hoast,The priuy purpose of the turkes preuented. and suspecting (as trueth was) some ambush to be left in priuie wayte behinde them, to come betwixt them and home: called themselues to retraite, and consulted vpon the matter, thinking good, first to sende out certaine scoures, to espie [Page] and bring them word, where the enemies lay, & what was the number of them. Wherof when intelligence was geuē them, that the remnaunt of the Turkes army was remayning in the tentes behind, word was sent to their fellowes in Uienna, to issue out, and to ioyn also with them against the tayle of the turkes, whiche had entrenched themselues within the campe. Other were appoynted to followe the chase, least peraduenture ye turks seeing our men to recule backe might returne again vpon thē, & help their felowes. Which thinges being thus ordered and appoynted, in the meane time, while part of the Uienians were houering after the mayne armye, the rest encountered with them that were left in the campe. Who seeing themselues ouermatched, first defenced theyr campe with a deepe ditch & Bulwarke, to delay the time, vntill some helpe might come to them from the army. Secondly they directed messengers to the Christians, to entreate for peace. Thirdly they conueied their priuy letters vnto Solyman for speedy ayde and rescue. But all the wayes and passages being stopped by the Christians, there letters were intercepted, and so the miserable Turkes being destitute of all hope & sucour, seing no other remedy, made out of theyr campe, to hassarde and proue the vttermost for theyr defence:The rest of the turkes slaine in the campe. but in conclusiō, in their desperate venture they were enclosed about by our men on euery side, and there put to the sword and slayne, a few only excepted, who escaping out very hardly by secret passages, shifted after the rest of their fellowes, as well as they could. Their carriage and other furniture lefte behind them in their tentes, was distributed amongst ye souldiers onely such thinges reserued as might serue for the publike vse and commoditie of the Cittie.

Thus through the mercifull protection and benefite of almighty God, Austria was deliuered from the fierce and barbarous hostilitie of the cruell Turkes: notwithstāding that neither Ferdinandus the king,The mercyfull protection of God ouer Christendome. nor the Emperour his brother were there present, but only ye power of God, thorough the valiauntnes of the worthy Germaines, defēded that cittie, in defence wherof consisted ye safety & deliuerāce, (no doubt) of all these west partes of Christendome. For the which immortall prayse and thankes be vnto our immortall God in Christ our Lord, according as he hath of vs most graciously and worthely deserued.Gods blessing goeth with the mainteyners of his true worship & religion. Wherin by the way take this for a note (gentle reader) how & after what maner Gods blessing goeth with the true reformers of his religion, and so much the more is it to be noted, for that the Turkes in so many battailes & sieges heretofore, were neuer so repulsed & foyled, as at this present time in incountring wt the protestantes & defenders of sincere Religion. This citty of Uienna was besieged & deliuered ye yeare of our Lord. 1529. The assaultes of the Turke against y• City are numbred to be 20. and his repulses as many. The nū ber of his army which he first brought, was 25000. Wherof were reckened to be slayne 80. thousand and aboue. During the time of his siege, he led away out of the country about many captiues; virgins and Matrones he quelled & cast them out naked: the children hee stucke vpon stakes.

Solymannus thus put from ye hope of victorye of Uienna after he had breathed himselfe a while at home, the second yere after, which was an. 1531. repayring his host, returned agayne into Hungarye, with no lesse multitude, then before: where first he got the towne called Gunza being but slenderly kept with a small garrison. By reason whereof the townsmen and souldiours yelding thēselues vnto the Turke, were constrayned to agree vpon vnreasonable conditions. Ex Ioan. Ramo.

Ex Melchiore Soitero lib. 2. de Bello Pannonico.Melchior Soiterus in his second booke writing De bello Pannonico, touching the foresaid Towne of Gunza, or Gunzium, differeth herein something from Ramus, declaring how this Gunza being a small town in Hungary and hauing in it but onely a 100. souldiours (or as Wolfegangus Drechslerus in his chronicle reporteth,Nicholaus Iureschitz a valiaunt Captayne. at the most but 200. souldiours) vnder the valiaunt captayne Nicholas Iureschitz, defended themselues so manfully and wonderfully, through the notable power of God, against the whole puissance of 200. thousand Turkes, that they beyng notwithstanding distressed with lacke and penury of purueiance and sodenly of the Turkes inuaded, yet with pure courage and promptnes of hart, susteined the vttermost force and violence of xiij. assaultes of that great multitude, for the space of 25. dayes together.

Although the narration of the authour may seeme to some incredible, yet thus he writeth, that what tyme the great ordinance and battering peeces of the Turkes were planted vpon two mountaynes much higher then yt town whereby they within the towne were oppressed both before and behinde, in so much that 8 ensignes of the Turks were already within the towne, yet by the reason of women and children and other impotent persons,A miraculous example of the Lordes protection & prouidence who in the middle of the towne were congregate in an house together such a noyse and clamour went vp to heauen praying and crying to God for helpe, that the turkes within the walles supposing a new army of fresh souldiours to be sent into ye towne for sodayn feare, voyded the towne, & leaped down from the walles agayn (which before they had got) whom no man eyther pursued or resisted: for neuer a souldiour almost was left on the walles, which was not eyther slayne or els wounded with the Turks ordinance. At what time through the Lordes prouidence it so happened, that one Ibrahimus Bassa,The turke falseth his siege from Gunza. neare about the Turke, seeing bothe the town to be small, and the great destruction of the Turkes in the siege thereof, and that the captayn in no case woulde yeld, perswaded so the Turke, declaring howe the Towne being so little was not worth the losse of so many men, in ye winning wherof there was no glory, & if he were repulsed, great dishonour might follow: wherby the Turke being perswaded, did follow hys counsaile, which was thys yt Nicholaus the Christen captaine beyng called vnto him vnder pledges and safe conduict, should receaue the town as of his hand and gift, with condition, that he shold do no violence to hys souldiours left behinde and wounded, but should procure such meanes as he could, for the recuring of them: and so he raysing his siege departed. An other cause might be also, whiche moued him so sodaynly to rayse hys siege, for that he heard the Palatine not to be far of in pursuing after him, and therfore taking his flight by yt mountaines of the Noricians, he returned with muche spoyle of Christian mens goods into Constantinople. Ex Melchiore Soit. lib: 2. de bello Panno.

For so it was prouided the same time in Germany,The Emperour Charles & Ferdinandus begin at length to sturre against the turke. after the counsaile or August and of Ratilboon (at what time the controuersie of Religion betweene the Protestantes & the papistes, was differred and set of, to the next generall Councel) that Charles the 5. and Ferdinandus his brother hauing vnderstanding of the Turke thus raunging in Hungary, should collect of the Germanynes, Hungarians, and Spanyards and others, an able army of 80. thousand footmen, and 30000. horsemen, to repulse the inuasious of the Turke. But Solymanus hauing intelligence of thys preparation of the Christian power comming toward him whether for feare,The turke refuseth to tarry the Christian army. or whether to espy further oportunitie of tyme, for hys more aduauntage and our detriment, refused at that time to tary theyr comming, and so speeding hys returne vnto Constantinople, retired with much spoyle and pray sent before him, as is aboue premised: Whiche was in the yeare of our Lord. 1532.

Not long after,The turke warreth against the king of Tunece. Tunece wonne of the turke. Tunece recouered againe by Charles the Emperour. being the yeare of our saluation, 1534. Solymannus intending ij. warres at once, first sent Corradinus Barbarossa the admiral of his nauies into Afrike to war against the kyng of Tunece: Whō the Barbarossa also dispossessed & depriued of his kingdome: but Charles the Emperour, the next yeare following, an. 1535. restored the said king agayne into hys kingdome, and deliuered in the same viage 20. thousand captiues out of seruitude.

The same tyme the Turke also sent an other captayne into Hungary,Taurus a citie of Persia taken of the turkes. to warre agaynst Uaiuoda while he hym selfe taking hys course to Persia, planted his siege agaynst the Citty Taurus, which he in short space subdued and expugned. Albeit he long enioied not the same: for Tahames king of the Persians, sodaynly comming vpon the Turks vnprepared,20 thousand turkes slaine of the Persian king slue of them 20. thousand, and tooke hys concubines to the great foyle and reproch of the Turke.

Two yeare after this, which was the yere of our Lord 1537. Solymannus, who coulde not be quyet at home nor rest in peace,Corcyra the Iland wasted & spoyled by the turkes. returning agayne out of Asia into Europe wt 270. ships, great and little, set vppon Corcyra, an other Iland belonging to ye Uenetians, which he besieged x. daies wasting and burning the Townes and fieldes as he went beside the destruction of much people therein, whom partly he slue, partly led away captiues. From thence he sayled to Zacynthus and Cythara,The Ile of Zazinthus & Cythara spoiled by the turkes. an other Ilande not farre off from Corcyra, bordering neare to the coastes of Epyrus and Grecia. Where he sodaynly by night inuading the husband men in villages and fields, sleeping and mistrusting no harme, drew them out of theyr houses and possessions, men and women, besides children, to the number of ix. hū dreth whom he made hys bondslaues: burning moreouer theyr houses, and carying away all the goodes and cattell beyng without the sayd Citties of Zazinthus and Cythara. Ex. Ioan. Crispo.

From thence these helhoundes turned theyr course to yt siege and spoyle of Egina,Captiues of the Christians. Warre betwene the Egyenetes & the turkes. a rich and populous Iland, lying betweene Grecia and Asia. Where first the Egenians did manfully in battaile resist them, and were like to haue preuayled: but being weryed at length and oppressed with [Page] innumerable thousandes of fresh Turkes, which stil were sent in,Egina taken of the turke. The citizens of Egina slaine of the turkes. to rescue the other whiche were ouercome before, were compelled to flye into the Cittie of Egina. Which city the cruell Turkes (or rather Deuils on earth) wt muche labour, & violence of their great ordinaunce fet out of their shippes, subdued and cast downe to the ground: the Cittizens and inhabitauntes whereof, the Turke after he had burned their houses, and ransackt theyr goodes commanded to be slayne and killed euery one.The women of Egina miserably entreated and captiued of the turkes. The weomen both noble and vnnoble, with their infantes, were geuen to the mariners to be abused, and from thence being shipped vnto Constantinople, were led away to perpetuall misery & slauery, which was in the yeare of our Lord. 1537.

In the same iourny Solyman also tooke the Ile in the sayd sea of Eugeum,The Ile Parum and Naxus. Ciclades subdued of the turke. Ex Ioan. Crispo called Parum: also the Ile adioyning to the same named Naxus, and made them to him tributaries. The duke wherof was he which wrote the story both of these Ilandes aforesayd, and also of the other Ilandes called Cyclades, and other Dukes. Ex Ioan Crispo, Duce Naxi. &c.

Note what hurt commeth by the dissention of Christiā princes Stiria is a countrey or prouince neare adioyning to Austria.Thys done, Solymannus directed his Nauy vnto Apulia, where he set on land. x. thousand footmen, & 2000. horsemen, which spoiled likewise and wasted those parties while the Emperour, the pope and ye Uenetians were together in warre and dissension. Furthermore the next yere folowing. an. 1538. great attemptes began in Stiria, but by the resistance of the inhabitantes, the force of the barbarous turks was repulsed: notwithstanding great spoyles of men & cattell were caryed from thence, and the country miserable spoyled. In the which yeare also the Turk turning into Hungary, gaue battaile vnto the Christians in Sauia: where through the fraudulent falshood of the Captayne Cassianerus (Wolfegangus nameth him Calcianus beyng (as they say) corrupted with money, our men were put to the worse. an. 1538.

The falshood of the turke with the Venetians.After that the Turkes had inuaded the Ilande of Corcyra abouesayd, the Uenetians with Solyman the Turke had ioyned truce for a certayne time, for ye which they gaue the turke 300. thousand crownes, with the city of Neapolis, and Ma [...]uasia in the borders of Macedonia. But with in 4. or 5. yeares, the Turke to get a newe stipend of the Uenetians, brake hys league, and inuaded theyr dominions: whereby they were enforced to enter new conditions agayn with him.

Nouum Castellū in Dalmatia, ouer thro wen by the turke, & the people slaine.In the yeare of our Lord, 1540. the restles Turke making hys return toward Hungary, by the way passing by Dalmatia, lay against the towne called Newcastle, beyng defended by the Spanyardes. In the which town because they refused to yeld themselues all the inhabitauntes and souldiours were put to the sword & slain euery one. This Nouum Castellum or Newcastle was a strong fort of yt Christians, whiche being nowe in the Turkes power, he had great aduauntage ouer all those quarters of Dalmatia, Stiria, Carinthia, and Hungaria. From thence he proceeded further, keeping his course into Hungary, where he planted his power against the City of Buda.

This Buda was a principall city in Hungary, about which great contention had bene (as ye heard before) betweene Ioannes Uaiuoda,The contention in Hungary betweene Ferdinā dus & Vaiuoda & his successors. and Ferdinandus. By reason wherof the Turke occasioned by Uaiuoda, came into Hū gary and deliuered the City to Uaiuoda. This Uaiuoda liuing not long after, left behinde him a sonne, whome being an infant he committed to the gouernance of one Georgius Monachus: who being left tutour vnto the infant, reduced all Transiluania, Buda, Pesta, with other parties of Hungary, which belonged to Uaiuoda before, to the subiection of the child. Ferdinandus hearing therof, in a great hast and anger: leuyed an armye to recouer his landes in Hungarie, and so laid siege to Buda. Monachus seing his part weake, first sent his legate to Ferdinandus, desiring him to talke and conferre with him vppon matter, as he pretended,The communication betweene Monachus and Ferdinandus. pertaynign to the behoofe of them both. Wherupon both the parties being agreed, the place and manner of their conuention was appoynted, and also the day and tyme assigned. Thus the partyes (according to the agreement) conuenting together with their armyes, with drawing a little aside, as they were entred in communication, sodenly among Ferdinandus men, happened a dagg to be heard, which by the heate of the day (as is thought) loosing of hys own accord,What hurt may come of rashe suspicion. gaue a cracke. The sound wherof comming to the eares of Monachus, he supposing the same to haue bene discharged, agaynst him, in great anger drewe out his sworde, bidding Ferdinandus auant wt his doubling dissimmulation, saying that he would neuer any more trust the promises of Christians, and immediatelye vppe on the same sent to Solymannus the Turke, for ayde agaynst the Christians, promising that he would surrender to him free possession of Hungary,The turke called agayne into Hungary by the dislentiō betweene Monachus and Ferdinandus. The cowardly viage of Ioachimus Duke of Brandeburg, against the turke. if he woulde come and vanquish the army of Ferdinandus lying about the siege of Buda. The Turke maketh no long tarying, but taketh the occasion, and with a mighty power, flieth into Hungary, and eftsoones discharging the host of Ferdinandus, and putting them of from the siege of Buda, getteth the Citty into his own handes, commaunding the sonne of Uaiuoda with his mother, to follow after his camp.

In the history of Ioannes Ramus it followeth, that when Solyman the Turk had thus preuayled against the Cittie of Buda aforesayd, & agaynst other parties more of Hūgary, by the asset of the Empyre, one Ioachimus duke of Brandeberg, prince Electour was assigned with a puissant army of chosen souldiours of all nations collected, to recouer the City of Buda from the Turke, and to deliuer the other parties of Christendome from the feare of the Turke. an. 1542. Whiche Ioachimus at his first setting foorth, appeared so couragious and valiaunt, as though he would haue conquered the whole world: but this great heate was so slaked in short time by the Turke, that before any great ieoperdy was offered vnto him, he was glad to to be discharged of the viage, and with shame enough, returned home againe. And would God he had left behynde him in the field, no more but his owne shame. For the enemies hauing intelligēce before of his cowardly departure, thinking to worke some poynt of maistry or victory before his goyng, did set vpon the right wing of his army (which chiefly consisted of Dutchmen of low Germany) out of the which they tooke awaye with them aboue 500. strong and valiaunt souldiours,500. Christian souldiours taken and carried away of the turkes. not killing them, but carying them away aliue. For whome it had bene muche better to haue stand to their weapon and to haue dyed manfully vppon the turkes, then by yealding themselues to be disgarnished of weapon and armoure, and so to be lefte to the cursed curtesie of the foule Turkes. To whome what curtesie was sheweed,The horrible punishments practised of the turkes against the Christians. by the sequele did appeare. For after ye Turkes had led them out of Hungary into their own dominiō, after a most horrible & beastly sort they disfigured & mangled them, & so sent them abroad through all Grecia to be witnessrs of the Turkes victory. Their kind of punishment was thus: First they had their right arme thrust through with an iron red hot, whereby they should be vnable and vnmeet to all labour & warefare. Secondly, theyr heades were shauen to the very sculles, after the maner of our Friers & monks, when they are newly shauen. Thirdly, they had all their priuy members cut of frō their bodies to the intent to make thē vnfruitful for propagation which wound was so grieuous vnto them, that the greatest part of them died therupon, the few that recouered the torment therof, led a life more bitter & more miserable then death it selfe. And this kinde of cruelty was executed in order vpō them all. In much like sort did cruell Pharao exercise hys tyranny agaynst the people of God in Egipt: who to destroy the generation of them, caused all the male children to be drowned in the riuer. Whereby it is the more to be hoped, that seing the tiranny of this turkish Pharao is come to such an extremetie,Ex Ioan Ramo, de rebus turcicis. lib. 2. the mercifull goodnesse of God will the more shortly send some Moses or other vnto vs for our speedy deliueraunce. This was by the cruell Turkes done. an. 1542. witnessed by Ioannes Ramus, which not onely writeth the story, but by the testimony also of hys owne eyes recordeth the same to be true, beholding with his eies one of the same number in the city of Uienna, who hauing wife and children in Bruxelles, eyther for shame or sorrow had no minde to returne home to his own house.The falsenes of the turke in keeping no promise with the Christians. Ex Ioan Ramo.

But to returne agayne to the city of Buda, from whēre we haue digressed, here is not to be pretermitted, what falshood and what cruelty the turkes vsed toward the Christians there, after theyr victory. For after that Solyman ye Turke vpon the yelding and submission of the men of Buda, had geuen to them his promise of safety and life, within short time, the sayd turke picking a quarrell with them for selling Oxen vnto the Christians, and for barganing with them, slue all the Magistrates of the sayde Citty of Buda: like as in all other Citties, where so euer the Christians yelded vnto him, he neuer, or very rarely kept his promise with them, neyther did euer any christians speed better wt the turke,An horrible example of the beastly crueltie of the false turke. then they which most constantly did resist him.

And as hys promise with the Magistrates of Buda was false and wretched: so hys cruelty with the souldiors therof was more much notorious & abhominable. For in ye expugnation of Buda among yt rest whiche were slayne ij. cohortes or bands of Christian souldiors came alyue to his hands. To whom, when he seemed at the first to graūt pardon of life, he commaunded to put on their armour agayn, and to dispose themselues in order and battayle array [Page] after ye warlike maner of the christians, whiche when they had accomplished readily, according to his commaundement, & he riding about the ranckes of them, had dilligently vewed and be holden them a certain space, at length he commaunded thē to put of their armour againe, which done, certaine of the tallest and strongest of them he pyked out, the residue he commanded by his souldiors comming behinde them, with swordes to be cut in peeces and slayne. Of the other, whome he had elected and chosen, some he set for markes and buttes to be shot at: some he appointed to his two sonnes, for them to slash with their swordes, & try theyr strength, which of them could geue ye deper woūd and (as they termed it) the fayrer blowe,Ex epist. Marti. Stellae. de successibus tur carum. &c. whereby moste bloud might follow out of their Christian bodies. Ex Mart. Stella. De successibus Turcarum.

After the winning of Buda, the Turke purposing not so to cease before he had subdued and brought vnder his obedience all Hungary, proceeding further with his armye first brought vnder a strong hold of christians named Pestum or Pesta, where a great number of Christian souldiours partly were slayne, partly were ledde awaye to more cruell affliction.

The castle of Walpo wonne of the turkes.Then he came to an other Castle called Walpo situate in the confines of Bosna, Croatia, and Hungary. Whiche forte or castle he besieged three mōthes, while no rescue nor ayd was sent vnto them, neyther from Ferdinandus king of Hungary, nor from any other christian Prince or Princes. Whereupon at length the forte was geuen vp to the Turke, but more through the false treachery or cowardly hart of the souldiours, then of the Captaine. Wherein is to be noted an example not vnworthy of memory. For when the cowardly souldiours, eyther for feare or flattery, wold needs surrender themselues & the peece vnto the Turke, contrarye to the minde of the Captaine, whiche in no case would agree to theyr yelding: they thinking to find fauour with the turke, apprehended theyr captaine, and gaue him to Solyman.A notable example of Gods iudgementes lighting vpon themselues, which meane false hoode toward the innocent. But see howe the iustice of God sometymes by ye hands of the enemy, disposeth the end of things to the rewarding of vertue, & punishing of vice. For where they thought to saue themselues by the daunger of the faithfull Captain, the euent turned cleane contrary, so that ye Turk was to the captayne bountifull and very liberalll: and the souldiours, notwithstanding that they had all yelded thē selues, yet were all put to death and commaunded pitiously to be slayne, Ex Ioan. Martino Stella De Turcarum in Hungaria successibus. &c.

There is in Hungary an other towne bearing ye name of fiue Churches,The citie of 5. churhes yelded to the turkes. called Quiquecclesiensis, partly spoyled before, as is aboue mentioned, pag. 751. but nowe thorough the losse of Walpo, & by the hugenes of the Turkes armye (conteining in it. 220. thousand fighting men) was so discouraged and put out of hope and hart,The byshop leaueth his flocke in the bryers. that the b. [...]h. and chiefe nobles of ye town fled before ye ieoperdy: the rest of the cōmons, which were partly preuented by the sodein comming of the turkes, partly for pouerty could not auoid sent theyr messengers to the Turke, to yealde and surrender the towne, vppon promise of life, vnto his handes. Whose promise how firme it stood, the story leaueth it vncertaine. This is affirmed, that three dayes after the yelding of this Quinquecclesiensis, neuer a Turke durst enter the Cittie. an. 1543. Ex Ioan. Mart. Stella. & alijs.

Soclosia a towne in Hungary subdued of the turkes.The next fort or holde gotten by the Turkes in Hungary, was Soclosia. The towne at the first inuasion of the Turkes, was wonne, sackte, and fiered. The castle within the towne, did something hold out a tyme, and first requiring truce for 14. dayes, to see what ayd should be sent vnto them, and to deliberate vpon the conditions that should be proposed vnto thē, after the 14. daies expired, they (trusting to the situation and munitiō of the place, which was very strong) began for a certayne space stoutly to put back the enemy: But afterward seeing their walles to be battered, theyr foundations to shake (for the Turke had set xij. thousand vnderminers vnder the diches of ye castle) & their strength to diminishe,Couetousnes of wordly goodes is the destructiō of many a man. and misdoubting themselues not to be able long to hold out, agreed in like maner to yeld them selues, vpon condition to escape with life & goods. Which condition of sauing theyr goodes, was the loosing of theyr lyues, especially of the richer sort. For the Turkes perceauing by that condition, that they were of wealth and substaunce, omitting the inferiour or baser sorte,The turke keepeth no promise. fell vpon the wealthy men for their riches, and slue them euery one, an. 1543. Ibid.

In the which his history this is also to be noted, that during the time while the castle of Soclosia was besieged, the villages & pages round about the same, came of theyr own accord, submitting and yelding themselues vnto the Turke, bringing in (as they were commanded) all kynd of victuall and forage,Example what commeth by Christen mens yelding to the turke. into the Turkes campe. Which done, Solyman the Turke commaunded all the head men of the pages to appeare before hym, whiche humbly obeyed and came. Then the turke warned them to returne agayne the next day after, euery one bringing with him his inferiour retinue, and houshold seruauntes. Whiche when they had with like dilligence also, according to his commaundemēt accomplished, the turke immediately commaunded them euery one, in the face of hys whole army, to be slayn and so was this theyr reward. Which reward the more that it declareth the bloudy crueltie of the turke: the more encourage it may minister to our men, the more constantly to wt stand him. Ex Martino Stella.

An other strong town there is in Hūgary named Strigonium, distant from Buda aboue sayde,Strigonium a citie in Hungary besieged of the turkes. the space of fiue Dutch miles, agaynst the whiche the Turkes made great preparation of ordinaunce, and all other instruments of artillary necessary for the siege therof. Which cittie in like maner began also to be compassed and inclosed by ye turks, before it could be sufficiently prepared & garnished of our mē but that the archbishop onely of Strigon priuely conueyed vnto them 200. Oxen.Negligence of Christen princes in publicke defence. Such was then the negligence of Ferdinandus king of Hungary, which so slenderly looked vnto the necessary defence of his townes and cities. More ouer such was the discorde then of christen kinges & Princes, which in their ciuile dissension and warres were so occupied and hoate in needeles quarrels, that they had neyther leasure nor remēbraunce, to help in tyme there, where true neede required. Which slender care, and cold zeale of ye Christian rulers, not in tendering ye publicke cause, while they contend in priuate trifles, hath caused the Turke to come so farre as hee hath, and yet farther is like, vnlesse the mercy of the Lord doe helpe more, then our dilligence. One of the chiefe captaynes within the Cittye, was Martinus Lascanus, a Spanyard.

The Turkes in the beginning of the siege began first to attempt the Cittizens with fayre wordes, and accustomed promises, to yelde and gently to submit themselues. But they not ignoraunt of the Turks promises wisely refused, and manfully stood so long as they coulde to the defence of their citty, now and then skirmishing with them in out corners, and killing certayne numbers of them: sometime with their shot disturbing their munitions, & breaking the wheeles of their gunnes. &c.

Three speciall meanes the Turkes vse in winning great fortes and cities:Three speciall helpes of the turkes in winning townes & cities. great multitude of souldiors: great ordinaunce and mortarie peeces: the third is by vndermyning. All which here in the siege of this Cittie, lacked not. This siege continued vehement a certaine space: in whiche the Strigonians had borne out foure strong assaultes, and slue many thousandes of ye turkes, till at length the turkes eyther departing away, or els seeming to depart vnto Buda, the people at last being so perswaded and made to beleue of some chiefe rulers of the citty (peraduenture not the truest men) the citizens being erected with hope and comforte, and singing Te Deum, The citizens of Strigonium flie the citie. as though the city had bene free from all daunger, sodenly (by whose counsaile it is vnknowen) conueyed themselues all out of the Citty. 300. horsemen also passed ouer the riuer and departed. The Italiās which were vnder Frāciscus Salamanca a Spanish captayne hardly coulde be perswaded by him to abide, whiche were in all scarse. 600.

Within 3. daies after 300. Germaine souldiours, with 2. ships laden with shot, pouder, & artillery, were priuily let into ye town: So that of our men al there were scarse 1300. souldiors.The towne of Strigonium destroyed after the flying of the citizens, & the castell defended. Who seing the small quantitie of their number, burning and casting downe the towne & suburbes, tooke thē to ye castle: from whence they beate of the turkes valiantly with theyr ordinaunce, a good space, and with wyld fire destroyed great companies of thē, till at last they seyng theyr walles to fayle them, and the whole castle to shake by vndermyning, but especially by the working of a certayne Italian surnamed Presbyter, they gaue ouer. Thys Italian whether for feare or falshood, secretly vnknowing to the rest of the souldiours, accompanied with two other conueyed himselfe down from the walles, & being brought into the tentes of the next captayne or Bassa of the turkes, there in the name of all hys fellowes, conuented with the turkes,An Italian feare in yelding the castle of Strigoniū to the turke. to geue vp to them the Castle: wherupon ye turkes were bid to cease the shooting. This Italian shortly after with two other turkes was sent backe to Salamanca hys Captayne, with the Turkes message. The goyng out of this Italian being priuy to the residue of hys fellowes, cō trary to the lawes and discipline of warre, although it seemed to come of hys own head: yet for so much as the other souldiours were not sure, but rather suspected lest the other Italians his countreymen had beene in some parte of [Page] consent therein, and would take his part: neither durst offer him any harme for that his doing, nor yet could wel aduise with themselues what was best to do, for feare of priuy confederacie within themselues.

A turkishe truce taken with the Christians, they not knowing thereof.Thus while Lascanus the chiefe captaine of the Christians aforesayd, wt his fellowe souldiours, were in a mase what to doe or not to do: in the meane time came one running, who geuing a signe both to the Christians and the Turkes, to hold theyr hands and weapons, for that it was against all lawe of warre to fight after peace and truce taken: our men, as they were commaunded, went into ye inward tower. The turkes in the meane time, had got into the Castle, and occupyed all the vtter parties. Then was Salamanca by the consent of the rest, sent out to the Turk, who there being stayde that night, the next morrowe the Turkes bull or warant was sent into the Castle,The false turkes neuer true in promise. permitting free libertie to the Christians to depart with bag and baggage. Who now beyng ready to depart, first were cō maunded by the turkes compassing them round about, to cast from them theyr dagges, launces, and battaile axes, into the trench. Then comming to the gate to go out, theyr swordes were taken from them, looking then for nothing but present death.

At last whē they were come a little further, other were sent to them to discharge them of theyr helmettes, their tergattes, currettes, and what soeuer peece of harnes, was about them. Whereupon great feare came vpon them, least some great cruelty should be shewed vpon them.The miserable affliction of our Christen souldiours taken at Strigonium. Solymā after he had long deliberated wt himself, whether to kil thē or not, at last contrary to all expectatiō, granted theyr liues but before they should be dismissed, he first caused them, in derision of Christianitie, to be bayted with scornes and mockes throughout all the Turkish army, and so the next day commaunded them being stript out of theyr coats and apparell, to be reduced againe into the castle by companies setting ouer them certayne turkes with cudgels, & battes to lay vpon their backes and sides, causing them to bury ye dead carcases, and to gather vp the rubbish broken downe from ye castlewalles, and to scoure the ditches. Which done the next day following he demaunded of them by an interpreter, whether they would enter wages with hym, & take horse and armour to serue hym in his.Holy souldiours & Martius slaine of the turkes for their faithfull religion. Warres, which condition diuers for feare were contented to take, seyng no other remedy to auoyd present death. Some neyther by manasing wordes, nor for any feare of death, coulde be compelled thereunto, of whom certayn which stoode stoughtly in refusing thereof, were presently slayne, whome I may worthely recite in the number and catalogue of holy martyrs.

Of the foresayde christians, part were caryed ouer the riuer of Danubius, not without great vilany, & contumely most despitefull, For some had theyr wiues taken from them and caryed away, some had theyr wyues rauished before theyr face: and such as made or shewed any resistance therat, had their wiues before them cast into the riuer and drowned: also theyr infantes and yong children, beyng appoynted by the turkes to the abhominable order of the Ianizarites, mentioned before pag. 736. theyr parentes not consenting thereunto, were precipitate and throwne into the riuer and drowned. All whiche thinges are testified by Iohn Martinus Stella, Ex Ioan. Mart. Stella in Epist. ad fratros. in hys Epistles in print extant, written to his two brethren, William, & Michaell, &c. Whiche Mart Stella moreouer this addeth & affirmeth, that he hymselfe being the same time at Uienna, did see one of the foresaid wiues, who being holden fast by the heare of the head yet notwithstanding hauing her heare pluckt off, cast her selfe into the riuer Danubius, for the singuler loue to her husband, and so swamme to the shippe where he was. And thus this miserable company of Germaynes, Spanyards and Italiās mixt together, macerate with labours, with hunger pyned, with watchinges, dolours, and sorow consumed came at length to Schinda.

When the tidings therof was noysed at Uienna, partly with feare and dread, partly with indignation, all mens hartes were moued & vexed diuersly. Some thought them not worthy to be receiued into their citty,Diuers opinions of the Viēnians touching these miserable afflicted souldiours. shewing themselues so dastardly and cowardly. Other thought agayne that mercy was to be shewed vnto them, and commended their fact for that they being so few, & vnfurnished of ayde neither able to match by any meanes with suche an innumerable multitude of the turkes, kept themselues till better time might serue thē. But howsoeuer the matter was to be thought of, the captaines brought the poore remnant of that rufull company, vnto possidonium, where the sayd Captayns were layd fast, and their kept in durance, to render accompt of the whole matter, howe it was wrought and handled. And thus haue ye, the lamentable story of Strigonium.

The Turke proceeding in his victories, conducted his army next vnto Tath,Tath, subdued of the turkes. and to the parties lying nere about Comaron. This Tath was also a strong hold in Hungary wherein were placed certayne garrisons, pertly of the Germaynes, partly of the Italians. The chie [...]tayne of the Italians was one Anniball Tosso, constitute by Philipus Torneilius. This Tasso was a man well experte in prowes of warre:Victory hath neuer successe vnder awicked captaine and swearer. but of a filthy corrupt life, & also a foule swearer: and horrible blasphemer of God and his saintes. To make the story shorte, this forte of Tathe, before anye siege was layde vnto it, was yelded and geuen vp to the Turkes: vpon what conditions, or by whose meanes, the author sheweth not: Thus much he sheweth, that the sayd Anniball shortly vpō the same, returning into Italy, was commaunded by Tornellius aforesaid: to be apprehended and beheaded.

After the turkes had subuerted and destroyed the forte of Tathe,Alba Regalis besieged of the turke. they turned their power against Alba, surnamed Regalis, for that the kinges of Hūgary haue bene always wont there to be crowned, and buryed. This Alba is a litle well compacted citie in Hungary, hauing on ye one side a marishe somewhat foggishe or fenny, whiche made the town lesse assaultable.The turkes deuise in filling vpp the marishe But nere to the same was a woode from ye which ye turkes euery day with vi. C. cartes, brought such matter of wood and trees felled for the same purpose, into the marish, that within lesse then 12. dayes they made it apte, and harde to their feete, whiche the townes men thought neuer could be gone vppon, but onely in the hard frostes of wynter. At the first beginning of the siege, there stoode a little without the munitions in the front of the citie, a certayne church or Monastery, whiche the Cittizens pretending to mayntayne and keepe agaynst the turkes, had priuily cōueyed light matter easely to take flame,A stratageme of the Christians against the turkes. with pouder, in secret places therof, and had hid also fire withal. Whiche done, they (as agaynst theyr willes being driuen backe, withdrew themselues within the munitions, wayting the occasions, when this fire woulde take. Thus the turkes hauing the possession of the churche, sodenly the fire comming to the pouder, raysed vp the Churche, and made a great scatter and slaughter among the barbarous turkes This was not so soone espyed of them within the towne, but they issued out vpon them in this disturbance, and slue of them a great number: Among whom diuers of theyr nobles also the same time were slayne, and one Bassa an Eunuch, which was of great estimation with ye turkes.A note touching the French king that then was. Moreouer, in the same skirmish was taken one of those gunners which the french king is sayd to haue sent to the Turke a little before. Whiche if it be true, let the Christian Reader iudge what is to be thought of those Christen princes, which not onely forsaking the common cause of Christes Churche ioyned league with the turke,Ex epist. Ioan. Marti Stella. ad fratres. De Turcar. in Hungaria successibus. but also sent hym gunners to set forward hys warres to the destruction of Christes people, and to the shedding of theyr blond, for whom they know the blond of Christ to be shed. If this be not true, I shew myne authour: If it be, then let the Pope see and marke well howe hys title of Christianissimus, can well agree with such doinges.

But to let this matter sleape, although the turkes (as ye heard) had wonne the fenne, with theyr pollicie and industry, against the Cittie of Alba, yet all this while the Albanes were nothing inferiour to theyr enemies, through ye valiant help & couragious indeuour of Octauianus Scruzatus, a captayne of Millane. By whose prudent counsaile and constant standing, the busy enterprises of the turkes did little preuayle a long time, till at length, sodainly arose a thick fog or miste vpon the cittie, where as rounde about besides, the sunne did shine bright. Some sayde it came by Arte Magicall, but rather it may appeare to ryse out of the fenne or marish, beyng so pressed downe with mens feete and other matter layd vpon it.

The turkes vsing the occasion of this misty darckenes in secret wise approching the walles,The outwardwalles gott by the turkes. had got vp to a certayne fortresse, where the Germaynes were, before our men coulde well perceane them: where they pressed in so thicke, & in such number, that albeit the christian souldiors standing strongly to the defence of theyr lyues, dyd what valiaunt men in cases of such extremetie were able to doe: yet beyng ouermatched with the multitude of the Turks, & the sodennes of their comming, gaue backe, seeking to retyre into the inward walles. Which when theyr other felowes did see to recule, then was theyr flyeng of all hands euery man striuing to get into the Cittie. There was betweene the outward Wales or vamures,A miserable slaughter of Christen souldiours. and inward gate of the citty, a straite or narrow passage, cast vp in maner of a bancke or causey, ditched on both sides: which passage or ingresse happened ye same timeto be barred & stopped. By [Page] reason wherof the poore souldiors were forced to cast them selues into the ditch, thinking to swimme as well as they could, into the cittye: where many of them sticking in the mudde, were drowned: one pressing vpon an other: many were slayne of their enemies comming behinde them, they hauing neither hart, nor power to resist. A fewe whiche could swimme out, were receiued into the Citty: but the chiefe Captaines and warders of the towne were there slayne.

The cittizens being destitute of theyr principall captaines and warriors, were in great perplexitie and doubt among thēselues, what to do, some thinking good to yeld, some counsayling the contrary. This while the mindes of the cittizens were distract in diuers & doubtfull sentences, the Magistrates minding to stand to ye turkes gentlenes, sent out one of theyr heads vnto the turke, who in ye name of them all, should surrender to him the citty, and become vnto him tributaries, vpō cōdition they might enioy liberty of life & goods, which being to thē granted, after the turkish faith & assurance, first ye souldiors which were left wtin ye citty, putting of theyr armour, were discharged & sent away. Who being but onely 300. left of 4. ensignes of Italians, & of a thousand Germaynes,Let neuer good Christians stand to the turks gentlenes. by the way were layd for by the Tartarians, for hope of theyr spoyle: so that they scattering a sunder one one way, an other an other to saue themselues as wel as they could: fled euery one what way he thought best. Of whome some wandering in woodes & marishes faynted for famine: some were taken and slayne by the Hungarians, a few with bare and empty, and wythered bodies, more like ghostes then men, escaped & came to Uienna. And this befell vpon the souldiors.

Now vnderstand what happened to the yelding Citizens. So in story it followeth, that when the turke had entred the towne, and had visited the sepulchre of the kynges for three or 4. dayes he pretented muche clemency toward the cittizens, as though he came not to oppresse them, but to be reuēged of Ferdinādus their king, & to deliuer them from the seruitude of the Germaines. On the fourth day, al ye chiefe & head men of the citty were cōmaunded to appeare before ye turke in a playne, not far frō the citty where the condemned persons before, were wont to be executed, as though they should come to sweare vnto the turke.The cruelty of the turks against the Christians. What it is to yeld to turke and to sticke to hys promise. At this commaundement of the turke, when the cittizens in great number, & in their best attyre were assembled, ye turk contrary to his fayth and promise, commaunded sodenly a generall slaughter to be made of them all. And this was ye end of the citizens of Alba.

In the meane time, during the siege of Alba, the Hungarians meeting sometimes with the horsemen of ye Tartarians, which were sent out to stop their vitailes from ye citie,The Cityzēs of Alba destroyed of the turkes. Halfe of a young child found in the satchell of a captiue coming frō the turkes. The castell of Pappa wonne of the turkes. Wizigradū gotte and surprised of the turkes. The false dealing and crueltie of the turkes against the Christians. Nouum castellum in Dalmatia wonne by the turkes. slue of them at one bickering. 3000. Turks. In which story is also reported & mentioned of mine author, an horrible sight and example of misery, concerning a certayne captiue (a Christian belike) who comming into Uienna, was found to haue in his scrip or satchel the halfe of a yong childe of two yeares old, which remayned yet vneaten, the other halfe beyng eaten before. an. 1543. Ibid.

Next after this was expugned the castle of Pappa, by ye Turkes. Let the castle now of Papa take heede, least one day it follow after.

The like fidelitie the turkes also kept, with the fort of Wizigradum and the souldiours therof. This Wizigradū is situate in the mid way betweene Buda and Strigoniū. Of the which fort or Castle, the highest tower so mounteth vpon the hil, that vnlesse it be for famine and lack of water they haue not to dread any enemy. Notwithstanding so it happened, that the lower peece being wonne, they in the higher tower abiding foure dayes without drink were cō pelled wyth liberty graunted of life and goodes, to yelde themselues. But the deuilish turkes keeping no fayth nor promise, slue them euerye one, onely Petrus Amandus the captaine of the peece, excepted: who priuely was conueyed by the Captayne of the Turkes, out of the slaughter. an. 1544.

To these moreouer may be added the winning of Nouum Castellum in Dalmatia, where he slue all that were wt in both soldiors & other,The discord of Christiā princes within themselues. The turke occasioned to returne out of Europe into Asia. for that they did not yeld themselues in time. Thus the turke, whether they yelded to hym or not, neuer spared the people and flocke of Christ.

As the false & cruell Turk was thus raging in Hungary, and intended further to rage without all mercy and pitie of the Christians, and easely might then haue preuayled and gone whether he would for that Charles the Emperour and Franciscus the french king were the same tyme in warre and hostilitie, and also other Christen Princes, as Henry Duke of Brunswike, against Iohn Fredericke Duke of Saxonie, also Princes and rulers were contending among themselues: beholde the gracious prouidence of our Lord and God toward vs, who seeing the misery & hauing pittie of hys poore Christians, sodeinely as with a snafle reined this raging beast, and brought him out of Europe into his owne country againe, by occasion of the Persians, who were then in great preparation of war agaynst the turkes,The prouidence of God for his Christians. & had inuaded hys dominion. By reason wherof the turkes was kept there occupyed, fighting with the Persians a long continuance. Whiche warres at length being atchiued and finished, (wherein the sayd Turke lost great victoryes, with slaughter of many thousandes of his Turkes) he was not onely prouoked by the instigation of certaine euil disposed Hungarians, but also occasioned by the discord of Christian Princes, to returne agayn into Europe, in hope to subdue all the partes thereof vnto his dominion. Whereunto,An other example of Gods prouidence for his when he had leuyed an armye incredible of such a multitude of turks, as ye like hath not lightly bene heard of, see agayne the mercifull prouidence & protection of our God toward his people. And as the Turke was thus intending to set forward with this innumerable multitude against ye Christians, the hand of the Lorde sent such a pestilence through all the turkes army and dominions, reaching from Bithynia, and from Thracia, to Macedonia and also to Hungary, that all the turkes possessions almost seemed nothing els, but as a heape of dead corses, whereby his viage for that time was stopped, and he almost compelled to seeke a new army.

Beside this plague of the Turkes aforesayde, whiche was worse to them then any warre, other lets also and domesticall calamities through Gods prouidence happened vnto Solymannus, the great rouer and robber of ye world which stayd him at home from vexing the christians, especially touching hys eldest sonne Mustapha.

This Mustapha being hated and partly feared of Rustanus the chiefe counsailour about the Turke, and of Rosa ye turkes concubine & after his wife, was diuers times complayned of to his father, accused, & at length so brought into suspicion and displeasure of the turke, by them aforesayd: that in conclusion hys father caused him to be sent for to hys pauilion,Sylyman the turke murdereth Mustapha his owne sonne. where 6. Turkes with visours were appoynted to put hym to death: Who comming vppon hym, put (after theyr manner) a small corde or bowstring full of knottes about hys necke, & so throwing him downe vpon ye ground, not suffering hym to speake one word to hys father, wt the switch therof throtcled & strangled him to death his father standing in a secret corner by, and beholding the same. Whiche facte being perpetrate, afterward when the Turke would haue geuen to an other sonne of hys and of Rosa called Bianger, the treasures, horse, armour, ornamentes and the prouince of Mustapha his brother: Bianger crying out for sorow of his brothers death: phy of thee, sayth he to hys father, yu impious and wretched dog, traytour, murderer, I cannot cal thee father, take the treasures the horse and armour of Mustapha to thy selfe: and wyth that taking out hys dagger, thrust it through hys own body. And thus was Solyman murderer & parricide of hys owne sonnes: which was in the yeare of our Lord. 1552.

Wherein notwithstanding is to be noted the singular prouidence and loue of the Lord toward his afflicted christians. For this Mustapha as he was couragious & greatly expert and exercised in all practise of warre:The louing prouidence of our Lord for his Christians. so had he a cruell hart, maliciously set to shed the bloud of christians: Wherfore great cause haue we to congratulate,Good hope at Gods hand to be conceaued of Christians. & to geue thanks to god, for ye happy taking away of this Mustapha And no lesse hope also and good comfort we may conceaue of our louing Lord, hereby ministred vnto vs, to thinke y• our mercifull God after these sore afflictions of his Christians vnder these 12. Turks afore recited: now after this Solyman intendeth some gratious good worke to Christendom, to reduce & release vs out of this so long & miserable turkish captiuitie: as may be hoped now by takyng away these yong impes of this impious generation, before they should come to worke theyr conceaued malice against vs: the Lord therefore be glorified and praysed. Amen.

Moreouer as I was in writing hereof, oportunely came to my handes a certayne writing out of Germanye,Good newes of the turkes lately repulsed by the Christian. certifyeng vs of suche newes & victory of late atchieued against the turke, as may not a little increase our hope and comfort vs, touching the decay and ruine of the Turks power & tyranny against vs. Which newes are these: yt after y• turkish tyrant had besieged with an army of 30000. men, the famous & strong town and castle of Iula in Hungary lyeng 40. dutch myles beyond the riuer Danubius, which cittye had, by the space of 6. weekes susteined many grieuous assaultes: God through hys great mercy & goodnes so comforted the sayd towne of Iula and the poore Christians therein, at theyr earnest prayers, that the Turke with [Page] all hys hoste was driuen backe, by the handes of the generall, called Karetshim Laslaw and his valiaunt company, who not onely defended the said town, but also constrayned the Turks to retyre, to the great shame and confusion, with a great slaughter of the turkish rable: For the whiche the euerlasting God be praysed for euer.

The maner of the ouerthrow was this. As the foresaid generall did see his aduauntage wt Captayne George, and other horsemen of the Sclesians and Hungarians, they set on ye rereward of the Turkes and killed about 8000. of thē,8000. turkes slaine. and tooke also some of their artillery and followed them so fast, y• the Turkes were constrayned to flye into a marishe ground, and to breake the wheeles of the rest of theyr artillary, to saue themselues, and therwith they got a very rich booty, rescuing besides and taking from the Turks a great number of christian prisoners. Like thankes also are to be geuen to God,Christian captiues rescued & taken from the turkes. 800. turkes slaine. for the prosperous successe geuen to Magotschie the valiaunt Captaine of Erla, who making toward the Turkes, and recountring with the Tartarians, slue of them about 8. hundreth.

Not long after this, it happened through the like prouidence of our God, a turkish Captayne called Begen, accompanyed wt a thousand freshe horsemen came newly out of Turky,A great captaine of the turkes slaine and his treasure taken. to go toward the citty named Quinque Ecclesiae, or Finffenkyrchen: with whome the Erle of Serin by the way did encounter, and in the right setting vpon hym, killed the captayne and tooke 8. Cammels, and 8. Moyles laden with treasure, and also got two red Guidons, wyth a whole great peece of rich cloth of gold, and with an other fayre and straunge Iewell. The horse of this foresayd turkish captayn, was betrapped and decked most richly. The sadle wherof had the pommell and the backe part couered ouer with plate of fine Arabicke golde, and the rest of the sadle, beside the sitting place, was plated with siluer very fayre gilded. The seate of the sadle was couered with purple veluet: the trappers and bridle beset with little Turkeys, and Rubies: Which horse was sent to Uienna vnto the Emperour Maximilian for a present.

Although the Earle would very fayne haue saued the Captayn, not knowing what he was, yet the Ianizarites labouring to carry away their captayne, so stiffly defended thēselues, that the Earle with his company, was constrayned to kill both them and theyr Captayne. From whome the said Erle of Serin ye same time got, xv. thousand Turkish and Hungarish Ducates: which mony was brought for the payment of the Turkishe souldiours in the towne aforesayd of Finffenkyrchen. &c. All which be good begynninges of greater goodnes to be hoped for hereafter, thorough the grace of Christ our Lord, especially if our Christian rulers and potentates, first the churchmen & prelates for theyr partes: then the ciuile powers & princes for their partes, with holding theyr affections a little, will turne their brawles & variance, into brotherly concord and agrement, which the Lord of peace put in theyr mindes to doe. Amen. Or otherwise if it will so please the Lorde, that the turke come further vpon vs, so as he hath begonne, for our punishment & castigation, his grace then geue to the flock of his poore Christians, constancie of fayth, pacience in suffering, and amendmēt of life: For so I vnderstand by publicke fame, although vncertaynly rumored by the voyce of some,The turke pearcing into Italy. that the Turkes power of late, this present yeare of our Lord 1566. hath perced the parties of Apulia within Italy, wasting and burning the space of an. 100. myles toward Naples. Which if it be certaine, it is to be feared, that the Turke hauing thus set in his foote, & feeling the sweetnes of Italy, wil not so cease before he get in both head and shoulders also so farre into Italy, that he will display hys banners within the walles of Rome, & do with old Rome the like as Mahumete his great granfather did with newe Rome, the city of Constantinople, and as the Persians did with Babylon.

The causes why we haue so to iudge, he diuers: first y• the sea of Rome hath bene defended hetherto and mayntayned with much bloud,Coniectures why it is to be feared that the turke shall gette Rome. and therefore it may seeme not vncredible, but that it will not long continue, but be lost wt bloud agayne, according to the verdict of the Gospell: He that striketh with the sword, shall perish with ye sword. &c. An other cause is, the fulfilling of the 18. chapter of the Apocalips: where is written that great Babilon shall fall & be made an habitation of deuils, and a denne of vncleane spirite, and a cage of filthye and vncleane byrdes: the fall wherof shal be like a milstone in the sea, that is, which shal not rise agayne. And this to come before the day of iudgement, the text of ye sayd chapter doth apertly declare: where the wordes do follow, shewing that the kynges of ye earth, and the marchantes which had to doe with the whoorishe City, standing a farre of for feare of the heate, and beholding the smoke of the sayd Cittie flaming and burning wt fire, shall be wayle and rue her destruction and desolacion &c. What citty is this, called great Babilon, whiche like a mylstone shall fall and burne, and be made an habitation of vncleane spirites, and beastes, let the reader construe. This is certayn and playne by these her kinges and marchantes standing a far of for feare, and beholding her burning, that the destruction of this city (what cittye soeuer it be) shall be seene here in earth before the comming of the Lordes iudgement,The phrophesi of the 18. chap. of the Apoccalipse [...] pounded. as may easely be gathered by these iij. circumstances, that is, by the stāding, the beholding, and be wayling of her marchauntes. By the which marchauntes and kynges of the earth, peraduenture may be signified, ye Pope, the rich Cardinalles, the great prelates and fat doctours, and other obedienciaries of the Romish sea: who at the comming of the Turkes, will not auenture theyr liues for theyr Church, but will flee the citty (no doubt) and stād a farre of from daunger: and when they shal see with their eyes, and heare with theyr cares the city of Rome to be set on fire and consumed by the cruell Turks, the sight thereof shall seeme to them piteous and lamentable, to behold the great and fayre city of Rome, the tall castle of S. Angell, ye Popes mighty sea (where they were wont to fishe out such riches dignities, treasures, and pleasures) so to burne before theyr eyes, and to come to such vtter desolacion, which shal neuer be reedefied agayne, but shall be made an habitation of deuils and vncleane spirites, that is, Turkes and heathen Sultans, and barbarous Saracens. &c. This (I say) peraduenture may be the meaning of that prophetical place of the Apoc. not that I haue here anye thing to pronounce, but onely geue my gesse, what may probably be coniectured. But the end at length will make this and all other thinges more playne and manifest. For mistical prophesies lightly are neuer so well vnderstand, as when the euent of them is past and accomplished.

An other cause concurring with the causes aforesayde may be collected,The third cause Ex Paulo Iou [...]o. out of Paulus Iouius, who writing ofye subuersion of Rhodes, which was as ye heard. an. 1522. vpon Christmas day, sayth that it chaunced sodenly the same day in Rome, that as Pope Hadrian the vi. was entring into the church to his seruice, sodeinly ouer hys head the vpper frontier or toppe of the chappel dore, which was of marble immediately as the pope was entring, fel downe and slue certayne of hys garde wayting vpon hym. Whereby peraduenture may be ment, that the ruine of Rome was not long after to folow the losse of Rhodes.

The fourth cause I borowe out of Ioannes Auentinus, The fourth cause Ex Ioan. Auentino. Annal. lib. 3. fol. 30. who in his thyrd booke alledging the names, but not the wordes of Hildegardis, Brigitte, and other propheticall men hath these wordes: Si vera sint carmina & vaticinia D. Hildegardae, & Brigittae. Sybillanum Germaniae, & Bardorum fatidicorū, qui ea quae nostro aeuo completa vidimus, longo ante tempore nobis cecinerunt: A grippinensis Colonia, nolimus, velimus, Turcarū caput erit, A prophesi. &c. That is, if the sayings and prophesies of Hildegarde, of Brigitte, & of other propheticall persōs be true, which beyng foretold long before, we haue seene now in these our dayes accōplished: ye town of Colen wil we, nil we, must needes be the head city of ye turks. &c.

And this I write not as one pronouncing agaynst the City of Rome, what wil happen, but as one fearing what may fall. Which if it come to passe (as I pray God it do not) then shall the Pope well vnderstand, whether hys wrong vnderstanding of the Scriptures, & his false flattering glosers vpon the same, haue brought hym.

Wherefore my counsayle is to the Pope,A caucat to the bishop of Rome, if he be wise. & all hys Popish mayntayners and vpholders to humble themselues, & to agree with theyr brethren by tyme, letting all contention fall: lest that while the Byshop of Rome shal striue to be the highest of all other Byshops, it so fall out shortly, yt the byshop of Rome shalbe found the lowest of all other Byshops, or peraduenture no byshop at all.

Wherevpon also an other cause may be added, taken out of Hieronunns Sauonarola, who prophecieth that one shall come ouer the Alpes lyke vnto Cyrus, & destroy Italy. Wherof see more, pag. 737.

Thys Solimanus, if he be yet aliue, hath now reigned 46. yeares,Ex Pau [...]o Ionio. who began the same yeare, in the which ye Emperour Charles the v, was crowned, which was an. 1520. and so hath continued by Gods permission, for a scourge to the Christians, vnto this yere now present. 1566. This Solyman by one of hys Concubines, had hys eldest sonne called Mustapha. By an other Concubine called Rosa, he had foure sonnes, Mahumete, Baiazates, Zelymus, and Gianger. Of the whiche sonnes, Mustapha and Gianger were slayn (as ye heard before) by the meanes of their own father. And thus much concerning the wretched tyranny of the Turkes out of the authors here vnder written.

The Authors of the Turkes storyes.

Authours of the turkes stories.

Laonicus Chalcondila.

Nicolaus Eboicus Episo. Saguntinus.

Ioan. Ramus.

Andraeas a Lacuna.

Wolfgangus Drechslerus.

Ioan. Crispus.

Ioan Faber.

Ludouicus Viues.

Bernardus de Breydenbach.

Mityleneus Archiepise. Sabellicus.

Isiodorus Rutherus.

Marinus Barlerus.

Henrious Penia de bello Rhodio.

Melchior Soiterus.

Paulus Iouius.

Ioan Martinus Stella.

Gaspar Peucerus. &c.

Nicolaus a Moffen Burgundus.

Sebast Munsterus.

Baptista Egnatius.

Barthol Peregrinus.

¶ A Notice touching the miserable persecution, slaughter and captiuity of the Christians vnder the Turkes.

Persecution vnder the turkes.HEtherto thou hast heard (Christian Reader) the lamē table persecutions of these latter dayes, wrought by ye Turkes agaynst the people and seruauntes of Christ. In the reading wherof, such as sitte quietly at home, & be farre frō ieopardy, may see what misery there is abroad, y• knowledge and reading wherof, shall not be vnprofitable for all christians earnestly to wey & consider, for that many there be, which falsely deceauing themselues, imagin that Christianity is a quiet and restrull state of life, full of pleasure & solace in this present worlde, when in deede it is nothing lesse, testified by the mouth of our Sauiour himselfe, who rightly defining his kingdome, teacheth vs that his kingdome is not of this world, premonishing vs also before, yt in this worlde we must looke for affliction, but in hym wee shall haue peace. Examples hereof in all partes of thys hystory through all ages are plenteous and euidēt to be sene, whether we turne our eyes to the first x. persecutiōs in the primitiue Church during the first 3. hundreth yeares after Christ: or whether we consider the latter 3. hūdreth yeares in this last age of the Churche, wherein the poore flocke of Christ hath bene so afflicted,Comparison betwene the persecutions of the primitiue church and of the latter church. Three speciall enemies of Christes Church. oppressed & deuoured, ye it is hard to say whether haue bene more cruell agaynst ye Christians, the infidel Emperors of Rome in the primitiue age of the Church, or els those barbarous Turkes in these our latter times of the Church now present.

Thus from time to time the Churche of Christ almost hath had litle or no rest in this earth, what for the Heathen Emperours on the one side, what for the proude Pope on the other side, and on the third side what for the barbarous Turke: for these are and haue bene from the beginning the three principall & capital enemies of the Church of Christ, signified in the Apocalips by the beast, the false Lamb, and the false Prophet, from whom wēt out three foule spirites like frogges, to gather together all the kinges of the earth to the battell of the day of the Lord God almighty.Apoc. 16. The crueltie of the furious turkes described. Apocal. 16. The cruelty and malice of these 3. enemyes agaynst Christes people hath bene such, that to iudge which of thē did most exceede in cruelty of persecution, it is hard to say: but y• it may be thought that the bloudy & beastly tyrannye of the Turkes especially aboue the rest, incomparably surmounteth all the afflictions and cruell slaughters that euer were seene in any age, or read of in any story: In so much y• there is neither history so perfect, nor writer so diligēt, who writing of the miserable tyranny of the Turkes, is able to expresse or comprehend the horrible examples of theyr vnspeakable cruelty and slaughter exercised by these 12. Turkish tyrants,Two things to bee noted in the turks: how many victories they haue got, & howe cruelly they haue vsed their victories. vpon poore Christē mens bodies, within the compasse of these latter 3. hūdreth yeares, wherof although no sufficient relation can be made, nor nūber expressed: yet to geue to the Reader some generall gesse or view thereof: let vs first perpend and consider what dominions & Empyres, how many countries, kingdomes, prouinces, cities townes, strong holdes and fortes, these Turkes haue surprised and wonne from the Christians. In all which victories, being so many, this is secondly to be noted, that there is almost no place, which the turkes euer came to and subdued, where they did not either slay all ye inhabitants therof, or led away the most part therof into such captiuity and slauery, that they continued not long after aliue: or els so liued, that death almost had bene to them more tollerable.

Like as in the time of the first persecutions of the Romayne Emperors, the saying was, that no man could step with his foote in all Rome, but should tread vpon a Martyr: so here may be sayd, that almost there is not a towne, city, or village in all Asia, Grecia, also in a great part of Europa, and Aphrica, whose streetes haue not flowed with bloud of the Christians, whom the cruell turks haue murthered. Of whom are to be sene in histories, heapes of souldiours slaine, of mē & womē cut in pieces, of childrē sticked vpō poles & stakes, whō these detestable turks most spitefull (& y• in the sight of theyr parentes) vse to gore to death: some they drag at theyr horse tailes & famish to death: some they teare in pieces, tying theyr armes and legges to foure horses: other some they make marks to shoot at: vpō some they trye theyr swords, how deep they can cut and slash, as ye before haue read, pag. 777, The aged & feeble they tread vnder theyr horses: womē wt child they spare not, but ripp theyr bodyes, and cast the infants into the fire, or otherwise destroy them▪ Ex Marino Barletio de Scodr. ex pugnat. lib. 2. Whether the Christians yeld to them, or yeld not, all is a matter As in theyr promises there is no truth: so in theyr victoryes there is no sense of manhood or mercy in them, but they make hauocke of all.

So the Citizens of Croia, after they had yelded & were all promised theyr liues, were all destroyd and that horribly. In Mysia, after the king had geuen himselfe to the turkes hand, hauing promise of life, Mahumet the Turke slew him with his owne hands. The Princes of Rasia had both theyr eies put out with [...]asens redde hoate set before them. Theodosia, otherwise called Capha, was also surrē dered to the Turke, hauing the like assuraunce of life and safety: & yet contrary to the league, the Citizens were put to the sword and slaine. At the winning and yelding of Le [...] bos, what a number or young men and children were put vpon sharpe stakes and poles, and so thrust thorough? At the winning of the Citty of Buda,Ex Michael. Sottero. lib. 1. de Bello Pannonico fol. 525. what tyrannye was shewed and exercised agaynst the poore Christians, whiche had yelded themselues, and agaynst the two Dukes Christopher Bisserer and Ioannes Tranbinger, cōtrary to the promise and handwriting of the Turke, is to be sene in the story of Melchior Soiterus, de Bello Pannonico.

The like also is to be read in the story of Bernardus de Breydenbach,Ex Bernardo de Breydenbach Decano Eccl. Maegun [...]. who writing of the taking of Hydrimtum, a City in Apulia, testifieth of the miserable slaughter, of the young men there slayne, of old men troden vnder the horse feet, of matrons & virgines rauished, of women with child cut & rent a pieces, of the Priestes in the Churches slayne, & of the Archbishop of that Citty,The superstitious vse of the materiall crosse. who being an aged man and holding the crosse in his hands, was cut a sonder with a woodden saw. &c. The same Bernerdus also wryting of the ouerthrow of Nigropontus, otherwise called Chalcides, an. 1471. describeth the like terrible slaughter: whiche there was exercised: where the Turke, after hys promise geuē before to the cōtrary,Vide supra. pag. 755. most cruelly caused all the youth of Italy to be pricked vpon sharp stakes: some to be dashed against the hard stones,Ex Bernardo Breydenb. other some to be cut in sonder in ye middest, and other mo with other kinds of forments to be put to death: in so much that all the streetes and wayes of Chalcides did flowe with the bloud of them, whiche were there slayn. In which history the foresayd writer recordeth one memorable example of maydēly chastity, worthy of all Christians to be noted and commended.A notable example of maydenly chastitie. The story is tolde of the Pretors daughter of that City, who being the onely daughter of her father, & noted to be of an exceeding singuler beuty, was saued out of the slaughter, & brought to Mahumet the turke, to be his concubine: But she denying to consent to his turkishe appetite and filthynes, was commaunded therewith to be slayne and murthered, and so died she a Martyr, keping both her fayth and her body vndefiled vnto Christ Iesus her spouse. Ibid.

The like cruelty also was shewed vpon them whiche kept the Castle, & afterward yelding themselues vpō hope of the turkes promise, were slayne euery one. What should I speake of the miserable slaughter of Methone, & the Citizēs therof dwelling in Peloponesus: who seing no other remedy but needes to come into the Turkes hands, set the barne on fire where they were gathered together, mē, women, and children:Vid. supra. pag. 7 [...]4. some women also with child volūtarily cast themselues into the Sea, rather then they would sustayne the Turkes captiuity. Vide pag. 734.

Miserable it is to beholde,The miserable spillyng of Christen mens bloud by the wretched turk [...]. long to recite, incredible to beleue all the cruel parts and horrible slaughters wrought by these miscreantes, agaynste the Christians, through all places almost of the world, both in Asia, in Africa, but especially in Europa. Who is able to recite the innumerable societyes and companyes of the Grecians Martyred by the Turkes sword in Achaia, Attica, Thessalia, Macedonia, Epirus, and all Peloponesus? besides ye Iland of Rhodes and other Ilandes, and Cyclades adiacēt in the sea about, numbred to 52. of the which also Pathmos was one, wher S. Iohn being banished, wrote his reuelations. Where did euer the Turkes sette any foote, but the bloud of Christians there, without pitty or measure, went to wracke? & what place or prouince is there almost thorow ye world, wher ye turks either haue not perced, or are not like shortly [Page] to enter?A briefe recitall of Christen townes & forts wonne of the tu [...]ke in Europe. In Thracia, & through all the coastes of Danubius, in Bulgaria, Dalmatia, in Seruia, Transiluania, Bosna, in Himgaria, also in Austria, what hauocke hath bene made by them, of Christen mens bodies, it will rue any Christen hart to remember. At the siege of Moldauio, at the winning of Buda, of Pesta, of Alba, of Walpo, Strigonium, Sociosia, Tathe, Wizigradum, Nouum, Castellum in Dalmatia, Belgradum, Uaradinum, Quinque ecclesie: also at the battel of Uerna, where Ladislaus king of Polonie with all his army almost, through the rashnes of the Popes Cardinall were slayne: at the winning moreouer of Xabiacchus, Lyssus, Dinastrum: at the siege of Guntza, and of the faythfull towne Scorad, where the nū ber of the shotte agaynst theyr walles,The crueltie of the turk against the Citizens of Constantinople Vide supra. pag. 706. at the siege thereof, were reckoned to 2539. likewise at the siege of Uienna where all the Christian captiues were brought before the whole army and slayne, and diuers drawne in pieces with horses: but especially at the winning of Constantinople aboue mentioned, pag. 706. also at Croia & Methone, what beastly cruelty was shewed, it is vnspeakeable. For as in Constantinople, Mahumer the dronken Turk neuer rose from diner, but he caused euery daye, for his disport. 300. Christiā captiues of the nobles of that City to be slayn before his face:The crueltie of the turk against the prisoners of Methone. Ex Leonico Chalcondyla de rebus Turcicis. lib. 10. So in Methone, after that his captayn Omares had sent vnto him at Constantinople 500. prisoners of the Christians, the cruell tyraunt commaunded them all to be cut and deuided in sonder by the middle, & so being slain to be throwne out into the fieldes.

Leonicus Chalcondyla, writing of the same story, addeth moreouer a prodigious narratiō (if it be true) of a brute Oxe, whiche being in the fieldes, and seing the carcases of the dead bodies so cut in two, made there a loud noise after the lowing of his kind and nature: & afterward comming to the quarters of one of the dead bodyes lying in the field, first tooke vp the one halfe,A straunge and a prodigious wonder of a brute beast towarde a dead Christian body. & then comming agayne, tooke vp likewise the other halfe, and so (as he could) ioyned thē both together. Which being espyed of them which saw the doing of the brute Oxe, and maruelling thereat, and word being brought thereof to Mahumet, he commaunded the quarters agayne to be brought, where they were before, to proue whether the beast would come agayne: who fayled not (as the author recordeth) but in like sort as before, taking the fragmentes of the dead corps, layde them agayne together. It foloweth more in the author, howe that Mahumet being astonied at the straunge wonder of the Oxe,More humanitie seene in a brute beast then in the turke. commaunded the quarters of the christiā mans body to be interred, and the Oxe to be brought to his house, and was much made of. Some sayd it to be the body of a Uenetian: some affirmed, that he was an Illyrian: but whatsoeuer he was certayne it is, that the Turk himselfe was much more beastiall then was the very brute Oxe: which being a beast shewed more sence of humanity to a dead man, thē one mā did to an other Ex Leonic. Chalcondyla.

The Byshop with the Citizens of Methone slayne of the turke. Ex Andrea de L [...]cuna, & aliss. Ex Ioanne Fabro, in oratione ad Regem. Henr. 8.To this crueltye adde moreouer, that beside these 500. Methonians thus destroyed at Constantinople, in the said City of Methone, all the townes men also were slayne by the forsayd Captayn Omares, and among them theyr Bishop likewise was put to death. Ex Andrea de Lacuna, & ex Wolfgango & alijs.

Iohn Faber in his Oration made before king Henrye the 8. at the appointment of king Ferdinandus, and declaring therin the miserable cruelty of the Turkes toward al christians, as also toward the bishops and ministers of the church, testifieth how that in Mitilene, in Constantinople, and Trapezunda, what Byshops & Archbishops, or other ecclesiasticall and religious persons the Turks could find they brought them out of the cityes into the fieldes, there to be slaine like Oxen and Calues. The same Faber also writing of the battell of Solyman in Hungary, where Ludouicus the king of Hūgary was ouerthrown, declareth that 8. Byshops in the same field were slayne. And moreouer, when the Archbishop of Strigon,The crueltie of the turke in Eubo [...]a. and Paulus the Archbishop Colossensis were found dead, Solyman caused thē to be taken vp, & to be beheaded and chopt in small pieces. an. 1526.

What christian hart will not pity the incredible slaughter done by the Turkes in Euboia, where as the sayd Faber testifieth that innumerable people were sticked & gored vpon stakes, diuers were thrust through with a hoat iron, childrē and infants not yet wayned from the mother were dashed agaynst the stones, & many cut a sūder in the midst. Ex Iohan Fabro & alijs.

The prince of Seruia slayne & slayne of the turke.But neuer did country taste and feele more the bitter & deadly tyranny of the Turkes, then did Rasia, called Mysia inferior, & now Seruia. Where (as writeth Wolfgangus Dreschlerus) the prince of the sayde countrey being sent for, vnder fayre pretence of words & promises, to come & speak with the Turke, after he was come of his own gentlenes, thinking no harme, [...]et neuer Christen prince trust the turke. The turkes stirred vp of the deuil to fight against Christ. was apprehended & wretchedly & fasly put to death, & his skin flain of, his brother & sister brought to Constantinople for a triumph, and all the nobles of his country (as Faber addeth) had theyr eyes put out. &c.

Briefly to conclude, by the vehement and furious rage of these cursed cayrifes, it may seme that Satan the old dragon, for the great hatred he beareth to Christ, hath styred them vp to be the butchers of all christen people, inflaming theyr beastly hartes with suche malice & cruelty against the name and religion of Christ, that they degenerating frō the nature of men to deuils,The turkes are butchers of the Christians. neither by reason wil be ruled, nor by any bloud or slaughter satisfied. Like as in the primitine age of the Church, and in the time of Dioclesian and Maximiliā, whē the deuil saw that he could not preuaile against the person of Christ which was risen agayne, he turned all his fury vpon his sely seruants, thinking by the Romayn Emperours, vtterly to extinct the name and profession of Christ, out from the earth: So in this latter age of ye world Satan being let lose agayne rageth by the Turkes, thinking to make no end of murdering and killing, till he haue brought (as he entendeth) the whole church of Christ, with all the professors therof, vnder foot. But the Lord (I trust) will once send a Constantinus to vanquish proud Maxē tius: Moyses to drowne indurate Pharao: Cyrus to subdue the stout Babilonian.

And thus much hitherto touching our christian brethrē,The miserable state of the Christian captiues vnder the turke. which were slain & destroied by these blasphemous turks. Now forsomuche as besides these aforesayde, many other were pluckt away violently from theyr country, from their wiues & children from liberty, & from all their possessions, into wretched captiuity and extreme pouerty, it remaineth likewise to entreat somewhat also cōcerning the cruel maner of the Turkes handling of the sayd christian captiues. And first here is to be noted that yt turke neuer cōmeth into Europe to war against the christiās,The buying and sellyng of Christen captiues vnder the turks but there foloweth after his army, a great number of brokers & marchaunts, such as buy men & children to sell again, bringing with thē long cheines in hope of great cheates: In ye which cheynes they linke thē by 50. & 60. together, such as remayne vndestroyd with the sword, whō they buy of the spoiles of thē yt rob & spoyle the Christian countryes: Which is lawfull for any of the Turkes armye to doe, so that the tenth of their spoyle or pray (whatsoeuer it be) be reserued to the head Turke, that is, to the great mayster theefe.

Of such as remayne for tithe,Christen capriues tythed of the turke. if they be aged (of whom very fewe be reserued aliue, because little protite commeth of that age) they be solde to the vse of husbandry or keeping of beastes. If they be young men or women, they be sent to certein places, there to be instructed in theyr language and Artes, as shall be most profitable for theyr aduauntage, & such are called in theyr tongue Sarai: and the first care of the Turkes is this, to make them deny the Christian religion, and to be circumcised: and after that they are appointed euery one as he semeth most apte, either to the learning of their lawes, or els to learn the feates of war. Their first rudimēt of war is to handle the bow, first beginning with a weake bow, and so as they growe in strength, comming to a stronger bow, & if they misse the marke, they are sharply beaten:O wickednes passing all miserie. & theyr allowance is two pence or three pence a day till they come & take wages to serue in war. Some are brought vp for the purpose to be placed in the number of ye wicked Ianizarites, that is, the order of the Turks champions, which is the most abhominable cōdition of al other. Of these Ianizaraites,O miserie aboue all miseries. see before pag. 736. And if any of the foresayd yong men or children shal appeare to excell in any beuty, him they so cutte, that no part of that whiche nature geueth to man, remayneth to be seene in all his body, wherby while the freshnes of age continueth, he is compelled to serue theyr abhominable abhomination: and when age cō meth, then they serue in stead of Eunuches to wayte vpon Matrones, or to keepe horses and Mules, or els to be scullians and drudges in theyr kitchins.

Such as be young maydens & beautifull, are deputed for concubines.The seruitude of yong women captiues. The whiche be of meane beautye serue for matrones to theyr drudgery worke in theyr houses & chā bers, or els are put to spinning and such other labors, but so that it is not lawful for them either to professe their christian religiō, or euer to hope for any liberty. And thus much of them which fall to the Turke by tithe.

The other which are bought and sold amongst priuate subiects, first are allured with faire words and promises to take circumcision. Which if they will doe, they are more fauourably entreated, but all hope is taken from them of returning agayne into theyr country, which if they attempt the payne therof is burning. And if such comming at lēgth to liberty, will mary, they may: but then theyr children remayne [Page] boud to the Lord, for him to sell at his pleasure: and therfore such as are wise amongst thē wil not mary. They which refuse to be circumcised, are miserably handled: for example wherof, the author (which geueth testimony hereof) doth inferre his owne experience.

Such captiues as be expert in any manuall art or occupation can better shift for thēselues: but contrariwise, they whiche haue no handycraft to liue vpon, are in worse case. And therfore such as haue bene brought vp in learning, or be priests or noble men,Ex Bartholomeo Georgioniz Peregrina lib. de afflictionibus Christianorum sub Tuica. & such other, whose tēder educatiō can abide no hardnes, are the least reputed, & most of all other neglected of him that hath ye sale or keping of thē, for yt he seeth lesse profit to rise of them, then of the other: & therfore no cost of raymēt is bestowed vpon them, but they are caried about bare head, & barefoote, both sommer & winter in frost and snow. And if any faynt and be sicke in the way, there is no resting in any Inn, but first he is driuē forward with whips, and it that will not serue, he is let peraduenture vpon some horse: or if his weakenesse be such, that hee cannot sit, then is he layde ouerthwart the horse vpon hys belly, like a Calfe, and if he chaunce to dye, they take of hys garment such as he hath, and throw him in a ditch.

In the way moreouer, beside the cōmon chayne, which doth inclose thē all the hads also of euery one are manicled which is because they shoulde not harme theyr leaders, for many times it happened yt x. persons had the leading of 50. captiues: & whē night came, theyr feet also were fettered, so y• they lodged in no house, but lay vpon the groūd al night.

The miserable calamitie of Christen women being in captinitie vnder the turkes. The maner of Christen captiues, how they are brought to markets and solde.The yong women had a litle more gentlenes shewed, being caried in paniers on the day time. But when nyght came, pity it was to heare the miserable crying out of such as were inclosed wtin by reason of the filthy iniuries which they suffred by their cariers, in so much that the yong tēder age of 7. or 8. yeres, as wel of ye one sexe as of ye other could not saue thē frō ye most filthy villany of the bestiall turkes.

When the morning cometh, they are brought foorth to the market, to sale, where the buyer if he be disposed plucking of theyr garments, vieweth all the bones & ioynts of theyr body: and if he like them, he geueth his price, and carieth thē away into miserable seruitude, either to tilling of their groūd, or to pasture their cattel, or some other straūge kind of misery incredible to speake of: In so much that the author reporteth, that he hath sene himselfe, certeine of such Christen captiues yoked together like horse and oxen,Christians in their captiuitie, put to drawe in the plough like horses. and to draw the plough. The maid seruaunts likewise are kept in perpetuall toile and work in close places, where neither they come in sight of any man, neither be they permitted to haue any talke with theyr fellowe seruauntes. &c. Such as are committed to keep beastes, lye abroad day and night in the wilde fieldes, without house and harbor, and so chaunging their pastour, goe from mountayne to mountayne: of whom also, beside the office of keeping the beastes, other handy labour is exacted at spare houres, such as pleaseth theyr maysters to put vnto them.

The great daungers of Christen captiues which flye out of turky.Out of this misery there is no way for them to flye, especially for them that are caryed into Asia beyond the seas: Or if any do attempt so to do, he taketh his time chiefely about haruest, when he may hide himselfe all the day time in the corne, or in woodes, or marishes, and finde foode: and in the night onely, hee flyeth and had rather bee de [...]outed of wolues and other wild beastes, then to returne agayne to his maister.The maner and shift of our men in getting ouer the sea. In theyr flying they vse to take with them an hatchet and coardes, that when they come to the sea side, they may cut downe trees, and binde together the endes of them, and so, where the sea of Helle [...]pontus is narrowest, about the Sestos and Abidos, they take the sea, sitting vpon trees, where, if they wurde & tide do serue luckely, they may cut ouer in foure or fiue houres: But the most part either perish in the floudes,The manifold daungers by the way in flying. or are driuen backe agayne vpon the coastes of Asia, or els be deuoured of wilde beastes in woodes, or perish with hunger and famine. If any escape ouer the seas aliue into Europe, by the way they enter into no towne, but wairder vpon the moūtaynes, following onely the Northftarre for theyr guide.

The mysery of Christian cities & prouinces which line vnder the turkes tribute.As touching such townes & prouinces, which are won by the Turke, and wherein the Christians are suffered to liue vnder tribute: first all the nobility there they kill and make away, the churchmen and Clergy hardly they spare The Churches with the belles & all the furniture thereof, either they cast down, or els they com [...]ert to the vse of their owne blasphemous Religion, leauing to the Christians, certayn olde and blinde chappels, which when they decay, it is permitted to our me to repayre the agayne, for a great somme of mony geuen to the Turke: Neither be they permitted to vse any open preaching or ministration. But only in silence and by stealth, to frequent together. Neither is it lawfull for any Christian to beare office within the city or prouince, nor to beare weapon, nor to weare any garment like to the Turkes.If Christians may not goe lyke turkes, why should our Gospellers goe like Papistes? The turkes haue their fire & fagots, as well as our papistes. The Christians must light from their horse, meting a turkish priest, and adore hym. And if any contumely or blasphemy, be it neuer so great, be spoken agaynst the, or agaynst Christ, yet muste thou beare it, and holde thy peace. Or if thou speake one word agaynst theyr religion, thou shalt be compelled (whether thou wilt or no) to be circumcised: And then if thou speake one word agaynst Mahumet, thy punishment is fire and burning. And if it chaunce a Christian being on horsebacke, to meet or passe by a Musulman, that is a Turkish priest, he must light from his horse, & with a lowly looke, deuoutly reuerēce & adore ye Musulman: Or if he do not, he is beatē down frō his horie wt clubs & slaues.

Furthermore, for theyr tribute they pay the fourth part of theyr substance and gayne to the Turke: beside the ordinary tribute of the Christians, whiche is to paye for euery polle within his family, a ducket vnto the Turke: which if the parentes cannot doe, they are compelled to sell theyr children into bondage. Other being not able to pay go cheined in fetters from dore to dore begging, to make vp theyr payment, or els must lye in perpetuall prison.

And yet notwithstanding, whē the christians haue discharged all duties:An other miserie most lamentable, in takyng away Christen mens children from their parentes, to serue the turke. it remaineth free for the turkes to take vp among the christians children, whom the best like, and thē to circumcise and to take them away being yong, from the sight of theyr parēts, to far places, to be brought vp for the Turkes wars, so that they may not returne to them agayne: but first are taught to forget Christ, & then theyr parents: so that if they come agayne amongst thē, yet are they not able to know theyr kinsfolkes and parents.

This misery passing all other miseries, no man is able we toung to vtter,O myserie. or with words to expresse. What weping & teares, what sorow and lamentatiō, what groning, sighes, and deep dolor doth teare & rent a sonder the woefull harts of the sely parents, at the plucking away of their babes and children? to see theyr sonnes & theyr own childrē, whō they haue borne and bred vp to the seruice of Christ Iesus the sonne of God, now to be drawn away violētly frō thē to ye warfare of Satan, and to fight agaynst Christ? to see theyr babes borne of christiā bloud, of christiās to be made turks and so to be pluckt out of their armes and out of their sight without hope euer to returne to them agayne:This is with teares rather thē with words to be expressed. to liue perpetually with aliens, barbarous & blasphemous Turkes, and so to become of the number of them which are called fatherles and motherles.

Albeit the same childrē afterward do greatly degenerate from the fayth of Christ, yet very many of them haue priuily about them the gospell written of S. Iohn,Priuy Gospellers in Turkie, In principiō erat verbum. &c. Which for a token of remembraunce of theyr christian fayth, they cary vnder theyr arme hole, writen in greek and araby. Who greatly desire, and long looke for the reuenging sword of ye Christians to come & deliuer them out of theyr dolorous thraldome and captiuity according as the Turkes themselues haue a prophecy,An olde Prophesie of the turkes touching the sword of the Christian. & greatly stand in feare of the same. Wherof more shalbe said (Christ willing) in the chapter folowing.

¶ And thus haue ye heard ye lamētable afflictiōs of our christian brethren vnder the cruell tyranny & captiuity of ye turks, passing all other captiuityes that euer haue bene to Gods people, either vnder Pharao in Egipt, or vnder Nabuchodonoser in Babilō, or vnder Antiochus in ye tyme of the Machabees. Vnder the which captiuity, if it so please the Lord to haue his spouse the church to be nurtered, hys good will be done and obeyed. But if this misery come by the negligence & discorde of one christian guides & leaders, then haue we to pray and cry to our Lord God, [...]yther to geue better harts to out guiders and rulers, or els better guides and rulers to his flocke.

And these reoubles and afflictions of our Christen brethren suffered by the Turkes, I thought good and profitable for our countrey people here of Englande to knowe, for so much as by the ignoraunce of these, and such like hystoryes worthy of consideration, I see much inconnenēce doth folow. Whereby it commeth to passe, that because we English men being far of from these countryes,Necessary for many causes that the troubles of the church beknowen. and little knowing what misery is a broad, are the lesse moued with zeale & compassion to tender theyr greuaunces, and to pray for them, whose troubles we know not. Whereupō also foloweth, that we not cōsidering the miserable state of other are the les gratefull to God, when any tranquility by hym to vs is graunted. And if any-title cloud of pert [...]rhation arise vpon vs, be it neuer so [...]ile, as pouerty, lesse of liuing, or a litle banishment out of our countrey for the Lordes cause, we make a great matter the reat, and all because wee going no further then on [...] own country, and onely feeling our own crosse, do not compare that which we f [...]ele, with the great crosses, where unto the Churches of Christ commonly in other places abroad are subiect. Which if we dyd [Page] rightly vnderstand, & earnestly consider, and pōder in our mindes, neither would we so excessiuely forgette our selues in time of our prosperity geuen vs of God: nor yet so impatiētly be troubled, as we are in time of our aduersity, and all because either we heare not, or els we pōder not the terrible crosses which the Lord layeth vpon our other brethren abroad in other nations, as by this present story here prefixed may appeare.

The largenes of the Turkes dommions declared.NOw consequently remayneth, as I haue shewed hitherto what tyranny hath bene vsed of the Turkes agaynst Christes people, so to declare likewise, how far this tyranny of the Turkes hath extended and spread it selfe, describing as in a table, to the Christē Reader, what landes, countryes and kingdomes the Turkes haue wonne, and got from Christendome, to the intent that when Christen princes shal behold the greatnes of the Turks dominions spread almost through al the world, and how litle a part of Christianity remayneth behinde, they may thereby vnderstand the better, howe it is time now for them to bestyrre them, if euer they thinke to do any good in Gods Church. And therefore to make a cōpendious draught as in a briefe table, of such countryes, kingdomes, and dominions, gott from vs by the Turkes, we will first beginne with Asia, describing what tractes, countryes, cityes and Churches, the Turke hath surprised, and violently pluckt away from the society of Christian dominions, taking onely suche, as be most principall, and chiefely them that be in Scripture conteyned, for that it were to long to discourse all and singular such places by name, as the Turke hath vnder hys subiection.

The world being deuided commonly into three parts, Asia, Africa, and Europa, Asia is counted to be the greatest in compas, conteining as much as both the other, and is deuided into 2. portions, the one called Asia Maior: the other called Asia minor. And although the Empery of the Turke extendeth vnto them both: yet especially his dominion standeth in the other Asia, which is called Asia Minor, which reacheth from the coastes of Europa, vnto Armenia Maior, beyond the riuer Euphrates, and comprehendeth these regions and Cityes vnder written.

¶ The deuision of Asia Minor, called Cheronesus, with the particular Countryes and Cityes belonging to the same.

Countryes.
Cityes.

Pontus. Act. 2.
Nicea.

Chalcedon.

Heraclea.

Prursa or Bursa.

Bithinia. Act. 16.
Nicomedia.

Apamea.

A pamea, is a citie in Bithinia, also another in Mesopotamia, Apamea Cybotus also a citie in great Phrygia, and another also in parthia.

¶ Natolia, or Anatolia, conteyneth diuers countryes, with theyr Cities, as foloweth.

Countryes.
Cityes.

Mysia Minor. Act. 16
Cyzicus.

Parium.

Lampsacus.

Dardanum.

Callipolis.

Phrygia Minor in Ptolomy is called Iroas.

Phrygia Minor. Act. 2
Abydus.

Alexandria, or Troias Act. 16

Toras. Act. 20
Ilium.

Assus. Act. 20

Mysia Maior. Act. 16
Scepsis.

Adramitium. Act. 27

Phrygia Maior. Act. 2
Hierapolis. Col. 4

Pitane.

Apollonia.

Myrina.

Lydia. Esay. 66
Phocoea.

Smyrna. Apoc. 2

Erythrae.

Aeolis.
Laodicea. Apoc. 3

At Carura, a certayne baude with a company of harlots, beeing there lodged, sodenly hapned an earthquake in the citie, wherein the sayde baude with al his strompettes were swallowed vp. Pius 2. papa. lib. Descriptione cap. 16.

Carura.

Thatyra. Apoc, 2

Ionia.
Philadelphia. Apoc. 3

Pergamus. Apoc. 2

Cuma.

Caria. 1. Mac. 15
Ephesus. Apoc. 2

Sardis. Apoc. 3.

Halicarnassus. Mach. 15

Doris.
Miletus. Act. 20

¶ Thus farre reacheth the compasse of Natolia.

Countryes.
Cityes.

Lycia. Act 27
Colossae. Col. 1

Patara. Act. 21

Pinara.

Zanthus.

Andriaco.

Myra. Act. 13

Galactavel Gellogr [...] cia. Act. 16
Ancyra

Gordium.

Tharma.

Pessenus.

Paphlagonia.
Amisus.

Sinope.

Corambis.

Pamphilia. Act 2
Perga. Act. 13

Artalia. Act. 14

Aspendus.

Phaselis. Mach. 15

Pisidia. Act
Trapesus.

Temiscyra.

Comana Po [...]tica.

Cappadocia.
Amasia vel Eupa toria.

Here Basilius Magnus was Bishop.

Masa, vel Caesarea.

Naziantium. Here Gregorius Nazianzenus. was Bishop.

Comana Cappadocia.

Miletena.

Armenia Minor.
Nicopolis.

Leandis.

Claudiopolis.

Iuliopolis.

Tharsus. Act. 22

The coūtrey where S. Paule was borne.

Another Corycus is also in the Ile of Creta.

Coricus.

Cilicia.
Solimuntis, vel Traianopolis.

Issus, vel Iaiassa.

Augusta. Act. 27

Iconium. Act. 14

Lystra. Act. 16

Laconia.
Derbe. Act. 14

Antiochia, Pisidiae. Act. 11

¶ Siria comprehendeth in it diuers particular prouinces, with theyr cityes, as followeth.

Countryes.
Cityes.

Syria. Act. 15
Ierosolyma. Act. 1

Caesarea Stratonis Act. 8

Bethleem. Math. 2

Emaus. Mar. 1

Ierīco. Math, 20

Ioppe or Ios. 15

Palestina Iudea.
Iapheth. Act. 9

Tyberias. Iohn. 6

Accaron. Iosua. 13

Azotus. Act. 8

Chanaan.
Ascalon. Iudi. 2

Gaza. Act. 8.

Bessabee is a citie in Iury, also an other in Ipumaea.

Bersabee. Iosu. 19.

Antipatris. Act 23

Assaron. Act. 9

Samari. Act.
Bethania. Mar. 11

Lydda. Act. 9.

Galilea. Mat. [...].
Nazareth. Math. 4.

Capernaum. Math. 4

Cana. Ioan. 2

Phoenicea. Act. 11
Tyrus. Luc. 6

Sydo vel Sichem. Luc. 6

Ptolomias

[Page]Ptolomais. Act. 21

Caesarea phillipi. Math. 16.

Damascene.
Damascus. Gal. 1

Philadelphia. Apoc. 1

Coelesyria.
Buthis vel pella.

Cassiotis.

Antiochia, apud Orentem, chiefe citie in Siria, where the disciples of christ were first named Christians. Acts. 11.

Antiochia apud Orontem, vel Theopholis Act. 11

Comagena.
Samosata.

Antiochia. sub. Tauro.

Alexandria apud Issum.

Nicopolis, is a City also in Macedonia, mentioned in the Epistle of S. Paule to Titus. Cap. 3.

Nicopolis.

Seleucis.
Gephyra.

Gindarus.

Seleucia, is a citie in Siria, Also another in Pamphilla, another in Cilicia pisidiae, an other in Coelisyria, and in Mesopotamia another.

Seleucia. Act. 13

Imma.

Laodicene.

In this Laodicaea was the councell kept, which is called Concilium Laodicense.

There is another Laodicaea, in Lydiae neare to Colos [...]ae, in Asia minor, Coloss. 5.

Lacodicae a also is the chief Citie in Phrigia pa catiana, neare to Galatia, Act. 18. 1. Tim. 6.

In Edessa raigned king Abgarus, mentioned in Euseb. lib. 1. cap. 15. to whome Christ wrote, promysing to send vnto him after his death. Babylon in Chaldoea, where Nabuchodonoser raigned, and was after destroyed and translated by Seleucus Nicanor. Another is in Egypt, called Alcay [...]s.

Laodicaea. Coloss. 2

Paradisus.

Iabruda.

Apamene.
Nazamma.

Apamia.

Idumea. Marc. 3.
Besamma. vel Bersabee.

Euleusa.

Massa.

¶ Thus farre reacheth the compasse of Syria.

Countryes.
Cityes.

Arabia. Gal. 1.4
Petrea, or Nabataeae.

Felix.

Panchaia.

Sabaea.

Deserta.

Mesopotamia. Psalme. 59.
Carra. or Charan, where Abraham dwelt. Act. 7

Seleucia.

Edessa, which is now called. Orpha. and in the story of Tobias, called Rages.

Babilonia Dan. 3 In the country of Babilonia, is also a certayne region appoynted for Philosophers and Astronomers called Chaldea. Iere. 50
Bible.

Babylon, vel Baldach. Act. 7

Orchoe, vel Vrchoa. vel Hurchaldeoram, where Abraham was borne. Gen. 11.15.

Sarmatia.
Patarue.

Azara.

Gerusa. S. Georgius.

Sinda.

Cholchis.
Dioscuria, vel Sabastia, which is now called Suias.

Phasis.

Iberia.
Lubium.

Artanissa.

Armachica.

Albania.
Getara, vel Gangara.

Chabala.

Armenia. Gen. 8
Armenia maior is deuided from Armenia minor, by the Riuer Euphrates. This Armenia maior and minor, this day be both vnder the Turkes.

¶ And thus farre reacheth the compasse of Asia Minor, with the Countryes, and prouinces to the same perteyning, which being once brought to the fayth of Christ, are nowe in a maner, all subdued to the Turkes.¶ The Ilandes belonging to the Regions of Asia Minor aforesayd, gotten by the Turkes.

Countryes.
Cities.

Ilands belonging to Asia Minor.

Thinias.
to Bythinio.

Tenedos.
to Troas.

Chios. Act. 20
to Lydia.

Pathmos. Apoc. 1

Possidium.
to Aeolis.

Samos. Act. 20
to Ionia.

Trogolium. Act. 20

Cnidus. Act. 27
to Doris.

Coos Coū. Act. 21
to Doris.

Carpathus.
to Doris.

Rhodus. Act. 21
to Lycia.

Cyprus. Act. 11

This Cyprus K. Rich. the first, did once subdue, fighting agaynst the Saracens. Ex Aene. syluio. Lib. De Orbis Descrip. cap 74.

¶ Aeneas Syluius, otherwise Pope Pius. 2. in describing of Asia Minor, cap. 74. reciteth a certayne facte of a worthy Uirgine: who at what time the Turkes were besieging a certayne towne in Lesbos, and had cast downe a greate part of the walles, so that all ye Townesmen had geuen ouer, putting on mans harnesse, stepped forth into the breach, where not onely she kept the Turkes from entring in, h [...]t also slewe of them a great sor [...]. The Citizens seeing the rare courage, A memorable facte of a virgine, in defence of her countrey. and good successe of the Mayden, tooke to them agayne theyr hartes and harnes, and so lustely layd about them, that an incredible number of the Turkes were slayne. The rest being repulsed from the land, reculed into theyr ships: who being then pursued by a Nauy of Calisa, were worthelye dis [...]omfited likewise vpon the sea. And thus was the Ile of Lesbos at that time, by a poore Uirgine, that is, by the stronge hand of the Lord working in a weake Creature preserued from the Turkes. Ex Aene.sil. Et SebMunst. Lib. 5.

Beside these Regions and Countryes of Asia minor,Ex Sebast. Munst, Cosmo. lib. 5. in praefat. aboue described, Seb. Munster in the fift booke of his Cosinography, declareth moreouer, that the Turkes and Sultannes haue vnder theyr subiection, both Arabia, Persia, and also India exterior wherein is Calecute. The which Persia, although it be vnder the Sophi, which is an enemy to the Turke, yet it is to be thought that he is a Sultane, one of the Turkyshe and Mahometish Religion. This Persia and India were once seasoned with Christes Gospell, as may appeare by the primitiue Churche, pag. 98. And thus haue you the partes of Asia described, Vide supra. pag. 98.99. which in times past being almost Christened, do now serue vnder the Turke.

After the description of Asia, let vs nexte consider the partes and countryes of Aphrike: Where although the greatest parte either consisteth in deserts desolate, or is possessed with Prester Iohn, which professeth Christ and his gospell: yet the Turke hath there also no litle portion vnder his dominion, as

Countryes. | Cities.
Aegyptus. Math. 2 | Alexandria.
Memphis.
Arsinoe.
Regnum Tunece. |
Africa Minor. | Charlago.
Aphrodisum.
Hippon. Here Saynt Augustine was Byshop.
Cyrene. Act. 2 |
Mauritania. |

¶ A description of countryes and Cityes in Europe, which were before christened, & now are subdued and subiect to the Turke.Europa

Countryes.
Cities.

Thracia.
Constantinopolis, or Bizantium.

Pera.

Adrianopolis.

Samothracia. Act. 16
Traianopolis.

Caliopis.

Sestus,

Appollonia.

[Page]Graecia. Act. 20
Thessalonica. Act. 17

Philippi. Act. 16

Demetrias.

Neapolis. Act. 16

Macedonia. Rom. 15
Amphipolis. Act. 17

Apollonia mygdoniae. Act. 17

Berrhaea. Act. 17

Thessalia.

Epirus.
Ambracia.

Actium

Chaonia.
Torona.

Azelia.

Thresprotia.
Acarnanon.

Argos, is a citie in Amphilochia, and an other also in Peloponesus.

Amphilochia.
Argos.

Astacus.

Ambrachia.
Omphallum.

Achaia. Rom. 15
Athenae.

Attica.
Megaris.

Boeotia.
Thebae.

Phocis.
Delphos.

Egris.

Aetholia.
Chalidon.

Locris.

Naupactus.

Peloponesus.

Corinthia.

Of Corinthus, Strabo writeth that more then a thousande virgines, there in the temple of Venus, vsed yearely to be set out to bee made common: and therfore not without cause Saint Paule writeth: Eratis Scortatores, Idololatrae. &c. 1. Cor. 6.

Corinthus. Act. 17

Mesena.

Tegea.

Argos.

Argia.
Lacedemon, or Sparta 2. Mach. 5.

Epidaurus.

Helice.

Laconia.
Lerna.

Leuctrum.

Messenia.
Methone.

Mycenae.

Elis.
Megalipolis.

Nemea.

Sicyona.
Nauplea.

Olympia.

Arcadia.
Sicyon.

Aegira.

The Ilands about Graecia.

¶Ilandes bordering about Grecia, wonne likewise by the Turke, from the Christians.

Euboea,

Vide supra pag. 719.

or Nigropontus.
Chalcis.

Charistus.

Cerinthus.

Gerestus.

In Creta, S. Paule ordained Titus to be Byshop and ouerieer.

Creta. Act. 17
Pulchri portus. Act. 27

Lasaea. Act 27.

Phoenice. Act. 17

Salmone. Act. 27.

Clauda. Act. 27

Cyclades, Insulae. 53
Salamis.

Delus. 1. Mach. 15

Cephalenia.

Zacynthus, or Zanthus.
Vide supra. pag. 727

Lemnos.

Ithaca.

Samos. Act. 20.

Corcyra.
Vide supra. pag. 727

Corcica.

Corcica, is an Iland beyond Italy, whiche the Turkes nauie, ioynyng with the French, dyd ouercome. an. 1553.

¶After the Turke had subdued Thracia and Grecia, proceding further into Europe, he inuaded other regions, and cities, which also he added to his dition, as

Countryes.
Cityes.

Mysia Superior.

The region of Mysia is deuided into two partes: wherof the one is in Asia, & is deuided into Mysia maior, and Mysia minor. The other is in Europa, & is deuided into Mysia, or Moesia superior, and Mysia inferior.

Rhaetiaria.

Nessus.

Vlpianum.

Scupi.

Sigindunum, or Siget.

Mysia. Inferior.
Triballorum. Oescus.

Tirista.

Axium, or Chilia.

Dalmatia. 2. Tim. 4.
Labacus, Metropolis.

Carinthia.
Epidaurus, or Ragusium.

Epidaurus is a citie in Illiria, and also an other in Peloponesus.

Milea, or Meleda.

Coruatia.
Senia, or Segna.

These regions were in the former tyme called by the name of Illyria, or Illyricum and Afterward by reason of certaine Scythians commyng thether, they were also called Sclauonia.

Enona, or Hona.

Croatia.
Iadra, or Zara.

Sebenica.

Istria.
Stridon, where S. Hierome was borne.

Bosna.
Quinquecclesiae.

Iaitza, Metropolis.

Bulgaria.
Bulgaria was wonne of Baiazetes. the Turk from the crowne of Hungarye,

Stephanus kyng of Bosna, & afterward of Rascia and Mysia, was by subtil trayne allured to come and speake with Mahumete the Turk: who being come, was taken and his skinne flayne off.

All this tracte of Bulgaria, Walachia, Transyluania, Seruia, Rascia, & Moldauia, was wont to be called Dacia, but afterward was seuered into diuers lands and dominions. Of Ioannes Huniades, read before, pag. 720.721.

through the vnprosperous warre of Sigismundus, at the fielde of Nicopolis. an. 1395. This Sigismund, was the burner of Iohn Hus, and the persecutor of his doctrine.

Wallachia.
Tergouistus, or Teruis.

Huniad: where Ioannes Huniades was borne.

Transyluania or Septē castra.
Hermenstat.

Cronestat.

Saltzburg.

Alba Iulia, or Weissenburg.

Seruia.
Gyula.

Samandria.

At Columbetz, Sigismunde loste the fielde fightyng against the Turkes, Vide supra. pag. 719. In Varna, a Citie in Rascia, Ladislaus K. of Hungary, fought with the Turke, and was ouercome. an. 1444. Vide supra, pag. 720.

Columbetz.

Rascia.
Walpo. Vid. sup. pag. 740

Nouigradum.

Varna.

Moldauia.

Hungaria.
Buda or Osen.

Alba regalis.

Belgradum or Taurinum.

Strigonium.

Varadinum.

Neapolis.

Maior.

Minor.

Austria.
Pestum.

¶ As I was writing hereof, a certayne soūd of lamentable newes was brought vnto vs howe the Turke, whome wee had hoped before to haue bene repulsed by the Emperour Maximilian out of Christendome, hath now of late this present yeare. 1566. got the towne of Gyula about Transyluania, after they had susteined 16 of his most forceable assaultes, destroying in the same most cruelly, many thousand of our chisten brethren, men, women, and children: but because we haue no full certaynty, we will referre ye story therof, to further information,

¶ The Prophecyes of the holy Scriptures considered touching the comming vp and finall ruine and destruction of this wicked kingdome of the Turkes, with the Reuelations and foreshewinges also of other authours concerning the same

FOr so muche as you haue hitherto sufficiently heard, to what quantity & largenes the dominon of the Turkes hath encreased,Prophesies considered for the beginning and falling of the Turkes kingdome. & doe vnderstand what cruell tyranny these wretched miscreants haue and do dayly practise most haynously wheresoeuer they come, agaynst the seruaunts and professors of Christ: it shall not be vnprofitable, but rather necessary, and to our great comfort, to cōsider and examine in the Scriptures, with what prophesyes the holy spirit of the Lord hath premonished and forewarned vs before, of these heauy persecutions to come vpon his people by thys horrible Antichrist. For as the gouernment and constitution of times and states of monarchies & pollicies fall not to [Page] vs by blind chaūce, but be administred and alotted vnto vs from aboue: so it is not to be supposed, that such a great alteration and mutation of kingdomes, such a terrible & generall persecutiō of Gods people, almost through all Christēdome, and such a terrour of the whole earth, as is now moued and gendred by these Turkes, cōmeth without the knowledge, sufferaūce and determination of the Lord before, for such endes and purposes, as his deuine wisedome doth best know. For the better euidēce & testimony wherof, he hath left in his Scriptures sufficiēt instructiō, & declaration, whereby we may plainly see to our great cōfort, how these greeuous afflictions & troubles of the Church, though they be sharpe & heauy vnto vs, yet they come not by chaūce or by mās working onely, but euen as the Lord himselfe hath appointed it, and doth permit the same.

Two things to be considered in the tyme and order of the olde Testament. The scriptures, & the people.And first to begin with the tyme of the old Testament let vs seriously aduise & ponder, not onely the Scriptures & Prophecies therein conteined, but also let vs cōsider the whole state, order, and regimēt of that people: the Church I meane of the Israelites. For although the Scriptures and Prophetes of the old Testament, were properly sent to that people, & haue their relatiō properly to things done or thāt should be done, in that cōmōwealth, of which prophetes, Iohn Baptist was the last & made an end, as our Sauiour himselfe witnesseth, saying: The law and Prophets be vnto ye tyme of Iohn. &c. Yet notwithstāding the sayd people of that old Testamēt, beareth a liuely Image & resemblaunce of the vniuersall Church which should folow, plāted by the sonne of God through the whole earth: So that as the Prophetes of God speaking to them from the mouth & word of God, prophecied what should come to passe in that people: so likewise the whole course & Hystory of those Israelites, exemplifieth & beareth a Prophetical image to vs, declaring what is to be looked for in ye vniuersall Church of God dispersed through the world, plā ted in Christ Iesus his sonne,In Dan. Prophe. Phil. Melanct. according as Phil. Melan [...] thon grauely gathering vpon the same, testifieth in diuers places, in his Commentary vpon the Prophete Daniell.

Gen. 4.As first the History of godly Abell slayne by wicked Cain, what doth it importe, or Prophecie, but the conditiō of the people and seruauntes of God, which commonly go to wracke in this world, and are oppressed by the contrary part, which belongeth not to God?

The like may be said also of Isaac, and Ismaell: of Iacob and Esau. Of whō, those two which were the children of promise, and belonged to the election of God, were persecuted in this world, of the other, whiche were reiected. Where moreouer is to be noted cōcerning Ismaell, that of his stocke after the fleshe,The Saracens come of Ismael. Resemblāce betweene the 12. sōnes of Ismaell: and the 12. Ottoman Turkes. 4. Reg. 17. came the Saracens: whose sect the Turkes do now professe & mainteine. And as Ismaell had but xii. sonnes: so it were to be wished of God, that this Solyman which is the twelfe of the Turkish generation, may be the last. But of this, better occasion shall folow (the Lord willyng) hereafter.

Furthermore, of the xii. tribes of Israel, the sacrate history so reporteth, that after they had a long season cōtinued together, by the space of. 8. or. 9. C. yeares, at length, for their idolatrie, & transgression of their forefathers. x. tribes of them were cut of, and dispersed amōg the Gentiles. 130. yeares before the captiuitie of Babilon: so that but ij. tribes onely remayned free, and they also at last, after a. 130. yeares, were captiued vnder the Babylonians, for a certaine time.The olde church of the Israelites beareth a representatiō or image of the publicke church of Christ Iesus No otherwise hath it happened with ye Church of Christ almost in the vniuersall world, of which Church the greatest part both in Asia, in Africa, & almost in Europe (where the holy Apostles so laboured and trauailed) we see now to be disparcled among the Turkes, and their cādlestickes remoued (the Lord of his great grace, reduce them agayne. Amen:) So that of xij. partes of Christendome, which was once planted in Christ, scarse ij, partes remayne cleare, and they how long they shall so continue, the Lord knoweth: And albeit thorough the mercy of the Lord, they escape the daūger of the Turkes, yet haue they bene so beaten with the Pope, that they had bene better almost to haue bene in the Turkes handes.

Agayne, after the sayd Israelites returned, being restored of Cyrus, let vs consider well their story, the continuance of tyme, the maner of their regimentes, and what afflictions they susteined in the tyme of the Machabees: and we shall see a liuely representation of these our dayes expressed in that Propheticall people,1. Cor. 10.accordyng as S. Paul writyng of them, sheweth how all thynges happened to them in figures: that is the actiōs and doynges of that one nation, be as figures and types of greater matters, what shall happen in the latter times of the whole Church vniuersally in Christ collected.

So the transmigration & deliueraunce agayne of those two tribes,The church of the Iewes a figure of Christes Church. declareth to vs ye affliction of Christes Church for sinne: and yet yt God will not vtterly reiect his people for his sonnes sake, as by manifold examples of y• Church hetherto may well appeare.

Againe, the continuance of the law first geuen by Moses, vnto the destruction of the sayde people by Titus, amounteth to 1564. yeares:Ex Phil. Melanct. in Danielem. cap. 9. So we counting the age of the new Testament, and reckening from the day of our redemption vnto this present, be come now to the yeare 1534. lacking but only 33. yeares of the full number.

Likewise in counting the yeares from their deliuerāce out of captiuitie,The tymes and yeares of the old church, compared with the newe. to the ende of their dissolution, we finde 564. yeares, during which yeares, as the Churche of the Iewes was not gouerned vnder the authoritie of kings, but the high Priests tooke all the power and authoritie to themselues: so we Christians for the space especially of these later 564. yeares,The rule and dominion of the high priestes in the Iewes common wealth, and of our prelates, compared. what haue we seene and felt, but only the iurisdiction and domination of the Pope and his high Priests, plaieng the Rex in all countreys, and ruling the whole: whereby, by the count of these yeares, it is to be thought the daye of the Lordes comming not to bee farre off.

Furthermore, in those latter yeares of the Iewes kingdome, what troubles and afflictions that people susteined three hundreth yeares together, but chiefly, the last 166. yeares before the comming of Christ, by Antiochus and his felowes,Antiochus beareth a figure of Antichrist. the history of ye Machabees cā report. Wherin we haue also notoriously to vnderstād ye miserable vexations and persecutions of Christian Churches in these latter ends of the world by Antichrist: For by Antiochus Antichrist (no doubt) is figured and represented.The family of Antiochus. Thys Antiochus surnamed Magnus, and Antiochus Epiphanes his sonne, came of the stocke of Seleucus Nicanor, much like as the Mahumetes the Turke, and Solymannus, came of the stocke of Ottomannus. Wherein this is to be noted and pondered, that like as of the sayd Seleucus issued xij. Syrian Kings one after another of that generation, which reigned ouer ye Israelites with much seueritie and tiranny:The family of the Turkes. so of this diuelish generatiō of Ottomannus, haue come xij. Turkish tyraunts, whereof thys Solyman is now the twelfe, God grant he may be ye last. And as the ij. last Antiochi, being sonnes of the ij. brethrē, did fight together for the kingdome, and in fighting were both slaine, and shortly after the kingdome fell to the Romaines: so the Lorde graunt for Christes sake, that the bloudy broode of this old Solyman, (which had reigned now 46. yeares, may so fight together, and perish in their owne bloud, that the bloudy tyranny of theirs may come to a finall end for euer, Amen.

And that the truth heereof may the better appeare to such as be disposed to meditate more vpon the matter, I thought good and profitable for the reader, to set before his eies, in tablewise, the catalogue of both these Antichristian families, with the names and succession of the persons, first of the twelue Syrian Kings, then of the twelue Ottomans, in like number and order.

A comparison betweene the Syrians and the Turkes.

¶ The Syrians.

1 Seleucus.

32

2 Antiochus Soter.

19

3 Antiochus Theos, who killed Bernice his mother in law, and his yong brother.

15

4 Seleucus Callinicus, with Antiochus Hierax his brother, which two breethren warred one against the other.

20

5 Antiochus Magnus.

36

[Page]6 Seleuchus Philopator.

12

7 Antiochus Epiphanes, or rather Epimanes.

8 Antiochus Eupator.

2

9 Demetrius brother of Epiphanes, who killed Eupator his cosin.

10 Demetrius Nicanor, whome Antiochus Sedetes his brother repulsed from his kingdome.

11 Antiochus sedetes. These two last being brethren, had two sonnes.

12 Antiochus Grypus, & Antiochus Cyriconus. These two striuing together for the kingdome, were both slaine: and so not lōg after, the kingdome of Syria came to the hands of Cigranes King of Armenia, and so being taken from him, came to the Romaines in the time of Pompeius.

¶ The Turkes.

1 Ottomannus.

28

Resemblāce betwene the Syrian kings, and the Turkes.

2 Orchanes. He slue his two brethren.

22

3 Amurathes. He put out the eyes of Sauces his owne sonne.

23

4 Baiazetes. He slew Solymannus his brother.

5 Calepinus. The Greeke stories make no mention of this Calepinus, the Latin stories say that Calepinus and Orchanes were both one, and that hee was slayne by Mahumetes hys brother.

6

6 Orchanes. whome Moses his vncle did slay.

7 Mahumetes. 1. He slue Mustaphas his brother.

14

8 Amurathes. 2. Hee siue Mustaphas his brother.

34

9 Mahumetes. 2. He slue his two brethren Turcinus an infant, and Calepinus.

73

10 Baiazetes. 2. He warred against his brother Demes, which Demes was afterward poisoned by Pope Alexander. 6.

33

11 Zelymus. He poisoned Baiazetes his father, & his two brethren, Acomates and Corcutus, wyth all their children his owne cosines.

7

12 Solymannus. He slue Mustaphas his owne sonne, and was the death or Gianger his seconde sonne.

46

The tyme of Antichrist examined by prophesies.These two pestilent families and generations, rising out (doubtles) from the bottomles pit, to plague ye people of God, as in number of succession they do not much differ: so in maner of their doings and wicked abhominations, they be as neere agreeing, being both enemies alyke to the people and Church of Christ, both murtherers and paricides of their owne breethren and kindred, both blasphemers of God, and troublers of the whole worlde. Wherein we haue all to learne and note by the way, the terrible anger of almighty God against sinne, and wickednes of men.

Furthermore, who so is desposed to consider and cast the course of times, and to marke how things be disposed by the maruelous operation of Gods prouidēce, shal finde the times also of these two aduersaries, in much like sorte to concurre and agree. For in considering with our selues both the Testaments and Churches of God, the first of the Iewes, the second of the Christians, looke what time had the Syrian Kings to rage then in Hierusalem,One Antichrist prefigureth an other. the same proportion of time hath now the tiranny of ye Turks to murther the Christians: so that the one Antichrist may well represent and prefigure the other. For as by the booke of Machabees may appeare, Antiochus Epiphanes was about the 191. yeares before the passion of our Sauiour, and day of our redemption: so now casting the same number from this present yeare backward, we shall finde it to be about the same yeare and time, when Baiazetes the fourth Turke after Ottoman, began to remoue his Imperiall seate from Bursa in Bithynia, to Adrianople in Europe, which is a City of Thracia. In which yeare & time began all the mischiefe in Europe, as is to be seene before, pag. 738. and this was the yeare of our Lord 1375. Unto ye which yeare, if we adde 691. it maketh 1566. according to the prophesie of the Apocal. chap. 20. where it is prophesied of Gog and Magog,Apoc. cap. 20. that they shall compasse about the tents of the Saincts, and the well beloued Citie, by the which welbeloued Citie, is meant (no doubt) Europa: and this was in the yeare abouesaid 1375. Although touching the precise points of yeares and times, it is not for vs greatly to be exquisite therein, but yet where diligence and studious meditation may helpe to knowledge, I would not wish negligence to be a pretence to ignorāce.

Machab. lib. & cap. 1. The furious crueltie of Antiochus agaynst Gods people.And thus much for the times of Antiochus and his felowes. Now what cruelty this Antiochus exercised against the people of God, it is manifest in the history of the Machabees: where we reade, that this Antiochus in the eight yeare of his reigne, in his second comming to Hierusalem, first gaue forth in commaundement, that all the Iewes should relinquish the law of Moses, and worship the Idole of Iupiter Olimpius, which he set vp in ye temple of Hierusalem. The bookes of Moses and of the Prophetes he burned. He set garrisons of souldiours to warde the Idole. In the Citie of Hierusalem he caused the feastes and reuels of Bacchus to be kept, full of all filthe and wickednes. Olde men, women, and virgines, such as woulde not leaue the lawe of Moses, with cruell tormentes he murthered. The mothers that would not circumcise theyr children, he slue. The children that were circumcised, hee hanged vp by the neckes. The temple he spoiled & wasted. The aultar of God, and candlesticke of gold, with the other ornaments and furniture of the temple, partly he cast out, partly be caried away. Contrary to the lawe of God, he caused them to offer, and to eate Swines fleshe. Great murther and slaughter he made of the people, causing thē either to leaue their lawe, or to lose their liues. Among whome, besides many other, with cruell tormentes he put to death a godly mother with her vij. sonnes, sending hys cruell proclamations through all the land, that whosoeuer kept the obseruauncies of the Sabboth, and other rites of the lawe, and refused to cōdescend to his abhominations, should be executed. By reason whereof the Citie of Hierusalem was left voide and desolate of all good mē, but there was a great nūber, that were contented to follow & obey his Idolatrous proceedings, and to flatter with the king, became enemies vnto ther brethren. Briefly, no kind of calamity, nor face of miserie could be shewed in any place, which was not there sene. Of ye tiranny of this Antiochus, it is historied at large in ye book of Machabees: And Daniell prophesieng before of ye same,1. Machab. cap. 1. Daniel. 9. declareth yt the people of ye Iewes deserued no lesse for their sins and transgressions.

By consent of all writers, this Antiochus beareth a figure of the great Antichrist,Antiochus a figure of the Turke. which was to folow in the latter end of the world, and is already come, & worketh what he can agaynst vs: Although as S. Iohn sayth, there haue bene, and be many Antichristes, as parts and members of the body of Antichrist,Ex Lyra in Glosa ordin. cap. 1. Machab. which are forerūners: yet to speake of ye head & principall Antichrist, & great enemy of Christs Church, he is to come in ye latter end of the world, at what tyme shall be such tribulation, as neuer was sene before: Whereby is ment (no doubt) the Turke,The name of Antichrist what it conteyneth. prefigured by this Antiochus. By this Antichrist, I do also meane all such, which followyng the same doctrine of the Turkes, thinke to be saued by their workes and demerites, & not by their fayth onely in the sonne of God, of what title and professiō els soeuer they be: especially if they vse the like force & violence for the same, as he doth. &c.

Of the tyranny of this Antiochus aforesayd, and of the tribulations of the Church in the latter tymes both of the Iewes Church, and also of the Christian Church to come, let vs beare & consider the words of Daniell in xj. chap. & also in his vij. chap. Prophecying of y• same as foloweth.

He shall returne and freat agaynst the holy couenaunt: Dan. cap. 11. so shall he do, he shall euen returne and haue intelligence with them that forsake the holy couenaunt. And armes shall stand on his part, and they shall pollute the Sanctuary of strength, and shall take away the dayly sacrifice, and they shall set vp the abhominable desolation. And such as wickedly breake the couenaunt, shall flatter with him deceitfully: but the people that doe know their God, shall preuayle and prosper. And they that vnderstand among the people, shall instruct many: yet they shall fall by sword and by flame, by captiuitie, and by spoyle many dayes.

Now when they shall fall, they shal be holpen with a little helpe: but many shall cleane vnto them faynedly. And some of them of vnderstandyng shall fall to be tryed, and to be purged, and to make them white, till the tyme be out: for there is a tyme appointed. And the kyng shall doe what him lyst: he shall exalte himselfe, and magnifie himselfe agaynst all that is God, and shall speake marueilous thynges agaynst the God of Gods, and shall prospere, till the wrath be accomplished: for the determination is made. Neither shall he regard the God of his Fathers, nor the desires of womē, nor care for any God: for he shall magnifie himselfe aboue all. But in his place shall he honour the God Mauzzim, and the God whom his fathers knew not, shall he honour with gold and with siluer, and with precious stones, and pleasaunt thynges.

Thus shall he doe in the holdes of Mauzzim with a straunge God, whom he shall acknowledge: he shall increase his glory, and shall cause them to rule ouer many, and shall diuide the land for gayne. And at the end of tyme, shall the kyng of the South push at him, and the kyng of the North shall come agaynst hym lyke a whirle wynde, with charets, and with horsemen, and with many shyppes, and he shall enter into the countreys, and shall ouerflow and passe thorough. He shall enter also into the pleasaunt land, and many countreys shal be ouerthrowen: but these shall escape out of his hand, euen Edom and Moab, and the chief of the children of Ammon. He shall stretch for his handes also vppon the countreys, and the land of Egypt shall not escape. But he shal haue power ouer the treasures of gold and of siluer, & ouer al the precious thynges of Egypt, and of the Libians, and of the blacke Mores where he shall passe. But the tydynges out of the East and the North, shall trouble him: therfore he shall go forth with great wrath to destroy and roote out many: And he shall plant the tabernacles[Page]of his palace betweene the Seas, in the glorious & holy mountaine, yet he shall come to his end, and none shall help him.

To this place of Daniell aboue prefixed, might also be added the Prophesie of the said Daniell written in the vij. chapter, and much tending to the like effect: where he intreating of his vision of foure beastes (whiche signifie the foure Monarchies) and speaking now of the fourth Monarchie, hath these words.

Dani. cap. 7. After this, I saw in the visions by night, and behold, the fourth beast was grimme and horrible, and maruelous strong. It had great yron teeth: it deuoured, and brake in peeces, and stamped the residue vnder his feete: and it was vnlike the other beastes that were before it, for it had ten hornes. As I considered the hornes, behold, there came vp among them another little horne, before whome, there were three of the first hornes pluckt away. And behold, in this horne, were eyes like the eyes of a man, and a mouth speaking presumptuous things, and seemed more stoute then the other. Which horne also (whē I looked on) made battaile with the saints, & preuailed against thē: vntill the old aged came, & iudgement was giuen to the Saintes of the highest, and till the appointed time was come, that the Saints shuld haue the kingdōe.

Thus haue ye heard the plaine words of Daniell. In the which, as he doth manifestly describe the comming of Antiochus the great aduersary, toward the latter ende of the Iewes: so by the same Antiochus is figured also to vs the great aduersary of Christ, which is the Turke.

Vide Rodulphum Gualt. de Antichristo.Although some there be notwithstanding, which wyth great learning & iudgement, do apply this place of Daniel aboue recited, not to the Turke, but rather to the Pope, & that for vj. or vij. speciall causes herein touched and noted.

The first note.The first is this, that the wicked transgressours of the couenaunt shall ioine with him deceitfully and hypocritically, which shall pollute the tabernacle of strength, & take away the perpetuall sacrifice, and bring in the abhomination of desolation.

The second note.The second note is, that the Prophet declareth, how the learned among ye people shall reach many, & that they shall fall into the sword, into fire, and captiuitie, and shall be banished, whereby they shall be tried, chosen, & made bright and pure, &c. All which (say they) is not amōg the Turkes to be seene, but only in the Popes Church: where ye faithfull preachers & teachers of the people are slaine and burned, and go to wracke, &c. Where likewise it foloweth, that they shall be holpen against Antichrist, and that many false brethren shall ioine vnto them dissemblingly, &c. To thys they alledge that the Christians haue no such help against the Turke, whereunto such false brethrē should ioine thē se [...]ues, as is and hath bene commonly seene amōg ye Christians against the Pope,Helpes of the Christians against the Pope. from time to time, almost in all Countreys: as in Germany by the Protestants & free Cities: In Englād in King Henries time by ye Lord Cromwell, and afterward by King Edward, & now by Queene Elizabeth: In Scotland by ye godly nobilitie: In France, by the Queene of Nauarre and her sonne: and also by the Prince of Condy and the worthy Admirall, and his two breethren, and many others: In Flaunders, by thē whom the Regent calleth Beggers: So as was in the time of the Machabees, against Antiochus.

The third note.Thirdly, that the King shall exalt himselfe aboue all that hath the name of God, and shal lift vp his mouth to speake presumptuously against God.

The fourth note.Fourthly, that he careth not for the desires of women: which may seeme to note how the Popes doctrine shall forbid the honest and lawfull mariage in Churchmen.

The fift note.The fift specialtie which they apply to the Pope, is that foloweth in the Prophet, saieng: Neither shall he regard the God of his fathers, nor any God: but in steade of him, shall set vp his God Mauzzim, & shall worship him with siluer,Mauzzim the popes God. & gold, & pretious stone, &c. which they do apply to ye Pope, setting vp his God of bread, & worshipping him with glistering golden ornamēts & most solemne seruice.

The sixte note.Sixtly, it foloweth: & he shall encrease them with much glory and riches, and shall diuide vnto them, lands & possessions, &c. meaning that the Pope hauing dominiō ouer treasures of gold and siluer, and all precious things of the land, shall indue his Cardinals, Prelats, his flatring doctours, with Friers and Monkes & Priestes, and all such as shal take his part, wt great priuilegies, liberties, reuenues & possessions. And thus, I say, some there be, which apply this prophesie of the xij. and xi. chapter of Daniell, vnto ye Bishop of Rome.The 7. and 11. chapt. of Dan. meaneth the great Antichrist the turke. whom although I take to be an extreme persecutour of Christs Church: yet I iudge rather those two chapters of Daniel concerning ye litle horne in the middle of the x. hornes, and the great destroier of the pleasant land and glorious holy mountaine, to meane first Antiochus, and by him secondly to meane the great Antichrist, the Turke: who hath now set already ye tabernacles of his palace betwene the Seas, accordyng to the Prophecies of Daniell, as is abouesayd.

Ouer & besides these Prophecies aboue alledged,Ezech. cap. 38.39. may be added also the Prophecie of Ezechiel chap. 39. speakyng of Gog & Magog:Gog & Magog. which as it may be applied to the oppressiō of the Iewes vnder the Heathen multitude, which stopped the buildyng of the Citie, and vnder the Syrian kynges: &c. yet in the same also is expressed the calamities and afflictions of Christes Churche in these latter tymes, vnder the Saracens and the Turkes. &c.

Proceeding further in this matter,The prophesies of the new Testament, concerning the [...]. let vs come now to the Prophecies of ye new Testament & marke the wordes of S. Paule writyng to the 2. Thessal. 2. Thessalonians, which then were Christened, & now either are Turkish, or vnder the Turke, which wordes be these: ‘Be ye not sodenly moued in your mynde, nor troubled, neither by spirite, not by word nor by letter as sent frō vs, as though the day of Christ were at hand let no mā deceaue you by any meanes, for the Lord will not come, before there come a defection, or a departing first, and that wicked mā be reueled, the sonne of perdition, which is an aduersary and is extolled aboue all power, and that which is called God: so that he shall sit in the tēple of God, boasting himselfe to be God. &c.’ Although this defection & departing may haue a double vnderstandyng,The defection in time of Antichrist declared. as well of the popes sect (which is gone & departed frō the free iustificatiō by fayth onely in Christ, through ye promise of grace) as of the Turkes: yet learning a while to speake of the Pope because it appeareth more notoriously in ye Turke, we will chiefly apply it to him: in whō so aptly it doth agree, that vnles this great defection frō faith in so many Churches, had hapned by the Turke, it had bene hard to vnderstād the Apostles mynde, which now by the history of these Turkes is easie and euident to be knowen, cōsidering what a ruine hath happened to the Church of Christ by these miserable Turks, what Emperies, nations, kyngdomes, countreys, townes and Cities be remoued from the name & professiō of Christ, how many thousands & infinite multitudes of Christen men and children, in Asia, in Afrike, & in Europe, are caried away from Christes Church to Mahumetes Religion, some to serue for the Turkes gard among ye Ianizarites, some for souldiours, some for miners, some for gunners, to fight & warre agaynst the Christians: so that the most part of all the Churches plāted once by y• Apostles, are now degenerated into Turks, onely a small hādful of Christiās reserued yet in these West partes of Europe, of the which small residue, what shall also become shortly, except Christ himselfe do helpe. Christ onely himself doth know. How great this defection hath bene spokē of by S. Paule, thou mayest soe (gentle Reader) in the table aboue described. pag. 741.

Notwithstanding this text of the holy Apostle (as I afore said) may be verified also with no lesse reason,Vide supra, pag. 903. vpō the Byshop of Rome, thē vpon the Turke, both for that he is a man of sinne, that is, his seate & Citie is a great mainteiner of wickednesse,The place of S. Paule 1 Thess. 2. applyed [...] the Pope. & also for that he is an aduersary, that is, contrary in all his doynges and proceedyngs to Christ.

Thirdly, for that he sitteth in the temple of God, and so did not Mahumet.

Fourthly, because he is an exalter of himselfe, & sitteth more like a God then a man in Rome, wherof see more in the booke set forth in English, called the CONTESTATIONS of the Popes.

Fiftly, for that he seduceth and hath seduced by his apostasie, the most part of all Christendome from the doctrine and free promises of God, into a wrong and straūge way of saluation, which is, not to be iustified freely before God onely by our fayth in Christ his welbeloued sonne (vnto the whiche fayth the promise of God freely and graciously hath annexed all our saluation onely, & to no other thyng) but hath taught vs to worke our saluation by an infinite number of other thynges: In so much that he bindeth the necessitie of our saluation also to this,Ex Bonifacio Extrauag. that we must beleue (if we will be saued) and receaue him to be the Uicare of Christ in earth. &c.

But to returne agayne vnto the Turkes, among all the prophecies both of the old Testamēt & of the new, there is none that paynteth out the Antichristian kyngdome of the Turkes, better then doth the reuelation of S. Iohn, whose wordes let vs weigh and cōsider. Who in the Apocalipse 9. where he speaketh of openyng the seuenth & last seale, (which signifieth the last age of the world) and there writyng of the vij. trompets of the vij. Angels at the soundyng of the vi. Aungell saith, ‘Loose the iiij. Aungels, which are bound in the great riuer Euphrates.Apoc. 20.And the foure Aungels were losed, which were ready both day and houre, and moneth, and yeare, to slay the third part of men. And the number of horsemen were 20. thousand tymes ten thousand: and I heard the number of them. And thus I sawe in a vision, horses, and them that[Page]sate on them, hauing fiery habbergions, and of Iacinth stone, and of brimstone, and the heads of the horses were as the heads of Lyons, and out of their mouthes went foorth fire, and smoake, and brimstone, of these three plagues was the third part of men killed, that is, of the fire, smoake, and brimstone, which proceeded out of their mouthes, &c.’

By the seauenth seale is meant the seauenth and last age of the world,The 7. trumpets of the 7. Angels in the Apoc. expounded. which last age of the world, is from Christ, to the iudgement and resurrection of the dead.

By the seauen Angels with their seauen Trumpets, is signified the seauen plagues that come in this seauenth and last age of the world.

The sixt trumpet.By the sixt trumpet of the sixt Angell, is meant the sixte plague comming last and next before the plague of the great iudgement day, which sixt plague is heere described to come by the East Kings, that is, by the Turkes, as foloweth to be seene.

Loosing of the angels vpon the ryuer Euphrates. Apoc. 19.By losing the Angels which had rule of the great riuer Euphrates, is signified the letting out of the East Kings, that is, the Turkes, out of Scithia, Tartaria, Persia, and Arabia, by whome the third part of Christendome shall be destroyed, as we see it this day hath come to passe.

It followeth in the prophesie, Their power shall be in their mouthes, and in their tayles. For their tayles be like Serpents hauing heads, and with them they hurt, &c. Meaning that these Turkes with the words of their mouthes, shall threaten great destruction of fire and sword, to them that will not yeald vnto them, and in the end, when the Christians shall yeald vnto them, trusting to their promises, they like Serpents shall deceaue thē in ye end, & kill them, as appeareth by the story of the Turkes aboue past,Apoc. cap. 16. pag. 752. 753. 757.

The like prophesy also after the like words and sence, is to be seene and read in the 16. chap. of the Apoc. where S. Iohn entreating of seauen cuppes,The 4. beastes in the Apoc. mean the 4. Monarchies. filled with the wrath of the liuing God, geuē to the hands of 7. Angels, by one of the foure beasts (that is in the time of one of the four Monarchies, which was the Monarchy of Rome) speaketh likewise of the sixt Angell, which poured his viole of Gods wrath vpon the great riuer Euphrates, & the waters thereof dryed vp, that the way of the kings of the East should be prepared, &c.

By the sixt Angell with the sixte viole, is meant as before, the last plague saue one that shall come vpon ye Christians. By y• Kings of the East are meant the Saracens, and 12. Ottoman Turks. By drieng vp the riuer of Euphrates, is signified the way of these Turkes to be prepared by the Lords appointment, to come out of the East to the West parts of the world, to molest and afflict the Christians. It foloweth more in the text. And I saw three vnclene spirits like frogs, The kings of the East. come out of the mouth of the Dragon, and out of the mouth of the beast, and out of the mouth of the false Prophet, for they are the spirits of deuils, Drying vp of Euphrates. Ibid. doing wonders, to go vnto the Kings of the whole earth, to assemble and gather them together, to the battayle, against the daye of the great God omnipotent, &c. And it foloweth shortly after, And he assembled them together into a place which is called in Hebrue Armagedon, that is, a trap or trayne of destruction. And immediatly it followeth in the same place, And the seauenth Angell poured out his viole in the ayre, and a mighty voice came from heauen, out of the Throane, saieng, factum est, It is done, or finished, &c. Whereby it is to be vnderstoode, that toward the last consummation of the world, great force shall be seene, and a mighty army of the enemies shall be collected and gathered against the people, and Saints of the highest, and then commeth the consummation, with factum est, &c.

Wherefore it is not for naught that the holy Spirite of God in the same place, a little before the sixt Angell doe poure out his viole, doth exhort all the faithfull, sayeng: Behold, Ibid. An exhortation of the holy ghost to the faithfull. I come like a theefe in the night, Blessed is he that watcheth and keepeth his garments, least he walke naked, and men see his fylthynes, &c.

Nicol. de Lyra, and Paulus Bishop of Burdens, and Mathias Dorinke writing vpon the 13. chap. of the Apoc. & expounding the mistery of the second beast,Apoc. cap. 13. rising out of the earth, hauing the hornes of a lambe, &c. doo apply the same to Mahumet and the Turkes, with a solemne declaration made vpon ye same.The prophesie of the Apo. cap. 13. discussed. Which interpretatiō of theirs, although in some pointes it may seeme to haue some appearance of probabilitie, neither can it be denied but that Mahumet & the Turke be pestilent and wicked enemies of Christ our Lord, & most bitter persecutors of his Church, yet as touching the proper & naturall meaning of ye Apostle in that place, speaking of the false lambe, &c. if we consider well all the circumstances of that beast, and marke the consequence of the text,The beast hauing hornes like the lambe, must needes meane the Pope. both of that which goeth before, and followeth after, we must needs graunt that Nicol. de Lyra, with hys fellowes, & with al such like of ye Popes schoole, that folow that schoole be deceaued, and that the description and interpretation of that falshorned lambe, must necessarily be applyed only to the Bishop of Rome, and none other, which is to be proued by sixe principall causes or arguments.

The first is, for that this beast is described to beare the hornes of a lambe.The first reason. By the which lambe, no doubt, is ment Christ. By y• hornes of the lambe is signified the outward shew or resemblance of Christ our sauiour: which shew or resemblance can haue no relation to Mahumet, for that he taketh himselfe to be aboue Christ, & Christ as an excellent Prophet of God, sitting at his feete. Wherfore seeing Mahumet commeth neither as equall to Christ, nor as vicar vnder Christ, this prophesy can not agree in him, but only in him which openly in plaine words protesteth,Ex Boni. 8. Extr. de Maiorit. & obed. that all Christes lambes and sheepe not singularly, but vniuersally through the whole world, are committed to him, as Uicar of Christ, and successor of Peter, and that all men must confesse the same of necessitie, or else they are noue of Christes sheepe, &c. wherein it is easy to see where the pretensed hornes of the lambe do growe.

The second argument, And he spake like the Dragon, &c. A Lambes hornes and the mouth of a Dragon,The second reason. Anno. 1553. do not agree together. And as they do not agree together in nature, so neither can they be found in any one person, either Turke, or other (if we will iudge truely) so liuely, as in the Bishop of Rome. When thou hearest him call himselfe the Apostolicall Bishop, the Uicar of Christ, the successor of Peter, the seruant of Gods seruants, &c. thou seest in him the two hornes of a lambe, and would thinke him to be a lambe in deede, and such a one as would wash your feete for humilitie: but heare him speake, and you shall find him a dragon.Vid. supra. pag. 649. See and reade the Epistle of Pope Martine the fift aboue mentioned, pag. 649. charging, commaunding, and threatning Emperoures, Kinges, Dukes, Princes, Marquesses, Earles, Barons, Knightes, Rectors, Consuls, Proconsuls, with their Shires, Counties, and Uniuersities of their kingdoms, Prouinces, Cities, Townes, Castles, Uillages, and other places. See the answere of Pope Urban. 2. and his message to King William Rufus, pag. 192. Behold the workes and doings of Pope Innocent against King Iohn.

Note also the answere of another Pope to the King of England,The Pope hath the hornes of a Lambe, but the mouth of a Dragon which for the price of the kings head, would not graunt vnto him ye inuesting of his Bishops. Marke well the wordes and doings of Pope Hildebrande against the Emperor Henry the fourth, pag. 175. Also of Pope Alexā der the 2. treading vpon ye neck of Fredericus Barbarossa, not like a lambe treading vpō a dragon, but like a drago [...] treading vpon a lambe: so that his owne verse might [...]ac turned vpon himselfe: tanquam aspis & basiliscus super ouiculam ambulans, & tanquam Leo & draco conculcans agnum. Cō sider moreouer the behauior, maner, cōdition, and property, almost, of all the Popes which haue bene these 600. yeares, and what Dragon or Serpent could be more viperous then their owne doings and words can speake, and giue testimony against themselues.

It followeth moreouer in the same prophecy of the Apocalipse for the third argument,The third reason. And he doth all the power of the first beast, presently before his face, and causeth the earth, and all the inhabitants therein to honour the first beast, the stripe of whose deadly wound was cured, &c.

In this prophesy ij. things are to be noted: first, what the first beast is,The two beastes in the 13. cap. of the Apoc. expounded. whose power ye second beast doth execute. Secondly, what this second beast is, which so doth exercise his power in his sight. The first of these beastes here in the Apoc. described, hauing 7. heads & 10. hornes, must needes signifie the city of Rome, which may easely be proued by two demonstrations. First by the exposition of ye 17. chap. of the same Apocalips, where is declared and described the sayd beast to stād of 7. hils, & to containe 10. kings, hauing the whole power of the dragon geuen:A description of the Citie and Monarchy of Rome. and also the same citie to be named the whore of Babylon, drunkē wyth the bloud of saints. All which properties ioined together, can agree in no wise but only to the heathē Empire of Rome, which Citie at the time of writing these prophesies, had the gouernment of the whole world. The second demonstration or euidence, may be deduced out of the number of the monethes assigned to this beast, Apoc. 13. For so it is written, that this beast had power to make, that is, to worke his malice against Christes people 42. monethes, which monethes counted by sabbates of yeares (that is, euery moneth for seuen yeares) maketh vp the iust number of those yeares, in which the primitiue Church was vnder the terrible persecutions of the heathen Emperors of Rome, as is afore specified, pag. 397.

Which thing thus standing, proued and confessed, that the first beast must needes signifie the Empire and City of Rome, then must it necessarely follow that the second beast [Page] with the lambs hornes,The description of the beast with the two hornes of the Lambe. Apoc. 13. must signifie the Bishop & Pope of the same City of Rome. The reason whereof is euident, and apparant by that which followeth in the prophecye, where it is declared, that the seconde beast hauing two hornes of a lambe, receaued and exercised all the power of the first beast, before or in the sight of the said beast, which can not be verefied neither in the Turke nor in any other, but only in the Pope of Rome, who (as you see) receiueth, vsurpeth, and deriueth to himselfe all the power of that Citie and Monarchy of Rome:The Pope hauing all the rule and power of Rome. [...]. Apoc. 13. In so much that he saith, that when Constantine or Ludouicus yeelded vnto him the rule & kingdome of that Citie, he gaue him but his owne, and that which of right and duty belonged to him before.

And this authority or power ouer all the Empire of Rome, he worketh not in Asia, or in Constantinople as the Turke doth, but in the sight of the beast which gaue him the power, that is, in the City of Rome it selfe, which is the first beast heere in this prophesy of the Apocalypse described.

The fourth reason.Fourthly, it foloweth more, And he causeth the earth, and all the inhabitants therein, to worship and honour the first beast, which had a deadly wound, and was cured, &c. The interpretation of this part, as also of all the other parts of the same chapter, standeth vpon the definition of the first beast, for being graunted, as it can not be denied, that the first beast signifieth the Citie and Empire of Rome, it must consequently follow, that the Bishop (whome we call the Pope) of the same Citie of Rome, must be vnderstoode by the second beast, for somuch as neither Turke nor any other, but only the Bishop of Rome, hath holden vp the estimation and dignity of that Citie, which began to be in ruine and decay by the Uandalians, Gothes, Herulians, and Lombards, about the yeare of our Lord 456. but afterward by the Bishop of Rome, the pristine state and honor of that Citie reuiued againe, and flourished in as great veneration, as euer it did before. And that is it which ye holy Ghost seemeth heere to meane of the first beast, saieng: That he had a wound of the sword, and was cured. For so it followeth.

The fift reason.Fiftly, And he caused all the inhabitants of the earth to make the image of the beast, which had the stripe of the sword and liued. And it was geuen to him to giue life to the image of the beast, and to make the image thereof to speake, and to cause all them that worshipped not the image of the beast, to be killed: forcing all persons both little and great, rich and poore, bond and free, to take the marke of the beast in their right hand, or in their forheads, and that none might buy or sell but they which had the marke, or the name of the beast, or the number of his name, &c.

Rome almost dead.By geuing life to the image of the beast, and making it to speake, is to be presupposed, that ye beast was at a neare point of death, and lay speachles before, insomuch that the Citie of Rome began to lose and change his name, & was called a while Odacrie, of Odacer King of the Herulians: which by dent of sword surprised the Romans: and yet notwithstanding,Roma called Odacria by the meanes of this Romane Prelate, the said Citie of Rome, which was then ready to geue the Ghost, so recouered his maiestie and strength againe, that it is hard to say, whether Rome did euer ruffle and rage in his tirannie before, in the time of Nero, Domitian, Diocletian and other Emperors, more tragically then it hath done vnder ye Pope: or whether that Rome had al Kings, Queenes, Princes, Dukes, Lords, and all subiects more vnder obedience and subiection, whē the Emperors raigned, or now in the raigne of the Pope. And therefore it is said not without cause of the holy Ghost: That it is geuen to him, To geue life to the image of the beast. The Image of Rome speaketh again as cruelly as euer it did. to geue life and speach to the image of the beast, causing all them to be slaine which will not worship the image of the beast, &c. As for example heereof, who seeth not what numbers and multitudes of Christian men, women, and children, in all Countreys, haue bene put to the fire and sword? Stories of all times will declare, what hauocke hath bene made of Christen bloud, about the preheminence and maioritie of the Sea of Rome: what Churches and Countreys both Greekes and Latin, haue bene excommunicated: what Kings haue bene deposed,Et faciet eos occidi, qui non adorauerint imaginem beitiae. Apoc. 13. and Emperors stripped from their Imperiall seate, and all because they would not stoupe and bend to the Image of the beast, that is, to the maiesty and title of Rome, aduanced vp so highly now by the Bishop thereof, as it was neuer higher before in the raigne of Nero or Dyoclesian. Wherefore taking the first beast to signifie the Empyre of Rome, which can not be denyed, it is playne, that the second beast must necessarily be applied to the Pope, and not to the Turke, for as much as the Turke seeketh nothing lesse then the aduancement of that Empire, but rather striueth against it, to plucke it downe.

The sixt and last argument is grounded vpon the number of the name of the beast,The sixt rea [...]. expressed by the holy Ghost in the same Prophecie, by the letters [...]. In which letters a though there lyeth great darcknesse and difficultie to be vnderstoode, yet certaine auncient Fathers whiche were Disciples and hearers of them which heard S. Iohn himselfe, as Irenaeus and other do expound the sayd letters coniecturally to containe the name of the beast, and to be the name of a man, vnder this word [...]: Where as els no other name lightly of any person either in Greeke or Latine,The number of the name of the beast discussed. 666. will agree to the same,The number of these letters in greeke, maketh the full number of 666. [...]. [...]. [...]. [...]. [...].o. [...]. saue onely the foresayd name [...]. Although some latter writers geuing their coniectures vpon the same, doe finde the name of Lateranus in Hebrew Letters, to aunswere to the same number. Some fayne other names, as [...], or [...], made wordes, which signifie nothyng, as Diclux, or Luduuic, by Romane letters &c. But of all names properly signifying any mā, none commeth so neare to the number of this mistery (if it go by order of letters) as doth the word [...], aforesayd. And this much by the way, and occasion of Nicolaus de Lyra,Nicol. de Lyra and other popish writers deceaued in the 13. chap. of the Apoc. Paulus Burgen, Matthias Dorinkus, the author of Fortalilium fidei, and other Cōmentaries moe o [...] the same faction: who writyng vpon this xiij. Chapter of the Apocalipse, and not considering the circumstaunces thereof, both are deceaued themselues, and deceaue many other, applying that to the Turke, which can not otherwise be verified but onely vpon the Pope, as may appeare sufficiently by the premisses: Not that I write this of any incode or malice either to the Citie of Rome, or to the person of the Byshop, as beyng Gods creature: but beyng occasioned here to entreate of the Prophecies agaynst the Turkes, would wishe the Readers not to be deceaued, but rightly to vnderstand the simple Scriptures according as they lye, to the entent that the true meanyng therof beyng boolted out, it may be the better knowen what Prophecies directly make agaynst these Turkes, what otherwise.

In the which Prophecies agaynst the Turkes, now to proceede, let vs come to the 20. Chapter of the Apocalipse, wherein the holy Scripture seemeth playnly and directly to notifie the said Turkes. The wordes of the Prophecie be these.

And I saw an Angell descendyng from heauen, Apoc. cap. 20. hauyng the key of the bottomlesse pit, and a great chayne in his hand: and he tooke the Dragon, the old Serpent, which is the deuill and Satanas, and bound him vp for a thousand yeares, and cast him in the pit, and sealed him vp, that he should not seduce the people any more, til the thousand yeares were expired: and after that he must be let loose for a litle while. &c.

And it followeth after: And when the thousand yeares shal be complete, Satanas shal be let out of his doungeon, and shall go abroad to seduce the people, which are on the foure corners of the lād of Gog and Magog, to assemble them to battaile: whose number is like to the sandes of the Sea. And they went vp vpon the latitude or breadth of the earth, and compassed about the tentes of the Saintes, and the welbeloued Cities. &c.

To the perfect vnderstandyng of this Prophecie,The bynding and loosing out of Sathan examined. Three things to be noted in thys prophesie. three thynges are necessary to be knowen. First what is ment by byndyng vp, and loosing out of Satanas the old Dragon. Secondly, at what tyme and yeare first he was chayned vp and sealed for a thousand yeares. Thirdly, at what yeare and tyme these thousand yeares did end, when as he should be loosed out agayne for a litle season. Which three poyntes beyng well examined and marked, the Prophecie may easely bee vnderstand directly to be ment of the Turke. Albeit Anagogically some part thereof may also be referred not vnproperly vnto the Pope, as is aboue notified.

First,What is meant by bynding vp of Sathan. by byndyng and loosing of Satanas, seemeth to be ment the ceasing and staying of the cruell and horrible persecution of the Heathen Emperours of Rome, against the true Christians, as is to be sene in the x. first persecutions in the primitiue Church aboue described in the former part of these Actes and Monumentes: in the whiche most bloudy persecutions, Satanas the deuill then raged without all measure, till tyme it pleased almightie God to stoppe this old Serpent, and to tye him shorter. And thus haue you to vnderstād what is ment by the bindyng vp of Sathan for a thousand yeares: whereby is signified that the persecution agaynst the Christians styrred vp by ye beast (that is, in the Empire of Rome, through the instigation of Sathan) shall not alwayes continue, but shall breake vp, after certaine tyme, and shall cease for a thousand yeares. &c.

Now,The tyme of bynding vp of Sathan. at what tyme and yeare this persecution, that is, the fury and rage of Sathan should cease, is also declared in the Apocalipse before: where in the chapter. 11. &. 13. wee reade that the beast afore mētioned, shall haue power [Page] to worke his malice and mischiefe, the space of 42. moneths and no more,Apoc. 11.13.42. monethes in the Apoc. declared. and then that Sathan should be locked vp for a thousand yeares. The computation of which moneths being counted by Sabbates of yeares (after the example of the 69. weekes of Daniell. cap. 11,) it doth bring vs to the iust yeare and time, when that terrible persecution in the primitiue Church should end, and so it did. For giue to euery moneth a Sabbat of yeares,Supputation of yeares betwene the beginning & ceasing the persecutions in the primitiue Church. that is, recken euery moneth for seauen yeares, and that maketh 294. yeares, which was the full time betweene the 18. yeare of Tiberius, (vnder whome Christ suffered) and the death of Maxentius the last persecutour of the primitiue Church in Europe, subdued by Constantinus, as may appeare by calculating the yeares, moneths and dayes, betweene the said yeare of the reigne of Tiberius, and the latter end of Maxentius: and so haue ye the supputation of the yeare and time, when Satan was first bound vp, after he had raged in the primitue Church 42. monethes. Which moneths, as is said, being counted by Sabbates of yeares, after the vsuall manner of the Scripture, mounteth to 294, yeares: and so much was the full time betweene the passion of our Lorde,Vide supra. pag. 385. which was in the 18. yeare of Tiberius, vnto the last yeare of Maxentius.

And heere by the way commeth a note to be obserued, that forasmuch as by the number of these 42. monethes,The pope proued to be the seconde beast mentioned in the Apoc. ca. 13. specified in the Apocalips, the Empire of Rome must necessarily be confessed to be the first beast: therefore it must by like necessitie follow, the Bishop of Rome to be the second beast, with the two hornes of the Lambe, for that he only hath and doth cause the sayd Empyre of Rome to reuiue and to be magnified, and so doth not the Turke, but rather laboureth to the contrary. Wherfore let euery Christian man be wise and beware betime, how he taketh the marke of the beast,Et hic bibet de vino irae dei Apoc. 14. least peraduenture it follow vpon him, that he drinke of that terrible cup of wrath mentioned Apocal. chap. 14.

Thirdly, it remayneth to be discussed touching the third point in this foresaid prophesie,The 3. part of the prophesie for the loosing out of Satan. that as we haue found out (through the helpe of Christ) the yeare and time of Satās binding, so we search out likewise the time and season of his loosing out, which by the testimonie of Scripture, was appointed to be a thousand yeares after his binding vp, and so rightly according to the time appointed it came to passe. For if we number well by the Scripture the yeare of his binding vp, which was from the passion of our Lorde 294. yeares, and adde thereto a thousand yeares, it mounteth to 1294. Which was the very yeare when Ottomannus the first Turke began his reigne:The beginning of the Turkes progenie. which was the first spring and welhead of all these wofull calamities that the Church of Christ hath felt both in Asia, Affrica, and Europe, almost these three hundreth yeares past. For so wee finde in Chronicles, that the kingdome of the Turkes being first deuided into four families, an. 1280. at length the familie of Ottomanus preuailed, and thereupon came these, whome now we call Turkes: which was about the same time, when Pope Boniface the eight was Byshop of Rome.

The tyme of Transubstantiation. The tyme of the Turkes.Where by the way this is againe to be noted, that after the decree of Transubstantiation was enacted in ye Councell of Laterane by Pope Innocent the iij. the yeare of our Lord 1215. not long after, about the yeare of our Lord 1260. was stirred vp the power and armes of the Oguzians, and of the Orthogules father of Ottomannus: who about the yeare of our Lord 1294. began first to vexe the Christians about Pontus & Bithinia,Ex Laonico Chalcondyla. lib. 1. The prophesie of Ezech. ca. 38. & so beginning his kingdome anno. 1300. reigned 28. yeares, as is afore mētioned.

Mention was made before of Ezechiell prophesieng against Gog, whose words diuers expositours do apply against the Turke, and are these: Thou shalt come from thy place, out of the North partes, thou and much people with thee, all riding vpon horse, a great and a mighty army, and thou shalt come vp against my people of Israell as a cloude, to couer the land: Thou shalt be in the latter dayes, and I will bring thee vpon my land, that the heathen may know me, when I shall be sanctified in thee, O Gog, before their eyes. Thus sayth the Lord God: Art not thou he, of whome I haue spoken in the old time, by the hand of my seruants, the Prophets of Israell, that prophesied in those dayes and yeares, that I woulde bring thee vpon them? At the same time also, when Gog shall come against the lande of Israell, sayth the Lord God, my wrath shall arise in mine anger. For in my indignation, and in the fire of my wrath haue I spoken it: Surely at that time there shall be a great shaking in the land of Israell, so that the fishes of the Sea, the foules of the heauen, the beastes of the field, and all that mooue and creepe vpon the earth, and all the men that are vpon the earth, shall tremble at my presence: the mountaines shall be ouerthrowne: the starres shall fall, and euery wall shall fall to the ground, &c.

¶ The Prophesies of Methodius, Hildegardis and other, concerning the reygne and ruyne of the Turkes.

VNto these testimonies aboue excerped out of the holy Scriptures,Methodius prophesies. let vs adde also the propheticall reuelatious of Methodius, Hildegardis, Sybilla, and others. This Methodius is thought of some to be the same Methodius, of whome Hierome, and Suidas make mention: which was Bishop first of Olympus in Lycia, then of Tyrus, and suffred martyrdome in the last persecution of the primitiue Church, vnder Diocletian. Unto whome also Trithemius attributeth the booke intituled:The booke of Methodius mistaken. De Quatuor nouissimis temporibus. But that can not be, forasmuch as the said Methodius doth cite and alleadge the Maister of Sentence, namely, in his second booke, and sixe distinc. Which Maister of Sentence, followed more then a thousand yeare after Christ: besides certaine other fabulous matter conteined in the same booke. Albeit, because he speaketh there of many things cōcerning the state of ye Church vnder Antichrist, and the reformation of Religion, as secmeth rightly to come to passe, and more is like to follow, I thought not to defraude the Reader thereof, leauing the credite of the Authour to his arbitrement, to esteeme and iudge of him as he seeth cause. Among diuers other places of Methodius, prophesieng of the latter time, these words do follow: After that the children of Ismaell haue had multiplied in their generations to an infinite and innumerable multitude, in the desert aforesayd, The prophesies of Methodius, concerning the turkes. they came out of the wildernesse of Arabie, and entred into the habitable land, and fought with the Kings of the Gentiles, which were in the land of promise, and the [...]d was filled with them. And after 70. weekes, and halfe of their power, wherewith they haue subdued all the kingdome of the Gentiles, their hart was exalted, seeing themselues so to haue preuailed, and to haue conquered all things, &c. And afterward it followeth of the same matter in this sort.

It shall come to passe that the sayde seede of Ismaell, shall issue out and obteine the whole world, with the regions thereof, in the entring of peace, from the land of Aegypt, vnto Ethiopia: & from the floud Euphrates, vnto India: and from the riuer Tigris, to the entring of Nabaot, the kingdome of Ionithus, the sonne of Noe: and from the North, vnto Rome and Illyricum, Aegypt, and Thessalonica, and Albania, Viij. weekes of yeares, counting euery weeke for a Sabbate of yeres, that is, euery day for a yeare, commeth to 56. yeares. and so foorth to the sea Ponticum, whych deuideth the sayd kingdomes from Germanie and Fraunce: and their yoke shall be double vpon the neckes of all nations, and Gentiles: neither shall there be nation or kingdome vnder heauen, which shall be able to stand against them in battaile, vntill the number of eyght weekes of yeares, &c.

Briefly, as in a grosse somme, this shall suffice, to admonish the reader, touching ye meaning and methode of Methodius Prophesies, which Methodius first describing the long and tedious afflictions of Christes Church, maketh mention of the seede of Ismaell, which comming out of the partes and deserts of Arabie,The first state or alteration of tymes concerning the comming of the Saracens shall destroy (saith he) and vanquish the whole earth, So that the Christians shall be giuē of God, to the hands of the filthy Barbarians, to be slain, polluted, and captiued: Persia, Armenia, Capadocia, Cilicia, Syria, Aegypt, the East partes, Asia, Spaine, all Grecia, Fraunce, Germania, Agathonia, Sicilia, The Romanes also shall be slaine and put to flight: also the Ilands of the Seas shall be brought to desolation, and to captiuitie, Christians plagued by the Saraces. and put to the sword. The which tribulation of the Christians shall be without mercy or measure: the raunsome of gold and siluer and other exactions, intolerable, but especially the dwellers of Aegypt and Syria shall be most in the affliction of those times: And Hierusalem shall be filled with multitudes of people brought thether in captiuitie, from the foure windes which are vnder heauen. So that beastes also, and foules, and fish in the water, and the waters of the Sea shall be to them obedient. Cities and Townes, which were before full of people, shall be layde waste. Women with child shall be ript: their children sticked: infantes taken from the mothers, and cast in the streates, and none shall burie them. The rulers and sage of the people shall be slaine, and throwne out to the beastes. Churches shall be spoiled: the Priests destroyed: virgines defloured, and men cō pelled to sell their children, and the comming of them shall bee chastisement without mercy, and with them shall go these foure plagues: captiuitie, destruction, perdition, and desolation, wyth much more, which for breuitie I ouerpasse. And this affliction, sayeth hee, shall last eight weekes, or Sabbates of yeares, which I take to signifie eight hundreth yeares, &c.

Secondly,The seconde state or alteration of the Christians relieued of theyr plagues and tribulations after these terrible plagues thus described by Methodius vpon the Christians, which he sayth shall fall vpon them for their wicked abhominations recited in the first and second chapter of S. Paule to the Romaines: the saide Methodius afterwarde, in this great distresse of the Christians, being out of all hope and comfort of reliefe, declareth and speaketh of a certaine King of the Greekes or [Page] Romains which shall restore peace againe to ye Christiās.Christians abusing Gods benefites. In which peace they shal reedify their cities & mansions againe: the Priests shalbe deliuered from their greuances, & men at that time shall rest from their tribulations, and then shall the King of the Romaines dwell in the Citie of Hierusalem a weeke or sabbate, and a halfe of times. &c.

Thirdly, during ye time of this peace, the said Methodius saith, ye men shal fal into licentious securitie, & carelesse life:The third alteratiō by the cōming of the turks. and then according to the word of the Apostle, saying: Whē they shal say, peace, peace, sodeine destruction shal fall vpon them: then (sayth he) shalbe opened the gates of the North, & the beastly people shal breake in, which King Alexander the great, did close vp within 2. mountaines, making his prayer vnto the Lorde God, that he would bind vp that bestial & execrable people, least with their filthy & detestable pollutions, they shuld come out and pollute the holy land. Whose intercession being heard the Lord cōmanded them to be inclosed within 2. mountains in the North parts, to the depenes of 12. cubits (which signifieth peraduenture 12. C. yeres) so that neither by witchcraft, The reigne of Christian kinges in Hierusalem lasted 88. yeares 'an. 1187. nor by any means they could get out, or any might come vnto them, vntill the time of the Lord apointed, which are (saith he) the latter times: & then, according to the prophecie of Ezechiel in the latter time of the cōsummation of the world, Gog & Magog out frō the north, shal come forth into the land of Israel, & shal work al this mischiefe against the christiās, aboue recited. And then (saith Method. proceding in his Prophesies), shall the K. of Romanes, after he hath reigned in Ierusalē a sabbate of times, & a half, that is, saith Mer. x. yeres & a halfe, take the crown frō his hed and yeld it vp to the Crosse in Golgotha where Christ was crucified, By this resigning vp the crowne to the crucifixe in Golgotha, is signified, the ceasing of the reigne of the christiās in Hierusaiē tyll the cō ming of Christ. By this tribe of Dā, and the citie Chorosaim, Bethsaida, & Capernaū is signified Gods great malediction vpon Antichrist. and shall die. And the Crosse with the crowne shalbe taken into heauen, which shal not appeare againe before the comming of the Lord.

Fourthly, it foloweth then moreouer in the Prophesies of Method. Whych declareth, that when the weeke or sabbate & half weke of times shal end, and whē the K. of Romanes shall geue vp his crowne in Ierusalem, & die. Then immediatly shal Antichrist the son of perdition begin to appeare, & be borne in Iewry, of the tribe of Dan, wherof also came Iudas Iscarioth, & he shalbe borne (saith Methodius) in Chorosaim, & shalbe bred in Bethsaida, & shal raign in Capernaū: to ye which 3. cities, Christ the Lord gaue his 3. Vae. And whē great tribulatiō shal increase & multiply in the daies of this Antichrist, & al lordship & dominion shalbe destroied, the Lord shall sende his 2. faithful & deare seruants, Enoch and Hely, to reproue and detect the false seducing, & lying forgeries of this Antichrist, openly before all mē: so that the people seing thēselues falsly beguiled, & seduced by this son of perditiō, cōming out of the tēple disēblingly, to the destructiō of many, shal leaue & flie frō him, & ioyn thē selues to the said 2. holy prophets. Which son of perdition & Antichrist seing his procedings so to be reproued, & brought into cō tēpt, in his fury & anger shal kil the 2. Prophets of God And then shal appeare (saith Methodius) the signe of the comming of the sonne of man, and he shall come in the clouds of heauenly glory, and shall destroy the enemie with the spirite of his mouth. &c.

Interpretation.

The destruction of Antichrist.TO these prophesies & testimonies of Methodius, what credite it is to be geuen, I leaue it to the Reader. But if the meaning of his Prophesies goe by such order of times, as is set & disposed in his booke:The interpretation. he semeth to describe vnto vs 4. principall states and alterations of times to come.

The first state and alteration is by Mahumete and the Saracens, which be the ofsprings and sonnes of Ismael comming out of Arabie in the time of Heraclius Emperour of Constantinople.The comming of the Saracens. An. 630. which rebelling against Heraclius, increased & preuailed still more & more against the Christians, both in Asia, and Africa, and also in many places in Europe, especially in Spayne, and Italy.

The seconde state & alteration he Prophesieth to come by the Turke, which first comming out of the farre partes of Seythia,The coming of the turks. ye is, out of the North, first ouercame the Saracenes, subdued the Persians, and afterward ioyning together we the Saracens, conquered the kingdome of Hierusalem about the yeare of our Lorde 1187: then subdued Syria and moste part of Asia. &c. And these be they, whych Methodius seemeth to meane of, speaking of the vile and miserable people closed vp of ye Lord God, at the intercession of Alexander the great captaine in the North, betwene 2. mountaines the deep [...]nosse of 12. cubites, wast that filthy corrupt nation shuld pollute the early with their wickednes. Wherby are ment those Turkes, which comming out frō the vttermost partes of the North, that is, out of Scythia and the mountaines of Caucasus or els Ismaels,Seythia iux ta C [...]ueassi. were withholden & kept backe of Almighty God, for Christes cause, that they myght not harme his Church alongspace, during the time of xii. C. yeares: yea, and then, the sinnes of the Christians so deseruing, they were permitted of almighty God to breake out, and to inuade the church: who nowe ioyning together wt the Saracens, haue wrought, and daily do woorke, all these greuances against our Christian brethren: as we se this day is come to passe, and more is like to folow, except the hād of the Lord, which let them out, do plucke them in againe.

Moreouer,Victory of the Christians gotte against the Saracens. Ex Paulo Ionio The citie of Hierusalē recouered by the Christias frō the Saracens Hierusalem possessed of the christians 88. yeares. Hierusalē wōne frō the Christiās by the turkes, an 1187. in ye meane space, betwene the reigne of the Saracens and the Turks, where Methodius speaketh of the R. of Romaines, which should restore quietnes to the church, & should raigne in Hierusalem, a sabbate of tunes and halfe a sabbate: thereby seemeth to be vnderstand the viage of Christian Princes out of the west partes of Europe, vnder Gotfridus Duke of Lotharing & his 2. brethren and many other christen Princes, with 300. M. footmen, and 100. M. horsemen: who fighting against the Saracens, recouered againe from them, the Citie of Hierusalem, in the yeare of our Lorde. 1099. Which citie before had bene in their possession, ye terme of 490. yeres. After which victory got, first Gotfridus, then Baldwinus his brother, and other after them, to the number of 9. Christen kings, reigned in Hierusalem the space of 88. yeres: and after that through the discord of the Christians not agreeing amōgst themselues, both Hierusalem and Syria, with other parts of Asia besides, were subdued and wonne of the Turkes, whych to this day they keepe yet still. And this was in the yeare of our Lord. 1187.

About which yeare and time (as foloweth in Methodius) when the Citie of Hierusalem shall be wonne of the Turkes,The cōming & markes of Antichrist described. then shall Antichrist begin to be borne of the tribe of Dan, of whom came Iudas Iscarioth, and shalbe borne in Chorosaim and bredde in Bethsaida, and reigne in Capernaum: Meaning that this Antichrist or sonne of perdition, shalbe full of Gods malediction, noted by Iudas Iscariothe, and these 3. Cities, against whome were spoken thrise Vae of the Lord.

And heere is moreouer to be noted, that Methodius sayth, not that Antichrist shall be borne among the Saracens or Turkes, but among the people of God, and of the tribe of Israel. Whereby is to be collected, that Antichriste shal not come of the Saracēs, nor Turks, but shall spring vs among the Christians, and (sayeth Methodius) shall seeme to come out of the Temple, to deceiue many. &c. whereby the Pope may seeme rather then the Saracene or the Turk, to be described, for so much as the Pope, being elected norished, and raigning in the middest of Gods people, at Rome, sitteth in the temple, and very place of Christ: and (no doubt) deceiueth many. &c.

And nowe to come to the time assigned of Methodius, here is to be added also,The time of Antichrist. Petrus Lombardus. Gratianus. Innocentius. 3. that which we read in Antoninus, Par. 3. that about this said present time, a certaine Bishop of Florence preached that Antichriste was then comming. But the pope commanded him to keepe silence & to speake no more therof. Now why the pope so did, & why he could not abide the preaching of Antichriste, I referre it to them which list to muse more vpon the matter. This is certain, that about this time, heere assigned by Methodius, came Petrus Lombardus Gratianus, and Pope Innocent ye thirde, the first authors & patrons of trāsubstantiation.Trāsubstātiatiō, The first persecution by the church of Rome Dominicke. Frier Fraunces, Ex antonino part. 3. tit. 19. c 1. The orders of Fryers beganne. At which time also began the first persecution by ye church of Rome, againste ye Albingenses or waldenses, about Tolous, Bitures, and Auinion. Of whome 17. M. the same time were slaine, by the Popes crossed souldiors. Among whom frier Dominicke was then the chiefest doer. About whyche time also was Frier Frances, of which two came the two orders of begging Friers: al which began much about one time together. An. 1215. which were nere, within 20. yeres. after the kingdome of the Christians was taken of the Turkes, according to the Prophesie aboue sayd.The pope exalting himselfe aboue kings and Emperours.

It followeth moreouer in Methodius, That in hys time al Lordship & domination shal cease and geue ouer. &c. The verity whereof we see no [...]e accomplished in the Pope. For where the Pope with his double sword, and triple crown doeth come, there all seculare power must geue place, both Emperors, Kings, and Princes must stoupe.

So king Iohn yeelded vp his crowne to Pandulsus the popes Legate, and was in his hand 5. daies. An. 12 [...]7.

Childerike the French K. had hys crowne taken from him,Notes of Antichrist. and geuen to Pipine. An. 747.

Henricus 4. Emperor was forced to submit hymselfe and his scepter to Pope Hildebrand. An. 1077.

Fridoricus Barbarossa Emperour, in Saint Markes Church in Uenice, was faine to lay downe hys necke vnder the Pope Alexanders feete. Anno 1277. Which Fridericke also before, was faine to holde the stirroppe to Pope Adrian, &c.

What should I speake of the Ambassadour of Uenice, named Franciscus Dandulus? who being sent to Pope [Page] Clement the 5. was made to lie vnder the Popes cable like a dog, & gather vp the croms, mēcioned in Sabel. Enn. 9. li. 7.

Henry the 3. being Emperor, had hys diademe first set on with the feete of the Pope, and afterwarde strocken off from his head with the Popes foote againe.

And what shall I speake more hereof? when as Carolus Magnus submitted himselfe so lowe to kisse the feete of Pope Leo. An. 800.Enoch & Hely.

It foloweth then in the prophesie of Methodius: That in the tribulation of those dayes, shall be sent from God two speciall Prophettes, Enoch and Hely, to reprooue and disclose the fraudulent falsehode of Antichrist, and that many seeing his delusion, shall forsake him and followe them: Wherat Antichrist being greeued shall kill them. &c.

We neuer read yet in any story,Iohn Hus & Hierome of Prage. Vid. in primo Tom. operū Iohā. Hus. De Anatomia. of any suche two Prophets to be sent either to the Saracens, or to the Turkes: Wheras against the Pope, we read Iohn Husse and Hierome of Prage, two learned Martyrs & Prophets of God to haue bene sent, & to haue reproued and described the Anatomie of Antichrist, and at last to haue bene burned for their labor. And what Prophet can speake more plainely, either Enoch or Hely,Hierome of Prage a prophet and Martir. then did Hierom of Prage, prophesying of the comming of Martin Luther, an C. yeres after him? when the Pope and his fellowes should answere to God and to him. The time we see came iust. Nowe let the Pope see with his fellowes, what answer they can make.

The true plate of Hus and Hierome, among the Bohemians.

The nearnes of the Lordes iudgement.It followeth further in Methodius concludyng hys prophecie. And then (sayth he) shall appeare the comming of the sonne of man in the clouds of heauen, with celestial glory. &c.

Wherefore after the burning of these two notable Prophets, with many other thousands burned also since their time, by the B. of Rome it is to be thought, that the comming of Christes iudgement in the clouds, is not farre of. Veni cito Domine. Amen.

And thus muche touching Methodius, of whose prophecies how much or how little is to be estemed, I leaue it indifferent vnto the reader. For me it shal suffice simply to haue recited his wordes, as I finde them in his booke contained: noting this by yt way, that of this booke of Methodius, De nouissimis temporibus, neither Hierome in his Cataloge, nor Suidas, nor yet Auentinus in the place where hee entreateth purposely of such prophecies,The prophesy of Hildegardis and Brigiete, of the Turkes. maketh any mention. As touching Hildegardus & Brigit, & other whome the French cal Bardi for their songs & prophetical verses, sufficient hath ben alleaged before out of Anentinus: who in his 3. booke of Chronicles wryting of the testimonies of Hildegard, Brigit and Bardi, seemeth to grounde vppon them,Ex Auentino lib. 3. Annalium. A caneat to England. that the Turkes, whether we wil or not, shal haue their Imperiall seate at Colen: And I pray God, that it come not to passe, that the Turke do geue some attempt against England by the seas, before that he come to Colen by land. &c.

Greuity causeth me to cut of many testimonies and reuelations of these abouesaide,Ex Brigitta. lib. 4. cap. 57. or els I could here rehearse the propheticall wordes of Brigit, lib. 4. cap. 57. concerning the City and Church of Rome, which as she sayth, must be purged and scoured with 3. things:Prophesies of Brigitte, against Rome. to wit, with sharpe sword, with fire, and with the plough, and that God wil doe with that Citie, as one that remoueth plants out of one place vnto an other: and finally, that the Citie of Rome shall susteine the sentence, as if a Iudge should commaund the skin to be flaine off, the bloude to be drawne from the flesh, and the flesh to be cut in small peces, & the bones therof to be broken, so that all the mary may be quised out from the same &c. The Prophesies of Erithrea Sybilla named Eriphila. But for breuitie I let Brigit passe, & something wil declare out of Erythrea Sybilla, in her booke of prophecies found in S. Georges church in Uenice: where she prophesying many things of the birth of Christ vnder Augustus, and of the birth of Iohn Baptist, & of baptisme, of the Apostles, of the conuersion of the Gentiles, and of Constantinus, &c. hath these words:Ex Erithrea Sybilla in suo Nazilographo. i. imperiali scripto. After that the peaceable Bull shall conclude all the climes of the world vnder tribute, in those daies a heauenly lambe shal come: and the dayes shal come, whē the power of the flowing streame shalbe magnified in water, & the Lyon the Monarche shalbe conuerted to the Lambe, which shall shine to all men, and subuert kingdomes.

Moreouer sayeth Sybilla, In the latter age God shall bee hūbled, Prophesies of Sybilla of christ. and the diuine ofspring shalbe abased, & Deitie shalbe ioyned with humanity, the Lambe shal lie in hay, and God & mā shall be bred vp vnder a maidens attendance, signes and wōdershal go before amōgest the circumcised. &c. Also, an aged womā shal cō ceiue a childe hauing knowledge of things to come. By his feete is supposed to be ment the yeares of his age. The Worlde shall maruell at Bowtes (the starre) which shall be a leader to his birth. He hauing 32. feete and 6. thumbes shal chuse to himself out of [...]sners and abiectes, the number of 12. and one deuill, not wyth [...]orde nor with battel. &c. And afterwarde thus followeth moreouer, in Sybilia, saying:The lambe lying, &c. that is, the Church without trauell shall be mainteyned with some liuing or possessions of chiefe rulers. The health of the lambe lying shalbe clothed with a fewe spoiles of the Lyon. Blacke shalbe turned into red. He shall subdue the citie of Aeneas, and kings, but in the booke of the fisher, In deiectiō and pouertie he shall cōquere riches, and shall treade downe pride with his owne death, In the night he shall rise vp, and be changed, he shall liue and raigne, and all these things shall be consummated, and regeneration (or newe things) be made: at last hee shall iudge both good and euill. &c. And thus much briefly collected out of Sybilia Erythrea concerning Christ our Lord.

Furthermore, touching the state and course of the Church and of Antichrist. it foloweth in the sayde Sybille, saying:By these foure beasts is ment the 4. Monarchies of the worlde, that is the multitude of all the kingdōs of the Gentiles, as is in the Apocal. By the citye of Aeneas is ment Rome The prophesies of Sybilla, of Antichrist. The 663. feet do meane the yeares of his reigne. Then shall 4 Winged beastes rise vp in testimonie, they shal soūd out with trumpets the name of the lambe, sowing righteousnes, & the law irreprehensible. Against which law, the beast shal gainstand, & the abhomination & froth of the dragon. But a maruelous star shal rise, hauing the image of the 4. beasts, & shalbe in a maruelous multitude, he shal bring light to the Greekes, and shal illustrate the world. The lake of the fisher shall bring the name of the lambe with power, into the Citie of Eneas, vnto the end of the worlde, (or time). Then in the city of Eneas, the starre ioyned, shall loose such as were bound of the deuill, and thereof hee shall reioyce and glory, and glorious shalbe his end &c.

After this, Sybilia wryting (as it semeth) of Antichrist, importeth these words. And it shall come to passe, that an horrible beast shal come out of the East, whose roaring shall be heard to Aphrike, to the people of Carthage, Which hath 7. heades and scepters innumerable, feete 663. He shall gainstande the lambe, to blaspheme his Testamēt, encreasing the waters of the dragon. The kings & princes of the world he shall burne in intolerable sweat, & they shal not diminish his feete. And then two starres like to the first starre, shall rise against the beast, and shal not preuaile, till the abhomination shall be come, and the wil of the Lord shall be consummate. And again, speaking of the same matter, he inferreth these words of the foresaid 2. starres aboue mētioned.These two starres seme to meane Iohn Hus, & Hierome, who being put to death by the pope their doctrine rose agayne more strongly then before. And toward the latter dayes, two bright starres shall arise, raising vp men lying dead in their sinnes, being like to the first starre, hauing the face of the 4. beasts which shall resist the beast, & the waters of the dragon, testifying (or preaching) the name and lawe of the lambe, the destruction of abhomination and iudgement, and shal diminish his waters, but they shalbe weakened in the bread of affliction, and they shall rise againe in stronger force. &c.

And it foloweth moreouer. After the abhomination, then shal truth be reuealed, & the lambe shalbe known, to whom regions and countreis shal submit their necks, & all earthly men shal agree together in one, to come into one fold, and to be ruled vnder one discipline, and after this shalbe but a small time. &c.

And shortly after, the saide Sybilia speaking of the latter iudgement to come, declareth how all the abhominations of sinnes shall come before the lambe: and that terrible fire shall fall frō heauen, which shall consume al carthly things created vnto the top of heauen. &c.

And thus muche out of Sybilla, touching her prophesies of Christ & Antichrist, according a [...] I founde them alleaged of a certaine catholike Romish wryter,Ex libro cui titulus, onne Ecclesiae. in his booke entituled Onus ecclesiae, excerped, as he sayeth, out of the library of S. George in the citie of Uenice.

[Page]Philip Melancthon in his preface vpon Bartholomaeus Georgienitz Peregrinus, wryting of the Origene and manners of the Turks, alledgeth a certaine prophesy of Hikenus, mentioned hereafter, which foresaid that the Turkes should beare rule in Italy and in Germany. An. 1600.

Now it remaineth in conclusion of these prophesies of the Turks, something to say of the Turks owne prophesies, concerning the enduring & ending of their own kingdom, whose propheticall prognostication, being taken out of their owne language, and their own bookes, I thought here to insert, as I finde it alleaged in the booke of the forsayd Bartholomaeus Georgienitz, as followeth.

§

A Turkish prophecie in the Persian toung of the raigne and ruine of the Turkes.

PAtissahomoz ghelu, Ciaferum memleketi alur, keuzul almai alur, Kapzeiler, iedi y ladegh Gyaur keleci csikmasse, on ikiyladegh onlaron beghlig eder: eusi iapar, baghi diker bahesai baghlar, oglikezi olur, onichi yldensora Hristianon Keleci csichar, ol Turchi gerestine tus chure.

The Latine of the same.

By the prince of the Gentiles the turkes do here meane the kingdomes and dominions of the Christians, whom they call Gentiles, becuse they are not circumcised after their maner. IMperator noster veniet, ethnici Principis regnum capiet, rubrū quoque pomum capiet, in suam potestatem rediget: quod si septimum vsque annum Christianorum gladius non insurrexit, vsque ad duodecimum annum els dominabitur. Domos ae dificabit, vineas plantabit, hortos sepibus muniet, liberos procreabit, & post duodecimum annum, apparebit Christianorum gladius, qui Turcam quaqua versum in fugam aget.

The same in English.

OUr Emperour shal come: he shal get the kingdome of the Gentiles prince: also he shal take the red apple and shall bring it vnder his subiection: and if the sworde of the Christians shall not rise vnto the vij. yeare, hee shall haue dominion ouer them vnto the xii. yere. He shal build houses, plant vineyardes, shal hedge about his orchards, shall procreate children: and after the xij. yeare shal appeare the sworde of the Christians, whych shall putte the Turke to flight euery where.

They whych make declaration of thys Turkishe prophesie do expound this xij. yeare to signify the xij. yeare after the winning of Constantinople:The exposition of the turkes prophesie. which Constantinople, they say, is ment by the redde apple: And after that xij. yeare, say they, shall rise the sworde of the Christians. &c. and this prophesie being wrytten and translated out of the Persian tounge, with this exposition vpon the same, is to be found in the boke of Bartholomeus Georgienitz. Albeit, concerning the exposition therof,Ex Barthol Georgienitz. it semeth not to be true which is there spoken of the xij. yeare, after the wynning of Constantinople, being nowe 100. yeares since the wynning thereof.

Wherefore it may rather seme probable that by the vij. yeare and xii. yeare of the Turkes,An other [...] sition. this to be the meaning, that if the vij. of the Ottaman Turks do scape the sworde of the Christians, they shall continue, builde and plant. &c. vntill the xij. Turke, which is thys Solymannus, & then after that shall rise the Christians sworde, whych shall put them to flight, and vanquish them in al quarters. And this exposition may seeme to accord with the place of Genesis,Gen. 25. wherin is wrytten of Ismael, that he had xij. sonnes, & no mo: So that this Solymannus being the xij. Turke after Ottomannus, may (by the grace of Christ) be the last, whō we heard credibly to be reported at the printing heereof, to be dead. But howsoeuer this prophecy is to be takē, it appeareth by their owne Oracles, that at length they shalbe ouercome by the Christians.

A Table describing the times and yeares of the Saracens, Turkes, and Tartarlans, for the better explaining of the storie aboue prefixed.

AN. 632. Began the kingdom of the Saracens or Arabians, after the death of mahumet the fi [...]ft ringleader of ye mischief which Savacens reigning in Babylon ouer Persia and Asia, continued about

The Saracēs beginne their reigne.

198. yeres

An 667. Ierusale was taken of the Saracens. These Saracēs after they had subdued Ormisda K. of Persia, set vp to them selues a new kingdom, calling their chiefe prince Calipha, which signifieth a general Lord: and vnder him Seriphes, that is, an vnder prince: And againe vnder him their Soldan: whych is a ruler or captaine vnder the which Soldanes, all the prouinces were deuided. And thus ruled obey ye space abouesayd of

198. yeres

An. 703. The Egyptians being weary of their subiection vnder the Romaines, called for helpe of the Saracene Calipha: and so casting of the Romains, submitted themselues to the law of the Saraces, and had also their Calipha and theyr Babylon called Cairus, where their Calipha continued vnto Saraco or Syracinus.

The Egiptian Saracens or Sultans.

447. yeres

An. 810. Mauginetus or Muchumetus ye chiefe Sultan of Persia, being at variance with Imbrael ye Sultan of [...]abi [...]on, feut for the aid of the turkes, out of S [...]ychia: [...] whō, when he had got the victorye against the Babilonians, the sayd Turkes shortly after, conquered the Persians, and subdued their countrey within the space of.

20 [...]. yeres

An. 830. The Saracēs being [...] pussed [...] of Asia by the turkes, wandered aboue Afrike, Spayne, and Italy, and were [...] uers places dispersed, and [...]

The Saracēs kingdome ceaseth.

An. 830. The Turke after they had expulsed the Sara [...]our of Asia, began to reigne in Asia, in Persia, & in Arabia, and there reigned without interruption, til the comming of the Tartarians, the space of

The turkes kingdome beginneth.

192. yeres

An. 1009. The Turkes wanne the city of Herusalem frō the Sara [...]ens: which citie the Sultan of Egipt want againe [...] the Turkes shortly after, & possessed the same till the comming of Gotfeldus.

An. 1051. Began the first king of ye turkes called [...]aduke, to raign in Asia, and ioyned league with Calipha of Egypt, and there raigned till the conquest of Gotfridus and the Christians, the space of

46. yeres

An. 1078. Solymānus nephue to Aspasalem ye turkish king in Asia, otherwise called Turquinia, subdued Capadocia, which hath continued now since, the space of

500. yeres

An. 1099. Gotfridus Bulion duke of Lotharing a christē prince, taking his voiage into Asia, with 700000. Christen soldiours first got the city of Nicea against the Sultane of the Turkes: then Lycaonia, Cilicia, Syria, afterwarde Mesopotamia, and Comagena, then Autiochia. An. 1098. and the next yere recouered Hierusalem, being then in the hands of the Saracens, whych they a little before had wonne from the Turkes, as is aforesayde. After this Gorfridus succeded viij. christian kings, which kept the kingdome of Hierusalem and Asia, both from the Turkes and Saracens, the space of

88. yeres

An. 1100. The Georgians, which be a people of Armenia the greatye, vāquishe [...] the Turks out of the kingdom of Persia, af [...] they had cutte their king in pieces. wherby the Turks flying to Cappadoria, there remained vnder Solynian & ioyned them selues to the Solban of Egypt and waxed the strong in Asia minor, couted now Turquinia.

An. 1170. When Americus the vii. king of Hierusalem after Goufridus, had ouercome the Calipha or Sultan of Egypt, the Sultan being ouercome, called for the help of Saracon the Sultane of Syria. Thys Saracon after he had expulsed ye christians out of Egypt, [...]oned his power against ye Sultane of Egypt, and vanquishing him, tooke to him selfe the kingdome of Egypt: Which kingdom he with his posteritie did holde till the comming of the Tartarians and the Mamaluches about the space of

88. yeres

An. 1187. Saladinus the nephew of Saracon the Sultane of Egypt, perceauing the dissention among the Christian states of Palestina, got Antioche, where he slewe Raymundus the Prince with hys owne hands: Then got Tiberias: From thence went to Accō, where he tooke Guido king [Page] of Hierusalem and Master of the Templares, prisonners: for whose raunsome, the Turke had Ascalon yelded vp to him of the Christians. That done, he subdued Hierusalem. whych had bene in the handes of the Christians before, the space of.

An. 1189. Friderike Emp. Philip French king, Rich, king of Englande made their viage into Asia, where Friderike washing in a riuer at Lilicia, died. In this voiage at the siege of Accon, Saladinus wanne the fielde of our men, of whome 2000. were slaine in the chase. Accon at length was got of the Christians. King Richarde got Cyprus. The two kings tell at strife. Phillip retired home without any good doing, king Richarde laide siege to Hierusalem, but in vaine, and so returning homewarde, was taken neare to Uienna in Austria, after hee had taken truce before wyth the Soldane, vppon such condition as pleased hym. And thys good speede had the Popes, sending out against the Turkes.

An. 1215. There was an other Councell holden at Rome by pope Innocēt 3. where was enacted a newe article of our faith for transubstantiation of bread and wine, to be turned into the body and bloud of our sauiour. In this Councell also great excitation was made by the Pope, & great preparation was through al Christendom, to set forward for recouery of the holy lād. A mighty army was collected of Dukes, Lordes, knights, bishops & Prelates, that if Gods blessing had gone wyth them, they myght haue gone throughout all Asia and India.

Transubstantiation.

Anno 1219. The Christians after 18. monethes siege, gotte a certaine towne in Egypte, called Damiata or Elipolis, wyth much a do, but not much to ye purpose. For afterward as the christian army of ye popes sending, went aboute to besiege the Citie Cairus or Babylon, the Sultane throughe his subtile traine so intrapped and inclosed them wythin the daunger of Nylus, that they were constrained to render agayne the Citie Damiata, with their prysonners, and all the furniture thereof as they found it, into the Souldanes hande, and glad so wyth their liues to passe forwarde to Tyrus, An. 1221.

In the meane time the Egyptian Turke caused the Citie of Hierusalem to be rased, that it should serue to no vse to the Christians. What great thing els was done in that viage, it doth not greatly appere in stories. All be it Fridericus the 2. Emperour was not vnfrutefully there occupied, and muche more myght haue done, had it not bene for the violence and persecution of the Bishop of Rome against him: whereby he was enforced to take truce wyth the Sultan for 10. yeres, and so returned. After which things done, not many yeares after, at lengthe the last citie of all belonging to the Christians, which was Ptolomais or A [...]s, was also taken from them by the Sultane, so that now the christians had not one foote left in all Asia.

Vide supra pag. 312.

An. 1203. Thus the Christians being driuen out of Asia by the Sultans & Turkes, yet the sayd Turkes and Sultanes did not long enioy their victorie: For estsoones the Lord stirred vp against them the Tartarians, who breaking into Asia by the portes of Caspius subdued diuers partes of Asia, namely, about Comana, Colchis, Iberia, Albania. &c. These Tartarians as they had got many captiues in their warres: so for gaine vsed to shippe them ouer customably to Alexandria in Egypt to be solde: whych seruantes and captiues Melechsala the great Sultane was gladde to buy, to serue him in his warres. Which captiues & seruaunts after they had continued a certaine space in Egypte, and through their valiant seruice grew in fauour and estimation with the sayd Melechsala, and began more to increase in number and strength: at lengthe they slue him, and tooke to themselues the name and kingdome of the Sultane. And thus ceased the stocke of Saracon & Saladinus afore mentioned, which continued in Egypt, about the space as is sayd of

Tartarians.

Portae Caspiae.

Saladinus stocke in Aegipt ceaseth.

100 yeres

An. 1240. After the death of Melechsala, the army of these foresaide rascals and captiues, set vp to themselues a king of theyr owne cōpany, whome they called Turquemenius. Who to fill vp the nomber of theyr company that it should not diminish, deuised this order, to get or to buy christē mens children, taken yong frō their parents, and ye mothers lap: whom they vsed so to bryng vp to make them to denye Christ, and to be circumcised, and instructed in Mahumetes law, & afterward to be trained in the feates of warre, and these were called Malaluchi. Among whome this was their order, that none might be aduaunced to be king, but out of their own number, or els chosen by them: neither that any shoulde be made knights or horsemen, but only the children of christians which should deny Christ before, called Mamaluchi. Also it was among them prouided, that to thys dignity neither Saracens nor Iewes, should be admitted. Item, that the succession therof shoulde not descend to the children and offpring of these Mamaluchi. Also, that the succession of the crowne should not descend to the childrē of the foresayd Sultanes, but shoulde goe by voyce and election. The Tartarians wyth Turquemenius their king, aboute thys time obtained Turquia, that is, Asia minor, from the Turkes, and wythin 2. yeres after, preuailing againste the Turkes, expelled them from theyr, kingdome, and so continued these Mamaluchi reigning ouer Egypt, & a great part of Asia, till the time of Tomumbeius theyr last Kyng, whych was destroyed and hanged at the gates of Memphis, by Zelymus the Turke, father to this Solymannus, as in hys historye is declared, Those Mamaluchi continued the space of

Mamaluchi in Aegipt.

Vide supra pag. 747.

An. 1245. These Tartarians rāging thorough the countreis of the Georgians, and all Armenia, came as far as Iconiū, which was then the imperiall city of the Turkes.

An. 1289. The Soldane of Egypt & Babilon got from the christiās Tripolis, Tyrus, Sydon, and Gerithus in Syria.

An. 1291. Lastly, Ptolo [...]ais, which also is called Akers, was surprised by ye sayd Soldan, rased and cast downe to the ground, & all the Christians therein (whych were not many left) were slaine. And this was the last citye which the Christians had in Asia. So that nowe the Christians haue not one foot (as is sayd before) left in al Asia. Thus the Egyptian Soldanes, and the Tartarians reigned and ranged ouer the most part of Asia aboue the Turkes, till the raigne of Ottomannus the great Turke, aboute the space of

80 yeres

¶ And thus haue ye the whole discourse of the Turkish story, with theyr names, countryes, townes, dominions also with theyr times, continuance, interruptions and alterations, in order described and in yeares distincted: which otherwise in most authors and writers be so confused, that it is heard to know distinctly, what difference is betwene the Saracens, Turkes, Tartarians, ye Sultans or Soldans, Mamuluches, or Ianizarites: What is theyr Calipha, [Page] their Seriphes, their Sultan, or Bassa, in what times they began, and how long, and in what order of yeres they reigned. Al which in thys present table manifestly to thine eye may appeare.

Why the pope cannot preuaile against the Turkes.¶ Wherein this thou hast moreouer (gentle Reader) to cōsider, which is worthy the noting, how the B. of Rome all this season, frō the first beginning of the Turks reigne, hath not ceased from time to time continually, calling vpon Christen princes and subiectes, to take the crosse and to warre against the Turkes: wherupon so many great viages haue bene made to the holy lande, & so many battailes sought against the Turke and Soldan for winning ye holy crosse: and yet no luckie successe hath followed thereof hetherto, nor euer came it prosperously forward, whatsoeuer through the exciting of that Bishop, hath beene attempted against that great enemy of the Lorde: In somuch that the Christians haue lost not onely all that they had in Asia, but also vnneth are able to defende that little they haue in Europe, against his violence. What the cause is of thys harde lucke of the Byshops doings, it is hard for man to define. Let men muse as their minde leadeth, and as the Gospell sayth, he that hath eyes to see let him see. This is certaine, that as there hath lacked no care nor diligence in the B. of Rome, to stirre men vp to that business: so on the Princes behalfe there hath lacked no courage nor strength of men, no contribution of expenses, no supportation of charges, no furniture or abilement of warre: onely the blessyng of God semeth to haue lacked. The reason and cause whereof I would were to easy to be reformed, as it may be quickly construed. For what man beholding the life of vs Christians, wil greatly maruell, why ye Lord goeth not with our army to fight against the Turks? And if my verdit might here haue place, for me to adde my censure, there appeareth to me an other cause in this matter, yet greater then thys aforesaid: which to make plaine and cuidet in ful discourse of wordes, laisure no we doth not permit. Briefly to touch what I conceiue, my opiniō is thys: that if the sincere doctrine of Christen faith deliuered & left vnto vs in the word of God, had not hen so corrupted in the church of Rome, or if the B. of Rome would yet reclame his impure idolatry, and prophanations, and admit Christe the Lambe of God to stande alone, without our unpure additions, to be our onely Iustification, according to the free promise of Gods grace: I nothing doubt but the power of this faith grounding onely vpon Christ the sonne of God, had both framed our liues into a better disposition: and also soone would, or yet wil bring downe the pride of that proude Dolofernes. But otherwise,God offended with Idolatrie and wrong faith of the Christians. if the Bish. of Rome will not gently geue place to the milde voyce of Gods word, I thinke not contrary, but he shalbe compelled at last to giue place & roume to the Turke, whether he will or not. And yet notwythstanding, when both the Turk & the Pope shal do against it what they can, the trueth and grace of Gods Testament shall fructify & increase, by such meanes as the Lorde shall worke, which beginneth already (praise to the Lord) to come graciously and luckely forward in most places.

¶ A Prayer against the Turkes.

A prayer against the Turkes.O Eternall Lorde God, father of our Lord Iesus Christ, creator and disposer of all things, iust, gracious, & wise only, in the name and reuerence of thy sonne Iesus, wee prostrate our selues, desiring thine omnipotent maiestie, to looke downe vppon these afflicted times of thy poore creatures and seruaunts: reliue thy Church, increase our faith, and confound our enemies: and as thou hast geuen thine onely begotten sonne vnto vs, promising with hym life to all that shall beleeue vpon his name: so encline the obedience of our faith to thy promises in him, that our hearts may be farre of from all other sinnefull additions and prophane inuentions, which are besides him, and not in him, grounded vpon thy will and promise. And graunt (we beseeche thee) to thy Church, more and more to see how terrible a thing it is, to set vp any other meanes or helpe of saluation, but onely in him, whome thou only hast sent and sealed. Reforme thy Church with perfecte doctrine and faithfull teachers, that we seeing our owne weakenesse, may put off our selues, and put on him without whom we can do nothing.Psal. 119. Galat. 4. Sapien. 5. Elai. 55. Genes. 6. So shall we stand strong, when nothing standeth in vs, but thy sonne alone, in whome thou art onely pleased. Renew in this thy Church againe, the decaied faith of thy sonne Iesus, which may plentifully bring foorth in vs, not leaues onely, but frutes of Christian life: And forgeue our wretched Idolatry and blinde phantasies past, wherwith we haue prouoked manifold waies thy deserued indignation against vs: For our hearts haue bene full of Idoles, our temples full of Images, our wayes full of hypocrisie: thy Sacraments prophaned, and thy religion turned to superstition, because the lanterne of thy worde went not before vs, therfore we haue stumbled. Miserably we haue walked hetherto, like sonnes not of Sara, but of Agar, and therefore these Turkish Agarens haue risen vp against vs. Many hard and straight wayes we haue passed, but the wayes of the Lorde we haue not founde. Much cost we haue bestowed on bread that swageth no hunger,Iudic. 14. Ioa. 22. Luke. 6. Colosl. 2. but that bread which onely feedeth and commeth freely, we haue not tasted. We haue sailed farre and nere in barkes of our owne building, but haue not kept within the Arke onely of thy promise, and therefore these floudes haue taken vs. We haue prayed much, but not in thine appoynted temple, and therefore haue not bene heard. Wee haue plowed and tilled, but without thy haiffer, and therfore this vntidie ground of ours, bringeth foorth so many weedes We do fish apace and that all night, but because we fish not on the right side of the boate, in our fishing we catche neuer a sinne. Our buildings be full of good intentions & great devotiōs, but because the groud worke is not surely laid vpō the rocke of thy promise, the East winde riseth and shaketh them all to shiuers. We walke and haue walked long after the precepts and doctrines of men, hauing a shew of wisedome, but not as holding the heade, where lieth all our strength, and therefore these Philistian Turkes haue hetherto so preuailed against vs. Briefly, all the partes and bones of the body be shaken out of place, Wherefore we beseeche thee (O Lorde) put to thy holy hand, and set them in the right ioynt againe. And finally, reduce this same thy mysticall body againe, to his perfect and naturall head, whych is thine onely sonne Iesus Christ, and none other. For him onely hast thou annoynted and appoynted. Neither is there any other head, that can minister strength and nutriment to this body, but he alone: for asmuch as all other heades be sinnefull, and are not able to stande in thy sight, but make thys body rather worse then better. Onely this thy welbeloued and perfecte sonne is he, in whome onely dwelleth all our strength and fulnesse: him onely we confesse and knowledge. For whome, and with whome, wee beseeche thee (O Lorde God of hostes) graunt to thy Church strength and victory against the malicious fury of these Turkes, Saraeens, Tartarians, againste Gog and Magog, and all the malignaunt rabble of Antichrist, enemies to thy sonne Iesus our Lord and Sauior. Preuent their deuises, ouerthrow their power, and dissolue their kingdome, that the kingdome of thy sonne so long oppressed, may recouer and flourish ouer all: and that they which wretchedly be fallen from thee, may happely be reduced againe into the folde of thy saluation, throughe Iesus Christe our only mediatour and most mercifull aduocate. Amen.

Anno. 1500.IN this long digression; wherin sufficiently hath bene described the grieuous and tedious persecution of the Saracens, & Turkes against the Christians, thou hast to vnderstand (good reader) and beholde the image of a terrible Antichrist euidently appearing both by his own doings, & also by the scriptures, prophecied & declared to vs before. Now in comparing the Turke with the pope, if a question be asked whether of them is the truer or greater Antichrist, it were easy to see and iudge,A question whether is the greater Antichrist the turke or the Pope. that the Turke is the more open and manifest enemye agaynst Christe and hys Church. But if it be asked, whether of them two hath bene the more bloudy and pernitious aduersary to Christe and his members: or whether of them hath consumed and spilt more Christian bloud, he with sword, or this with fire and sword together, neither is it a light matter to discerne, neither is it my part here to discusse, which do onely write the history, and the Actes of them both, wherfore after the story of the Turkes thus finished, nowe to teenter agayne there, whereas we left, in describing the domesticall troubles and persecutions here at home vnder the Byshop of Rome:Babram and an olde man Martirs. Vide: supra. pag. 737. after the burning of Babram in Northfolke aboue declared, pag 737. I signified also of an other certaine aged man mētioned in an old written Chronicle borowed of one in yt tower, instituted Polychron. (although I finde not his name in the saide Chronicle expressed) which suffered the paines of burning in Smithfield, about the same time which was the yere of our Lord. 1500. Ex Polycron.

This aged father, I suppose, be hee of whome I finde mention made in certaine olde papers and recordes of W. Larye Citizen (all be it the day of the moneth doth a little differ) wherin is thus testified, that on the 20. day of Iuly. An. 100. vpon the day of S. Margaret, there was an olde man burned in smithfield for an hereticke, & the same person vpon the 10. day before he was burned, wold haue stolen out of the Lolardes tower, and so falling out of the tower did fowly hurt him selfe: wherupon he was caried in a car [...] to his death, as he went to his burning.

In the foresaid papers of auncient recorde, is furthermore declared, how in the yere aboue prefixed, which was An. 1499. In the time of one Perseuell, many were taken [Page] for heretickes in Kent,Diuers, kentishin [...]n bearing fagots. and at Paules crosse they bare faggottes and were abiured, and shortly after the same yeare, there went 13. lolardes afore the procession in Paules, and there were of them 8. weemen and a yong lad, and the lads mother was one of the 8. and all the 13. bare faggottes on their neckes afore the procession.

William Tilsworth Martyr.

FOr somuch as the world is come now to such a morosity and peuish insensibilitie in these contentious and canilling daies of ours, that nothyng can be so circumspectly wrytten and storyed, but shall lie in daunger of one Sycophant or an other, whyche neuer will credite there, where they lift not to like: neither will they euer lyke that, which seemeth preiudiciall to their faction, or not to serue the humor wherewith their phantasies bee infected: therefore to stop the mouthes of such carping cauillers with as muche possibilitie as I may, be it knowne to al and singular such persons,Will Tilsworth, Martir. who by euidence of truth and witnes wil be satisfied, that in the towne of Amerisham, be yet aliue both men and women, which can and do beare witnes of this that I shal declare. Also there is of the sayd company, one named William Page, an aged father and yet aliue, witnes to the same. Also an other named Agnes Wetherley widdowe, being about the age of an hundreth yeares, yet lyuing and witnes heereof: That in the dayes of king Henry 7. Anno 1506. in the dioces of Lyncolne in Bukingham shire (William Lylsworth was burned in Amersham, in a close called Standley about 60. yeares agoe. At which time one Ioane Clearke, being a marryed woman, whych was the onely daughter of the sayde W. Tylseworth and a faythfull woman,The daughter compelled to set fire to her father was compelled with her owne handes to set fyre to her deare father: and at the same time her husbād Iohn Clearke did penaunce at her fathers burning, and bare a fagot, as did also.

Robert Bartlet.

Richard Barlet.

Iohn Barllet.

Thomas Harding, and his wife.

Henry Harding.

Richard Harding.

Robert Ha [...]ding.

Iohn Milsent and hys wi [...]e.

William Whyte.

Iohn Mumbe and hys wife.

Richard Bennet.

Rog Bennet. Iohn Fip.

William Grinder.

Thomas Homes.

Yomaud Dorman.

William Scriuener.

Ihon Scriuener.

Thomas Chase.

Iohn Cracher.

Amersham men bearing fagots.Al these bare fagots, and afterward were compelled to weare certaine badges, & went abroad to certaine townes to doe penaunce, as to Buckingham, Aylesbury, and other townes mo: And also diuers of these men were afterward burned in the cheeke, as William Page, which at this present

Tho Barnard, Iames Mordon Martirs.

The burning of Thomas Barnard, and Iames Mordon.

is aliue, and likewise did beare a fagot with the aforesaid. Furthermore the foresaid Agnes wetherley testifie [...]h that at the burning of thys William Lylfworth, were lx. and aboue that were put to beare fagots for their penance, of whom diuers were enioyned to beare and weare fagots at Lyncolne, the space of 7. yeres, some at one time, some at another. &c. In which nūber was also one Robert Bartlet a riche man, who for his profession sake was put out of his ferme and goods, and was condemned to be kept in the monastery of Ashryge, where he ware on his right sleeue a square peece of cloth, the space of 7. yeres together.

It foloweth moreouer in yt testimonie of the forenamed, that about the same time of the burning of William Lilsworth (as the Amersham men do say) or the next day after,Father Roberts Martir as recordeth the foresayd Agnes) was one father Roberts burned at Buckingham. He was a miller, and dwelled at Missenden: and at hys burning were there aboue 20. persons that were compelled to beare fagots, and to do suche penaunce as the wicked Pharises did compell them. After that by the space of 2. or 3. yeeres, was burned at Amershā, Thomas Barnard a husbandman, and Iames Mordon a labourer, they two were burned both at one fire, and there was William Litlepage (who is yet aliue) compelled to be burned in the right cheeke,Father Reuer Martir. and father Rogers, and father Reuer alias Reiue, whych after was burned. Thys Father Rogers was in the byshops prisone 14. weekes together, night and day, where he was so cruelly handled with cold, hunger, and yrones, that after his comming out of the said pryson, he was so lame in his backe that he could neuer go vpright as long as hee liued,Men of Amersham burnt in the cheeke for Gods word as can testifie diuers honest men that be now liuing. Also there was 30. mo burned in the right cheke, and bare fagottes the same time. The cause was that they would talke against superstition and idolatry, and were desirous to hear & read the holy Scriptures. The maner of their burning in the cheeke was this: theyr neckes were tied fast to a poaste or stay, wyth towels, and theyr handes holden that they might not stirre, and so the iron being hotte, was put to their cheekes, and thus bare they the prints and marks of the Lord Iesus about them.

The cruell handling of Thomas Chase of Amersham, wickedly strangled and martyred in the bishops prison at Wooburne, vnder W. Smith Bishop of Lincolne.

AMong these aforesayd,Anno. 1506. Tho. Chase Martir. which were so cruelly persecuted for the Gospell and worde of Christe, one Thomas Chase of Amersham, was one of them that was thus cruelly handled, which Thomas Chase by the report of suche as did knowe him, was a man of a godly, sober and honest behauior (whose vertuous doings doe yet remaine in memorie) and could not abide Idolatrie and superstition, but many times woulde speake against it: Wherefore the vngodly and wicked did the more hate & despise him,Tho. Chase brought before the B. and toke hym, and brought him before the blinde Byshop, beyng at that time at Wooburne, in the Countie of Buckingham, and as it is wrytten. Act. 12. that wicked Herode dyd vexe certaine of the congregation, and killed Iames the brother of Iohn with the sword, and because he saw that it pleased ye Iewes. &c. he proceded farther, and had thys same Thomas Chase before him, asking him many questions touching the Romish religion, to many tauntes, checkes, and rebukes, but what answere this godly man Thom. Chase made them, it is vnknowen. Howbeit it is to be supposed, that hys aunswere was most zealous and godly in professing Christes true religion and Gospel,Tho. Chase condēned to the Bishops prison at Wooburne called little ease. and to the extirpation of idolatry and superstition and hypocrisie, for that the sayde Thomas Chase was commaunded to be put in the bishops prison called litleease, in the bishops house at woo burne, which prison had not bene ministred vnto him, had not his answeres bene sound and vpright. There Thomas Chase lay bound most painfully with chaines, gyues, manicles and yrons oft times fore pined with hunger, where the Bishopes almes was daily brought vnto hym by hys chapleines:A worthy almes of a Bishop. Whych almes was nothing els put checkes, tauntes, rebukes and threatninges, floutinges, and mockings. Al which cruelty the godly Martyr tooke most quietly & paciently,The perfect patience & constancy of Tho. Chase. remembering and hauing respect to Christes promises. Math. 5. Blessed are they which suffer persecution for righteousnesse sake: for theirs is the kingdome of heauen, and as foloweth: Blessed are yee [...] reuile you and persecure you, &c. when the Bishop wyth his bonde of shauelings, perceiued that by their daily practises of crueltie they coulde not preuaile against him, but rather yt he was the more feruent & earnest in professing Christes true Religion: and that he did tolerate and beare most paciētly at their wickednes and truelty ministred vnto hym: [Page] they imagined how and which way they might put hym to death, least there should be a tumulte or an vprose amōg the people. And as Richard Hun shortly after was hanged or strangled in Lolardes tower, about the yeare of our Lord 1514. euen so these bloudsuppers most cruelly strangled and prest to death this said Thomas Chase in prison,Tho. Chase cruelly murthered in the Bishops prison. which most hartely called vpon God to receiue his spirit: as witnesseth a certaine woman, that kept him in prison.

After that these stinging vipers being of the wicked broode of Antichrist, had thus most cruelly and impiouslye murthered this faithfull Christian, they were at their wits ende, and could not tell what shift to make, to cloke theyr shamefull murther withall, at last to blinde the ignoraunt sely people, these bloudy butchers most slaunderously caused by their ministers to be bruted abroade, that the foresaid Thomas Chase had hanged himselfe in prison:Tho. Chase falsely slaū dered to hang himselfe. which was a most shamefull and abhominable lit, for the prison was such, that a man coulde not stand vpright, nor lye at ease but stooping, as they do report that did knowe it. And besides that, this man had so many manacles & yrons vpon him, that he could not wel moue neither hand nor foote, as the women did declare that sawe him dead, in so much that they cōfessed that his bloudbolke was broken by reason they had so vily beaten him and brused him: And yet these holy catholikes had not made an end of their wicked acte in this both killing and slandering of this godly martyr, but to put out the remembrance of him, they caused him to be buried in the wood called Norlandwood, in the hie way betwixt Wooburne and little Marlow, to the entent he should not be takē vp againe to be seene: And thus commonly are innocent men layd vp by these clerkly clergye men.God bringeth to light the secret murthers of the papistes. Math. 10. Luke. 12. But he that is effectually true of himselfe, hath promised at one time or at another, to cleare his true seruauntes, not with lyes and fables, but by his owne true word. No secret faith he, is so close, but once shall be opened, neither is any thing so hid, that shall not at the last be knowne clearely. Such a sweete Lord is God alwaies to those that are his true seruants. Blessed be his holy name therefore, for euer and euer, Amen.

Thomas Harding being one of this company, thus molested and troubled as is aforesaide, in the towne of Amersham, for the truth of the Gospell, after hys abiuration and penaunce done, was againe sought for, and brought to the fire, in the dayes of King Henry viu. and vnder D. Langlond then Bishop of Lincolne, succeeding after Cardinall wolfey. Of whose death and martirdome, we shall likewise record (Christ willing and graunting) in order when we shall come to the time and yeare of this suffering.

Tho. Norice Martir. Anno. 1507.After the martirdome of these two, I read also of one Thomas Norice, who likewise for the same cause, that is, for the profession of Christes Gospell, was condemned by the Bishop and burnt at Norwich, the last day of March, an. 1507.

Elizabeth Sampson. Anno. 1508In the next yeare folowing, which was an. 1508. In the consistory of London, was connected Elizabeth Sampson, of the parish of Aldermanberic vpon certain Articles, and specially for speaking against pilgrimage & adoration of Images, as yt Image of our Lady at Wisdome, at Stanings, at Crome, at Walsingham, and the Image of saint Sauiour, of Barmondsey, and against the Sacrament of the aultar, and for that she had spoken these or like words: that our Lady of wisdon was but a burnt arse esie, and a burnt arse stocke, and if she might haue holpen men & women which go to her on pilgrimage, she woulde not haue suffred her taile to haue bene burnt: and what should folke worship our Lady of wisdome, or our Lady of Crome, for the one is but a burnt arse stocke, and the other is but a puppit: and better it were for the people to geue theyr almes at home to poore people, then to go on pilgrimage. Also that she called the Image of Saint Sauiour, Sun Sauiour with kit lips, and that she said she could make as good bread as that which the priest occupied, and that it was not the body of Christ, but bread, for that Christ could not be both in heauen and earth at one time. For these and certaine other articles, she was compelled to abiure, before Maister William Horsey, Chancellour the day and yeare aboue written. Ex Regist. Lond.

¶ Laurence Ghest.

Laurence Ghest. Martir.LAmentable it is to remember, & a thing almost infinite to comprehend the names, times, and persons of al thē which haue bene slaine by the rigour of the Popes Cleargie, for the true mainteining of Christes cause and of hys Sacraments. Whose memory being registred in the booke of life, albeit it neede not the cōmemoration of our stories, yet for the more confirmation of the Church, I thought it not unprofitable, the suffering and Martyrdome of them to be notified, which innocently haue geuen their bloud to be shed in Christes quarell.

In the Cathalogue of whom next in order cōmeth the memoriall of Laurence Ghest, who was burned in Salisbury for matter of the Sacrament, in the dayes of K. Denry the 7. he was of a comely & tall personage, & otherwise (as appeareth) not vnfronded, for the which the Byshop & the close were the more lothe to burne him:Laurēce Ghest two yeares in prison at Salisbury. but kept him in prison the space of ij. yeares. This Laurence had a wife and vij. children. Wherfore they thinkyng to expugne and perswade his mynde by ye stirring his fatherly affectiō toward his childrē, when the time came which they appointed for his burning,Laurence would not be turned for wyfe nor childrē as he was at ye stake, they brought before him his wife and his foresayd vij. children. At the sight wherof, although nature is cōmonly wont to worke in other, yet in him religiō ouercōming nature, made his constancie to remaine vnmoueable: in such forte as when his wife began to exhort & desire him to fauour himselfe, he agayn desired her to be cōtēt, & not to be a block to his way, for he was in a good course, runnyng toward the marke of his saluatiō:Laurence died a Martir. & so fire beyng put to him, he finished his life, renouncing not onely wife & children, but also him selfe to follow Christ. As he was in burning, one of the Byshops men threw a firebrand at his face: Whereat the brother of Laurence standing by, ranne at him with his dagger, and would haue slayne him, had he not bene otherwise stayd.

Testified & witnessed by the credible report of one Williā Russell an aged mā dwelling of late in Colmanstreet,Witnes to the story. who was there present the same tyme at the burnyng of Laurence, & was also himselfe burned in the cheke, & one of the persecuted flocke in those dayes, whose daughter is yet liuing: The same is confirmed also with the testimony of one Richard Web seruaunt sometyme to M. Latymer, who soiournyng in the house of the sayd William Russell, heard him many tymes declare the same.

¶ A faythfull woman burned.

BUt amongest all the examples of them,A notable storke of a faithfull woman burned in Chippingsadbery. wherof so many haue suffered from tyme to tyme for Christ & his truth, I can not tell if euer were any Martyrdome more notable & admirable, wherein the playne demonstration of Gods mighty power and iudgement hath at any time bene more euident agaynst the persecutours of his flocke, then at the burnyng of a certaine godly woman, put to death in Chepingsadbery, about the same tyme, vnder the raigne of K. Henry the seuenth.

The cōstācie of which blessed womā, as it is glorious for all true godly Christians to behold: so agayne the exā ple of the Byshops Chaūcellour, which cruelly cōdemned the innocent, may offer a terrible spectable to the eyes of all Papisticall persecutours to consider, and to take example: which the liuing God graunt they may. Amen. The name of the Towne where she was martyred, was as is sayd, Chepyngsadbery. The name of the woman is not as yet come to my knowledge. The name of the Chauncellour, who condēned her,D. Whittington Chauncellour a persecutour. was called D. Whittington. The time of her burnying was in the raigne & tyme of K. Henry 7. orderly therfore in this place & time to be inserted. Wherein is to be noted moreouer the oportunitie of this present history brought to my hands, & that in such cōuenient season, as I was drawyng toward the ende of the foresayd kynges raigne: so that it may appeare to them, which behold the oportunitie of things, not to be without Gods holy wil & prouidence, that this foresayd example should not lye hid & vnremembred, but should come to light & knowledge, and that in such order of placing, according as the due course of our story hetherto kept, requireth.

After this godly woman and manly Martyr of Christ was condemned by the wretched Chaūcellour aboue named D. Whittington, for the faithfull profession of y• truth, which the Papistes then called heresie, and the tyme now come whē she should be brought to the place and paynes of her martyrdome,A faithfull Christian womā and Martir, burned at Chippingsadbery. a great concourse of all the multitude both in the towne and countrey about (as the maner is in such tymes) was gathered to behold her end. Among whō was also the foresayd Doct. Whittington the Chauncellour, there present to see the execution done. Thus this faythfull woman, and true seruaunt of God cōstantly persisting in the testimony of the truth, committing her cause to the Lord, gaue ouer her life to ye fire, refusing no paynes nor tormentes to keepe her conscience cleare & vnreproueable in the day of the Lord. The sacrifice beyng ended, the people began to returne homeward, commyng from the burning of this blessed Martyr. It happened in the meane tyme that as the Catholicke executioners were busie in [Page] slaieng this sely lambe at the townes side, a certayne Butcher within the towne was as busie in slaieng of a Bull, which Bull he had fast bounde in ropes, ready to knocke him on the head.A comparison betweene butchers, and the popes murthering ministers. But the butcher (belike not so skilfull in his arte of killing beastes, as the Papistes be in murthering Christians) as he was lifting his axe to strike the Bull, failed in hys stroke, and smit a little too low, or else how he smit, I knowe not. This was certayne, that the Bull although somewhat greued at the stroke, but yet not strooken downe, put his strength to the ropes, and brake lose from the butcher into the streete, the very same tyme as the people were comming in great prease from the burning. Who seeing the Bull comming towardes them, and supposing him to be wilde (as was no other lyke) gaue way for the beast, euery man shifting for himselfe, as well as he might. Thus the people geuing backe, and making a lane for the Bull, he passed through the throng of them, touching neither man nor childe,A rare & speciall example of the iust punishment of God vpon a persecutour. till he came where as the Chauncelour was. Against whome the Bull, as pricked with a sodeine vehemēcie, ranne full but with his hornes, and taking him vpon the paunch, gored him through and through, and so killed him immediately, carieng his guts, and trailing them with his hornes all the streete ouer,D. Whittington slaine of a Bull. to the great admiration and wonder of all them that sawe it.

Although the carnall sence of man be blinde in considering the workes of the Lorde, imputing many tymes to blinde chaunce the thyngs which properly pertayne to Gods only praise and prouidence: yet in this so straunge and so euident example, what man can be so dull or ignorant, which seeth not heerein a plaine miracle of Gods mighty power and iudgement both in the punishing of this wretched Chauncelour, and also in admonishing all other like persecutours, by his example, to feare the Lord, and to abstaine from the like crueltie▪

Witnes to the story.Now for the credite of this story, least I be sayde vpon mine owne head to commit to story, things rashly which I can not iustifie, therefore to stop such cauelling mouths, I will discharge my selfe with authority I trust sufficient: that is, with the witnesse of him which both was a Papist, and also present the same time at the burning of the woman, whose name was Rowland Webbe: which Rowland dwelling then in Chippingsadbery, had a sonne named Richard Webbe, seruant sometime to Maister Latymer, who also enduring with him in time of his trouble sixe yeares together, was himselfe emprisoned and persecuted for the same cause. Vnto the which Richard Webbe being now aged, then yong, the foresaid Rowland his father, to the entent to exhort him from this sect of heresie (as he then called it) recited to him many times the burning of this woman, and withall added the story of the Bull aforesayd, which he himselfe did see & testifie. This Richard Webbe is yet liuing, a witnes of his owne fathers wordes and testimonie, which I trust may satisfie all indifferent Readers, except onely such as thinke no truth to be beleeued, but that only which is in their Portues.

¶ Verses touching the same. Tho. Hatcherus.

MIra legis, quicun (que) legis, portenta nefandi

Exitus, vt poenas addita poena luat.

Vera legis, Domini cuicun (que) potentia nota est,

Vt delinquentes ira seuera premat.

Saepè fit vt fusus cumuletur sanguine sanguis,

Saepè fit vt poenis obruatira nouis.

Omnia sunt Domini dextrae subiecta potenti,

Qui ciet arbitrio bruta, homines (que) suo.

Carnificis taurus luctando corniger ictus

Euitans, sracto fune repent (que) fugit.

Fortè viam quâ turba frequens confluxerat antè,

Faeminea vt cernat membra perire rogo,

Taurus ijt, fertur quâ confertissima turba,

Laesus at ex tanta solus & vnus erat:

Solus & vnus erat, rapidos qui misit in ignes,

Et miserè paruum sparsit ouile Dei.

Et quasi consultò ferretur; praeterit omnes,

Cornibus hunc tollit, proterit hunc pedibus,

Ille iacet, madido foedatur sanguine corpus,

Eruta per (que) vias viscera sparsa iacent.

Quis non à Domino, nutu qui temperat orbem,

Cogitet haec fieri? non repetendo tremat?

Vitio terribiles comitatur iusta procellas,

Sera licet, certis passibus illa venit.

And thus much concerning the state of the Churche. Wherein is to be vnderstand, what stormes and persecutions haue bene raised vp in all quarters against the flocke and congregation of Christ, not only by the Turkes, but also at home within our selues, by the Byshop of Rome, and his retinue. Where also is to be noted in the daies and reigne of this king Henry the vij. how mightely the working of Gods Gospell hath multiplied and increased, and what great numbers of men and women haue suffered for the same, with vs in England, as by these stories abone past, may be apparent.

Now these things declared,The state of the commō wealth, comonly foloweth the state of the church. which to the Church matters be apperteining, cōsequently it remaineth something to entreate of the state likewise of the cōmon wealth, which commonly doth follow the state of the Church. Where the Church is quietly and moderately gouerned, and the flock of Christ defended by godly Princes in peace & safety, frō deuouring and violence of bloudy wolues: the successe of ciuile estate, for the most part, there doth florishe, and the Princes long cōtinue through Gods preseruation, in prosperous rest & trāquillitie. Contrariwise where the church of Christ either through the negligence of Princes, or thorough their setting on, the poore members of Christ be persecuted and deuoured: shortly after ensueth some iust recompence of the Lord vpon those Princes, that eyther their liues do not long continue, or else they finde not that quiet in the common wealth,The duetie of princes to defend their subiectes frō the slaughter of the Church of Rome. which they looke for. Examples heereof, as in all other ages be aboundant, so in this present time be not lacking, whether we consider the state and condition of other countreys farre off, or else of our owne countrey neare at home.

And heere not to wander in our story, farther then to Fraunce onely, let vs a little behold the example of Kyng Charles the viij. who liuing in this Kings time, died also not long before him. This Charles is commended of Philippus Cominaeus, to be a moderate, valiant, and victorious Prince, adorned with many speciall vertues to a Prince apperteining. And yet the same king, because he was flack and remisse in defence of Christes Church, neither did vse his authority, nor tooke his occasion offered to him of God, to amend and refourme the state of the Bishop and Cleargy of Rome when he might, he was therefore himselfe punished and cut off of the Lord, as by his story ensuing may right well appeare. For so it is of him recorded, that being maruelously excited and prouoked, of his owne minde (cō trary to the counsaile of most of his Nobles) he tooke hys viage into Italy, neither being furnished with money, nor the season of the yeare being cōuenient therunto. And that this may appeare the better to proceede of ye Lords doing, to the entent he woulde haue the Church and Cleargy of Rome reformed by the Princes sword,Ex comenta riis Phil Co minaei De bello Neapolitano. lib 3. which so vexed all Christendome at that time, we shall heare what is testified in the Commentaries of the foresaid Philip. Cominaeus Lib. 3. De bello Neapolit. writing in this wise.

‘There was (saith he) in the City of Florence the same time a Dominicke Frier, Vid supra pag. 731. The prophesie of Hierome Sauonarola. Dominicke Frier, named Hieronimus Sauonarola (of whom mē tion was made before, pag. 731.) a man of a right godly and approoued life: who in the said City of Florence preached and prophecied long before, that the French King should come with an army into Italy, being stirred vp of God to suppresse the tiraunts of Italy, and none should withstand him. He should also come to the Citie of Pisae, and the state of Florence should be altered: all which hapned true. He affirmed moreouer to be signified to him of the Lord, that the Ecclesiasticall state of the Churche must bee redressed Per vim a [...]morum [...]. by the sword, or force of armes. Many things also he prophesied of the Venetians, & of the French King, saieng that the King with some danger & difficultie, should passe that iourney, yet notwithstanding shoulde ouercome it and escape, albeit his strength were neuer so slender: for God woulde safely conduct him in that iourney, and safely bring him home againe. But because he had not done his office,Note.in amending the state of the Churche, and in defending his people from iniurie, and from deuouring, therefore it shoulde come to passe (said hee) and that shortly, that some incommoditie or detriment shoulde happen to the King: or if hee shoulde escape that danger of hys sicknesse, and recouer health, then if he did resist the cruelty of the wicked, and procure the safety of the poore and miserable, God would shew merc [...] [...]nto him, &c.’ And this the saide Hieronymus declared before to Cominaeus one of the Kings counsaylours, whych was the writer of the story, and required him to signifie the same vnto the King, which so did, and he moreouer himselfe comming to the presence of the king, declared no lesse.

All which things, as he had foretold, came directly to effect. For the King being but easely accompanied wyth a small power, entred into Italy, where first he came to As [...]a, then to Gemia [...] and to Pisae, from thence proceeded to Florence, which also he obteined, displacing there Petrus Medices the Duke, who had vsed great tyrannie vpon the [Page] subiects.Vide Phil. Cominaeū de bello Neopol. lib. 5. From thence he remoued toward Rome, where a great part of the Citie wall at the comming of the french King, fell downe.

Afterward when the King was entred into the Citie, and the Pope (who then tooke part with Alphonsus King of Neaples against the French King) had immured himselfe within the mount of Adrian, the wall of the Castell fell downe of it selfe: whereby, when the King was both occasioned, and exhorted also by his Captaines to inuade ye Pope, and to depose him, & to reforme ye Church of Rome, (which he might then easely haue done, as it had pleased him) yet all these occasions offered so opportunely of God, moued not ye king to do his duty, & to help the poore church of Christ: wherefore shortly after, returning home into France from Neapolis, either ye same yeare or ye next yeare folowing he was strooken with a sodeine sicknes at Amboise, as he was looking on thē that played at tennes, and that in the stinkingest place in all the Castle, where he fell downe & died within twelue houres, according to ye forewarning of Hieronimus, who wrote vnto him a little before, both of his sonnes death and of his owne, which was about the yeare of our Lord 1498.De bello Neopolit. lib. 5. Ex Philip. Cominaeo. Lib. 5.

Like examples we haue many heere also in this our realme of England. So long as king Iohn kept out of the realme, the Popes authority and power, he continued safe and quiet with his nobles: but so soone as he brought the realme vnder tribute and subiectiō to that foreine Bishop, God stirred vp his Nobles against him, whereby he had much disquiet and trouble and soone thereupon decayed.

Of all the Kings of England, from William Conquerour, to this king Henry vij. were none which either longer continued,Examples of kinges of England, which were blessed of God with long prosperitie, being enemies to the byshops of Rome. Augustus reigned 55 yeares. or more prosperously flourished, then King Henry the second, King Henry the third, King Edward the first, King Edward the third, of whome the first, how stout he was in withstāding Tho. Becket and Pope Alexander the iij. is sufficiently before comprehended, pag. 206.

The second, which was sonne of King Iohn, albeit through the wretchednes of that time his power was not sufficient to repulse the Popes usurped iurisdiction out of the Realme: yet his will was good: at least he so defended & prouided for his subiects, that they tooke no great wrong at the Popes handes: who reigned one yeare longer then Augustus Caesar, which hath not commonly bene seene in any Prince.

The third, which was King Edward the first, so vigilantly behaued himselfe for the publique cōmoditie & safetie of his people, that he defended thē frō all foraine power and hostilitie both of the Scottes (then our enemies, now our frendes) and also from the Bishop of Rome, takyng part with them against vs, as may appeare aboue, page 340.Vide supra pag. 340. Furthermore of the same King, and of his woorthy Nobles and house of Parliament, how valiantly they stoode in deniall of the Popes subsidies, and also how the sayd King secluded out of his protection the Bishops, and especially the Archbishop Peecham for standing wyth the Pope,Vide supra pag. 352. reade pag. 352.

Now as touching King Edward the third, how little he regarded, how princely he with his Nobles likewise resisted the Popes reseruations and prouisions, how hee brideled the Archbishop Iohn S [...]ratford,Vide supra pag. 383. and reiected the [...]a [...]e authority of the Bishop of Rome, both in [...]efe [...]ise of his subiects, and also in defence of claiming his right title in the Realme of France, reade pag. 383.

Not that I do heere affirme or define, as in a generall rule, that worldly successe and prosperitie of life alwayes followeth the godly, which we see rather to be geuen more often to the wicked sort: but speaking of the duty of Princes, I note and obserue by examples of histories,What difference betweene moderat princes, and thē that were persecutors. that such Princes as haue most defended the Church of Christ committed to their gouernance, from iniurie and violence of the Bishop of Rome, haue not lacked at Gods hand great blessing and felicitie: whereas contrarywise, they whiche either themselues haue bene persecutours of Christes mē bers, or haue not shielded thē by their protection from foreine tiranny and iniuries, haue lacked at Gods hand that protection, which the other had, as may appeare by King Edward the second, Richard the third, King Henry the fourth, King Henry the v. king Henry the vj. &c. who because either negligētly they haue suffered, or cruelly caused such persecuting lawes to be made, & so much Christē blood iniuriously to be deuoured: therefore haue they bene ye lesse prospered of the Lord, so that either they were deposed, or if they florished for a while, yet they did not long continue, almost not halfe the time of the other kings before named.

And therefore, as the state of the common wealth doth commonly folow the state of ye Church, as ye hard before: so it had bene to be wished, that this King Henry the vij. beyng otherwise a prudent & temperaunt Prince, had not permitted the vntemperaūt rage of the Popes Clergy so much to haue their willes ouer the poore flocke of Christ, as then they had: accordyng as by these persecutiōs aboue mētioned may appeare. The which king Henry vij. albeit he had a sufficiēt continuaunce, who had now raigned 24. yeares, yet notwithstāding here commeth the same thyng to be noted, wherof I speake before: that whē the Church of Christ begynneth to be iniuried with violēce, & to go to wracke through misorder & negligēce, the state of the common wealth can not there long endure without some alteration, & stroke of Gods correction. But howsoeuer this marke is to be takē, thus lyeth the story: that after the burnyng & vexyng of these poore seruauntes of Christ aboue recited,The death of K. Henry. 7. when the persecution begā now in the Church to be hoate, God called away the kyng, the same yeare aboue mentioned, which was. 1509. after he had raigned ye terme of yeares. 24. Who if he had adioyned a litle more pitifull respect, in protectyng Christes poore mēbers, from the fire of the Popes tyrāny, to his other great vertues of singular wisedome, excellent tēperaunce, & moderate frugalitic: somuch had he bene cōparable with the best of those Princes aboue comprehended, as hee had bene interiour but to a few: but this defect which lacked in him, was supplyed most luckely (blessed be ye Lord) by his posteritie succeding after him.Couentry men persecuted. Of whom in the next volume folowing (Christ thereunto assisting vs) we haue to specifie more at large.

Among many other thynges incident in the raigne of this kyng Henry vij. I haue ouerpassed the history of certaine godly persons persecuted in the Diocesse of Couentry and Lichfield, as we finde them in the Registers of the Diocesse recorded, here folowyng.

The yeare of our Lord. 1485. March 9. amongest diuers and sundry other good men in Couētry, these ix. here vnder named were examined before Iohn Bishop of Couentry and Lichfield, in S. Michaels Church, vpon these Articles, folowyng in order.

FIrst,I. Blomstone. Iohn Blomston was openly and publikely, infamed, accused reported & appeached that he was a very hereticke, because he had preached, taught, holden & affirmed, that the power attributed to S. Peter in the Church of God,The power of Peter flitteth not to his successours. by our Sauiour Iesus Christ: immediatly did not flit, or passe frō him, to remaine with his successours.

Item, that there was as much vertue in an herbe as in the Image of the Uirgine Mary.

Item;Purgatory denied. that prayer and almes auayle not the dead, for incontinent after death, he goeth either to heauen [...] held, whereupon he concludeth there is no Purgatory.

Item, that it was foolishnesse to go on Pilgrimage to the Image of our Lady of Dancaster, Walsingham or of the Tower of the Citie of Couentry: for a man might as well worship the blessed Uirgin by the fire [...] in the [...]itchin, as in the foresayd places,Images not to be worshipped. and as well might a man worship the blessed Uirgin, when he seeth his mother or sister, as in visityng the Images, because they be no more but dead stockes and stones.

Item, that he sayd in English with a frowning countenaunce, as it appeared: a vengeaūce on all such horson Priestes, for they haue great enuy that a poore man should get his liuyng among them.

RIchard Hegham of the same Citie was accused. &c. to be a very hereticke,Richard Heghā. because he did hold that a Christen man beyng at the point of death, should [...] all his owne workes good and [...]l, and submitte him to the mercy of God.Merites condemned.

Item, that it was fondnesse to worship the Images of our Lady of Tower in the foresayd Citie, or of other Saintes,Images serue rather to be burned, then to be worshipped. for they are but stockes and stones.

Item, that if the Image of our Lady of Tower were put into the fire it would make a good fire.

Item, that it were better to deale money vnto poore folkes then to offer to the Images of Christ and other Saintes, which are but dead stockes and stones.

RObert Crowther of the same Citie was accused,Robert Crowther. that he was an hereticke, because he did hold, that who so receiueth the Sacramēt of the altar in deadly sinne, or out of charitie, receiueth nothyng but bread and wine.

Item, that neither Byshop, nor Priestes or Curates of Churches, haue power in the market of penaunce to bynde and loose.

Item,Against Pilgrimage. that Pilgrimage to the Image of our Lady of Tower is foolishnesse, for it is but a stocke or a stone.

IOhn Smith was accused to be a very hereticke,Iohn Smith. because he did hold that euery man is bonnde to know ye Lordes [Page] Prayer,The Lordes prayer to be in Englishe. and the Creede in English, if he might for these false Priestes.

Item, that who so beleeued as the Church then did beleeue, beleeued ill: and that a man had neede to frequent the schooles a good while, ece that he can attaine to the knowledge of the true and right faith.

Item, that no Priest hath power to assoile a man in the market of penance, from his sinnes.

Roger Browne.ROger Browne of the same Citie, was also accused to be an hereticke, bicause he did hold that no man ought to worship the Image of our Lady of Walsingham,Against Pilgrimage. nor the bloud of Christ at Hailes, but rather God almighty, who would geue him whatsoeuer he would aske.

Item, that he held not vp his hands, nor looked vp, at the eleuation of the Eucharist.

Item, that he promised one to shew him certaine bookes of heresie, if he woulde sweare that he woulde not vtter them, and if he would credite them.

Fleshe eating in Lent.Item, that he did eate flesh in Lent, and was taken with the maner.

Item, if any man were not shriuen his whole life long, and in the point of death would be confessed, and could not, if he had no more but cōtrition only, he should passe to ioy without Purgatory:Against Purgatory and confession auricular. And if he were confessed of any sinne, & were enioined only to say for penance one Pater noster, if he thought he should haue any punishmēt in Purgatory for that sinne, he would neuer be confessed for any sinne.

Against confessiō & satisfactiō.Item, because he said all is lost that is geuen to Priests.

Item, that there was no Purgatory, that God woulde pardon all sinnes without confession and satisfaction.

Thomas Butler.THomas Butler of ye same Citie, was likewise opēly accused to be a very hereticke, because he did hold yt there were but two wayes, that is to say, to heauen, and to hell.

Against Purgatory.Item, that no faithfull man should abide any paine after the death of Christ, for any sinne, because Christ died for our sinnes.

Item, that there was no Purgatory, for euery man immediatly after death passeth either to heauen, or hell.

Against merites.Item, that whosoeuer departeth in the faith of Christ and the Church, howsoeuer he hath liued, shall be saued.

Item, that praiers & pilgrimages are nothing worth, and aua [...] not to purchase heauen.

Iohn Falkes.IOhn Falkes was accused to be a very hereticke, because he did [...] that it was a foolish thing to offer to the Image of our Lady;Against Images. sayeng, her dead shall be hoare or I offer to her, what is it but a blocke? If it could speake to me, I would noue it an halsepeny worth of ale.

Item, that when the Priest carieth to the sicke the body of Christ, who carieth he not also the bloud of Christ?

Item, that he did eate cowe milke vpon the first Sonday of Lent.

Item, that as concerning the Sacrament of penaunce & absolution, no Priest hath power to assoile any man frō his sinnes,It is heresie to say a stone is a stone, & a blocke is a blocke. whē as he can not make one heare of his head.

Item, that the Image of our Lady was but a stone or a blocke.

Richar. Hilmin.RIchard Hilmin was accused that he was a very hereticke, because he did say and mainteine that it was better to depart with money to the poore, then to giue tithes to Priests, or to offer to the Images of our Lady, and that it were better to offer to Images made by God, then to the Images of God painted.

Item, that he had the Lords Prayer and the Salutation of the Angell and the Creede in English,Scripture in Englishe. and another booke did he see and had, which conteined the Epistles and Gospels in English, and according to them woulde hee liue, and thereby beleeued to be saued.

Item, that no Priest speaketh better in the Pulpit then that booke.

Item, that the Sacrament of the aultare is but bread, and that the Priests make it to blinde the people.

Item, that a Priest whiles he is at Masse, is a Priest, and after one Masse done, till the beginning of another Masse, he is no more then a lay man, and hath no more power then a meere lay man.

¶After they were enforced to recant, they were assoyled and put to penaunce.

IN the yeare of our Lord 1488.Margery Goyt. the iij. of Aprill, Margery Goyt, wife of Iames Goyt of Asburne, was brought before the foresayde Iohn Bishop of Couentry and Lichfield, who was there accused that she said, that that which ye Priests lift ouer their heads at Masse, was not the true and very body of Christ:Against the Sacrament of the Aultar. For if it were so, the Priestes could not breake it so lightly into four parts, and swalow it as they do: for the Lordes body hath flesh and bones, so hath not that which the Priests receiue.

Item, that Priests buieng xl. cakes for a halfepeny, and shewing them to the people and saieng, that of euery of them they make the body of Christ, do nothing but deceiue the people and enrich themselues.

Item, seeing God in the beginning did create and make man, how can it be that man should be able to make God?

¶This woman also, was constreined to recant, and so was she assoyled and did penance.

Thus much I thought heere good to inserte, touchyng these foresaid men of Couentry, especially for this purpose, because our cauilling aduersaries be wont to obiect against vs the newnes of Christes old and auntient Religion. To the intent therefore they may see this doctrine not to be so new as they report, I wish they woulde consider both the time and Articles heere obiected agaynste these foresayd persons, as is aboue premised.

I should also in the same reigne of King Hēry vij. haue induced that history of Ioannes Picus Earle of Mirandula,Picus Mirā dula Earle. the mention of whose naine partly is touched before, page. 704. This Picus Earle of Mirandula being but a yong man, was so excellently witted, & so singularly learned in all sciences, and in all toungs, both Latine, Greeke, Hebrew, Chaldey, and Araby, that cōming to Rome booted and spurred, he set vp 90. conclusions, to dispute in the same with any in al Christēdome, whosoeuer would come against him. Of which conclusions diuers were touching the matter of ye Sacramēt, &c. And when none was found in all Rome, nor in Europe, that openly would dispute wt him, priuely and in corners certaine of the Popes Clergy, Prelates, Lawyers, & Friers, by the Pope appointed, cō sulted together to inquire vpon his cōclusions, wherupon they did articulate against him for suspicion of heresie. And thus the vnlearned Clergy of Rome priuely circumuēted and intangled this learned Earle in their snares of heresy, against whome they neuer durst openly dispute. He dyed being of the age of 32. of such witte and towardnes, as is hard to say whether euer Italy bredde vp a better. In his sickenes Charles viij. the French King, moued with the fame of his learning, came to visite him. The furniture of his bookes cost him 7000. florens. A little before his death his mind was to giue all away, and to take a coule, to go about & preach, but the Lord would not permit him. His story requireth a long tractatiō, which if place do serue, we will not peraduēture forget. With ij. Popes, that is, with Pope Innocent, & Alexander vj. he had much vexation.

¶ The names of the Archbyshops of Canterbury in this sixt booke conteyned.

62
Iohn Stratford.
viij.

63
Iohn Kempe.
iij.

64
Thomas Burchier.
xxxiij.

65
Iohn Morton.
xiiij.

66
Thomas Langhton.

This Thomas Lāghton was elected Archbysh. but died before he was confirmed.

67
Henry Dene.
ij.

Guliel. Warham.
xxviij.

¶ Heere endeth the sixt Booke, and the first Tome.

A briefe note of Ecclesiasticall lawes ordeined by auncient Kings in this Realme.

FOr somuch as it is, and hath bene a persuasion lōg gendered in the heads of many,Ecclesiasticall lawes ordeined by auncient kings of this Realme. that the Bishops of Rome be the vniuersall heads of the whole militant Churche of Christ in earth, and haue alwaies so cōtinued from the beginning of the primitiue time. And that no Prince, King, nor Emperour in his owne Realme hath any interest to intermedle with matters and lawes Ecclesiastical, but only the sayd Bishops of Rome; to refell and remoue that opiniō out of the heads of all Englishmen, as a thing most false, and contrary both to histories of time, and examples of ancient Kings & gouernors of this Realme, I thought to fill vp a litle end of paper here left, with some such briefe rehearsall of lawes diuised & appointed by Kings and rulers of this land, for the ordering of the Church, and causes Ecclesiasticall, to the intent that all the world may see the gouernement of Christes Church heere in earth vnder Christ, hath not depended only of the Pope from auncient [Page] time, but hath ben rather directed by such kings and princes, as God here had placed vnder him to gouerne ye people of this Realme of England, as foloweth heere in this present table to be noted.

¶ A briefe recapitulation, of auncient Ecclesiasticall lawes by sondry Kinges of this Realme ordeyned, for gouernment of the Church, before the Conquest.

¶ Ecclesiastical lawes of King Inas, or Ina.

Ecclesiastical lawes of king Ina.

FIrst King Inas who reigned in this land the yeare of our Lord. DCCxij. commanded, that ministers should frame ther conuersation of life according to the forme in lawes prescribed.

2. That infants should be baptised within 30. dayes.

3. Item, that no mā lay or spirituall, free or bond, should labour vpon the Sonday.

4. Item, he established immunitie of Churches, & Sanctuarie. Also he tooke order for the true paiment of Church dueties, and of the first fruites of all that was sowen to be payd at the day of S. Martin.

¶ Ecclesiasticall lawes of King Alured, or Alfred.

King Alure des lawes.

1. KIng Alured, after he had ordeined diuers iudiciall punishments for violating ye holy precepts of God commanded by Moses, he also cōfirmed and enlarged the priuiledge of Sanctuarie: he laid double paine vpon such as committed offences in ye solemnities of certaine feasts: Also against them that committed sacrilege.

2. He made a law against Priests committing murther.

3. Also he made a law against whoredome, adultery, and fornication.

4. He appointed daies of fasting and ceasing frō labour.

5. Item, he set order for making and keeping vowes.

¶ Ecclesiasticall lawes of kyng Edward the elder, and Gythrum the Dane kyng.

K. Edwards lawes.

FIrst, they agreed vpon the Sāctuary: they forbad Gentilitie and Paganisine: they layd punishment vpon the Clergy committing theft, periurie, or murther, fornicatiō, or any capitall crime.

2. They punished Priestes, that pretermitted their office in pronouncyng festiuall, or fastyng dayes.

3. They made a law agaynst all labour, buying, and sellyng vpon the Sabbaoth: also for keepyng of feastes. Itē, for no execution to be done on the Sonday. Also agaynst witches and sorcerers. &c.

¶ Ecclesiasticall lawes of kyng Ethelstane.

K. Ethelstanes lawes.

1. KIng Ethelstan, who reigned the yeare of our Lord, 924. commaunded that euery Village of his owne, should geue a monethly corrodie to a poore person.

2. That 50. Psalmes should be song dayly in the Church, for the kyng. &c.

3. He also ordeined punishmēt for witches, & sorcerers. &c

¶ Ecclesiasticall lawes of kyng Edmund.

K. Edmūdes lawes.

1. AFter kyng Ethelstan folowed kyng Edmund about the yeare of our Lord. 940. who established and prouided lawes agaynst the vnchast liuing of Churchmen.

2. Item, he made lawes concernyng tythes, with first fruites of euery mans croppe, and almose money duly to be payd.

3. Item, he enacted that Byshops of their owne proper charges should repayre Churches, and should also admonish the kyng for the furnishyng of the same.

4. For periury also, and for fighting within the Church, he set lawes and paynes.

¶ Ecclesiasticall lawes of kyng Edgar.

1. KIng Edgar,

K. Edgars lawes

who begā his reigne about the yeare of our Lord. 959. amongest other cōstitutions Ecclesiasticall, ordeined, that the Sōday should be kept holy from Saterday at noone till Monday in the mornyng.

2. Item, he ordeined and decreed concerning liberties & freedomes of the Church, for tythes also, and first fruites of corne, and paying of Peterpence.

3. Item, for holy dayes and fastyng dayes.

4. Itē, that assemblies or Synodes should be kept twise euery yeare, whereat as well the Byshop of the Diocesse should be present as the ciuill Magistrate.

¶ Kyng Aethelrede, Anno. 979.

KIng Aethelrede also which succeeded after Edgar,King Ethelrede, lawes. and Edward appointed diuers lawes for publicke regiment, whereof we finde but few touching matters Ecclesiasticall, for tythes, lightes, feastes and nothyng els, and therfore we passe further to the lawes of Canutus.

¶ Ecclesiasticall lawes of kyng Canutus.

CAnutus the Dane kyng began to reigne in this lād in the yeare of our Lord.King Canutus lawes. 1016. The said Canutus (as Aethelrede had done before) diuided his lawes into Ecclesiasticall and temporall.

1. That Ecclesiasticall persons beyng accused of fightyng, murder, or any other offēce, should purge thēselues therof

2. That Priestes should be degraded for periury, and put in sureties of good behauiour.

3. He prayeth Priestes, that they will liue chast, and commaunded other Religious.

4. He limited the degrees of Mariage.

5. Item, he commaunded celebration of the Sabbaoth frō Saterday at noone till Monday mornyng, as Edgar had done before, forbiddyng markets, huntyngs, labours, and Court keepynges, duryng the sayd space.

6. He ordained eche Christen man to come to the housell thrise yearely at the least: That they search and enquire after Gods law, and his commaundementes.

7. That euery Christian man vnderstand the pointes of his fayth, & that at the least he learne perfectly the Lordes Prayer, and the Creede, and that whosoeuer can not the same, shall be excluded from the Eucharist, and shall not be receiued to vndertake for others in Baptisme.

8. That Byshops and Priestes should doe their dueties: that they cry out and warne their flockes when the Wolfe commeth.

9. That at the Court of euery Shire, the Bishop of the Dioces shal be present with the Sherifte, and that the one shall teach them Gods law, and the other mans law, as ye heard in King Edgars lawes before.

Many other lawes both Ecclesiasticall and temporall besides these were enacted by these and other Kings heere in England before the Conquest,Kinges of England before the Conguest gouernours as well in causes Ecclesiasticall as temporall but these be sufficient to geue the vnderstanding Reader to consider, how the authority of the Bishops of Rome, all this while, extended not so farre to prescribe lawes for gouernement of the Church, but that Kings and Princes of the Realme, as they be now, so were then full gouernours heere vnder Christ, as well in causes Ecclesiasticall, as temporall, both in directing orders, instituting lawes, in calling of Synodes, and also in conferring Byshoprickes and benefices, without any leaue of the Romish Bishops. Thus Odo, Dunstane, Oswold, Ethelwold, Aldelinus, and Lancfrancus, although they fet their palles afterwarde from Rome, yet were they made Bishops and Archbishops by Kings only, not by Popes.

And thus stoode the gouernement of this Realme of England all the time before the Conquest, till Pope Hildebrand through the setting on of the Saxons, Whē kinges of England came first vnder the Popes subiection. began first to bring the Emperour (which was Henry 4.) vnder foote. Then followed the subduing of other Emperours, Kings, and subiects after that; as namely heere in England, when Lancfrancus, Anselmus, and Becket, went to complayne of their Kings and gouernours, then brought they the Popes iudiciall authority first from Rome, ouer this land, both ouer Kings and subiects: which euer since hath continued, till these latter yeares. Albeit the sayd Kings of this Realme of England being prudent Princes, and seeing right well the ambitious presumption of those Romish Byshops, did what they could to shake off the yoke of their supremacie, as appeareth by the lawes and Actes of their Parliaments, both in king Edward the thirds time, King Richard the 2. and King Henry the 4. aboue in their Parliament notes specified: yet for feare of other foreine Princes; and the blind opinion of their subiectes, such was then the calamitie of that time, that neither they could nor durst compasse that, which faine they would: till at last, the time of their iniquitie being complete, through the Lords wonderfull working, theyr pride had a fall, as in the next Volume ensuing (the Lord so graunting) shall by proces of hystorie be declared.

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The Image of the true Catholicke Church of Christ.

¶ The proude primacie of Popes paynted out in Tables, in order of their rising vp by little and little, from faythfull Byshops and Martyrs, to become Lords and gouernours ouer King and kingdomes, exalting themselues in the Temple of God, aboue all that is called God, &c. 2. Thessalonians. 2.

The martirdome of good bishops vnder wicked Emperours in the primitiue Church. IN the Table of the primitiue Churche aboue described, hath bene (gentle Reader) set forth and exhibited before thine eies the greeuous afflictions and sorowfull tormentes, which thorough Gods secret sufferance, fell vpon the true Saints and members of Christes Church in that time, especially vpon the good Bishops, Ministers, and teachers of the flocke: of whome some were scourged, some beheaded, some crucified, some burned, some had their eies put out, some one way, some another, miserably consumed: which daies of wofull calamitie cōtinued (as is foreshewed) neare the space of CCC. yeares. During which time, the deare spouse and elect Church of God, being sharply assaulted on euery side, had small rest, no ioy, nor outward safetie in this present world, but in much bitternes of hart, in continuall teares and mourning vnder the crosse passed ouer their daies, being spoiled, imprisoned, contemned, reuiled, famished, tormented and martired euerywhere, who neither durst well tarie at home for feare and dread, and much lesse durst come abroade for the enemies, but onely by night, when they assembled as they might, sometimes to sing Psalmes and Hymnes together. In all which their dreadfull dangers, and sorrowfull afflictions, notwithstanding the goodnes of the Lord left them not desolate: but the more their outward tribulations did increase, the more their inward consolations did abound: and the farther off they seemed from the ioyes of this lyfe, the more present was the Lorde wyth them wyth grace and fortitude, to confirme and reioyce theyr soules. And though theyr possessions and riches in this world were lost and spoyled, yet were they enriched wyth heauenly giftes and treasures from aboue an hundreth fold. Then was true Religion truely felt in hart.The true riches of the Church described. Then was Christianitie not in outwarde appearance shewed, but in inward affection receaued, and the true image of the Churche not in outwarde shew pretensed, but in her perfect state effectuall. Then was the name and feare of God true in hart, not in lippes alone dwellyng. Fayth then was feruent, zeale ardent, prayer not swimming in the lippes, but groned out to God from the bottome of the spirite. Then was no pride in the Church, nor laysure to seeke riches, nor tyme to keepe them. Contention for trifles was then so far from Christians, that well were they when they could meete to pray together agaynst the Deuill, authour of all dissention. Briefly, the whole Churche of Christ Iesus, wyth all the members thereof, the farther it was from the type and shape of this worlde, the nearer it was to the blessed respect of Gods fauour and supportation.

¶ The first rising of the Byshops of Rome.

AFter this long tyme of trouble,The first rising of the Bishops of Rome. it pleased the Lord at length mercifully to looke vpon the Saints and seruauntes of his sonne, to release their captiuitie, to release their miserie, and to binde vp the old Dragon the Deuill, which so long vexed them, whereby the Church began to aspire to some more libertie: and the Bishops which before were as abiects, vtterly contemned of Emperours, through the prouidence of God (which disposeth all things in his time after his owne willy began now of Emperours to be esteemed and had in price. Furthermore, as Emperours grew more in deuotion, so the Bishops more and more were exalted, not only in fauour, but also preferred vnto honour, in so much that in short space they became not quarter maisters, but rather halfe Emperours with Emperours.

After this in processe of tyme,The spirituall riches of the Church turned to worldly riches. Ex libro Serm. Discipuli. as richesse and worldly wealth crept into the Cleargye, and that ye diuell had poured his venome into the Churche (as the voice was heard ye same time ouer Constantinople) so true humilitie began to decay, & pride to set in his foote, till at last they played as the Iuy doth with the Oke tree, which first beginning with a goodly greene shew, embraceth him so long, till at length it ouergroweth him, and so sucketh all his moisture from him, setting his roote fast in his barke, till at last it [Page]

Constantinus the Emperour embrasing Christen Byshops.

both stifleth the stocke and killeth the braunches,Looke Tyndall in his booke of the Practise of Prelates. and so cō meth to be a nest for Owles and all vncleane byrdes. Not vntruly therfore it was sayde of Augustine: Religio peperit diuitias, & filia deuorauit matrem. i. Religion begat riches, & the daughter hath deuoured the mother. The verity whereof notoriously may appeare aboue all other in the Churche of Rome, and the Byshoppes of the same. For after that the Church of Rome, through fauor of Emperours, was endued with landes, donations, possessions, & patrimonyes, so that the Bishops thereof feeling the smacke of wealth, case, and prosperity, began to swell in pompe and pride: the more they florished in this world, the more Gods holy spirite forsooke them, till at last the sayd Bishops who at ye first were poore, creeping low vpon the groūd, & were persecuted long time, euery man treading vpon them in thys world: now of persecuted people, began to be persecutors of others, and to tread vpon the necks euen of Emperors, and to bring the heades of kinges and princes vnder theyr girdle: And not onely that, but furthermore through pride and riches they were so farre gone from all Religion, that in the very end they became the great aduersary of GOD (whom we call Antichrist) prophecied of so long before by the spirite of God to come, sitting in the temple of God. &c Of whom thus we read in the Epistle of Paule. 2. Thess. 2. where he sayth: We beseech you brethren, by the comming of our Lord Iesus Christ, The great aduersary called Antichrist described by S. Paule. 2. Thess. 2. and by our felowship together in him, that ye be not sodenly moued in your minde, nor troubled neither by spirit, nor by word nor letter, as it were frō vs, as though the day of Christ were at hand. Let no man in any wise deceiue you for that daye shall not come except there come a departing first, and that man of sinne be reuealed, euen the sonne of perdition, that aduersarye whiche exalteth himselfe aboue all that is called God, or that is worshipped, so that he shall sit in the temple of God, as God, and set forth himselfe as he were God. &c.

A declaration of Saint Paules wordes.By which words of S. Paul we haue diuers things to vnderstand: First, that the day of the Lordes cōming was not thē nere at hand. Secōdly, the Apostle geuing vs a tokē before, to know whē that day shall approch, biddeth vs looke for an aduersary first to be reuealed. Thirdly to shew what aduersary this shalbe, he expresseth him not to be as a common aduersary, suche as were then in his time. For although Herode, Annas and Cayphas, the high Priestes and Pharasyes, Tertullus, Alexander the Coppersmith, Elymas & Symō Magus, & Nero ye Emperor in Paules time were great aduersaryes, yet here he meaneth another besides these greater thē all ye rest, not such a one as should be like to Priest, King or Emperor, but such as farre exceding the estate of all kinges, priests and Emperors should be the prince of priests, & should make kings to stoupe, and should tread vpon the necke of Emperors and make them to kisse his feet. Moreouer, where the Apostle sayth, that he shall sit in the temple of God, thereby is ment, not the personall sitting of the Pope in the Citty onely of Rome, but the authority and iurisdiction of his sea exalted in the whol vniuersall Church, equall with God himselfe. For let men geue to the Pope that which he in his lawes, decrees, and in his pontificall requireth,The Pope matching himselfe euen with God. and what difference is there betweene God and the Pope? If God sette lawes and ordinaunces, so doth he? If God haue his creatures, so hath he, if God require obedience, so doth he. If the breach of Gods commaundementes be punished, much more be his. God hath his Religion, the Pope also hath his: yea for Gods one Religion, he hath an hundreth. God hath set vppe one Aduocate, he hath an hundreth. God hath instituted but a few holydayes: for Gods one, he hath instituted xl. And if the holy day that God hath appoynted be simplex, the feaste that the Pope appoynteth is duplex & triplex. Christ is the head of the Church: so is the Pope. Christ geueth influence to his body: so doth the Pope. Christ forgeueth sinne, the Pope doth no lesse. Christ expelleth euil spirites by his power: so pretendeth the Pope by his holy water. Furthermore, where Christ went barefoote vpon the bare ground: he with his golden shoes is caried on mennes shoulders. And where Christ was called Sanctus Sanctorum: he is called Sanctorum Sanctissimus. Christ neuer practised but onely the spirituall sworde, he claymeth both spirituall and temporal. Christ bought the Church: he both buieth and selleth the Church. And if it be necessary to beleue Christ to be the Sauiour of the world: so is it necessary to beleue the Pope to be the head of the Church. Christ payd tribute to Cesar: he maketh Cesar to pay tribute vnto him. Finally, the crowne of Christ was of sharp thorne: the Pope hath three crownes of golde vpon his head, so farre exceeding Christ the sonne of God in glory of this world, as Christ excedeth him in the glory of heauen. The Image and Paterne of whose intollerable pride and exaltation, according as S. Paule doth describe him in his epistle aforesayde, we haue here set forth, not onely in these Tables to be seene, and by hys owne factes to be noted, but also his owne wordes and Registers, Clementines, Extrauagantes, and Pontificals, expressed as in order (ye Lord willing) shall folow.

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Byshops of Rome aduanced by Emperours, Constantinus, Theodosius. &c.

¶ The exaltation of popes aboue Kinges and Emperours out of historyes.

Iohn Patriarch of Constantinople subdued by B. of Rome.FIrst, after that Italy and the Citty of Rome were ouerrunne by the Gothes and Vandales, so that the seate of the Empire was remoued to Constantinople, then began Ioannes Patriarch of Constantinople, to put forth hymselfe, and would needes be called vniuersall Bishop of the world: but the Bishoppe of Rome in no case would suffer that,The Emperours Lieuetenaunt of Rauenna subdued by the Lumbardes and Romaine Byshops. Boniface 3. obtained of Phocas to be called vniuersall byshop. and stopped it. After this came the Emperours deputy, and Exarch of Rauenna to rule Italy, but the Byshop of Rome through ayde of the King of Lombardes soone quayled him.

Not long after, about the yeare of our Lord 500. came Phocas the murderer, who slue the Emperor of Constantinople his maister Mauritius and his children. By which Phocas the bishops of old Rome aspired first to their preheminēce, to be coūted ye headbishops ouer ye whole church and so together with the Lombardes began to rule the city of Rome.Pope Zachary putteth downe Childericus the French K. and serteth Pipinus in his place.. Pipinus and Carolus Magnus set vp by pope Zachachary. How the Byshops of Rome came first to be the head Byshops of the Church. Afterward when the Lombardes would not yeld vnto him, in accomplishing his ambitious desire, but would needs requyre of the Bishop the said city of Rome: he styrred vppe Pipinus, but first deposed Childiricus the king of Fraunce, and so thrusting him into an Abbay, sette vp in his place Pipinus and his sonne Carolus Magnus to put downe the sayde king of Lombardes called Aistulphus. And so translated the Empyre from Constantinople into Fraunce, deuiding the spoyle betwene him and them: so that the kinges of Fraunce had all the possessions and landes which before belonged to the Empyre, and he to receiue of them the quiet possession of the city of Rome, with such donations and Lordships, which now they challenge vnto thē vnder the name of S. Peters patrimony, which they falsly ascribe to ye donatiō of Constantinus the great.

It foloweth then in proces of tyme, after the dayes of Pipinus,Donation of Constantine a thing false and forged. P [...]pe Gregory 5. practiseth with the Germains to reduce the Empyre to Germany. an. 1002. Carolus and Ludouicus (who had indued these Bishops of Rome, called now Popes, with large possessions) when the kinges of Fraunce were not so applyable to theyr becke, to aide and maynteine thē agaynst the Princes of Italy, who began then to pynch the sayde Byshops for theyr wrongful vsurped goodes, they practised with the Germanes to reduce ye Empyre to Otho first of that name Duke of spayne, referring the election thereof to 7. Princes Electours of Germany, which was aboute ann. 1002. notwithstanding reseruing still in his handes the negatiue voyce, thinking thereby to enioy that they had, in quietnes and security, and so did for a good space.

At length when some of these Germane Emperours also after Otho began a litle to spurne agaynst the sayd bishops and Popes of Rome,Otho first Germaine Emperour. some of thē they accursed, some they subdued and brought to the kissing of theyr feet, some they deposed, and placed other in theyr possessions.

So was Henricus 4.Emperours brought to kisse the popes feete. Henricus 4. accursed, wayteth at the popes gate 3. daies. Rodulphus, and at last his owne sonne set vp to fight against him. Read before pag. 179. Pope Alexander. 3. treadeth vpon the necke of Fredericke Emperour. Pope Celestine crowneth Henry. 5. Emperour with his feete and with his foote spurneth the crown from his head agayne. by these Byshoppes accursed, the Emperour himselfe forced with his wife and child to wait attendaunce vppon the Popes pleasure three dayes and three nightes in winter at the gates of Canossus. Reade before pag. 179. Besides all this the sayd Pope raysed vp Rodulphus to be Emperor against him: who being slaine in warre, then the sayde Pope Gregorye vij. not restyng thus, styrred vppe his owne sonne Henricus. 5. to fight agaynst his owne naturall father and to depose him, whiche Henricus the 5. was also himselfe afterwarde accursed and excommunicated, and the Saxons at last set vp by the Byshops to fight agaynst him.

After this the Emperours began to be somewhat calmed and more quyet, suffering the Byshops to reigne as they listed: till Fridericke the first called Barbarossa came, and began to styrre coales agaynst thē. Howbeit they hampered both him, and his sonne Henry in such sort, that they brought first the necke of Fridericke, in the Church of Venice, vnder theyr feet to tread vpon: and after that the sayde bishops crowning Henricus his sonne in the church of S. Peter, set his crown on his head with theyr feet, and with theyr feet spurned it of agayne to make him know that the Popes of Rome had power both to crowne Emperours, and to depose them agayne. Whereof read before pag. 784.

Then folowed Philippus brother to Henry aforesaid, whome also the Popes accursed, aboute the yeare of our Lord. 1198. and set vp Otho Duke of Saxonye. But when the sayd Otho beganne to be so laucy to dispossesse the Byshops of theyr Cittyes and landes whiche they had encroched into they handes, they could not beare that, but incō tinent they put him besides the cushin. The like also fell vp on Otho the 4. that folowed after Philip, who was suffered no longer then foure yeares to raigne, about the yeare of our Lord. 1209.

At this tyme Fridericus 2. the Sonne of Fridericus Barbarossa aboue mētioned, was but yong, whō the Byshops of Rome supposing to finde more mortified & tamed to theyr hand, aduaunced to be Emperour after his father. But that fell out much cōtrary to theyr expectation. For he perceiuing the immoderate pompe and pride of ye Romain [Page]

Emperours kissing the Popes feete. K. Iohns supplication to the Pope.

bishops,Honorius 3. Gregory 9. Innocent. 4. against Fridericus 2. Emperour. which he could in no case abide, so netled them, & cut theyr combes & waxed so stout agaynst them intending to extirpe theyr tyranny and to reduce theyr pompous riches to the state & condition of the primitiue church agayn, putting some of them to flight, and prisoning some of theyr Cardinals, that of 3. Popes, one after another he was accursed, circumuēted by treason, at last deposed, & after that poysoned, and at last forsaken and dyed.

After this Friderick folowed his sonne Cōradus,Warre raysed against Conradus, by the Byshops of Rome. whō the foresayd Bishops for his disobedience soone dispatched, exciting agaynst him in mortall warre the Lantgraue of Thuring, wherby he was at length driuen into his kingdome of Naples, and there deceased.

This Conradus had a sonne called Conradinus duke and prince of Suenia. When this Conradinus after the decease of his father came to enioy his kingdome of Naples, the sayd Bishops styrred vp against him Charles ye french kings brother in such sort,Ex Auentino. that through crafty conueyance, both Couradinus which descended of the bloud of so many Emperours, & also Fridericke Duke of Austria were both takē, and after much wretched handling in theyr miserable induraunce vnseeming to theyr state, at length were both brought vnder the axe by the Popes procurement, and so both beheaded. And thus ended the imperiall stock of Fridericke the first surnamed Barbarossa.

The like as happened to Fridericke the Emperor, had almost also fallen vpon Philip the French king, by Pope Boniface the 8. who because he could not haue his commodityes and reuenewes out of Fraunce after his will, sent out his Bulles and letters patents to displace king Philip aforesayd,The insolencie of Pope Boniface 8. against Philip French kyng. The tyrannous iniuries of Byshops of Rome agaynst kings of England. Pope Alexander 3. against Kyng Henry. 2. Pope Innocent 3. against king Iohn. and to possesse Albertus king of Romanes in his rowme.

And thus hitherto of forreigne storyes. Now touching our countrey Princes here in Englande to speake somewhat likewise of them: did not Pope Alexander the 3. presumptuously taking vpō him where he had nothing to do to intermeddle with the kinges subiectes, for the death of Becket the rebell, albeit the king sufficiently cleared hym selfe thereof, yet notwithstanding did he not wrongfullye bring the sayd king Henry 2. to such penaunce as it pleased him to enioyne, & also violently constrayne him to sweare obedience to the Sea of Rome? pag. 227. The lyke also was shewed before in this story to happen to K. Iohn hys sonne. For when the sayd king like a valiaunt Prince had held out the tyranny of those Bishops 7. yeares together, were not all the Churches in England barred vp, and hys inheritaunce with all his dominions geuen away by pope Innocent. 3. to Ludouicus the French king, and he afterward compelled to submitt both himselfe and to make hys whole Realme sedotary to the Byshops of Rome & moreouer the king himselfe driuen also to surrēder his crowne to Pandulphus the Popes Legate, and so continued as a priuate person 5. dayes standing at the popes curtesy whether to receiue it agayne at his handes or no? And when the nobles of the realme rose afterwarde agaynst the king for the same, was not he then fayne to seeke and sue to the foresayd Pope for succour, as by this his owne letter, takē out of the publicke roles, may appeare?

Kyng Iohns Supplication to Pope Innocent the third.

REuerendis. Domino suo & Patri sanctis. Innocentio Dei gratia Ioan. eadem gratia R. Angliae &c. Cum Comites & Barones Angliae nobis deuoti essent,Ex Rotulo patent. De anno Regni Reg. Ioannis 8antequam nos & nostram terram Domino vestro subia cere curassemus, ex tunc in nos specialiter ob hoc, sicut publice dicunt, violenter insurgūt. Nos verò praeter Deum, vos specialem dominum & patronum habentes, defensionē nostram & totius Regni, quod vestrum esse credimus, vestrae paternitati commissam,K. Iohns supplication to Pope Innocent. 3& nos quantum in nobis est, curam & solicitudinem istam vestrae resignamus dominationi, deuotius supplicātes quatenus in negotijs nostris, quae vestra sunt, cōsilium & auxilium efficax apponatis, prout melius videritis expedire, latores praesentium. &c. Teste meipso apud Dour. 18. Septemb. 6.

And yet all this notwithstanding that the saide king Iohn did so yeld to the Pope, he was both pursued by his nobles, and also in the end was poysoned by a subiect of ye Popes owne Religiō, a Monke of Swinsted: As I haue sufficiently to proue,William Caxtō. Thomas Gray. French Chronicle in meeter. Ranulph. Costrensis. Tho. Rudburn. Rich. Redus. Eulogium. Walterus Gisburne. Ioan. Maior. not onely by William Caxton aboue in my story alledged. pag. 257. but also haue testimony of ye most part of Chronicles for the same (a few only excepted) as of Tho. Gray in his French Chronicle. Also of an other Frenche Chronicle in Metre, of Ranulphus Cestrensis. Thomas Rudburne also doth witnes the same. So doth Richard Rede in nouo Chronico ad tempora Henr. 6. The like also doth the Chronicle called Eulogium Monachi Cant: The wordes of Walter Gisborne an auncient historiographer be plaine. No lesse is to be found in Ioan Maior, De gestis Scotorum Libr. 4. cap. 3. fol. 56. where he not onelye maketh mention of the Monke and of the poyson, but also of the Abbot, of his absolution, and of the 3. Monkes euery [Page]

Pope Coelestinus 4. crowning the Emperour Henricus 6. with his feete.

day singing for the sayde Monkes soule.Writers in English and Latin without name. To these I could also annexe diuers other writers both English and Latin, without name, which witnes that king Iohn was poysoned, one beginning thus: Here beginnneth a booke in the English toung, called brute. &c. another beginneth: Because this booke is made to tell what time any thing notable &c. The thyrd in English beginneth: The reigne of Britaine that now is called England. &c. Of Latin bookes which haue no name one beginneth thus: Britannia, quae & Anglia dicitur, a Bruto nomen est sortita &c. another hath this beginning: Adam pater generis humani. &c.

Besides this king Henry. 2. and king Iohn his sonne, what kinges haue here reigned in Englande since theyr time, vntill the raign of king Henry 8. who although they were prudent princes, & did what they could in prouiding agaynst the proude domination of these Bishoppes were forced at length sore agaynst theyr wils, for feare to subiect themselues together with theyr subiects vnder theyr vsurped authority,H. Henry 3. kissing the knee of the popes Legat in so much as some of them (as Math. Paris. writeth by king Henry ye. 3.) were sayne to stoupe and kisse their Legates knee.

Ex D. Paulo. 2. Thess. 2.¶ The Image of Antichrist, exalting himselfe in the Temple of God, aboue all that is named God, out of his owne Decrees, Decretals, Extrauagantes, Pontificals. &c. word for worde as it is out of the sayde bookes here alleaged and, quoted.

Pope Bonifacius 8. Extrauag. de Maiorit. & obed. c. Vnam.FOr as much as it standeth vpon necessity of saluation, for euery humaine creature to be subiect vnto me the Pope of Rome, it shalbe therefore requisite & necessary for all men that will be saued, to learne and know the dignity of my sea, and excellency of my domination, as here is sette forth according to the truth and very words of mine owne lawes, in stile as foloweth.Distinct. 2. cap. Decretis. First my institution began in the olde Testament, and was consummate and finished in the new: in that my priesthood was prefigured by Aaron: And other bishops vnder me were prefigured by ye sonnes of Aarō that were vnder him.Pope Pelagius Distinct. 21. c. Quamuis. Neither is it to be thought that my church of Rome hath bene preferred by any generall Councell, but obteined the primacy onely by the voice of the Gospell, and the mouth of the Sauiour.Pelagius. Ibidem. And hath in it neither spotte nor wrinckle, nor any such like thing.Pope Nicolaus. Dist. 21. cap. Inferior. Wherefore as other seates be all inferiour to me, and as they cannot absolue me: so haue they no power to bind me or to stand against me, no more then the axe hath power to stand or presume aboue hym that heweth with it, or the sawe to presume aboue him that ruleth it.Pope Lucius. 24. q. 1. ca. 2. Recta. Thys is the holy and Apostolicke mother church of all other Churches of Christ.Pope Calixtus. Dist. 12. cap. Non decet. From whose rules it is not meet that any person or persons should decline, but like as the sonne of God came to do the will of his father, so must you do the will of your mother the Church, the head whereof is the Churche of Rome.Pope Innocentius. 11. cap. Quis And if any other person or persons shall erre from the sayd Church, eyther let them be admonished, or els theyr names taken, to bee knowne who they be that swarue from the customes of Rome.Pope Stephan Dist. 19. ca. Enimuero. Thus then for as much as the holy Church of Rome, whereof I am gouernour is set vp to the whole worlde for a glasse or example, reason would what thing soeuer the sayd Church determineth, or ordeineth, that to be receiued of all men for a generall and a perpetuall rule for euer.Pope Bonifac. 8. Extrauag. c. vinā sanctam. Item Pope Ioannes. 22. Extrauag. cap. Super gentes. Whereupon we see it now verified in this Churche, that was foreprophesied by Ieremy, saying: Beholde I haue set thee vp ouer nations & kyngdomes to plucke vp and to breake downe, to builde and to plant. &c. Pope Innocent. 3. art. de maior et obe. c. Solitae. Who so vnderstandeth not the prerogatiue of this my Priesthood, let him looke vppe to the firmament, where he may see two great lightes, the Sunne and the Moone: one ruling ouer the day, the other ouer the night. So in the firmament of the vniuersall Church.Pope Gelasius. Dist. 96. cap. Duo. GOD hath set two great dignityes, the authoritye of the Pope, and of the Emperour. Of the which two this our dignity is so much more weightier, as we haue the greater charge to geue accompt to GOD for kinges of the earth, and the lawes of men.Ibidem. Wherefore be it knowne to you Emperours, which know it also right well, that you depend vpon the iudgement of vs: we must not be brought and reduced to your will.Innocentius De Maior. & obed. c. Solitae. For (as I sayde) looke what difference there is betwixt the Sunne and the Moone, so great is the power of the Pope ruling ouer the daye, that is, ouer the spiritualty, aboue Emperours and Kinges ruling ouer the night, that is, ouer the laity.Glosa Ibidem. Now seeing then the earth is seauen times bigger then the Moone, and the Sonne eight times greater then the earth, it followeth that the Popes dignity 56. tymes doth surmount the estate of Emperours.Ibidem. Vppon consideration whereof, I saye therefore and pronounce that Constantine the Emperour dyd naught in setting the Patriarch of Constantinople at his feete on his lefte hand.Innocentius Ibidem. And although the sayd Emperour wrote to me, alleadging the wordes of Saynt Peter, commaunding vs to submitte our selues [Page]

Henricus. 4. Emperour Waiting 3. dayes vpon Pope Gregory 7. Image of Antichrist.

to euery humane creature, as to kinges, dukes, & other for yt cause of God, &c. 1. Pet. 2. yet in aūswering again in my decretall, I expoūded ye minde & the words of S. Peter to perteine to his subiectes, & not his successors, willing the sayd Emperor to consider ye person of the speaker, & to whom it was spoken. For if the mind of Peter had bene there to debase the order of priesthood, and to make vs vnderlings to euery humane creature, thē euery Iack might haue dominion ouer Prelates: which maketh agaynst the example of Christ, setting vp the order of Priesthoode to beare dominion ouer kings, according to the saying of Ieremy: Beholde I haue set thee vp ouer kinges & nations. &c. pope Clement. 5. Clement de inreiurando. c. Romani. And as I feared not then to write this holdly vnto Cōstantine, so now I say to all other Emperours, yt they receauing of me their approbation, vnction, consecratiō, and crowne Imperiall, must not disdain to submit theyr heads vnder me, & sweare vnto me theyr alegeance.pope Ioannes. Dist 96 c. Nunquam. For so you read in the Decree of pope Iohn, how that princes hertofore haue bene wont to bow & submit theyr heads vnto Bishops, & not to procede in iudgement agaynst the heads of bishops.pope Clement. 5. Clement. de Sentent. & reiudi. pastoralis. If this reuerence and submission was wont to be geuen to Byshops, how much more ought they to submit theyr heads to me being superiour, not onely to kings, but Emperours, and that for two causes: First for my title of succession that I Pope of Rome haue to the Empyre, the rowme standyng vacant. Also for the fulnesse of power that Christ the king of kings, and Lord of Lords hath geuē to me though vnworthy in the person of Peter.Pope Innocent. 3. De iudicijs cap. Nouit. By reason whereof, seing my power is not of man but of God, who by his celestiall prouidence hath sette me ouer his whole vniuersall Church maister and gouernour, it belongeth therefore to my office to looke vpon euery mortall sinne of euery Christen man:Ibidem. Whereby all criminall offences as well of kings as all other, be subiect to my censure.pope Marcellus Causa. 2. q. 6. c. ad Romanam. in such sort, that in al maner of pleading, if any maner of person at any time either before the sentence geuen or after shall appeale to me, it shall be lawfull for him so to do.Innocent. Nouit ille. Neither must kinges and Princes thinke it muche to submit themselues to my iudgemēt: for so did Valentinianus the worthy emperor, so did Theodosius, & also Carolus.Bonifacius Martyr. Dist. 40. cap. Si pap [...]. Thus you see al must be iudged by me, and I of no man. Yea and though I Pope of Rome, by my negligence or euill demeaner be founde vnprofitable, or hurtfull, either to my selfe or to others: yea if I shoulde draw with me innumerable soules by heapes to hell, yet no mortall man so hardy, so bolde, or so presumptuous to reproue me.Glosa Extrauag. de lede vacant Adipostolat as. or to say to me: Domine curita facis [...]i. Syr why doe you so? Pope Leo. caus. 2. q. 7. c. Nos. For although you read that Balaan was rebuked of his asse, by the whiche asse our subiects, by Balaam we Prelates are signified: yet that ought to be no example to our subiectes to rebuke vs.Gregor. 2. q. 7. c. petrus. And though we read in the Scripture that Peter, who receiued power of the kingdome, and being chiefe of the Apostles, might by vertue of his office controlle all other, was content to come and geue aunswere before his inferiours, obiecting to him his goyng to the Gentiles, yet other inferiors must not learne by this example to be checkmate with theyr Prelates because that Peter so tooke it at theyr handes, shewing therby rather a dispensation of humility, then the power of hys office: by the which power he might haue sayde to them agayne in this wise: It becommeth not sheep, nor belongeth to theyr office to accuse their shepheard. &c.Pope Nicolaus. Dist. 21. cap. In tantum. For els why was Dioscorus Patriarche of Alexandria condemned and excommunicated at Chalcedone? not for any cause of his fayth, but onely for that he durst stand agaynst Pope Leo, and durst excommunicate the Bishoppe of Rome: for who is he that hath authoritye to accuse the seate of Saynt Peter? Iliero. Caus 2. q. 7. cap. paulus. Albeit I am not ignoraunt what Saynt Hierome writeth, that Paule would not haue reprehended Peter, vnlesse he had thought hymselfe equall vnto him.Glosa Gratiani Ibidem. yet Hierome must thus be expoū ded by my interpretation, that this equality betwixt Peter and Paule consisteth not in like office of dignity, but in purenesse of conuersation.Glosa. in Dist. [...]. cap. Quis. For who gaue Paule his lycence to preach but Peter, and that by the authority of god, saying: Separate to me Paule and Barnabas? &c. Wherefore be it knowne to all men that my Church of Rome is Prince and head of all nations.33. Caus. 2. q. 7. c. beati. pope Nicolaus Dist. 12. c. omnes. the mother of the fayth.pope Anacletus. Dist. 22. c. Sacrosancta. the foundation Cardinall: whervpon all Churches doe depend as the doore doth depende by the hinges.pope pelagius. Dist. 2 [...]. quamnis. the firste of all other seates, without all spot or blemish.pope Nicolaus. Dist. 21. cap. Deni [...];. Lady mistres and instructour of all Churches.pope Step. Dist. 19. Enimuero a glasse and spectacle to all menne, to be followed in all, whatsoeuer she obserueth,pope Lucius. 24. q. [...]. A rect. Which was neuer founde yet to slide or decline from the path of Apostolicke tradition, or to be intangled with any newness of heresy.pope Nicolaus. dist. 22. omnes Agaynst which Church of Rome whosoeuer speaketh any euill, is forthwith a hereticke.pope Gregorius. dist. 8 [...] cap. Si qui. yea a very Pagane, a witch, and Idolater or Infidell.Pope Leo. Caus. 3. q. 6. cap. Multum. Hauing fulnes of power onely in her owne handes in ruling.Dist. 20. Decretales. deciding, absoluing, condemning, casting out, or receiuing in pope Iulius. Caus. 2. q. 6. qui se albeit I deny not but other Churches be partakers with her in labouring and caryng.Caus. 2. q. 6. Arguta. Item. c. Ad Romanam. Cau. 2. q. 6. cap. placuit. Glosa. Gratiani. Nisi. To the whyche Church of Rome it is lawfull to appeale for remedye, from the Churches. Although it was otherwise concluded in the generall Councell of Milleuitane that no manne should appeale ouer the sea vnder payne of excommunication, yet my glose commeth in here with an exception: Nisi fortè Romanam sedem appellauerint: i. Except the appeale be to the Sea of Rome. &c.pope Gelasi. 25. q. [...]. cap. confidimus. By the authoritye of whiche Churche of [Page]

Henricus 4. Emperour surrendering his crowne to the Pope. Image of Antichrist.

Rome, all Synodes, and decrees of Councelles stand confirmed.Pope Vrbanus 25. q. 1. cap. Sunt. And hath alwayes ful authority in her handes to make new lawes & decrementes: And to alter statutes, priuiledges, rightes or documentes of Churches:Pope Pelagius. 25. q. 2. cap. posteaquam. To separate thinges ioyned, and to ioyne thinges separated vpon right cōsideratiō, either in whole or in part, either personally, or generaly.Sulla Donationis. Dist. 96. c. Constant. Of the which Church of Rome, I am head as a, Kyng is ouer hys Iudges.Pope Paschalis. Dist. 63. cap. Ego. the Vicare of S. Peter.Pope Clemens. 5. Clement. c. Romani Glosa. yea not the Vicare of Peter properlye, but the Vicare of Chryst properlye, and successour of Peter.Pope Bonifacius. 8. Sext. Decretal. ca. vbi. Vicare of Iesus Christe.Ibidem. Rector of the vniuersall Churche: Directour of the Lordes vniuersall flocke:Pope Bonifac. prohem. Sext Decretal. ib. Sacrosancta. Chiefe Magistrate of the whole worlde.Anacletus. Dist. 22. cap. Sacrosancta. Cephas. i. caput, the head and chiefe of the Apostolicke Church.Pope Bonifacius. 4. Sext. Decret. de paenit. & remiss. cap. 5. Glosa. vniuersall Pope,Itern Alexander 4. sext. Decret. C. [...] Glosa and Diocesan in all places exempt, as well as euery Byshop is in places not exempt.Pope Hillarius. 25. q. 1. Nulli. moste mighty Prieste.Sext Decret cap. Ab arbitris. Glosa. Lex animata in terris. 1.Pope Bonifac. Sext. Decret. De const. cap. licet. alyuynge lawe in the earth iudged to haue all lawes in the cheast of my breast.Pope Innocentius [...]. De trans. c. Quanto. bearing the rowme of no pure man:Prohaem. Clement. Glosa Papa Stupor mundi. &c. Nee Deus es nec homo, quasi neuter es inter vtrum (que) beyng neither God nor man, but the admiration of the world, and a middle thing betwixt both:Pope Bonifacius. Extrauag. De Maiorit & obed. cap. Vnam. Hauyng both swordes in my power, both of the spirituall and temporall iurisdiction.Item. Dist. 22. cap. Omenes. 62. Sext. Decret. De senteht. & re [...]c Ad Apostolica. Item in Glosa Ibidem. so farre surmounting the authority of the Emperour, that I of myne owne power alone without a Councell haue authoritye to depose him, to transfer his kingdome and to geue a new election, as I did to Fridericke and diuers other.Pope Nicolaus. Dist. 22. cap. Omnes. What power then or potestate in all the world is comparable to me: who haue authority to binde and lose both in heauen and earth? Glosa. Ibidem. That is, who haue power both of heauenly thinges, and also of temporall thinges.Pope Gelasius. Dist. 96. c. Duo. To whom Emperors and kinges be more inferior, then lead is inferior to Gold.Pope Gelasius. Ibidem. For do you not see the neckes of great kinges and Princes bend vnder our knees, yea and thinke thēselues happy and well defenced, if they may kisse our handes? Dist. 96. Illud. Wherefore the sawcines of Honorius the Emperor is to be reprehended, and his constitution abolished who with hys laity would take vpon him to intermeddle, not onely wyth the temporall order, but also with matters ecclesiastical and election of the Pope.Ex citatioone Hiero. Marij. But here percase some wil obiect the examples & words of Christ, saying, that his kingdome is not of this worlde, & where he being required to deuide betwixt 2. brethrē theyr heritage, did refuse it. But ye ought to be no preiudice to my power.Pope Hildebrandus, aliás Gregorius 7 Ex platina, in Vita Gregorii. For if Peter & I in Peter, if we I say, haue power to binde & loose in heauē, howe muche more thē is it to be thought, that we haue power in earth to loose & take away empyrs, kingdoms, dukedoms, & what els so euer mortal mē may haue, & to geue thē wher we will? Hildebrandus. Ibidem. And if we haue authority ouer Angels, which be ye gouernors of princes, what then may we do vpō theyr inferiors & seruants? Antoninus. in tertia parte Sūma maioris. And for yt you shall not maruell ye I say: Aungels be subiect to vs, you shall heare what my blessed clerke Antoninus, writeth of ye matter, saying ye our power, of Peter & me, is greater then ye Angels in 4. things: In Iurisdiction 2. in administratiō of sacramēts 3. in knowledge, 4. & in reward. &c.Bulla Clementis. And againe in Bulla Clementis, do I not there cōmaund in my Bull, ye Angels of Paradise to absolue ye soule of mā out of purgatory, & to bring it into the glory of Paradise? Pope Innocent de electione. c. Venerabilem. And now besides my heauenly power, to speake of mine earthly iurisdiction, who did first translate the Empyre from the Greekes to the Almaynes, but I? Extran. de praebend & dig. c. Execrabilis. And not onely in the Empyre am I Emperor, the place being empty, but in all Ecclesiasticall benefices haue full right and power to geue, to translate, & to dispose after my arbitremeet.pope Zacharias. Caus. 15. q 6. c. Alius. Did not I Zacharyas put down Childerick the old king of Fraunce, & set vp Pipinus? pope Hildebrand, alias Gregor. 7. Clement. c. pastoralis. Dyd not I Gregorius 7. set vp Robert Wysard and made him king of Sicilia & Duke of Capua? &c.Ex Gestis Hildebrandi. Did not I ye same Gregorius also set vp Rodulphus agaynst Henry 4. Emperour? Baptista Egnatius. And though this Hēricus was an Emperor of most stout courage, who stood, 62. times in opē fielde against his enemies.platina. Benao. Nauclerus. yet did not I Gregori. bring hym corā nobis, & made him stand at my gate 3. daies & 3. nights barefoot & barelegge with his wife & childe, in the deepe of winter, both in frost and snow, intreating for his absolutiō & after did excōmunicate him agayne, so ye he was twise excommunicated in my dayes? Platina. Egnatius. Benno. Againe did not I Paschalis after Gregory, set vp ye sonne of ye said Hēricus against his father in war, to possesse y• Empyre, & to put down his father, & so he did? polidor. Virgil. Histori [...] Iornalensis de rebus Anglorum. Item, did not I pope Alexander bring vnder Hēry the secōd king of Englād, for ye death of Thomas Becket, & cause him to go barefoot to his tombe at Canterbury with [Page]

King Iohn offering his Crowne to Pandulphus, Legate

bleeding feete? Chronica vernacula Did not I Innocentius the thyrd cause King Iohn to kneele downe at the feete of Pandulphus my Legate, and offer vp his crowne to his handes: also to kisse the feete of Stephen Langton Byshop of Caunterbury, and besides marsed him in a thousande Markes by yeare? Pope vrbanus. Caus. 15. q. 6. ca. Iuratos. Did not I Vrbanus the seconde, put down Hugo Earle in Italy, discharging his subiectes from theyr oth and obedience to him? Pope Paschalis. Cursulanus. Platina. Vincētius. Stella. Antonius Matheus Parisiensis. Pope Gelasius. 2. Pope Calixtus. 2. Platina de vitis pontificum. Did not I Paschalis excommunicate also his sonne Henry 5. and get out of his hands all his right and title of elections and donations of spirituall promotions? Did not I Gelasius 2. bring the Captayne Cintius vnder, vnto the kissinge of my feete. And after Gelasius, did not I Calixtus 2. quale the forsayd Emperour Henricus 5. and also bring in subiection Gregorye whom the sayd Emperor had set vp against me to be pope, bringing him into Rome vpon a Cammell, his face to the horse taile, making him to holde the horse tayle in his hand instead of a bridle? Pope Innocentius. 2. Further, did not I Innocentius 2. set vp and made Lotharius to be Emperour for driunynge out Pope Anacletus out of Rome? Nauclerus. Did not I the sayd Innocentius take the Dukedome of Sicile from the Empyre, and made Roger to be king thereof, whereby afterward the kingdome became the patrimony of S. Peter? Pope Alexander. 3. [...] De sponsal. & matr. c. Non est. Did not I Alexander 3. supend all the Realme & churches of England for the kinges mariage? an 1159.Nauclerus. Acta. Rom. pontificum. But what do I speake of kinges? did not I the sayd Alexander bring the valiant Emperor Fridericke the first to Venice, by reason of his sonne Otho there takē prisoner, & therein S. Markes church made him fall down flat vpō the groūd while I set my foote vpon his neeke, saying the verse of the Psalme. Super aspidē & basiliscum ambulabis. &c. Pope Adrianus. Vite Rom. pontificum. Did not I Adrianus pope, an english mā borne, excōmunicate [...] K. of Sicile, & refuse his peace, which he offered? & had not he ouercome me in playne field, I would haue shaken him out of his kingdom of Scicil, & dukedom of Apulia.Ex Auentino. Also did not I ye said Adrianus, cōtrol & correct the foresaid Fridericus Emperor, for holding the left styrrup of my horse whē he should haue holdē the right? Bulla Adriani cōtra Caesarem. & afterward did not I excōmunicate & curse him, for that he was so sawsy to set his owne name in writing afore mine? Acta. Ro. pontif. And although a poore flye afterward ouercame & strāgled me, yet I made kings & Emperors to stoup.Pope Innocentius. 3. Ex vitis & Actis. Rom. pontificum. Did not Innocētius 3. deiect Philippus, brother to Fridericus from the Imperiall crown, being elected wtout my leaue,Ex Abbate Vrspergens. & after set him vp againe? & also set vp Otho of Brūswicke, & after did excōmunicate & also depose the same 4. yeares, setting vppe the frēch K. to war against him.Ex eodem. Thē was Fridericus 2. by me set vp & reigned. 37. yeres, & yet 5. yeares before he dyed.Pope Honorius. 3. Ex Mario. did not I Honorius interdict him, for not restoring certaine to theyr possessiōs at my request? Pope Gregor. 9. Ex eodem. Whō also Gregor. 9. did excōmunicate twise together, & raised vp the Venetiās against him.Pope Innocent 4. Hieronimus Marius. Petrus de Vineis. And at lēgth Innocē tius spoiled him of his Empyre: after ye he caused him to be poisoned, at lēth to be strangled by one Manfredus, & dyd excommunicate his sonne Conradus after him, not onely depriuing him of his right inheritance, but also caused him with Friderick Duke of Austria to be beheaded.Ex Chronic. Canonis. Thus then did not I excommunicate and depose all these Emperours in order? Henricus 4. Henricus 5. Fridericus 1. Philippus Otho 4. Fridericus 2. and Cōradus his sonne? Historia Anglorum. Did not I interdict King Henry the 8.Ibidem. and all his kingdome of England? Ibidem. And had not his prudence and power preuented my practise, I had displaced hym from his kingdome also. Briefely, who is able to comprehende the greatnesse of my power and of my seate? Pope Marcellus Dist. 17 ca. Synodum. For by me onely generall Councels take theyr force and confirmation Dist. 20. Decretales. and the interpretation of the sayd Councels & of all other causes hard and doubtfull ought to be referred & stand to my determination.Pope Nicolaus. Dist. 19 Si Romanorum. By me the workes of all writers, whatsoeuer they be, either be reproued or allowed Ibidem. Then how much more ought my writinges & decrees to be preferred before all other? dist. 20. Decretales. Insomuch that my letters and Epistles decretal be equiualent with generall Councels.Syn [...]machus Pope 9. q. 3. Aliorum. And where as God hath ordeined all causes of men, to be iudged by men, he hath onely reserued me, that is the Pope of Rome, without all question of mē, vnto his owne iudgement Pope Innocentius 6 q. 3. cap. Nemo. And therefore where all other creatures be vnder theyr iudge, only I which in earth am the iudge of all, can be iudged of none, neither of Emperour, or the whole clergy, nor of Kinges, nor of the people.Ibidem For who hath power to iudge vpon his Iudge? Pope Gelasius, 9. q. 3. ca. Cuncta. This iudge am I, and that alone, without any other assistaunce of any Councell ioyned to me. For I haue power vpon Councels, Councels haue no power vpon me. But if the Councell determine amisse, it is in my authority alone to infringe it, or to condemne whom I lust without any Councell Ibidem And all for the preheminence of my predecessour blessed Saynt Peter, whiche by the voyce of the Lorde, he receyued, and euer shall reteyne.Anastasius Patriarch. D. q. 3. cap. antiquis. Furthermore, and where as all other sentences and iudgementes [Page]

K. Henry 2. kissing the knee of the Pop̄es Legat comming into England.

both of Councelles, person, or persons, may and ought to be examined.Pope Grego. 2. q. 3. c. Quataor. for that, they may be corrupted foure wayes, by feare, by giftes, by hatred, by fauour: onely my sentence and iudgement must stand.Pope Agatho. Dist. 19. cap Sie omnes. as geuen out of heauen by the mouth of Peter himselfe, which no mā must ?P. Nicolaus. 9. q. 3. Patet. breake, nor retract.Pope Innocētius. 2. Art. 17. q. 4. Si quis. No man muste dyspute or doubt of.Dist. 19. ca. In memoriam. Yea if my iudgement, statute, or yoake seeme scarcely tollerable, yet for remembraunce of S. Peter it must be humbly obeyed.Sext. Decret. Tit 7. De renunciat. Quoniam Glosa Yea and moreouer obedience is to be geuen, not onely to suche decrees set forth by me in time of my Popedome, but also to suche as I doe foresee and committe to writing before I be Pope.Offic. l. 1 And although it be thought by some writers, to be geuen to all men to erre, and to be deceiued,Glosa. Extra. De verb. signif. cap. Ad. yet neyther am I a pure man.Pope Gregorius. Caus. 35. q. 9. Apostolicae. and agayne the Sentence of my Apostolique seat is alwayes conceiued with such moderation is concoct and digested with such patience and ripenesse, and deliuered out with suche grauitye of deliberation, that nothing is thought in it necessary to be altered or retracted.Pope Symmachus. Caus. 9 q 3. Aliorum. Wherefore it is manifest, and testified by the voyce of holy bishops, that the dignity of this my seat is to be reuerenced through the whole world, in that all the faythfull submit themselues to it as to the head of the whole body.Ibidem. Whereof it is spoken to me by the Prophet, speaking of the Arke: if this be humbled, whether shall you run for succour, & where shall your glory become? Seing then this is so, that so holy Byshops & Scriptures do witnesse with me, what shall we say then to such as will take vpon thē to iudge of my doings, to reprehend my procedings, or to require homage & tribute of me to whō all other are subiect? Pope Gregorius 6. q. 3. Scriptum est. Against yt first sort yt scripture speaketh Deut. thou oughtst not to put thy sithe in an other mās corne. Which thing to attempt agaynst me what is it but plaine sacriledge? Caus. 17.q. 4. Sacrileg. Glosa. According to my Canonists, which thus define sacriledge to consist in 3. thinges, either when a man iudgeth of hys Princes iudgement: or when the holyday is prophaned, or when reuerēce is not geuē to lawes and Canons.2. q. 7. cap. Plaerūque Glosema Gratiani. ¶ Item. Agaynst the secōd sort maketh the place of the booke of kinges, where we reade the Arcke of God was brought from Gaba to Hierusalem, and in the way the Arke inclining by reason of yt vnruely Oxen, Ozias the Leuite put to his hand to helpe, and therefore was striken of the Lord. By this Arke is signified the Prelats: by the inclination therof: the fall of Prelates.Ibident. which also be signified by the Aungels that Iacob did see goyng vp and comming downe the lader.Ibidem. Also by the Prophet. where he sayth: He bovved dovvne the heauens and came dovvne &c. By Ozias and by the vnruely Oxen are ment our subiectes.Ibidem. Then like as Ozias was stricken for putting his haud to the Arke inclining, no more must subiectes rebuke theyr Prelates going awry.Ibidem. ¶. His Ita. Albeit here may bee aunswered agayne, that all be not Prelats which so be called: for it is not the name that maketh a Beshop, but hys life.Pope Vibanus 23. q. Tributum Agaynst the third sort of suche as would bring vs vnder the tribute and exactions of secular men, maketh the new Testament, where Peter was bid to geue the groate in the fishes mouth, but not the head nor the bodye of the fish: No more is the head or body of the Church subdued to kings, but onely that which is in the mouth, that is, the externe thinges of the Church. And yet nor they neither.Ibidem. ¶. For so we read in the booke of Gen. that Pharao in time of dearth subdued all the land of the Egyptians, but yet he ministred to the Priestes,Quamuis. so that he tooke neither their possessions from them, nor theyr liberty. If then the Prelates of the church must be neither iudged, nor reprehended, nor exacted, how much more ought I to be free from the same? Pope Benedictus. Extr. Deaut. et vsu. palij. c. Sancta. which am the Bishop of Bishops, and head of Prelats.Pope Stephanus. Dist. 19. Enimuero. For it is not to be thought that the case betwixt me and other Prelats: betwixt my sea and other Churches belike.Pope Pelagius. Dist. 21. Quamuis. Although the whole Catholicke and Apostolicke Churche make one bride chamber of Christ: yet the Catholicke and Apostolicke Church of Rome, had the preheminence geuen ouer all other by the mouth of the Lorde him selfe saying to Peter: Thou art Peter. &c. Dist. 21. Decretis. Thus adiscretion and difference must be had in the Church as it was betwixt Aaron and his children.Pope Anacletus. Dist. 21 In nono. betwixt the 72. Disciples, and the 12. Apostles: betwixt the other Apostles and Peter.Pope Bonifacius & Greg. Dist. 89. Ad hoc. Wherefore it is to be concluded, that there must be an order and difference of Degrees in the Churche betwixt powers, Superiour and Inferiour: without which order, the Uniuersitye of the whole cannot consist.Ibidem. For as amongest the Angelicall creatures aboue in heauen, there is set a difference and inequality of powers and orders, some be Aungels, some Archaungels, some Cherubines and Seraphines.Dist. 89 cap. Singula. So in the Ecclesiasticall Hierarchie of the Church Militant in the earth, Priestes must not be equall wyth Byshoppes, Byshoppes must not bee like in order wyth Archbyshoppes, wyth Patriarckrs, or Primates.Ex Citatione. Bul. Decret. 5. Ser. 3. Who conteyne vnder them three Archbyshops, [Page]

Fridericus. i. Emperour shent for holding Pope Adrians styrrup on the wrong side.

as a Kyng conteineth three Dukes vnder him. In the whiche number of Patriarches, commeth in the state also of De officio Archipraesbyt. in Glosa. Cardinals or Principals, so called, because as the dore turneth by his hinges, so the vniuersall church ought to be ruled by them.143. The next and highest order aboue, these is mine, whiche am Pope, differing in power and maioritie, and honour reuerēciall, from these and all other degrees of men.Ex 3. parte Summae maioris b. Antonini. For the better declaration whereof my Canonistes make three kindes of power in earth: Immediata, which is mine immediately from God Deriuata, which belongeth to other inferior Prelates from, me.Pope Innocent. 3. De sacra vnctione. Ministralis, belonging to Emperours and Princes to minister for me. For the whiche cause the annoynting of Princes and my consecration doth differ: for they are annoynted only in the armes or shoulders, and I in the head to signifie the difference of power betwixt princes and me.Pope Nicolaus Dist. 22. cap. Omnes. This order therefore of priestes,Qui venissetbishops, and Archbishops, Patriarckes and other, as a thing most conuenient my church of Rome hath set and institute through al churches following therin, not onely the example of the Angelicall army in heauen, but also of the Apostles,Pope Clement. dist. 80. cap. In illis. for aamongst them also there was not an vniforme equallitie or institution of one degree.P. Anacletus. Dist. 22. c. Sacrosancta. But a diuersitie or distinction of authoritie and power. Albeit they were all Apostles together, yet it was gra [...] ted notwithstanding to Peter (themselues also agreeing to the same) that he should beare domion and superioritie ouer all the other Apostles.Ibidem. Quasi vero Petrus non a Petra, sed [...] ducatur. And therfore had hys name geuen him Cephas, that is, head or beginning of the Apostlehood.Dist. 21. ca. In nouo. Whereupon the order of the priesthood first in the new testamēt began in Peter, to whō it was sayd: Thou art Peter, and vppon thee I will build my Church.Ibidem. And I will geue thee the keyes of the kingdome of heauen. And thou being conuerted confirme thy brethren.Dist. 21. ca. Decretis. I haue prayed for thee, that thy faith shal not fayle. Wherefore seeyng such power is geuen to Peter.Pope. Leo dist. 19. c. Ita Dominus. and to me in Peter, beyng hys successour.Pope Nicolaus in tantum. Dist 22. Who is he then in all the worlde that ought not to be subiecte to my decrees whiche haue suche power, in heauen in hell, in earth with the quick and also the dead? Pope Clemens in Bulla Viennae. in scrinijs priuilegiorum. commaunding and graunting in my bull of lead sent to Vienna, vnto all such as died in theyr peregrinatiō to Rome, that the payne of hell should not touch them: And also that all such as tooke the holy crosse vppon them, shoulde euery one at his request not onely be deliuered himself, but also deliuer 3. or 4. soules whome soeuer he would, out of purgatory.Dist. 21. cap. Decretis. Agayne, hauing suche promise and assurance that my fayth shall not fayle, who then wil not beleue my doctrine? For did not Christ himselfe first pray for Peter that his faith should not fayle? Pope Anacletus. Dist. 22. c. Sacrosancta. Scripture well applyed, and lyke a Clerke. Also haue I not a sure promise of Paules owne mouth, writing to my Church by these wordes: God is my witnes whom I serue in my spirite, in the Gospel of his sonne, that wt out ceasing I make mention of you alwayes in my prayers? Rom. 1.Pope Damasus. 25. q. c. Omnia. Item pope Greg Dist 19. Null. Wherefore as I condemne all such worthely, which will not obey my decrees to be dispossessed of all theyr honour, without restitution.Pope Nicolaus. Dist. 22. cap. Omnes So all they yt beleue not my doctrine or stand agaynst ye priueledge of the church especially the Church of Rome, I pronounce thē heretickes.Ibidem. And as the other before is to be called vniust, so this man is to be called an heretick Ibidem. For why, he goeth agaynst the fayth whiche goeth agaynst her who is the mother of fayth.Dist. 20. Decretales. But here may rise percase a doubt or scruple, that if my fayth and knowledge stand so sure by the promise of Christ, and by the continuall prayer of S. Paule: whether is it true, or is to be graunted, that any other shoulde excell me in knowledge or interpretation of holy Scripture.Ibidem. For looke whose knowledge is grounded of most reason, hys words shold seeme to be of more authoritie.Ibidem. Whereunto I aunswer and graunt, that many there be and haue bene more aboū dauntly indued with fuller grace of the holy Ghost, and greater excellency of knowledge, and therefore that the tractations of Augustine, Hierome and others ought to be preferred before the constitutions of diuers popes: yet I say in determination of causes, because they haue not the vertue and height of that authoritie. Which is geuen to me therfore in expounding of scriptures they are to be preserued, but in deciding of matters they stand inferiour to my authoritie. By vertue of whiche authoritie.Dist. 19 Si Romanorum. both they themselues be allowed for doctors, and theyr workes approued, and also all other matters be ruled, through the power of the keyes whiche is geuen to me immediately of Christ. Although I denye not but the same keyes be also committed to other prelats, as they were to other apostles besides Peter:Gabriel Biel. lib. 4. Drt. 19. yet it is one thing to haue the keyes, an [Page]

The order of the Popes riding, the Emperour holding his bridle, and kinges going before him. Ex Lib. Sacrar. Ceremon, lib. 1.

other thing to haue the ve of the keyes.Petrus de Palude. Wherfore here is to be noted a distinction of keyes, after the minde of my school doctors: one key whiche is called Clauis ordinis, hauing authoritie to bind and lose, but not ouer the persons whom they bind and lose, and this authoritie they take not immediately of Christ, but mediately by me the vicare of Christ. The other key is called Clauis iurisdictionis, whiche I the vicar of Christ take immediately of him, hauing not onely authoritie to binde and lose, but also dominion ouer them on whom this key is exercised. By the iurisdiction of which key, the fulnes of my power is so great, that where as all other are subiectes.Dist. 95. cap. Imperator. yea and Emperours themselues ought to subdue theyr executions to me. Onely I am a subiect to no creature,Gabriel lib. 4. Dist. 19. no not to my selfe, except I lift, In foro poenitentiae, to my Ghostly father submitting my selfe as a sinner, but not as Pope: So that my Papall maiestie euer remaineth vnminished. Superiour to all men.Pope Nicol. Dist. 19. cap. Si Romanorum in Glosa. whom all persons ought to obey.Item 24. q. [...]. Haec est. and follow Dist. 40. cap. Si Papa. Whom no man must iudge nor accuse of any crime, either of murder, Adultery Simony, or such like.2. q. 7. Nos Si. in Glosa. No mā depose, but I my self.Ex trauag. De elect. Innotuit. No man can excōmunicateme, yea though I cōmunicate wt the excōmunicat, for no Canō bindeth me. Whō no man must lye to.De paenitentia. Dist. 1. c. Serpens in Glosa. For he yt lyeth to me is a church robber.Dist. 19. cap. Nulli. And who obeyeth not me is an hereticke, & an excōmunicate person.August de Ancho. For like as al the Iewes were commaūded to obey yt high priest of ye Leuiticall order, of what state or condition so euer they were, so are al christen men more and lesse bound to obey me Christes Liefetenaunt in earth. Concerning the obedience or disobedience of whom, ye haue in Deut. 17.Glosa Ordinatis. Where the commō glose saith, that he who denyeth to the hye priest Obedientiam, lyeth vnder the sentence of condemnation, as much as he that denieth to God his Omnipotentiam. Thus then appeareth that the greatnesse of my priesthoode: ?Antoninus begonne in Melchisedeche: solemnized in Aaron: continued in the Children of Aaron, perfectionated in Christ: represented in Peter: exalted in the Uniuersall iurisdiction: and manifested in Siluester. &c. So that thorough this Praeeminence, of my priesthood, hauing al things subiect to me.Summae maioris 3. part. Dist. 22 Antoninus it may seeme well verified in me yt was spoken of Christ. Psal. 8. Omnia subiecisti sub pedibus eius, oues & boues, & vniuersa pecora campi. Volucres coeli & pisces maris. &c.i. Thou hast subdued all thinges vnder his feete sheep, & oxen, and all cattell of the fielde, the birdes of heauen, and fish of the sea, &c.Ibidem. Where it is to be noted, that by oxen, Iewes and heretickes, by cattell of the field, Paganes be signified. For although as yet they be out of the vse of my keyes of bynding and loosing, yet they be not out of the iurisdiction of my keyes, but if they returne I may absolue them.Ibidem By sheepe and all cattell, are ment all Christen men both great and lesse, whether they be Empeperour, Princes, prelates or other. By byrdes of the ayre you may vnderstand the Angels and potestates of heauen who be all subiect to me, in yt I am greater then the Aungels, and that in foure thinges as is afore declared: & haue power to binde and lose in heauen 23.q. [...]. ca. Omnium and to geue heauen to them that fight in my warres,Idem Antoninus in ibid. Lastly, by the fishes of the sea, are signified the soules departed in payne or in purgatory, as Gregory by his praier deliuered the soule of Traianus out of hell, and I haue power to deliuer out of Purgatory whom I please.Ibid. Lastly by the fishes of the sea, are signified such as be in purgatory: in so muche that they stand in neede and necessitie of other mens helpe, and yet be in theyr iorney Viatores, & de foro Papae i. passengers and belonging to the court of the pope: therefore they may be reliued out of the storehouse of the Church, by the participation of indulgence.Antoninus, August. de Ancho. Th. Parte 4. And forasmuch as some do obiect that my pardons cannot extend to them that be departed, for that it was sayd to Peter: what soeuer thou shalt lose vpon earth, and therefore seeing they are not vpon earth they cannot be lose of me. Here I aunswere agayne by my doctours, that this word Super terram &c.i. vpon the earth may be referred twoo maner of wayes: first to him ye is the loser, so that he which shall lose shalbe vpon the earth. And so I graunt that the pope being dead can loose no man. Also it may be referred to hym that is loosed, so that whosoeuer is loosed must be vpon the earth or about the earth. And so the soules in purgatory, may be loosed, which albeit they are not vpon the earth, yet they are about the earth, at least they be not in heauen.August. de Ancho. And because oft tymes one question may rise vppon an other, and the heades of men now a dayes are curious, a man hearing nowe that I can deliuer out of purgatory wil aske here a question,An papa possit totū purgatoriū expoliare. Ibidem Absoluta iurisdictio. whether I be able also to emptie all purgatory at once, or not? To whom my Canonist August. de Ancho doth aunswere by a triple distinction: Quantum ad absolutam meam iurisdictionē, quantum ad ordinatam executionem, quantum ad diuinam acceptationem. First touching my absolute iurisdictiō, he saith I am able to rid out all purgatory together, for as many as be vnder my iurisdiction, as all be, except onely infants [Page]

The P. caried on mens shoulders, the Emp. & K. going before him. Ex li. Sacrar. Cer. lib. 1.

vnbaptised In Limbo, and men departed onely Cum baptismo flaminis, that is, with the baptisme of the spirite: & suche as haue no frendes to doe for them that wherfore pardons be geuen: these onely excepted. For all other besides, the Pope (he sayth) hath power to release al purgatory at once as touching his absolute iurisdiction.August. de Ancho. Antoninus. ‘Ordinata executio. Diuina acceptatio.’ Albeit Thomas Aquine part. 4. denyeth the same, for as much as Christ himselfe (he sayth) when he came downe, did not vtterly at once release all purgatory, As touching my ordinary execution they hold, that I may if I will, but I ought not to doe it. Thirdly, as concerning the deuine acceptation, that is, how God would accept it if I did it, yt (they say) is vnknowen to them, and to euery creature, yea and to the Pope hymselfe.

And to the intent I would all men to see and vnderstād that I lacke not witnesses moe besides these, if I list to bring them out, you shal heare the whole queare of my diuine clergy brought out, with a full voyce testifying in my behalfe, in their bookes, tractations, distinctions, Titles Gloses, and Summaryes, as by their owne wordes here followeth.

Doctors agree in Purgatory.

A.

Antoninus in Summulis.

Augustinus de Ancho. in Decret. A stefanus Midorita.

B.

Baptista de Salum sua.

Baptistiniana.

Bonauentura.

C.

Campensis. lib. Controuersiarum.

Coclaeus.

D.

Durandus. in Speculo.

Dreido. de eccles. Scripturis & Dogmat.

E.

Eduardus Peuellus, Anglus contra Luthe.

Ecchius in Enchirid.

F.

Franciscus.

Fulgo.

G.

Gabriel. Biel. Spica.

Gaspar.

Gratianus in Decretis.

Gerson doctor Illuminatistimus ecclesiastica potestate.

H.

Hugo Cardinalis in postilla.

Hostiensis.

Holkot.

Hosius.

I.

Ioannes Andrea.

Innocentius.

Ioan. de Turie Cremata de ecclesia summa.

L.

Lanfrancus contra Wiclef.

Lilius Historicum Anglus.

Lapus.

Laurentius.

M.

Magister. Sententiarum.

N.

Nicolaus.

O.

Ockam in Dialogo. parte. 1. lib. 5.

Oytanus.

P.

Petrus de Palude

Petrus de Tuaram.

Petrus de Aliaco.

Pano [...]ta [...]s Alexander de Alec.

R.

Raymundus in Sū ma de Calibus.

Richardus.

Rabanus super Math. cap. 16.

Rupertus Tuitiensis.

S.

Scotus Doctor Subtilis.

T.

Thomas Aquin.

V.

Vlricus.

W.

Waldenss [...] & De Sacramentis.

The Pope (say they) being the vicare of Iesu Christ throughout the whole worlde, in the stead of the liuing God, hath that dominion and Lordship which christ here in earth would not haue, although he had it in habitu, but gaue it to Peter in Actu, that is, the vniuersall iurisdictio both of spirituall thinges and also of temporall, which double iurisdiction was signified by the 2. swordes in the Gospell: And also by offering of the wise men, who offered not onely incense, but also gold, to signifie not onely the spirituali dominion, but also the temporall to belong to christ and to his vicare. For as we read: the earth is the Lordes and the fulnes thereof, & as Christ sayth: all power is geuē to him both in heauen & earth. So it is to be affirmed Inclusiué, that the vicar of Christ hath power on thinges celestiall, terrestriall, and infernall. Which he tooke immediately of Christ: all other take it mediately by Peter and the Pope. Wherfore such as say that the Pope hath dominion onely on spirituall things in the world and not of temporall, may be likened to the counsellers of the king of Syria 3. Reg. 20. Which sayd that the Gods of the mountayns be theyr Gods, and therefore they haue ouercome vs, but let vs fight agaynst them in the low midowes and in valleys where they haue no power, and so we shall preuayle ouer them. So euill counsellers now a dayes, through theyr pestiferous flattery deceiue kinges and princes of the earth, saying, Popes and prelates be Gods of mountaynes, that is, of spiritual thyngs onely, but they be not Gods of valeys, that is they haue no dominion ouer temporal things and therefore let vs fight with them in the valleys, that is in the power of the temporall possessions, and so we shall preuayle ouer them. But what sayth the sentence of God to them, let vs heare. Because (sayth he) the Syryans say that the God of mountaynes is theyr God, and not the God of valleys, therfore I will geue all this multitude into your hand, and ye shal know that I am the Lord. What can be more effectually spoken to set foorth the maiestie of my iurisdiction, which I receaued immediatly of the Lord of the Lord I say, and of no man. For where as Constantine the Emperour gaue to Siluester, induing hym with this possession & patrimony that is, so to be expounded and taken not so much for a donation, as to be counted for a restitution made of that which tyrannously was taken from hym before. And agayn, where as I haue geuen at sondry tymes to Ludouicus and other Emperours, of my temporall lands & possessions, yet yt was done, not so much for any recognising of homage to thē, as for keeping peace with thē, For I owe to Emperoures no due obedience yt they can clayme: but they owe to me as to theyr superiour. And therefore for a diuersitie betwixt theyr degree and myne, in their consecration they take ye vnction on theyr arme, I on ye head. And as I am superior to thē, so am I superiour to all laws, & free frō al cōstitutiōs. Which am able of my self, and by my interpretation, to prefer equitie being not writen, before the lawe written: hauing all lawes within the chiest of my brest, as is aforesayd. And whatsoeuer this my sea shall inact, approue or disprooue, all men ought to approue or reproue the same, without eyther iudging, disputing, doubting or retracting. Such as the priuiledge geuen of Christ in the behalfe of Peter, to the churche of Rome.Ioan Dreido. De Dogmatibus vanis. Lib. 4. that what countrey soeuer, kingdome or prouince, chusing to themselues bishops and ministers, although they agree with all other Christes faythfull people in the name of Iesu, that is in fayth and charitie, beleeuing in the same God, and in Christ his true sonne, and in the holy Ghost hauing also the same Crede: the same Euangelistes and scriptures of the Apostles: yet notwithstāding vnles their Byshops and Ministers take theyr origine and ordinatiō from this Apostolicall seate, they are to be counted not of ye Church. So that succession of fayth onely is not sufficient to make a church, except the ministers take theyr ordination by them which haue theyr succession from the Apostles. So theyr fayth, supremacy, the chayre of Peter, keyes of [Page] heauen, power to binde and lose, all these be inseparable to the church of Rome: so that it is to be presumed, that God alwayes prouiding, & S. Peter helping the Bishopricke and Dioces of Rome, shall neuer fall from the faith. And likewise it is to be presumed and presupposed that the Byshop of that Church is alwaies good & holy. Yea & though he be not alwaies good, or be destitute of his own merites yet the merites of S. Peter, predecessour of that place, be sufficient for him, who hath bequethed and left a perpetuall dowry of merites, with inheritance of innocency to his posteritie.Hugo, in Glosa. Dist. 40. c. Non Net. yea and though he fall into homicide or adultery, he may sinne, but yet he can not be accused, but rather excused by the murders of sampson, the theftes of the Hebrues, ye Adultery of Iacob.Glos. in Caus. 11. q. 3. cap. Absis. And likewise if any of his Clergy woulde be founde embracing a woman, it must be expounded and presupposed that he doth it to blesse her. Furthermore, the P. (say they) hath al the dignities & all power of all Patriarches. In hys primacie he is Abell: In gouernment, the Arke of Noe: In Patriarchdome. Abraham: In order Melchisedech: In dignitie Aaron: In authoritie Moses: In seate iudiciall Samuell: In zeale Helias: In meekenes Dauid: In power Peter: In vnction Christ. (Nay thou art Antichrist). My power (they say) is greater then all the Saintes. For whom I confirme, no man may infirme. I may fauour and spare whom I please Glosa. in c. 11. q. 3. Si. inimicus. to take from one, and to geue to an other. And if I be enemy to any man, all men ought to eschew yt person forth with, and not tary and looke while I bid them so to doe. All the earth is my Dioces, & I the Ordinary of all men, hauing the authoritie of the king of all kinges vpon subiectes. I am all in all, and aboue all.Hostiensis in cap. Quanto De transl. praeb. so that God hymselfe and I the vicare of God haue both one Consistorie.Ex summacasuum fratris Baptistae. and am able to do almost all that God can do, Claus non errante. Ex Citatione Henr. Bulling. de fine seculi. Orat. Prima. Item, ex citatione Iacobi Andre ae, aduersus. Hosli [...]. Lib, 5. Item excitatione Hier. Marij. in Actis. 2. Diui. Itē it is sayd of me, yt I haue an heauēly ar bitrement, and therefore am able to chaunge the nature of thinges, Substantialia vnius applicando alteri, and of nothing to make thinges to be: and of a sentence that is nothing, to to make it stand in effect: In all things that I lift, my will to stand for reason. For I am able by the law to dispence aboue the lawe, and of wrong to make Iustice, in correcting lawes and chaunging them. You haue hearde hetherto sufficiently out of my Doctors. Nowe you shall heare greater thinges out of myne own decrees.Pope Nicola [...]s Dist. 96. c. Satis. Read there Dist. 96. Satis. 1 [...]. q. r. Sacerdotibus. Also, 12. Caus. 11. q. 1. cap. Sacerdotibus 12. q. r. Futurā Also, 12.q. [...]. cap. Futuram. Doe not you finde there expressed how Constantinus the Emperour sitting in the general Councell of Nice, called vs Prelates of the Church, al Gods? Decretal. De Transl. epist. c. p. Quanto. Thus ye may see it verified that S. Paul prophesieth of the aduersary sitting in the temple as God, and boasting himselfe aboue all that is named God. &c. 2. Thess. 2. Agayne, read my Canon Decretal. De transl. Epis [...]. cap. Quanto. Do you not see there manifestly expressed how not man, but God alone seperateth that which the bishop of Rome doth dissolue and seperate: Wherfore if those thinges yt I do be sayd to be done not of man, but of God What can you make me but God? Agayne, if Prelates of yt churche be called and counted of Constantinus for Gods, I then being aboue all prelates, seeme by this reason to be aboue all Gods. Wherefore no maruell, if it bee in my power to chaunge time and times, to alter & abrogate lawes to dispense with all thinges, yea with y• preceptes of Christ For where Christ biddeth Peter put vp hys sword, monished his Disciples not to vse any outward force in reuenging themselues.Pope Nicolaus Causa. 15. q. 6. c. Autoritatem. Do not I Pope Nicholaus writing to the byshops of Fraunce, exhort them to drawe out theyr materiall swordes in pursuing theyr enemies, and recouering their possessions, setting against the precepte of Christ, the Prophet saying: Dissolue colligationes impietatis &c? Item. where Christ was present himselfe at the maryage in Cana Galilea.Pope Martin. Dist. 14 [...] cap. Lector. do not I pope Martinus in my distinction inhibite the spiritual clergy to be present at mariage feastes, and also to mary themselues? Item where matrimony by Christ, cannot be losed but onely for whore dome.Pope Gregorius Innior. 32. q. 7. cap. Quod proposuisti. do not I pope Gregorius Iunior, writing ad Bonifacium permitte the same to be broken for impotencie or infirmitie of body? Pope Inno. 4. Sext. Decretal. De sententia excom. cap. Dilecto. Item, agaynst the expresse caution of the Gospell, doth not Innocentius the 4. permitte vim vi repellere? Pope Alexander. 3. De Decimis cap. Ex parte. Likewise against the old testament. I do dispēce in not geuing tythes.Pope. Nicolaus. [...]5. q. 6. Autoritatem. Itē, against yt new testament in swearing and that in these 6. causes:De elect. & elect. potestate. Significasti in Glosa. Pax, fama, fides, reuerentia cautio damni. Defectus veri, poscunt sibi magna caueri.

Wherein two kindes of othes are to be noted. Whereof some be promissoria, some be assertoria. &c. Baptista de Salis. in Summa casuum ex panormitano. Item, in vowes, and that ex toto voto, where as other Prelates cannot dispense ex toto a voto, I can deliuer ex toto a voto, lyke God himself.pope Innoc. 4. De elect. Venerabilem. Itē in periury if I absolue, my absolutiō standeth,Ext. De Iureiurando. cap. Venientes. Item. Dist. De Elect Significasti. in Glosa. Where also note, that in al swearing alwaies the authority of the superiour is excepted.Pope Martinus. 5. Extra cap. Regimini Vniuersalis ecclesiae. Moreouer, where Christ biddeth to lend without hope of gain, vp not I Pope Martinus geue dipensation for the same? & notwithstanding the Councell of Thuron enacted the contrary, yet with two Bustes I disanulled that decrement Pope Vibanus. 2. C [...]. 23. q. 5. c Excommunicatorum. What should I speake of murder, making it no murder nor homicide to slay them that be excommunicate.Pope Nicolaus Caus. 25. q. 6. Autoritatem. Likewise agaynst the law of nature.Ibidem. Item, against the Apostle.Dist. [...]2. [...].praesbyter. Also agaynst the Canons of the Apostles. I can and do despense. For where they in theyr Canon commaund a Priest for fornication to be deposed, I thorough the authoritie of Siluester do alter the rigour of that constitution.pope pelagius. Dist. 34 cap. Frat [...]. tatis. considering the mindes and bodyes also of men now to be weaker then they were then.Baptista de Salis. fol. Briefly, agaynst the vniuersal state of yt Church I haue dispensation scilicet quando status ecclesiae non decoloratur: And for mariage in the second degree of consanguinitie and affinitie, In collateralibus aequali linea, that is, betweene the brethrens children: although not in aequali linea, so that the vncle may not mary hys nice, vnles for an vrgent and weighty cause. As for all such contractes betwixt party and party, where that matrimonie is not yet consummate by carnall copulation, it is but a small matter for me to dispense withall. In summa, if ye lyst briefly to heare the whole number of all such cases as properly do apertayne to my Papall dispensation, which come to the number of one and fifty poyntes that no man may meddle with all but onely I my selfe alone, I will recite them first in Latin, then in Englishe, as they be set forth in my Canonicall Doctours.

Casus Papales 51. apud Fratrem Aste sanum siue de Ast. Doctorem solemnem in summa confessionis. Item apud Hostiensem, De offic. legat. reperti & his versibus comprehensi.

SI sit Catholicus, Papam non iudicat vllus.

Erigit & subdit Cathedras: Diuidit, vnit,

Mutat vota crucis.i. votam terrae sanctae. Restituit.i. degradatos. Eximit.i. episcopos & alios. Ad se

Maiores causae referuntur. Legitimat (que),

Promouet,i. insufficientes. Appellare vetat,i. intrantes religionem. Prohibet profiteri.

Deponit, transsert, supplet (que),i. defectum regi vacante regno. Renunciat illi

Praeful,Symonia, Iuramentum, Excommunicatio á Papa facta & exemptus. Simon, Iurans, Anathema,

Vel proprium, vel legati, vel lex vtrius (que) tam Papa quam legati.

Tum ne (que) participans:i. soluitur papa Etsi quam sponte salutat,

Quem Canon damnat, sibi soli quando reseruat,

Soluitur a Papa nec non quem regula damnat.qui irrelugaritatem incurrit.

Addas suspensum, Causam,scilicet addas. cum fertur ad ipsum.

Rescriptum,i. addas fidei dubium:i. pluralitatem beneficiorum. Confert bona plura

Irritat infectum, Legem condit generalem.

Approbat imperium,i. imperatorem. firmat, deponit, & vngit.

Consilium generale facit, Sacrat quo (que) canonizat. Sanctos.

Ens non esse facit:de aliquo facit nihil. non ens, fore.de nihilo aliquid. Pallia semper

Portat Concedit, Legi non subiacet vlli.

Appellatur ad hunc medio sine,i. immediate. Iudicium (que)

Est pro lege suum.de monacho non monachum facit. Monachum reuocat renuentem.

Maius adulterio soluit generaliter,i. incestum. &c. Arctat

Et laxat quicquid sponsis nocet.i. impedimentum matrimoniale Ordinat extra

Tempora dando sacrum,i. extra. 4. tempora. Promotum promouet idem.

Ordinat atque die qua consecratur & ipse.

Viuentis (que) i. sacerdotium confert nondum vacans. locum concedit, Iure (que) priuat.

In signit.in signia Episcopalia concedit. Laico sacro donat:i. decimis eximit. Chrisma ministro.i. praesbytero concedit infantes vngere.

Summa sede sedet, plenus (que) vicarius extat.

Si sit Catholicus Papam non iudicat vllus.

Cases Papale, to the number of one and fiftie, wherin the Pope hath power onely to dispense and none els besides, except by speciall licence from hym.

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24. q. 1. Quoties.

FIrst, the determination of doubts and questions belōging to faith.

Extr. de translat. c. Inter

Translation of a bishop electe, or confirmed: Likewise of Abbots exempted.

3. q. 6. Quamuis. 9. q. 3. Deniq;. 16. q. 1. Frater.

Deposition of Bishops.

The taking of resignation of Bishops.

Exemptions of Bishops, not to be vnder Archbyshops.

2. q. 6. Ideo.

Restitution of such as be deposed from theyr order.

Extr. De restitutione. cap Cum venissent. 7. q. 1. temporis.

The iudiciall definition, or interpretation of his owne priueledges.

Chaunging of Byshoprickes, or dimission of Couentes. &c.

16. q. 1 Felix.

New correction of Bishops seates, or institutiō of new Religions.

16. q. 1. Et Christus.

Subiection or diuision of one Byshopricke vnder an other.

Extr. De vota. Ex multa. Extr. de statu monachi. c Cum ad. Extr. De iuramento. cap Venientes.

Dispensation for vowing to go to the holy land.

Dispensation for the vow of chastitie, or of Religion, or of holy orders.

Dispensation agaynst a lawfull othe, or vowe made.

Extra. De iudicio. c. At si clerici.

Dispensation agaynst diuers irregularities, as in crimes greater then adultery, and in suche as be suspended for Symonie.

Extr. de Bigamia. c. nuper

Dispensation in receiuing into orders hym that had two wiues.

Extr. de clerico nō ord. ministrante.

Dispensing with suche as beeing within orders, do that which is aboue theyr order, as if a Deacon shoulde say masse, beyng not yet Priest.

Extr. De corpore vitiatis & Dist. 55.

To receaue into orders such as be blemished or maymed in body.

Dist. 50. Miror.

Dispesation with murther, or with suche, as willingly cut of any member of mans body.

Extr. De sententia & excom. ca. Cum illorum

Dispēsation to geue orders to such as haue bene vnder the sentence of the greater curse or excommunication.

Extr. De filajs praesbyt. c. Is qui.

Dispensation with suche as being vnlawfully borne, to receiue orders, or benefices.

Extr De praebend. c. De multa.

Dispensation for pluralities of benefices.

Extr. De elect. cap. Cum nobis.

Dispensation to make a man Byshop before he be thirty yeare olde.

Extr. De aetate & qualit, Generalem.

Dispensation to geue orders vnder age.

Dist. 15. per totum.

The Pope onely hath power to make and call a generall Councell.

9. q. 3. Per principale.

The Pope onely hath power to depriue an Ecclesiastical person, and geue away his benefice being not vacant.

De elect. cap. Venerabilē

The Pope alone is able to absolue hym that is excommunicate by name.

Extr. De officio legati. c. Querenti.

The Pope onely is able to absolue him whome his Legate doth excommunicate.

9. q. 3. Aliorum.

The Pope both iudgeth in the causes of them that appeale vnto hym, and where he iudgeth none may appeale from him.

Extr. De templi ordine. c. Cum in Distrib.

Onely he hath authoritie to make Deacon, and Priest, whom he made subdeacon, eyther vpon Sondayes, or vpon other feastes.

Extr. De vsu palij. cap. Ad honorem.

Onely the Pope, and none els, at all times and in all places wheareth the passe.

Extr. De elect. c. Dudum

The Pope onely dispenseth with a man, eyther being not within orders, or being vnworthy to be made Bishop.

Ext. de elec. c. venerabilē

He onely eyther confirmeth, or deposeth the Emperour when he is chosen.

Tractatu. De censuris.

A man being excommunicate, and his absolutiō referred to the Pope, none may absolue that man but the pope alone.

Ext. De elect. c. Innocuit.

The same hath authoritie in any electiō, before it be made, to pronounce it none whē it is made,

He doth Canonise Saintes,

Extra. De religione & veneratione Sanct. cap. 1

and none cls but he.

Dispensation to haue many dignities and personages in one Church,

Extrau De praebend [...]ca. De multa.

and without charge and cure of soule, belongeth onely to the Pope.

To make that effectuall whiche is of no effect,

Extrau. Qui. si. sint. leg. cap. Tanta. 9 q. 3. cap. Vltimo.

and contrariwise, belongeth onely to the Pope.

To plucke a monke out of his cloyster both against his owne will and the Abbattes,

Extrau. De Sentent. & re Indie. c. In causis.

pertaineth onely to the Pope.

His sentence maketh a law.

Extrau De elect cap. Quod sicut.

The same day in whiche the pope is consecrate,

Extrau. De restit. spo. Literas.

he may geue orders.

He dispenseth in degrees of consanguinitie and affinitie.

Extrau. De praescript c. vlt. & De Iudicio c. Nouit.

He is able to abolishe lawes, quoad vtrum (que) forum, that is, both Ciuill and Canon, where daunger is of the soule.

It is in his dispensation to geue generall indulgences to certayne places or persons.

Thomas.

Item to legitimate what persons soeuer he please,

Extrau. Qui. si. sint. legit. c. Pervenerabilom. Petrus de Palude. lib. 4.

as touching spiritualties: in all places, as touchinge temporalties, as honoures, inheritaunce, &c.

To erect new religions, to approoue or reproue rules, or ordinaunces, and Ceremonies in the Church.

He is able to dispense with all the preceptes and statutes of the Church.

Secundum Thomam in 4.

Item,

9. q. 3. Per principalem.

to dispense and to discharge any subiect from ye bond of allegeance or oth made to any maner person.

No man may accuse hym of any crime,

Distinct. 40. Si Papa.

vnlesse of heresie, & that neyther, except he be incorrigible.

The same is also free from all lawes, so that he cannot incurre into any sentence of excommunication,

Ibidem.

suspension, irregularitie, or into the penaltie of any crime, but into the note of crime he may well.

Finally he by hys dispensation may graunt,

Dist. 32. cap. Praeter hoc. [...]. Verum.

yea to a simple priest, to minister the sacrament of confirmation to infants: also to geue lower orders, and to hallow churches and virgines, &c.

These be the cases wherein I onely haue power to dispēse, and no man els, neyther Byshop, nor Metropolitane, nor Legate, without a licence from me.

¶ After that I haue nowe sufficiently declared my power in earth, in heauen, and in purgatory, howe great it is & what is the fulnes thereof, in binding loosing, commanding, permitting electing, confirming deposing, dispensing, doyng, and vndoing &c. I will entreat now a litle of my riches likewise and great possessions,The riches and possessions of the Pope. that enerye man may see by my wealth and aboundaunce of all thynges, rentes, tythes, tributes, my silkes, my purple Miters, Crowns, Golde, Siluer, Perles and Gemmes, Landes, and Lordships, how God here prospereth and magnifieth hys Vicare in the earth. For to me pertayneth first the Imperiall Cittie of Rome, the Pallace of Laterane the kingdome of Cicile is proper to me, Apulia, Capua be myne. Also ye kingdome of England and Ireland, be they not or ought to be tributaryes to me? 214.214. Dist. 96. Constantinus. To these I adioyne also, besides other prouinces and countryes both in the Occident and Orient, from the North to the South, these dominions by name.215. Ex Commentarins Theodorici Niemi. quem citat Illyricus in Catalogo restium. fol. 228. 215. as Surrianum, Mōtembordō, & lunae in sulam, Corficae regnum, Paruam Mantuam, Montenselete, Insulam venetiarum, Ducatum Ferrariae, Canellum, Caniodam, Ducatum Histriae Dalmatiam, Ex archatum Rauennae, Fauentiam, Cesenam, Castrum, Tiberiatus Roccam Mediolanum, Castrum, ceperianum, Castrum Casianum, Terram Cornulariam, Ducatum Arimini, Contam, Montem ferretum, Montem Capinie feu Olympicum, Gastrum exforij. Robin, Eugubin, Vrbin, forum Sempronij, Galli, & Senogalli, Anconam, Gosam, Ducatum perusij, Vrbenetam, & Tudertum, Castrum Sinianum, Ducatum Spoletanum, Theanū, Calabriam, Ducatum Neapolim, Ducatū Beneuenti, Selernum, Sorrenti insulam, Cardiniam insulam, Anciae insulam, Territorium Cutisan, Territorium praenestinum, Terram Silandis, 216. Dist. 96. Constantinus. 217. Anto [...]inus in [...]umma Maiore. 3. Parte. Terram Clusium, Terram fundan, Terram vegetan, Terram Gland [...]nam, [...]erram comis [...]n, Terram Fabinensem, Terram Siram, Terram portuensem, cuminsula Archis, Terram Ostiensem cum maritimis, Ciuitatem Aquinensem, Ciuitatem lamentum, & Sufforariam, Ciuitatem Falisenam, Fidenam, Feretrum, Cliternam, Neapolim, Galiopolim, with diuers other mo. 216. which Constantinus the Emperour gaue vnto me, not yt they were not mine before he did geue them. 217. For in that I tooke them of hym, I tooke them not as a gifte (as is afore mentioned) but as a restitution. And that I rendered them agayn to Otho, I did it not for any duety to him but onely for peace sake. What should I speak here, of my dayly reuenues, of my first fruites, annates, palles, indulgences: [Page] bulles, confessionals, indultes and rescriptes, testamēts, dispensatiōs, priuilegies, elections, prebends, religious houses, and such like, which come to no small masse of money?218. Ex lib. Granominū nationis Germanicae. Aboue fiftie byshopprickes in Germany. Aeneas Syluius. 219. Sext Decret. De penis. cap. Felicis in Glosa. Insomuch that for one palle to the Archbishop of Mentz, whiche was wont to be geuen for x. thousand 218. florence, now it is growne to xxvij. thousand florence which I receaued of Iacobus the Archbishop not long before Basill Councell: Besides the fruites of other Bishoprickes in Germanye, comming to the number of fiftie, whereby what vauntage commeth to my coffers, it may partly be coniectured. But what should I speake of Germany, 219. when the whole worlde is my Diocesse, as my Canonistes do say,Ité De priuilegi [...]s c. Autoritaté in Glosa, 220 Pope Bonifacius 8. Ext. De Maio. & obed. c. Vnam sanctam. 221. Ibid. and all men are bound to beleue, 220. except they will imagine (as the Manichies doe) two beginninges, which is false and hereticall. For Moses faith: In the beginning God made heauen and earth, and not in the beginninges. 221. Wherefore as I begon, so I conclude, commanding declaring and pronouncing, to stand vpon necessitie of saluation, for euery humaine creature to be subiect to mee.

§

A liuely picture describing the weight and substaunce of Gods most blessed word agaynst the doctrines and vanities of mans traditions.

§

¶ AT LONDON.

Printed by Iohn Daye, dwelling ouer Aldersgate beneath Sainct Martins.

Anno. 1583.

Cum gratia & Priuilegio Regiae Maiestatis.

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A Table of the X. first Persecutions of the Primitiue Church vnder the Heathen Tyrannes of Rome, continuing the space almost of ccc. yeares after Christ from the tyme of Tiberius, vnto Constantinus Emperours of Rome, with the sundrye kindes of Tormentes deuised agaynst the Christians, as by the places here noted and quoted, in the story is to be found more at large.

[...]I [...]. Monethes. Reuelat. xi. THese persecutiōs of ye primatiue Churche lasted ccxciiij. yeares, counting from the beheading of S. Iohn Baptist (which was the xxxii. yeare of the raigne of Tiberius.) till the end of Licinius the last persecuting Emperour of Rome. Cōcerning ye which ccxciiiij. yeares S Iohn in his Reuelation doth Prophesie before in sundrye places: first Cap. ji. where he sayth: The Gentiles shall tread downe the holy Citie xiij. monethes. And agayne in the xiij. Chapter: And power was geuen to the Beast to make xlii. monethes. &c. Which xlii. monethes being counted by Sabbates of yeares after the common vse of Scripture, & of Daniell, that is, euery moneth for vii. yeares, doe rise to the number aforesayd, of ccxciiij. yeares.

lii. yeares & a halfe.Wherein is to be noted ye errour of thē, which taking these xlii. monethes simply (as the letter standeth (for iij. yeares and a halfe, do affirme thereby, that Antichrist, when he shall come (being borne of the tribe of Dan) shall reigne but onely iij. yeares and a halfe: not vnderstāding how these xlii. monethes are mistically to be reckened by Sabbates of yeares, that is, vij. yeares to euery moneth, after the vse of Scripture, and so they make ccxciiij. yeares: During the tyme of whiche yeares, Antichrist then reigned in the Primitiue Churche, till the comming of Constantine the Christian Emperour.

iij. dayes & a halfe. Reuelat. xi.The lyke vnderstanding also hath ye iij. dayes & a half mētioned in the Reuelation. Cap. xi. where is sayd: That after three dayes and a halfe the two Prophetes shall reuiue agayne. &c. For count euery houre of the day (whiche bexii.) by Sabbates of yeares, that is, for vii. yeares, and it commeth to ccxciiij. yeares.

A time, times, and halfe a time. Reuelat. xij.And so whether ye count by monthes or by dayes, both wayes it geueth a time, tymes, and halfe a tyme. For as one tweluemonth (whiche is one yeare) maketh one tyme, ii. tweluemonthes (whiche is ii. yeare) make ii. times: & vi. monethes (which is halfe a yeare) make halfe a tyme, making altogether xlii. monethes: so likewise in one day, ij. dayes and halfe a daye, may be vnderstand a tyme, tymes, and halfe a tyme, mentioned in the Reuelation cap. xii.

M.CCLX. dayes. Reuelat. xij.Furthermore, where in the sayde Reuelation of S. Iohn. cap. xii. mention is made of a M. cclx. dayes, it commeth, likewise to the same reckening. For in geuing xxx. dayes to a moneth, so many dayes doe amounte in all to xlii. monethes. Which (as is sayde) being reduced to Sabbates of yeares, make ccxciiii. yeares: and so long continued these Persecutions.

The tying & losing agayne of Sathan. Reuelat. 20.Note moreouer, that after ye tyme of these Persecutions expired, S. Iohn in the sayd booke of his Reuelations. Cap. xx. prophesieth that Sathan shoulde be tyed vp for a thousande yeares, and after that let lose agayne in the worlde for a little space that is, that the rage and violence of Persecution shoulde then be styrred vp agaynst Gods people, as before: Which loosing of Sathan falleth vpon the yeare of our Lorde. 1324. At what time the kingdome of the Turkes first beganne vnder Ottomannus, wasting and destroying then the Churches of Asia, and afterward of Europa. Read the Actes and Monumentes. Pag. 735.736.738. [...].

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Actes and monuments of matters most speciall and memorable, happenyng in the Church. [vol. 1] with an vniuersall history of the same, wherein is set forth at large the whole race and course of the Church, from the primitiue age to these latter tymes of ours, with the bloudy times, horrible troubles, and great persecutions agaynst the true martyrs of Christ, sought and wrought as well by heathen emperours, as nowe lately practised by Romish prelates, especially in this realme of England and Scotland. Newly reuised and recognised, partly also augmented, and now the fourth time agayne published and recommended to the studious reader, by the author (through the helpe of Christ our Lord) Iohn Foxe, which desireth thee good reader to helpe him with thy prayer.Actes and monuments

Foxe, John, 1516-1587.

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1583

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Text Creation Partnership,

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2004-03 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1).

ID [DLPS]

A67922

ID [STC]

STC 11225

ID [STC]

ESTC S122167

ID [EEBO-CITATION]

99857319

ID [PROQUEST]

99857319

ID [VID]

23024

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(EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A67922)

Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 23024)

Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1475-1640 ; 232:1, 233:1, 234:1)

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— Actes and monuments of matters most speciall and memorable, happenyng in the Church. [vol. 1] with an vniuersall history of the same, wherein is set forth at large the whole race and course of the Church, from the primitiue age to these latter tymes of ours, with the bloudy times, horrible troubles, and great persecutions agaynst the true martyrs of Christ, sought and wrought as well by heathen emperours, as nowe lately practised by Romish prelates, especially in this realme of England and Scotland. Newly reuised and recognised, partly also augmented, and now the fourth time agayne published and recommended to the studious reader, by the author (through the helpe of Christ our Lord) Iohn Foxe, which desireth thee good reader to helpe him with thy prayer., Actes and monuments, Foxe, John, 1516-1587..

Extent

2 v. ([32], 2154, [32] p., [5] woodcut inserts) : ill. (woodcuts)

Imprinted by Iohn Daye, dwellyng ouer Aldersgate beneath S. Martins],. [At London :: An. 1583. Mens. Octobr.. (Printer's name and address from colophon.) (Kalender printed in red and black.) (Includes index.) (Reproduction of the original in the Henry E. Huntington Library and Art Gallery.)

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